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AprU 3, 1961 

A LI AN Z A PARA PROGRESO • Address by President 

Kennedy and Text of Message to Congress 471 


RIVER DEVELOPMENT • Statement by Ivan B. White . 492 


ANGOLA • Statement by Ambassador Stevenson and Text 

of Draft Resolution 497 

THE DECISIVE DECADE • by Under Secretary Bowles . . 480 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

i^AY 15 1961 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLIV, No. 1136 • Publication 7162 
April 3, 1961 

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Alianza para Progreso 

Follotoing is an address made hy President 
Kennedy on March 13 at a White House reception 
for Latin American diplomats and Members of 
Congress and their loives, together with the text 
of a tnessage to Congress on the subject of social 
progress in Latin America. 


White House press release dated March 13 ; as-delivered text 

It is a great pleasure for Mrs. Kennedy and for 
nie, for the Vice President and Mrs. Johnson, and 
for the Members of Congress, to welcome the am- 
bassadorial corps of the hemisphere, our long- 
time friends, to the "Wliite House today. One 
hundred and thirty-nine years ago tliis week the 
United States, stirred by the heroic struggles of 
its fellow Americans, urged the independence and 
recognition of tlie new Latin American Republics. 
It was then, at the dawn of freedom throughout 
this hemisphere, that Bolivar spoke of his desire 
to see the Americas fashioned into the gi-eatest 
region in the world, "greatest," he said, "not so 
much by virtue of her area and her wealth, as 
by her freedom and her glory." 

Never, in the long history of our hemisphere, 
has this dream been nearer to fulfilhnent, and 
never has it been in greater danger. 

The genius of our scientists has given us the 
tools to bring abundance to our land, strength to 
our industry, and knowledge to our people. For 
the first time we have the capacity to strike off 
the remaining bonds of poverty and ignorance — • 
to free our people for the spiritual and intellect- 
ual fulfillment which has always been the goal 
of our civilization. 

Yet at this very moment of maximum oppor- 
tunity, we confront the same forces which have 
imperiled America throughout its history — the 
alien forces which once again seek to impose the 

despotisms of the Old World on the people of 
the New. 

I have asked you to come here today so that 
I might discuss these challenges and these dangers. 

Common Ties Uniting the Republics 

We meet together as firm and ancient friends, 
united by history and experience and by our de- 
termination to advance the values of American 
civilization. For this new world of ours is not 
merely an accident of geography. Our contin- 
ents are bomid together by a common history — 
the endless exploration of new frontiers. Our 
nations are the product of a common struggle — 
the revolt from colonial rule. And our people 
share a common heritage — the quest for the dig- 
nity and the freedom of man. 

The revolutions which gave us birth ignited, in 
the words of Thomas Paine, "a spark never to be 
extinguished." And across vast, turbulent con- 
tinents these American ideals still stir man's 
struggle for national independence and individual 
freedom. But as we welcome the spread of the 
American Revolution to other lands, we must also 
remember that our own struggle — the revolution 
which began in Philadelphia in 1776 and in Ca- 
racas in 1811 — is not yet finished. Our hemi- 
sphere's mission is not yet completed. For our 
unfulflled task is to detnonstrate to the entire 
world that man!s unsatisfied aspiration for eco- 
nomic progress and social justice can hest he 
achieved hy free men working within a framework 
of democratic institutions. If we can do this in 
our own hemisphere, and for our own people, we 
may yet realize the prophecy of the great Mexican 
patriot, Benito Juarez, that "democracy is the 
destiny of future humanity." 

As a citizen of the United States let me be the 
first to admit that we North Americans have not 
always grasped the significance of this common 
mission, just as it is also true that many in your 

AprW 3, 1961 


own countries have not fully understood the ur- 
gency of the need to lift people from poverty and 
ignorance and despair. But we must turn from 
these mistakes — from the failures and the mis- 
understandings of the past — to a future full of 
peril but bright with hope. 

Throughout Latin America — a continent rich in 
resources and in the spiritual and cultural acliieve- 
ments of its people — millions of men and women 
suffer the daily degradations of hunger and 
poverty. They lack decent shelter or protection 
from disease. Their children are deprived of the 
education or the jobs which are the gateway to a 
better life. And each day the problems grow more 
urgent. Population growth is outpacing eco- 
nomic growth, low living standards are even fur- 
ther endangered, and discontent — the discontent 
of a people who know that abundance and the tools 
of progress are at last within their reach — that 
discontent is growing. In the words of Jose 
Figueres, "once dormant peoples are struggling 
upward toward the smi, toward a better life." 

If we are to meet a problem so staggering m its 
dimensions, our approach must itself be equally 
bold, an approach consistent with the majestic 
concept of Operation Pan America.^ Therefore I 
have called on all the people of the hemisphere to 
join in a new Alliance for Progress ^ — Alianza 
para Progreso — a vast cooperative effort, impar- 
alleled in magnitude and nobility of purpose, to 
satisfy the basic needs of the American people for 
homes, work and land, health and schools — techo, 
trabajo y tierra, salud y esciiela. 

Ten- Year Plan for the Americas 

First, I propose that the American Eepublics 
begin on a vast new 10-year plan for the Americas, 
a plan to transform the 1960's into an historic 
decade of democratic progress. These 10 years 
will be the yeai's of maximum progress, maximum 
effort — the years when the greatest obstacles must 
be overcome, the years when the need for assist- 
ance will be the greatest. 

And if we are successful, if our effort is bold 
enough and determined enough, then the close of 
this decade will mark the beginning of a new era 
in the American experience. The living standards 
of every American family will be on the rise, basic 

' For background, see Btjlletin of June 30, 1958, p. 
1090, and Oct. 13, 1958, p. 574. 
»76i(?., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175. 

education will be available to all, hmiger will be 
a forgotten experience, the need for massive out- 
side help will have passed, most nations will have 
entered a period of self-sustaining growth, and, 
although there will be still much to do, every 
American Eepublic will be the master of its own 
revolution and its own hope and progress. 

Let me stress that only the most determined 
efforts of the American nations themselves can 
bring success to this effort. They, and they alone, 
can mobilize their resources, enlist the energies 
of their people, and modify their social patterns 
so that all, and not just a privileged few, share 
in the fruits of growth. If this effort is made, 
then outside assistance will give a vital impetus 
to progress; without it, no amount of help will 
advance the welfare of the people. 

Thus if the countries of Latin America are 
ready to do their part — and I am sure they are — 
then I believe the United States, for its part, 
should help provide resources of a scope and mag- 
nitude sufficient to make this bold development 
plan a success, just as we helped to provide, 
against nearly equal odds, the resources adequate 
to help rebuild the economies of Western Europe. 
For only an effort of towering dimensions can 
insure fulfillment of our plan for a decade of 

Secondly, I will shortly request a ministerial 
meeting of the Inter-American Economic and 
Social Council, a meeting at which we can begin 
the massive planning effort which will be at the 
heart of the Alliance for Progress. 

For if our alliance is to succeed, each Latin na- 
tion must formulate long-range plans for its own 
development — plans which establish targets and 
priorities, insure monetary stability, establish the 
machinery for vital social change, stimulate pri- 
vate activity and initiative, and provide for a 
maximum national effort. These plans will be the 
foundation of our development effort and the basis 
for the allocation of outside resources. 

A greatly strengthened lA-ECOSOC, work- 
ing with the Economic Commission for Latin 
America and the Inter-American Development 
Bank, can assemble the leading economists and ex- 
perts of the hemisphere to help each counti"y de- 
velop its own development plan and provide a 
continuing review of economic progress in this 

Third, I have this evening signed a request to 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

the Congress for $500 million as a first step in 
fulfilling the Act of Bogota.^ This is the first 
large-scale inter-American effort — instituted by 
my predecessor President Eisenhower ^ — to attack 
the social barriers which block economic progress. 
The money will be used to combat illiteracy, im- 
prove the productivity and use of their land, wipe 
out disease, attack archaic tax and land-tenure 
structures, provide educational opportunities, and 
offer a broad range of projects designed to make 
the benefits of increasing abundance available to 
all. We will begin to commit these funds as 
soon as they are appropriated. 

Fourth, we must support all economic integra- 
tion which is a genuine stejD toward larger mar- 
kets and greater competitive opportunity. The 
fragmentation of Latin American economies is a 
serious barrier to industrial growth. Projects 
such as the Central American common market 
and free-trade areas in South America can help 
to remove these obstacles. 

Fifth, the United States is ready to cooperate 
in serious, case-by-case examinations of commod- 
ity market jDroblems. Frequent violent changes 
in commodity prices seriously injure the economies 
of many Latin American countries, draining their 
resources and stultifying their growth. Together 
we must find practical methods of bringing an 
end to this pattern. 

Sixth, we will immediately step up our food- 
for-peace emergency program, help to establish 
food reserves in areas of recurrent drought, and 
help provide school lunches for children and offer 
feed grains for use in rural development. For 
hungry men and women cannot wait for economic 
discussions or diplomatic meetings; their need is 
urgent, and their hunger rests heavily on the con- 
science of their fellow men. 

Seventh, all the people of the hemisphere must 
be allowed to share in the expanding wonders of 
science — wonders which have captured man's im- 
agination, challenged the powers of his mind, and 
given him the tools for rapid progress. I invite 
Latin American scientists to work with us in new 
projects in fields such as medicine and agi'iculture, 
physics and astronomy, and desalinization, and to 
help plan for regional research laboratories in 
these and other fields, and to strengthen coopera- 

' For text of the Act of Bogota, see ibid., Oct. 3, 1960, 
p. 537. 
* ma., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 166, and Aug. 29, 1960, p. 314. 

tion between American universities and labora- 

We also intend to expand our science-teacher 
training programs to include Latin American 
instructors, to assist in establishing such programs 
in other American countries, and translate and 
make available revolutionary new teaching mate- 
rials in physics, chemistry, biology, and mathe- 
matics so that the young of all nations may con- 
tribute their skills to the advance of science. 

Eighth, we must rapidly expand the training of 
those needed to man the economies of rapidly 
developing countries. This means expanded tech- 
nical training programs, for which the Peace 
Corps,= for example, will be available when 
needed. It also means assistance to Latin Amer- 
ican universities, graduate schools, and research 

We welcome proposals in Central America for 
intimate cooperation in higher education, coop- 
eration which can achieve a regional effort of 
increased effectiveness and excellence. We are 
ready to help fill the gap in trained manpower, 
realizing that our ultimate goal must be a basic 
education for all who wish to learn. 

Ninth, we reaffirm our pledge to come to the 
defense of any American nation whose independ- 
ence is endangered. As confidence in the col- 
lective security system of the OAS [Organization 
of American States] spreads, it will be possible 
to devote to constructive use a major share of those 
resources now spent on the instruments of war. 
Even now, as the Government of Chile has said, 
the time has come to take the first steps toward 
sensible limitations of arms. And the new gen- 
eration of military leaders has shown an increas- 
ing awareness that armies can not only defend 
their countries — they can, as we have learned 
through our own Corps of Engineers, help to 
build them. 

Tenth, we invite our friends in Latin America 
to contribute to the enrichment of life and culture 
in the United States. We need teachers of your 
literature and history and tradition, opportunities 
for our young people to study in your imiversities, 
access to your music, your art, and the thought 
of your great philosophers. For we know we 
have much to learn. 

In this- way you can help bring a fuller spiritual 

' Ihld., Mar. 20, 1961, p. 400. 

April 3, 1 96 1 


and intellectual life to the people of the United 
States and contribute to understanding and mu- 
tual respect among the nations of tlie hemisphere. 
I With steps such as these we propose to complete 
the revolution of the Americas, to build a hemi- 
sphere where all men can hope for a suitable 
standard of living and all can live out their lives 
in dignity and in freedom. 

Political Freedom and Social Progress 

To achieve this goal political freedom must 
accompany material progress. Our Alliance for 
Progress is an alliance of free governments — and 
it must work to eliminate tyranny from a hemi- 
sphere in which it has no rightful place. There- 
fore let us express our special friendship to the 
people of Cuba and the Dominican Republic — 
and the hope they will soon rejoin the society of 
free men, uniting with us in our common effort. 

This political freedom must be accompanied by 
social change. For unless necessary social re- 
forms, including land and tax reform, are freely 
made, unless we broaden the opportunity of all 
of our people, unless the great mass of Americans 
share in increasing prosperity, then our alliance, 
our revolution, our dream, and our freedom will 
fail. But we call for social change by free men — - 
change in the spirit of Washington and Jefferson, 
of Bolivar and San Martin and Marti — not change 
which seeks to impose on men tyrannies which we 
cast out a century and a half ago. Our motto is 
what it has always been — progress yes, tyranny 
no — progrcso si, tirania no! 

But our gi-eatest challenge comes from within — ■ 
the task of creating an American civilization where 
spiritual and cultural values are strengthened by 
an ever-broadening base of material advance, 
where, within the rich divereity of its own tradi- 
tions, each nation is free to follow its own path 
toward progress. 

The completion of our task will, of course, re- 
quire the efforts of all the govermnents of our 
hemisphere. But the efforts of governments alone 
will never be enough. In the end the people must 
choose and the people must help themselves. 

And so I say to the men and women of the 
Americas — to the campesino in the fields, to the 
obrero in the cities, to the estudiante in the 
schools — prepare your mind and heart for the 
task ahead, call forth your strength, and let each 

devote his energies to the betterment of all so that 
your children and our children in this hemisphere 
can find an ever richer and a freer life. 

Let us once again transform the American Con- 
tinent into a vast crucible of revolutionary ideas 
and efforts, a tribute to the power of the creative 
energies of free men and women, an example to all 
the world that liberty and progress walk hand in 
hand. Let us once again awaken our American 
revolution until it guides the struggles of people 
evei-ywhere — not with an imperialism of force or 
fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope 
for the future of man. 


To the Congress of the United States: 

On September 8, 1960, at the request of the ad- 
ministration, the Congress authorized the sum of 
$500 million for the Inter-American Fund for 
Social Progi-ess. On the basis of this authoriza- 
tion the United States, on September 12, 1960, sub- 
scribed to the Act of Bogota along with 18 other 
American Republics. 

In the same bill the Congress authorized $100 
million for the long-term reconstruction and re- 
habilitation of those areas of southern Chile re- 
cently devastated by fire and earthquake. 

I now request that Congress appropriate the 
full amoimt of $600 million. 

The x\ct of Bogota marks an historic turning 
point in the evolution of the Western Hemisphere. 
For the first time the American nations have 
agreed to join in a massive cooperative effort to 
strengthen democratic institutions through a pro- 
gram of economic development and social 

Such a program is long overdue. Throughout 
Latin America millions of people are struggling 
to free themselves from the bonds of poverty and 
hunger and ignorance. To the north and east 
they see the abundance which modern science can 
bring. They know the tools of progress are with- 
in their reach. And they are determined to have 
a better life for themselves and their children. 

The people of Latin America are the inheritors 
of a deep belief in political democracy and the 

" H. Doc. 105, 87tli Cong., 1st sess. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

freedom of man — a sincere faith that the best road 
to progress is freedom's road. But if the Act of 
Bogota becomes just another empty declaration — • 
if we are unwilling to commit our resources and 
energy to the task of social progress and economic 
development — then we face a grave and imminent 
danger that desperate peoples will turn to com- 
munism or other forms of tyranny as their only 
hope for change. Well-organized, skillful, and 
strongly financed forces are constantly urging 
them to take this course. 

A few statistics will illustrate the depth of the 
problems of Latin America. This is the fastest 
growing area in the world. Its current popula- 
tion of 195 million represents an increase of about 
30 percent over the past 10 years, and by the 1980's 
the continent will have to support more than 400 
million people. At the same time the average per 
capita annual product is only $280, less than one- 
ninth that of the United States — and in large 
areas, inhabited by millions of people, it is less 
than $70. Thus it is a difficult task merely to 
keep living standards from falling further as pop- 
ulation grows. 

Such poverty inevitably talces its toll in hmnan 
life. The average American can expect to live 
70 years, but life expectancy in Latin America is 
only 46, dropping to about 35 in some Central 
American countries. And while our rate of in- 
fant mortality is less than 30 per thousand, it is 
more than 110 per thousand in Latin America. 

Perhaps the greatest stimulus to our own de- 
velopment was the establishment of universal basic 
education. But for most of the children of Latin 
America education is a remote and unattainable 
dream. Illiteracy extends to almost half the 
adults, reaching 90 percent in one country. And 
approximately 50 percent of school-age children 
have no schools to attend. 

In one major Latin American capital a third 
of the total population is living in filthy and im- 
bearable slums. In another country 80 jjercent of 
the entire population is housed in makeshift 
shacks and barracks, lacking the privacy of sep- 
arate rooms for families. 

It was to meet these shocking and urgent con- 
ditions that the Act of Bogota was signed. This 
act, building on the concept of Ojjeration Pan 
America initiated by Brazil in 1958, introduced 
two important new elements to the effort to im- 
prove living standards in South America. 

First, the nations of Latin America have rec- 
ognized the need for an intensive program of self- 
help — mobilizing their own domestic resources, 
and undertaking basic reforms in tax structure, 
in land ownership and use, and in education, 
health, and housing. 

Second, it launches a major inter-American 
program for the social progress which is an in- 
disi>ensable condition to growth — a program for 
improved land use, education, health, and housing. 
This program — supported by the special fund 
which I am asking Congress to appropriate — will 
be administered primarily through the Inter- 
American [Development] Bank, and guided by 
greatly strengthened regional institutions. 

The $500 million Inter- American Fund for So- 
cial Progress is only the first move toward carry- 
ing out the declarations of the Act of Bogota; 
and the act itself is only a single step in our 
program for the development of the hemisphere — 
a program I have termed the Alliance for 
Progress — Alianza para Progreso. In addition 
to the social fmid, hemispheric development will 
require substantial outside resources for economic 
development, a major self-help effort by the Latin 
American nations themselves, inter- American co- 
operation to deal with the problems of economic 
integration and commodity markets and other 
measures designed to speed economic growth and 
improve understanding among the American 

Social Progress and Economic Development 

The fund which I am requesting today will be 
devoted to social progress. Social progress is not 
a substitute for economic development. It is an 
effort to create a social framework within which 
all the people of a nation can share in the benefits 
of prosperity, and participate in the process of 
growth. Economic growth without social progress 
lets the great majority of the people remain in 
poverty, while a privileged few reap the benefits 
of rising abundance. In addition, the process of 
growth largely depends on the existence of bene- 
ficial social conditions. Our own experience is 
witness to this. For much of our own gi-eat pro- 
ductivity and industrial development is based on 
our system of universal public education. 

April 3, 7 96 J 


Thus the purpose of our special effort for social 
progress is to overcome the barriers of geographi- 
cal and social isolation, illiteracy and lack of 
educational opportunities, archaic tax and land 
tenure structures, and other institutional obstacles 
to broad participation in economic gi'owth. 

Self-Help and Internal Reform 

It is clear that the Bogota program cannot have 
any significant impact if its funds are used merely 
for tlie temporary relief of conditions of distress. 
Its effectiveness depends on the willingness of 
each recipient nation to imjirove its own institu- 
tions, make necessary modifications in its own 
social iDatterns, and mobilize its own domestic 
resources for a program of development. 

Even at the start svich measures will be a condi- 
tion of assistance from the social fund. Priorities 
will depend not merely on need, but on the demon- 
strated readiness of each government to make the 
institutional improvements which promise lasting 
social progress. The criteria for administration 
of the funds by the Inter- American Development 
Bank and the ICA will explicitly reflect these 

For example: The uneven distribution of land 
is one of the gravest social i>roblems in many 
Latin American countries. In some nations 2 
percent of the farms account for three- foui'ths of 
the total farm area. And in one Central American 
country, 40 percent of the privately owned acre- 
age is held in one-fifth of 1 percent of the number 
of farms. It is clear that when land ownership 
is so heavily concentrated, efforts to increase agri- 
cultural productivity will only benefit a very 
small percentage of the population. Thus if fimds 
for improving land usage are to be used effectively 
they should go only to those nations in which the 
benefits will accrue to the great mass of rural 

In housing, for example, much can be done for 
middle income groups through improved credit 
mechanisms. But, since the great majority of 
family incomes are only $10 to $50 a month, until 
income levels as a whole are increased, tlie most 
promising means of improving mass housing is 
through aided self-help projects — projects in 
which the low-income worker is provided with low- 
cost materials, land, and some technical guidance; 
and then builds the house with his own labor, 
repaying the costs of materials with a long-term 

Education is another field where self-help efforts 
can effectively broaden educational opportuni- 
ties — and a variety of techniques, from self-help 
school construction where the entire village con- 
tributes labor, to the use of local people as part- 
time teachers can be used. 

In the field of land use there is no sharp de- 
marcation between economic and social develop- 
ment. Improved land use and iniral living 
conditions were rightly given top place in the Act 
of Bogota. Most of the Latin American peoples 
live and work on the land. Yet agricultural out- 
put and productivity have lagged far behind both 
industrial development and urgent needs for con- - 
sumption and export. | 

As a result poverty, illiteracy, hopelessness, and 
a sense of injustice — the conditions wliich breed 
political and social unrest — are almost universal 
in the Latin American countryside. 

Thus, there is an immediate need for higher and 
more diversified agricultural production, better 
distribution of wealth and income, and wider 
sharing in the process of development. This can 
be partly accomplished through establishing super- 
vised rural credit facilities, helping to finance re- 
settlement in new lands, constructing access roads 
to new settlement sites, conducting agricultural 
surveys and research, and introducing agricultural 
extension services. 

Examples of Potential Areas of Progress 

When each nation demonstrates its willingness 
to abide by these general principles, then outside 
resources will be focused on projects which have 
the greatest multiplying effect in mobilizing 
domestic resources, contributing to institutional 
reform, and in reducing the major obstacles to a 
development in which all can share. 

Administration of the Inter-American Fund for 
Social Progress 

It is fundamental to the success of this coopera- 
tive effort that the Latin American nations them- 
selves play an important role in the administra- 
tion of the social fund. 

Therefore, the major share of the funds will be 
administered by the Inter- American Development 


Department of State Bulletin 

Bank (IDB) — an organization to which nearly all 
the American Republics belong. 

Of the total of $500 million, $394 million will 
be assigned to the IDB, to be administered under 
a special trust agreement with the United States. 
The IDB will apply most of these funds on a loan 
basis with flexible terms, including low interest 
rates or repayment in local currency. The IDB's 
major fields of activity will be land settlement and 
improved land use, housing, water supply and 
sanitation, and technical assistance related to tlie 
mobilizing of domestic financial resources. 

In order to promote progress in activities wliich 
generally are not self-liquidating and therefore 
not appropriate for loan financing, the sum of 
$100 million will be administered by the Interna- 
tional Cooperation Administration (ICA). Tliese 
funds will be applied mainly on a grant basis for 
education and training, public health projects, and 
the strengthening of general governmental serv- 
ices in fields related to economic and social devel- 
opment. Funds administered by the ICA will also 
be available to assist projects for social progress 
in dependent territories which are becoming in- 
dependent, but are not yet members of the IDB. 

Up to $6 million more is to be used to help 
strengthen the Organization of American States 
( OAS ) . To reinforce the movement toward ade- 
quate self-help and institutional improvement, the 
Inter-American Economic and Social Council 
(lA-ECOSOC) of the OAS is strengthening its 
secretariat and its staflp. It is also working out 
cooperative arrangements with the United Na- 
tions Economic Commission for Latin America 
(ECUA) and tlie IDB. These three regional 
agencies will work together in making region- 
wide studies, and in sponsoring conferences di- 
rected toward bringing about tax reform, im- 
proved land use, educational modernization, and 
sound national development programing. 

Many of the nations of the Americas have al- 
ready responded to the action taken at Bogota by 
directing attention to their most pressing social 
problems. In the brief period since the meeting 
at Bogota, U.S. embassies and operations missions, 
after consultation with Latin American govern- 
ments, have already reported proposals for social 
development projects calling for external assist- 
ance totaling about $1,225 million. A preliminary 
selection from this list shows some $800 million 

worth of projects which are worthy of early de- 
tailed examination by the Bank and the ICA. 

In the Bank's area of activity these selected 
projects total $611 million, including $309 million 
for land use and improved rural living condi- 
tions, $136 million in the field of housing, and $146 
million for water supply and sanitation. 

Selected proposals in fields to be administered 
by the ICA total $187 million ; of which $136 mil- 
lion are for education and training, $36 million 
for public health, and $15 million for public ad- 
ministration and other assigned responsibilities. 

So that each recipient nation will live up to 
the principles of self-help and domestic reform 
outlined above, funds will not be allocated until 
the operating agency receives assurances that the 
country being aided will take those measui-es nec- 
essary to insure that the particular project brings 
the maximiun social progress. For the same rea- 
son we can make no firm forecast of the rate at 
which the funds will be committed. Thus, if they 
are to be used most efficiently and economically, 
they must be made available for obligation with- 
out limitation as to time. 

Urgency of the Need 

LTnder ideal conditions projects for social prog- 
ress would be undertaken only after the prepara- 
tion of integrated country plans for economic and 
social development. Many nations, however, do 
not possess even the most basic information on 
their own resources or land ownership. Revolu- 
tionary new social institutions and patterns cannot 
be designed overnight. Yet, at the same time, 
Latin America is seething with discontent and 
unrest. We must act to relieve large-scale distress 
iimnediately if free institutions are to be given a 
cliance to work out long-term solutions. Both the 
Bank and the ICA are ready to begin operation 
immediately. But they must have the funds in 
hand if they are to develop detailed projects, and 
stimulate vital measures of self-help and institu- 
tional improvement. 

The Bogota Conference created a new sense of 
resolve — a new determination to deal with the 
causes of the social unrest which afflicts much of 
the hemisphere. If this momentum is lost, 
through failure of the United States to act 
promptly and fully, we may not have another 

April 3, 1 96 1 


The Role of Private Organizations 

Inter-American cooperation for economic and 
social progress is not limited to the actions of gov- 
ernment. Private foundations and miiversities 
have played a pioneering role in identifying criti- 
cal deficiencies and pointing the way toward con- 
structive remedies. We hope they will redouble 
their efforts in the years to come. 

United States business concerns have also played 
a significant part, in Latin American economic de- 
velopment. They can play an even greater role 
in the future. Tlieir work is especially important 
in manufacturing goods and providing services 
for Latin American markets. Technical expert- 
ness and management skills in these fields can be 
effectively transferred to local enterprises by pri- 
vate investment in a great variety of forms — rang- 
ing from licensing through joint ventures to own- 

Private enterprise's most important future role 
will be to assist in the development of healthy and 
responsible private enterprise within the Latin 
American nations. The initiation, in recent years, 
of strikingly successful new private investment 
houses, mutual investment funds, savings and loan 
associations, and other financial institutions are 
an example of what can be done. Stimulating 
the growth of local suppliers of components for 
complex consumer durable goods is another ex- 
ample of the way in which domestic business can 
be strengthened. 

A major forward thrust in Latin American de- 
velopment will create heavy new demands for 
technical personnel and specialized knowledge — 
demands which private organizations can help to 
fill. And, of course, the continued inflow of pri- 
vate capital will continue to serve as an important 
stimulus to development. 

Chilean Reconstruction and Rehabilitation 

Last May more than 5,000 Chileans were killed 
■when fire and earthquake devastated the southern 
part of that Republic. Several of the American 
Republics, including the United States, provided 
emergency supplies of food, medicine, and cloth- 
ing to the victims of this disaster. Our country 
provided almost $35 million in emergency grants 
and loans. 

However, these emergency efforts did not meet 
the desperate need to rebuild the economy of an 

area which had suffered almost $400 million worth 
of damage. In recognition of this need. Congress 
authorized $100 million for long-term reconstruc- 
tion and rehabilitation. Since then the people of 
Chile have been patiently rebuilding their shat- 
tered homes and communications facilities. But 
reconstruction is severely hampered by lack of 
funds. Therefore, I am asking the Congress to 
appropriate the $100 million so that the task of 
rebuilding the economy of southern Chile can 
proceed without delay. 

John F. Kennedy. 

The WnrrE House, March H, 1961. 

President Hopes for Successful 
Conclusion of Nuclear Test Talks 


White House press release dated March 14 

Ambassador Arthur H. Dean leaves on 
Wednesday [March 15] for Geneva to head the 
United States delegation to the Conference on the 
Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests, wliere 
on March 21 negotiations among the United 
States, the United Kingdom, and the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics will be resumed. 

Our Nation is indeed fortunate to have the 
services of Ambassador Dean at this decisive stage 
of the sessions. He has accumidated extensive 
experience in international negotiation of difficult 
and complex issues. I know that he will present 
the American point of view with tlie greatest 
clarity and skill. 

Ambassador Dean and the United States dele- 
gation will be engaged in an enterprise which 
could not only contribute to halting the prolifera- 
tion of nuclear weapons but also have important 
implications for the future of disannament and 
arms limitation negotiations and the future peace 
and security of the world. 

The United States Government is determined 
to do all that is possible to conclude a safeguarded 
agreement on a sound and equitable basis. 

The United States and Britisli delegations have 
labored for 2i/^ years at the Conference to reach 
agreement with the U.S.S.R. on a treaty under 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

which nuclear weapon tests would be prohibited 
and an adequate control system established.^ 
While much groundwork for a treaty has been 
laid, critical issues remain to be resolved. 

In recent weeks tlie United States has under- 
taken a thorough review of the technical and 
political problems still outstanding. As a result 
tlie United States delegation will return to the 
conference table with proposals which could con- 
stitute the basis for a treaty fair to all contracting 
parties. It is my hope that the proposals will be 
accepted and that the negotiators will be able to 
proceed with all appropriate speed toward the 
conclusion of the first international arms control 
agreement in the nuclear age. 


Press release 133 dated March 14 

Tlie Conference on the Discontinuance of Nu- 
clear Weapon Tests will resume its sessions at 
Geneva on March 21, 1961. Following are the 
members of the U.S. delegation to the Conference: 

U.S. Representative 

Arthur H. Dean 

Deputy U.S. Representatives 

Charles C. Stelle, Minister, U.S. Mission to the European 

Office of the United Nations, Geneva 
David H. Popper, U.S. Mission to the European OflBce of 

the United Nations, Geneva 


F. Richard Ford III, Department of Defense 

James E. Goodby, Department of State 

Warren E. Hewitt, Department of State 

Dr. Byron P. Leonard, Aerospace Corp., El Segundo, 

David Mark, Department of State 
Charles F. Marsh, Department of State 
Nedville Nordness, United States Information Agency 
Doyle L. Northrup, Department of Defense 
Charles H. Owsley, U.S. Mission to the European Office 

of the United Nations, Geneva 
Col. Fred Rhea, Department of Defense 
Carl Romney, Department of Defense 
Carl Walske, Atomic Energy Commission 
Olin S. Whittemore, Department of State 
Ernest G. Wiener, United States Information Agency 

Secretary of Delegation 

Virgil h. Moore, U.S. Mission to the European Office of 
the United Nations, Geneva 

Secretary Rusk Meets With Soviet 
Foreign Minister Gromyko 

Folloioing is the text of an agreed statement 
made 'public folloioing a m,eetvng hetioeen Secre- 
tary Rush and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. 
Gromyko at Washington on March 18. 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.K. 
Andrei A. Gromyko and Secretary of State Rusk, 
together with their advisers, had a general dis- 
cussion of international questions of interest to 
both countries. 

The discussion took place at a limch in the State 
Department today, March 18, and lasted from 1 :00 
until 6 :00 p.m. The choice of today's date was 
determined by the fact that Foreign Minister 
Gromyko is currently at New York for the re- 
sumed session of the United Nations General 
Assembly and that Secretary of State Rusk is de- 
parting the United States shortly for a journey of 
several days' duration. 

The Foreign Minister and Secretary of State 
had an open and frank discussion on a variety of 
subjects of mutual interest. It is hoped that the 
discussion will lead to a better mutual under- 
standing of the positions and attitudes of both 
Governments and may facilitate the consideration 
of outstanding problems. 

President Ends Program Intercepting 
Communist Propaganda From Abroad 

White House press release dateil March 17 

President Kennedy, following consultation with 
the Secretary of State Dean Rusk, the Postmaster 
General J. Edward Day, the Secretary of the 
Treasury Douglas Dillon, and the Attorney Gen- 
eral Robert F. Kennedy, on March 17 ordered dis- 
continuation immediately of the program inter- 
cepting Communist propaganda from abroad. 

A review by the four departments has disclosed 
that the program serves no useful intelligence 
function at the present time. 

Discontinuance of the program was unani- 
mously recommended by an ad hoc committee of 
the Planning Board of the National Security 
Council in a report ^ of June 29, 1960. The Plan- 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 2G, 1960, p. 482. 

' Not printed. 

April 3, 7967 


ning Board iinanimously concurred in the recom- 
mendation of the committee, but the recommenda- 
tion was not carried forward. 

Since 1948 varying degrees of control have been 
exercised by tlie Bureau of Customs and the Post 
Office Dejiartment concerning the importation of 
Communist political propaganda. Since 1951 the 

program has been extended to a spot check or 
censorship of all mail, except first-class mail. 

Not only has the intelligence value of the pro- 
gram been found to be of no usefulness, but the 
program also has been of concern to the Secretary 
of State in comiection with efforts to improve cul- 
tural exchanges with Communist countries. 

The Decisive Decade 

hy Under Secretary Bowles '■ 

Twenty-five years ago, Franklin D. Roosevelt 
said: "This generation of Americans has a ren- 
dezvous with destiny." The generation to whom 
he spoke has grown older, and a new generation 
has risen to manhood. Yet his words continue to 
liave an even deeper meaning for us today. We 
still have our date with destiny. 

What I have to say today will be blunt and to 
the point. 

There are still some millions of Americans whose 
lives are so comfortable, so normal, and so dis- 
engaged from 20th-century world realities that 
they will dismiss what I say as "alarmist." For- 
tunately there are millions of others who are al- 
ready caught up in the sense of historical urgency 
which the world situation requires of us. 

Yet I have all Americans in mind, of whatever 
degi'ee of disengagement or understanding, when 
I say that the quality of the fundamental decisions 
which will be made in the months and years ahead 
will reflect the basic quality of our national life. 

Each age faces its own challenges. However, 
the challenge which confronts us Americans as we 
enter the 1960's is far greater in terms of its long- 
term consequences than anything mankind has 
ever known before. The world is moving rapidly 
toward a historic watershed which may determine 

' Address made before the 59th annual convention of the 
National Farmers Union at Washington, D.C., on Mar. 14 
(press release 130 dated Mar. 13). 

the shape of human society for generations and 
even centuries to come. 

We are required to steer a course between the 
Scylla of universal annihilation and the Charybdis 
of universal enslavement. If we fail, we will 
witness the deterioration of most of the institutions 
and values which down through the centuries have 
given life purpose and meaning: our religious 
principles, our belief in human dignity, our dedi- 
cation to personal freedom, to spiritual progress, 
and to justice under law. 

At the same time wise policies, sensitive under- 
standing, and the capacity for courageous action 
may enable us to move gradually toward an 
orderly and peaceful world society that offers 
infinite opportunity for human betterment. 

For the first time in history we possess the 
technical means to produce more meaningful and 
prosperous life for every human being on the 
planet. Also, for the first time in history we have 
the technical means to destroy virtually every 
human being on the planet. 

We Americans in partnership with like-minded 
peoples in Asia, Latin America, Europe, and 
Africa must successfully respond to this challenge 
and this danger. Our success or failure will be 
determined by our ability to understand the un- 
precedented forces with which we must contend 
and the capacity of our Government to organize 
our strengths and to bring them to bear on the 
task at hand. 


Department of State Bulletin 

A Fresh Perspective on the State of the World 

Our lirst responsibility, therefore, is to gain a 
fresh perspective on the state of the world and 
our position in it. Let us briefly review what we 
are up against. 

1. Since the Second World War ended more 
than 15 years ago, we have lived in an atmos- 
phere of turmoil and crisis. There have been 
bold initiatives and heartening successes such as 
the Marshall plan, NATO, and point 4. And 
there have been dangerous failures as well. 

Although history will not forgive us our fail- 
ures, it will record that no nation has been com- 
pelled to undergo so rapid and profound a 
metamorphosis. In a few crisis-ridden years we 
have been asked to abandon the protective shell 
of our historic isolation and to assume a position 
of world responsibility which we did not seek or 
even fully miderstand. 

2. We live in a world in which key nations have 
developed the techniques of force to a point ap- 
proaching the absolute. As the world is now 
organized, nations cannot survive without arms, 
but neither can they use their arms on a broad 
scale without inviting annihilation. 

3. During the last decade the militaiy balance 
of power has shifted to oiu- general disadvantage. 
Ten years ago the United States and its allies 
possessed an overwhelming superiority in total 
military power. 

Seen in its best light, we now have a peace 
based precariously on mutual terror. In its worst 
light, we face the grave danger of a mnaway arma- 
ments race with the ever-present possibility of 
nuclear war brought about by a tragic miscalcula- 
tion on the part of ambitious rulers or even by a 
technical error. 

4. The political and economic balance of power 
has also changed to our disadvantage. 

The reasons for this shift are numerous and 
complex. Political and social conditions in many 
parts of the world have become increasingly 
favorable for Communist penetration. 

At the same time the rulers of the Soviet Union 
and Communist Cliina have become more skillful 
in conducting their political and economic rela- 
tions witli the lesser developed nations. Instead 
of engaging in a futile effort to oppose the tide of 
nationalism, they have learned to exploit it, 
while we in many instances have seemed to be 
bewildered by it. 

The Soviet economy in the meantime has grown 
at a rate substantially greater than our own. 
Wishful thinkers in America and elsewhere, wlio 
a few years ago scoffed at Soviet scientific and 
industrial capacity, have been rudely awakened. 

Moreover, because of its monolithic structure 
and political regimentation, the Soviet Govern- 
ment has been able to harness Soviet resources and 
energies directly to its political objectives. As 
a result the Soviet Union has become an increas- 
ingly powerful force in world affairs. 

5. Coimnunist China has emerged from a gen- 
eration of bloody civil war to become a major 
world power. With a ruthless disregard for per- 
sonal freedom and human rights. Communist 
China is developing a significant industrial 

Although it has enormous resources with which 
to expand its power, lack of several key assets, 
notably land and oil, may create dangerous pres- 
sure for expansion into neighboring states where 
these assets are readily available. 

6. These developments are taking place against 
a background of miprecedented political, eco- 
nomic, and social revolution that affects more than 
one-half of the world's peoples and which is with- 
out precedent in history. 

This revolution in itself is neither dangerous 
nor undesirable. Indeed it arises from the desire 
for the very things which generations of Ameri- 
cans have sought since the birth of the American 
Republic: independence from foreign rule, a 
greater measure of human dignity, social justice, 
and faster economic development broadly shared. 

Yet if these demands go too long unanswered, 
the people of the developing nations will first 
become frustrated. Their frustration will then 
erupt into turmoil and violence, and out of this 
resulting chaos new leaders will emerge who are 
committed to new forms of tyramiy. 

7. Our own rate of economic growth has slowed 
down. Three recessions in 10 years have cost us 
heavily in goods and services that we might have 
produced but didn't, in embittered political di- 
visions at home, and in missed oppoxtimities 

Although the facts I have cited are not calcu- 
lated to give thoughtful and responsible Amer- 
icans a good night's sleep, their meaning is clear : 
We are engaged in a titanic competitive struggle 
which will affect our destiny far into the distant 

April 3, 7 96 J 


future. And in recent years we have been losing 

The tide cannot be reversed by public-relations 
gimmicks, or by diplomatic manipulation, or by 
glittering pronouncements, or by angrily rattling 
our rockets. What is required is a new, tough- 
minded understanding of the forces that are shap- 
ing the world, an increased sense of humility, 
harder work, greater coui'age, and added patience. 

Clarifying Our Objectives 

Now let me suggest some of the key elements 
of a fresh appi-oach to world relations. 

1. We must clarify our objectives. The world 
must be persuaded that we not only seek peace 
for ourselves but that we are ready to work with 
others in building the kind of world in which 
peace can endure. 

The cold war is not of our making. We have 
no territorial ambitions. We have no wish to 
dominate other nations politically, economically, 
or culturally. 

We have no quarrel with the people of the 
Soviet Union or Communist China. We have no 
desire to remake them in our own image. 

Wliat we want for others is essentially what they 
want for themselves. And because we believe that 
in our fast-shrinking world freedom and justice 
are indivisible, we must be prepared to accept cer- 
tain risks and sacrifices in order to permit other 
nations to choose their own destinies. 

It is folly to allow ourselves to become linked 
with the forces of reaction and stagnation. We 
are a revolutionary people, the political descend- 
ants of Jefferson and Lincoln, and our own society 
is an evolving society. In our efforts to strengthen 
our democracy we have never been afraid 
of constructive change. Now it is our task to 
participate in encouraging such an orderly re- 
f onn in other parts of the world. 

2. We must make it clear to the Soviet leaders 
and to the entire world tliat we are prepared at 
all times to negotiate any issue or difference that 
arises between us, provided there is a genuine 
possibility for real progress. Although we are not 
prepared to make the security and rights of other 
people the subject of bilateral bargaining, we will 
respond wholeheartedly to any measure of rea- 
sonableness by the Soviets or Chinese Communists. 

Let me add, however, that it would be a mistake 
for the American people to become overly opti- 

mistic about the immediate results of negotiations 
with the Soviet Union. Our international inter- 
ests are incompatible with the global long-range 
objectives of Soviet strategy, and until those ob- 
jectives are modified the resulting cleavage will 
continue to produce issues which are not easy to 
resolve by compromise and conciliation. 

Yet there are certain concrete areas, such as 
outer-space exploration, where cooperation may 
be advantageous to both countries. There are 
also areas where we and the Soviet Union face 
common dangers. 

Both governments, I believe, understand the 
catastrophic nature of modern war and the need 
to prevent our differences and disputes from erupt- 
ing into military hostilities anywhere in the world. 
Wlien great nations commit their prestige, small 
wars can quickly grow into large wars. 

3. We must take a positive and realistic ap- 
proach to the complex problems of both arma- 
ment and disarmament. 

In one sense, these problems represent two sides 
of the same coin. We must be prepared to explore 
the possibilities of disarmament thoroughly and 
imaginatively, taking a new look at all political, 
military, and teclmical factors. 

We cannot afford to pass up any reasonable 
opportunity to bring a halt to the arms race, to 
achieve practical limitations on annaments, and, 
as political factors permit, to move step by step 
toward general disarmament with full inspection 
and control. 

We cannot afford, however, to seek disarmament 
for its own sake. Our objective is peace, and 
peace cannot be assured by phony agreements that 
leave us largely defenseless. Until a genuine, 
controlled disarmament system is established, it 
is vitally important that the United States and its 
allies remain strong enougli to discourage attacks 
or blackmail. To fall behind in the rapid pace 
of military tecluiology would be as fruitless as 
to place all our hopes upon it. 

We must possess the means and the will to deal 
with all types of military aggression, against 
ourselves or against others, under the defense 
commitments of our regional alliances or the U.N. 

We must distinguish, however, between strength 
and belligerence. To flex our military muscles 
and to take a militai-y posture which appears 
threatening is dangerous and unnecessary. Nor 


Department of State Bulletin 

can we condone policies or actions on the part of 
nations allied to us and armed by us which may 
give legitimate concern to their neighbors. 

U.S. Foreign Economic Programs 

4. We need a fresh, bold approach to the prob- 
lems of economic and political development in 
Latin America, Asia, and Africa. 

The awakening of the peoples of the developing 
nations has been dramatic and explosive. The 
resulting pressures for long-postponed political, 
economic, and social advancement must be met if 
we are to have any prospect of building the kind 
of world in which peace can survive and freedom 

During the months ahead the Congress will be 
required to make critical decisions in regard to 
our Nation's foreign economic programs. These 
decisions will involve dimension, organization, 
timing, emphasis, and basic concept. 

I earnestly hope that the American people will 
understand the utterly critical nature of these 

The need for a thoughtful, fully adequate, long- 
range, integrated foreign economic program is as 
urgent now as was Lend-Lease in the winter of 
1941 and the Marshall plan in 1947. On those 
two occasions our Government, on a largely bi- 
partisan basis, boldly faced up to the requirements 
and carried its case to the American people and its 

As a result, Britain was able to survive in the 
face of all the militaiy power which Hitler could 
summon. Around 7 years later, through the Mar- 
shall plan, Europe was saved from communism, 
helped to rebuild her cities and factories, and 
encouraged to breathe new life and confidence into 
the old societies from which we Americans draw 
our heritage. 

On each of these two previous occasions timid 
people argued that the political realities were un- 
favorable, that the American people could not be 
made to understand, that Congress would not 
grant the necessai"y long-range authority and 
funds, and that we were helpless to do what ob- 
viously needed to be done. 

Now for the third time in a generation we face 
a similar challenge which decisively affects our 
relations with the billion and one-half people of 
non-Communist Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 

And the isolationists, the timid, and the faint- 
hearted are still with us. 

Again the central question is : Can the American 
people rise to the occasion ? 

The lend-lease program and the Marshall plan 
were historic watersheds in American history, in 
which America's power resources and influence 
were boldly thrown onto the scales on the side of 

Are we now prepared to do it again? 

In the lesser developed countries of the world 
the problems of education, sanitation, health, in- 
dustrialization, and land reform are very old 
problems. What is new is the turbulent, throb- 
bing political and social climate in which these 
problems are now being considered. After gen- 
erations of exploitation and apathy, the people 
of the developing nations are awake and reach- 
ing for a new fuller life that offers a greater 
measure of justice to them and their children. 

These goals cannot be reached under conditions 
of freedom unless capital and technical assistance 
are provided from abroad. If this aid is not 
available, there is only one answer for the govern- 
ments concerned: a ruthless attempt to squeeze 
the necessary development resources out of their 
already impoverished people by totalitarian 

The need is acute for adequate money, re- 
sources, organization, and food— firmly committed 
over a period of yeare to those who are prepared 
to help themselves. 

But no less important are the motivations and 
objectives that surround our efforts. 

A wise and enlightened America will not look 
on these essential efforts as charity handouts. 

It will not react negatively to the pressures of 
commmiism, however real these pressures may be. 

It will not attempt to purchase allies, or to buy 
votes in the U.N., or to obtain special privileges 
for American interests. 

Our true national objective is to create a work- 
ing partnership with other non-Communist na- 
tions, a partnership in which we are jjrepared to 
make mutual sacrifices in order to build a world 
security system in which the universal values 
common to all the great religions can survive and 

Let me stress again that our objective is not 
charity. We want to help those who have not 
only the desire but also the will to help them- 

April 3, J 96 J 


selves, so that they can have the freedom to choose 
their own form of government consistent with the 
cultural and religious goals of their own society. 

5. In such a task human understanding is fully 
as important as money. Unless the men and 
women who represent America in dealing with 
other nations imderstand the complex revolution- 
ai-y forces at large in the world today, our efforts 
will surely fail. 

It is equally important that they understand 
America's own dynamic liberal traditions and com- 
prehend the real meaning of the continuing Amer- 
ican revolution. 

The aspirations of the emerging people can 
never be realized through the rigid and material- 
istic economic philosophy promulgated by Marx 
and practiced by Stalin and Khrushchev. For the 
long haul they can only be realized through the dy- 
namic, democratic philosophy of Jefferson and 
Jackson. The emerging peoples want both bread 
and dignity. They will not be satisfied by one 
without the other. 

Creating a New Non-Communist World Society 

6. At the same time we must maintain and 
strengthen our relationships with our traditional 
allies, including those of Western Europe and 
Latin America. 

In particular, we must use our influence and 
persuasion to assist the peoples of Western Europe 
to raise their vision to a new and more construc- 
tive relationship with the emerging peoples of 
Asia and Africa. There are some who argue that 
the United States must "choose" between Europe 
and Africa or between Europe and Asia. No 
such choice is possible or desirable. The three 
great continents urgently need one another. 

Despite our intricate political, economic, and 
military relationship with the nations of Western 
Europe, the American people have never condoned 
the principles of colonialism, which some of these 
nations inherited from the past. We have per- 
sistently sought to promote self-determination of 
peoples in all lands. 

The old Western European colonial empires 
have now largely disappeared. Our common task 
is to raise something constructive and enduring 
m its place. 

The European economy sorely needs ready ac- 
cess to the resources and markets of Africa and 

Asia. In the same way the emerging nations of 
Africa and Asia need European capital and Euro- 
pean technical skills. Americans must help create 
a new relationship based upon the voluntary co- 
operation of independent nations. 

Since the war most of the industrial nations of 
Western Europe have been preoccupied with the 
reconstruction of Europe itself, and this preoc- 
cupation has sometimes caused them to underesti- 
mate the political and social forces developing in 
other parts of the world. 

Today Western Europe's reconstruction is 
largely complete. It now possesses a concentra- 
tion of industry, scientific potential, and skilled 
manpower substantially greater than that of the 
Soviet Union. The nations of Western Europe 
now have the capacity to work with us in helping 
the peoples of Africa and Asia to achieve real 
progress under freedom. Europeans can now come 
to Africa and Asia, not as rulers but as partners 
in a common cause. 

It is our responsibility to persuade the Euro- 
peans and the emerging peoples alike of the 
tremendous value to be gained from a freely 
chosen interdependence. 

Our common task is to create a new non-Com- 
munist world society that offers all of its members 
security, opportunity, and increasing justice and 
dignity. Together we must be equally prepared 
to resist aggression or, if the Soviets will meet 
us halfway, to negotiate a step-by-step arms con- 
trol agreement. 

Tliis association can flourish only if it is based 
on a true spirit of participation among equals. 
The defense and peaceful development of the non- 
Coimnunist world is the common task. 

This common objective cannot successfully be 
met if we allow ourselves to be pressured into 
paying others for the right to defend them against 
aggression or permit others to place a curb on our 
efforts to build bridges between the new nations 
and the old. 

Soothsayers of Doom 

By now one fact at least should be self-evident : 
The task that lies ahead is neither simple nor easy. 
The basic question moreover cannot be ignored or 
sidestepped: Does our generation of Americans 
have the capacity to understand what is required 
of us? 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

Do we have the vigor and courage to rise to the 
challenge of today's world as other generations 
of Americans have risen to other challenges in 
the past ? 

Today, as always, we have our own soothsayers 
of doom, who shake their heads sadly as they ex- 
plain why the job cannot be done. 

The Spartans, they assert, will always defeat 
the Athenians; the organized and disciplined 
totalitarians will always prove superior in a power 
struggle to those who place their faith in human 

More specifically they say that the American 
people are too fat, too rich, too conservative, and 
too insensitive to human needs to assume the 
leadership of a world in revolution. 

They say that Congress and the American 
people are too tired of taxes, too weary of foreign 
aid, and too fearful of commitment and involve- 
ment to support the urgently essential effort that 
must be made overseas. 

They say that the ills which have slowed down 
our economy are permanent ills which will con- 
tinue to handicap our efforts to do what is required 
in world affairs. 

They say that our long and divisive struggle 
against racial discrimination makes it impossible 
for America to deal effectively with the two-thirds 
of the world which is colored and that the slow 
pace of integration here in America is a handicap 
greater than we can ever overcome. 

They say that our long years of material suc- 
cess have deprived us of the humility and sensi- 
tivity necessary to accept true partnership with 
distant peasants living in mud villages, whose cul- 
tures and problems are radically different from 
our own. 

And finally they say that our free society lacks 
the capacity to compete effectively with the mon- 
olithic organization of a dictatorial system. 

Making the Necessary Possible 

Similar prophets of doom have always been 
with us, and usually they have been wrong. How- 
ever, in this complex and dangerous world no 
thoughtful man will lightly brush aside the fore- 
bodings of our current crop of pessimists, nor will 
he suggest that the road ahead will be smooth. 

If we think that the challenge can successfully 
be met by a few speeches, a few new policies, a few 

new governmental officials, while we sit back and 
clip the coupons of destiny, we delude ourselves. 
Yet I have a profound faith that we will succeed 
in the task which we have set for ourselves. 

Contrary to Karl Marx, there are no inevitable 
laws of liistory. The essential test of success or 
failure depends upon the willpower of individual 
human beings. 

To be sure, history has marked the decline and 
fall of many highly developed civilizations. But 
it has also been a graveyard of tyrants. 

The potential power of the American economy 
and the American tradition of freedom is wait- 
ing to be unleashed. 

Our farms and factories and our skilled man- 
agers and workers have the capacity to produce 
some $60 billion more goods and services than are 
being produced today. 

We have the wisdom and the social instruments 
to bring a more perfect economic and social justice 
to our own people and to make our concepts of 
freedom meaningful to peoples in all lands. 

We have accumulated the essential experience 
in the painful responsibilities of leadership. 

Politics, both national and international, has 
been rightly described as the "art of the possible." 
But a great people is that which determines what 
is necessary and then sets out to make it possible. 

Positive initiative by the United States, with 
long-term commitments of resources, energy, and 
leadership supported by other free nations, has 
now become an absolute historic necessity. 

We cannot escape reality, and we cannot retreat 
from responsibility. Most of all, we cannot af- 
ford to procrastinate. We are being fmidamen- 
tally tested, and the testing period is reaching the 
decisive point. 

For us Americans, as for the generation of 
which Shakespeare wrote, 

There is a tide in the affairs of men, 

Which, talien at the flood, leads ou to fortune ; 

Omitted, all the voyage of their life 

Is bound in shallows and in miseries. 

On such a full sea are we now afloat. . . . 

The American people have the capacity to suc- 
ceed. Throughout the course of our national 
history we have never failed in a period of crisis 
to respond to a bold and decisive leadership. 

In President Kennedy we now have such leader- 
ship — a leadership acutely sensitive to the reali- 

April 3, 1961 

587905 — 61 3 


ties of today's turbulent but infinitely promising 
world — a leadership determined to recall the 
American people to greatness. 

As Lord Castlereagh said at the Congress of 
Vienna in 1815: "Our task is not to collect tro- 
phies, but to return the world to peaceful habits." 
And, may I add, to a future of increasing dignity 
and justice for all men. 

President Joins in Commemorating 
UniHcation of Italy 


Many of us who are here today are not Italian 
by blood or by birth, but I think that we all have a 
moi-e than passing intei-est in this anniversary. 
All of us, in a large sense, are beneficiaries of the 
Italian experience. 

It is an extraordinary fact in history that so 
much of what we are and so much of what we be- 
lieve had its origin in this rather small spear of 
land stretching into the Mediterranean. All in a 
great sense that we fight to preserve today had its 
origins in Italy, and earlier than that in Greece. 
So that it is an honor as President of the United 
States to participate in tliis most important oc- 
casion in the life of a friendly country, the Re- 
public of Italy. 

In addition it is one of the strange facts of his- 
tory that this country of ours, which is important 
to Western civilization, was opened up first by a 
daring feat of navigation of an Italian, Christo- 
pher Columbus. And yet this country was nearly 
a century old when modern Italy began. 

So we have the old and the new bound together 
and inextricably linked — Italy and the United 
States, past, present, and, we believe, future. 

The risorgimento which gave birth to modern 
Italy, like the American Revolution, which led to 
the birth of our coimtry, was the reawakening of 
the most deeply held ideals of Western civiliza- 

' Made at the centennial celebration of the 100th an- 
niversary of Italian unification held in the Department of 
State auditorium on Mar. 10 (White House press release). 

tion : the desire for freedom, for protection of the 
rights of the individual. 

As the Doctor [Gaetano Martino, Italian repre- 
sentative to the United Nations] said, the state 
exists for the protection of those rights and those 
rights do not come to us because of the generosity 
of the state. This concept, which originated in 
Greece and in Italy, I think has been a most im- 
portant factor in the development of our own 
counti-y here in the United States. 

And it is a source of satisfaction to us that those 
who built modem Italy received part of their in- 
spiration from our experience here in the United 
States, as we had earlier received part of our in- 
spiration from an older Italy. For although mod- 
em Italy is only a century old, the culture and the 
history of the Italian peninsula stretches back over 
two millenia. From the banks of the Tiber rose 
Western civilization as we know it, a civilization 
whose traditions and spiritual values gave great 
significance to Western life as we find it in West- 
ern Europe and in the Atlantic Community. 

And to this historic role of Italian civilization 
has been added the strengthening in the life of this 
country of millions of Italians who came here to 
build their homes and who have been valued citi- 
zens — and many of their most distinguished citi- 
zens sit on this platform today. 

These ancient ties between the people of Italy 
and the people of the United States have never 
been stronger than they are today and have never 
been in greater peril. The story of postwar Italy 
is a story of determination and of courage in the 
face of a huge and difficult task. The Italian 
people have rebuilt a war-torn economy and na- 
tion and played a vital part in developing the 
economic integration of Western Europe. 

Surely the most inspiring experience of the 
postwar era: Italy has advanced the welfare of > 
her own people, bringing tJiem hope for a better 
life, and she has played a significant role in the 
defense of the West. 

As we come to this great anniversary in 1961, we 
realize that once again new and powerful forces 
have arisen which challenge the concepts upon 
wliich Italy and the United States have been 
founded. If we are to meet this new challenge, 
we — Italy and the United States — must demon- 
strate to our own people and to a watching world, 
as we sit on a most conspicuous stage, that men 


Department of State Bulletin 

acting in the tradition of Mazzini and Cavour and 
Garibaldi and Lincoln and Washington can best 
bring man a richer and fuller life. 

This is the task of the new risorghnento, a new 
reawakening of man's ancient aspirations for free- 
dom and for progress, until the torch lit in ancient 
Torino one century ago guides the straggle of men 
everywhere — in Italy, in the United States, in the 
world around us. 


Wheeeas the centennial of the unitication of Italy, 
which occurs in 1961, commemorates a great event in the 
history of nations ; and 

Whereas, in observance of the centennial, there will 
be many celebrations in Italy, in the United States, and 
in many other countries as events of a century ago are 
relived ; and 

Whereas we in America are confident that the people 
of Italy, in the celebrations reenacting the events and 
experiences associated with their struggle for unification 
a century ago, will find renewed strength to further their 
vital contributions to the cause of freedom ; and 

Whereas it is the sense of the Congress, expressed by 
House Concurrent Resolution 225, agreed to July 2, 1060, 
that the President extend official greetings from the 
United States to the people of Italy on the occasion of 
the centennial of the unification of Italy : 

Now, THEEEFOKE, I, JoHN F. KENNEDY, President of the 
United States of America, do hereby extend greetings 
and felicitations from the i)eople of the United States to 
the people of Italy on the occasion of the centennial of 
the unification of Italy, in recognition of the progress and 
achievements of the Italian people during the past cen- 
tury and the bonds of friendship between our two nations. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 

Done at the City of Washington this eighth day of 

March in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred 

[seal] and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the 

United States of America the one hundred and 



By the President: 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee 
Meets at Wasliington 


Press release 123 dated March 9 

The sixth annual meeting of the joint United 
States-Canadian Committee on Trade and Eco- 
nomic Affairs will be held in Washington March 
13 and 14. The meeting was announced by Presi- 
dent John F. Kemiedy and Prime Minister John 
G. Diefenbaker during the latter's visit to Wash- 
ington February 20.^ 

Canada will be represented by the Honorable 
Donald M. Fleming, Minister of Finance; the 
Honorable George Hees, Minister of Trade and 
Commerce; the Honorable George C. Nowlan, 
Minister of National Eevenue ; and the Honorable 
Francis A. G. Hamilton, Minister of Agriculture. 

The United States will be represented by the 
Honorable Dean Eusk, Secretary of State; the 
Honorable George W. Ball, Under Secretary of 
State for Economic Afl'aii-s; the Honorable C. 
Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury; the 
Honorable Stewart L. Udall, Secretary of the 
Interior; the Honorable Orville L. Freeman, Sec- 
retary of Agriculture; and the Honorable Luther 
H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce. 

The annual meeting of the Joint Committee 
provides an opportunity for officials at the Cabi- 
net level to review recent economic and trade de- 
velopments of interest to the United States and 
Canada. The meetings have been valuable over 
the years in furthering understanding between the 
two governments on questions affecting their eco- 
nomic relations. The last meeting was held in 
Washington February 16-17, 1960.^ 


Press release 135 dated March 14 

1. The sixth meeting of the Joint United States- 
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs was held at the Department of State, 
Washington, March 13 and 14. 

' No. 3398 : 26 Fed. Reg. 2105. 

' Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 371. 

^ For text of a joint commtinique issued at the close of 
the meeting, see ibid.. Mar. 7, 1960, p. 365. 

April 3, 1 96 1 


2. Canada was represented at the meeting by 
the Honorable Donald M. Fleming, Minister of 
Finance; the Honorable George Hees, Minister 
of Trade and Commerce; the Honorable George 
C. Nowlan, Minister of National Eevenue; and 
the Honorable Alvin Hamilton, Minister of Agri- 
culture. The Canadian delegation included the 
Under Secretary of State for External Affairs, 
Mr. N. A. Robertson, and the Canadian Ambas- 
sador to the United States, Mr. A. D. P. Heeney. 

3. The United States was represented by the 
Honorable Dean Kusk, Secretary of State; the 
Honorable George W. Ball, Under Secretary of 
State for Economic Affaire; the Honorable 
Douglas Dillon, Secretaiy of the Treasui-y; the 
Honorable Henry H. Fowler, Under Secretary 
of the Treasury; the Honorable Luther H. 
Hodges, Secretary of Commerce; the Honorable 
Stewart L. Udall, Secretary of tlie Interior; and 
the Honorable Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of 
Agriculture. The United States delegation also 
included the Honorable George C. McGovern, 
Food for Peace Coordinator. 

4. Inasmuch as this was the first meeting of 
this Committee since the new United States Ad- 
ministration took office, there was a comprehensive 
review of basic economic relationships between 
the two countries as well as recent major eco- 
nomic developments. 

5. The Committee noted the positive steps taken 
by both governments to stimulate the two econo- 
mies and to meet the miemployment problem, and 
expressed belief that these measures and market 
forces would lead to an expansion of economic 
growth in the United States and Canada. 

6. The Committee reviewed the balance of pay- 
ments situation of each country including its ef- 
fect on their mutual trade relations. Attention 
was also given to developments in the world pay- 
ments position during the past year. The United 
States delegation pointed to the major significance 
of short term capital movements in 1960 and de- 
scribed the recent improvement in the U.S. posi- 
tion in this regard, while stressing that its basic 
imbalance nevertheless remains. The Committee 
recognized the need for continued progress toward 
international balance through reduction in basic 
deficits and basic surpluses ; and it was agreed that 
the events of the past year emphasize the need 
for continued and improved consultation and co- 
operation in international financial and economic 


7. The Committee noted with satisfaction the 
recent signing of the convention of the Organiza- 
tion for Economic Cooperation and Development 
by the United States, Canada, and the members of 
the Organization for European Economic Cooper- 
ation.^ The Committee expressed confidence that 
the OECD could strengthen the ties among Can- 
ada, United States and countries of Western 
Europe, and could prove to be a most useful forum 
for close consultation on the economic policies of 
member countries with a view to increasing eco- 
nomic growth and to expanding assistance to the 
less-developed countries. 

8. The Committee noted certain international 
economic developments of mutual interest, includ- 
ing the rapid economic growth of Western 
European countries. Recent developments in both 
the European Economic Community and the 
European Free Trade Association were reviewed. 
Both delegations reaffirmed the support of their 
governments for European efforts to reduce trade 
barriers and expressed hope that the development 
of the regional groupings would conform with the 
requirements and objectives of the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade and would avoid dis- 
crimination against the exports of the United 
States and Canada. 

9. The Committee discussed the progress to date 
of the GATT tariff negotiations with the European 
Economic Commmiity at Geneva. Noting the in- 
terest of both countries in the expansion of world 
trade, the Committee stressed the need for an early 
settlement which would mamtain for both coun- 
tries undiminished access to the EEC market in 
all sectore of trade, including agriculture, and 
the opportunity to share in its growth. In addi- 
tion, the Committee looked forward to the second 
phase of the current tariff conference when there 
will be negotiations for reciprocal exchanges of 
tariff concessions among the participating coun- 
tries with a view to providing further opportuni- 
ties for trade expansion. 

10. The Committee expressed satisfaction with 
the progress made by various countries in the past 
year in removing discriminatory restrictions 
against dollar goods and expressed the hope that 
forthcoming discussions imder the GATT with 
certain countries still retaining restrictions would 
result in elimination of discrimination and re- 

' Ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8. 

Department of State BuHetin 

duction of the remaining quantitative import re- 
strictions affecting United States and Canadian 
products. The Committee noted that substantial 
discrimination remains in the field of agricul- 
tural products and urged that countries concerned 
liberalize trade in these products. 

11. The United States delegation outlined the 
new Food for Peace Program,"* emphasizing the 
conviction of the United States that agricultural 
abundance essentially is not a problem but an 
asset which may be eifectively employed to improve 
nutrition and enhance economic development 
throughout the world. The United States dele- 
gation pointed out that it would continue to be 
the United States policy to avoid disrupting agri- 
cultural markets to the disadvantage of other 
comitries' commercial exports of agricultural 
products. The Canadian delegation supported 
the humanitarian objective of the Food for Peace 
Program and noted that this development would 
be compatible with Canadian proposals to estab- 
lish a World Food Bank on a multilateral basis. 
The Committee agreed that there should be a con- 
tinuation of the close consultation between the 
two governments on concessional exports of agri- 
cultural commodities through existing bilateral 
arrangements and in the Wheat Utilization 

12. In its comprehensive review the Committee 
discussed other important matters directly af- 
fecting trade and economic relations between the 
two countries. It was reaffirmed that where prob- 
lems existed direct exchanges of views at the 
Cabinet level should contribute substantially to 
their solution. 

Mr. Ball Holds Economic Talks 
With European Officials 

The Department of State annomiced on 
March 16 (press release 140) that Under Secre- 
tary George W. Ball would depart for Europe on 
March 18. He will meet with German officials at 
Bomi March 20-22 and with French and Organi- 
zation for European Economic Cooperation offi- 
cials at Paris March 23-26, and will represent the 
United States at the meeting of the Development 
Assistance Group at London March 27-29. He 
will return to the United States April 1. 

*/6M., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 216. 
April 3, 7967 

Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE 
Delegates in India, Visits Pakistan 


Press release 132 dated March 13, for release March 14 

The Department of State announced on March 
14 that Ambassador W. Averell Harriman will 
extend his present trip to enable him to meet in- 
formally with economic leaders of more than 20 
Asian countries now gathered at New Delhi at- 
tending the l7th session of the U.N. Economic 
Commission for Asia and the Far East. 

The Secretary of State has requested Ambassa- 
dor Harriman to visit New Delhi at this time in 
order to take advantage of the opportunity af- 
forded by this important gathering to meet rank- 
ing economic leaders of nearly all the countries 
of Asia and of Australia and New Zealand. Am- 
bassador Harriman has been asked to convey to 
the representatives of these countries the special 
interest of the President in the work of ECAFE 
and in the contribution it can make to the eco- 
nomic progress of the region. 

The Economic Commission for Asia and the 
Far East is one of four such regional commis- 
sions of the United Nations. It is a forum in 
which some of the most important economic 
issues confronting the underdeveloped comitries 
of Asia and the Far East are being considered 
with a view to stimulating international action 
toward solutions of such problems. 

A dinner is being arranged by the American 
Ambassador to India at which Ambassador Harri- 
man will speak. Ambassador Harriman hopes 
to have the opportunity to meet mformally with 
many of the representatives. 


Press release 143 dated March 17, for release March 18 

The Department of State announced on March 
18 that Ambassador at Large W. Averell Harri- 
man had accepted an invitation from the Govern- 
ment of Pakistan to meet President Ayub in 
Karachi on March 20 and fly with him to the 
provisional capital of Kawalpindi that day. The 
Ambassador will return to New Delhi on Jkfarch 


The Ambassador's visit will afford an oppor- 
tunity for a friendly exchange of views with re- 
gard to matters of mutual interest to the two 

Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement 
Between U.S. and Saudi Arabia 

Press release 141 dated March 16 

The Department of State issued the following 
statement on March 16 following the announce- 
ment hy the Royal Government of Saudi Arabia 
that its agreement with the United States for the 
operation of the Dhahran airfield ^ would not be 
renewed when it expires April i, 1962. 

Discussions have been proceeding for some time 
with His Highness former Prime Minister Faisal, 
.and more recently with Foreign Minister Suway- 
jil, under the direction of His Majesty King 
Saud, looking toward the nonrenewal of the 
Dhahran airfield agreement of 1957, which expires 
in April 1962. 

The history of Dhahran airfield dates back to 
the days of World War II, when His Majesty the 
late King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud approved plans 
for the construction of the airfield with the as- 
sistance of the United States. The late King's de- 
cision was based on a desire to make an effective 
contribution logistically to the Allied war effort 
and also to prepare for Saudi Arabia to partici- 
pate significantly in the postwar world of aviation. 

Today the Saudi Arabian Government has at 
Dhahran an airfield which is a major international 
aviation center with modern facilities. It has 
been serving as a training and operations center 
for the Royal Saudi Air Force. It has also be- 
come a center not only for Saudi Arabian but also 
for international civil air routes. In assisting the 
Saudi Arabian Government in the transformation 
of Dhahran into an international civil air ter- 
minal, the Government of the United States is con- 
structing a modern civil air terminal building, the 
completion of which should occur within a year. 

Always recognizing and respecting the Saudi 
ownership and character of Dhahran airfield, the 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3790. 

United States Air Force has assisted in developing 
Saudi military aviation. It has also enjoyed cer- 
tain use of the facilities at the Dhahran airfield 
under agreement with the Saudi Arabian Gov- 
ernment and, at the request of the Saudi Arabian 
Government, has aided in the operation of the 
services of the airport. 

The United States Government expects that its 
close and friendly cooperation with Saudi Arabia 
in various fields will continue. 

U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars 

The White House 07i March 17 made public the 
follotoing exchange of letters between President 
Kennedy and Abraham Ribicoff, Secretary of 
Health, Education, and Welfare. 


March 17, 1961 
Dear Secretary Ribicoff: I have studied and 
am in full accord with your recommendations of 
tangible assistance for Cuban scholars and profes- 
sional leaders who have temporarily fled their 
country and are now living here in the United 
States. Immediate action should be taken on be- 
half of your proposals, and every possible per- 
sonal encouragement given to this courageous and 
remarkable group. 

I want to make unmistakably clear that we 
believe in a free Cuba. The presence in this coun- 
try of two-tliirds of the faculty of the University 
of Havana, as well as many more educational and 
professional leaders from the island, attests that 
an essential part of a free Cuba is now here with 
us. In community with them, we know that "only 
the mind cannot be sent into exile." 

I will appreciate receiving by July 1 a report on 
the progi'ess made in this program and the opjDor- 
tunities it opens up in teacliing, medicine, eco- 
nomic development work, and other fields for the 
benefit of all of the Western Hemisphere. 

John F. Kennedt 

Honorable Abraham Ribicoff 

Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare 
Washington 25, B.C. 


Department of State Bulletin 


March 14, 1961 
Dear Mr. President: As you directed on Febru- 
ary 3, 1961/ I have had an intensive study made 
by the Department on how best to assist those 
Cuban scholars and professionally trained persons 
who have left their homeland because of political 
oppressions there, and who now live in the United 

To insure maximum use of these scholars, I 
recommend a grant be made to the University of 
Miami for the following purposes: 

1. The creation of research and teaching oppor- 
tunities for exiled scholai-s, to insure that their 
ample talents and backgrounds are devoted to con- 
structive professional work during their stay in 
the United States. Research fellowships will per- 
mit some of them to devote their full time and 
energies to the study of those problems that in- 
evitably will confront the Cuban people upon the 
return of democracy to their nation. Others will 
lecture on Cuban and Latin American affairs and 
professional subjects to their fellow exiles and to 
U.S. students and scholars. 

2. The provision of specialized programs for ex- 
iled doctors, lawyers, and judges, including inten- 
sive instruction in the English language, to assist 
them in their desire to make use of their skills 
during their absence from Cuba. The University 
of Miami already has launched such programs 
and their success thus far warrants additional 

3. Compilation and maintenance of a roster of 
academically trained persons who came to the 
United States as political refugees from Cuba. 
This infoi-mation should be useful to U.S. colleges 
and universities seeking additions to their facul- 
ties on Latin American affairs, and to Federal 
agencies such as the International Cooperation 
Administration and the United States Informa- 
tion Agency in need of assistance on Latin Ameri- 
can projects. 

These steps will, I believe, serve several highly 
constructive purposes. They will permit certain 
Cuban exiles to give up employment that falls 
pitiably short of using their abilities. They will 
encourage the creation of a bilingual community 
of scholars, growing out of the bonds established 

between the faculties of the Universities of 
Havana and Miami, and others who may be at- 
tracted there. These steps will also create 
conditions for experiment in the problems of edu- 
cation across the barriers of language toward 
discovery and study of common interests. In ad- 
dition, we will gain experience for evaluation of 
longer range educational needs of our hemisphere. 

Finally, I want to emphasize that the proposed 
program would be temporary. Wlien Cuba again 
becomes free, its scholars now in Miami will be 
needed urgently to provide expanded facilities for 
higher education and to serve the Cuban people. 
For this reason, the simi of $75,000 required for 
the above program is intended for expenditure 
during the next six months. During this time, 
we shall reassess the situation and make such fur- 
ther recommendations as may be appropriate. 

The University of Miami would be encouraged 
to seek additional financial support for the pro- 
gram from foundations, industry, volunteer agen- 
cies, interested individuals and other sources. Out 
of broad support such as this, we believe there 
might grow an even more extensive program of 
inter- American cultural exchange possibly includ- 
ing the use of Cuban exiles on the staffs of the 
Univei-sities throughout the hemisphere. What 
we undertake on behalf of our Latin neighbor in 
the spirit of humanitarianism can, if properly con- 
ceived and suppoi'ted by the American people, 
serve to provide enlightenment to all. The imder- 
taking with the University of liliami should be 
based upon our historic belief in the power of 
knowledge and be completely divorced from polit- 
ical purposes. This same spirit should, of course, 
permeate any longer range activities in the field 
of Pan American Education. 

As I have indicated previously, I am personally 
still most interested in the possible establisliment 
of a permanent center of learning to which schol- 
ars from throughout Latin and North America 
might go to exchange views, pureue research, and 
explore their common problems. Your recent ex- 
change of letters ^ with the Secretary General of 
the Organization of American States and your 
authorization of a grant of $25,000 to the OAS 
is a tangible start toward preparing for a more 
permanent program. The prompt and affirmative 
reply of Dr. Jose Mora, Secretary General of 
OAS, is a most encouraging beginning in such a 

' Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 309. 
April 3, 7967 

'Not printed here. 


joint venture on behalf of all in the Western Hem- 
isphere. The OAS will be able to assess the needs 
of the Americas in the objective spirit that I 
believe should characterize our educational activi- 
ties in this area. 

Faithfully yours, 

Abraham Eibicoff 

The PREsroENT 
The White House 

Funds Needed for Continuation 
of Disaster Relief in Cliile 

White House press release dated March 14 

The President asked Congress on March 14 for 
a supplemental appropriation of $100 million for 
the fiscal year 1961 for I'econstruction and re- 
habilitation of earthquake and flood damage in 
Chile.^ This amount was authorized by the last 
session of Congress, along with the inter-Ameri- 
can program for social progress. 

Rehabilitation efforts have already been started 
by the Government of Chile, and U.S. assistance is 
now needed to continue these efforts through this 
fiscal year and next and to permit Chile to adhere 
to its program of economic stabilization. 

The International Cooperation Administration 
will administer the aid progi-am. 

Soon after the earthquake last May, the Export- 
Import Bank gave an emergency credit of $10 
million to Chile. To cover interim needs a $20 
million grant from mutual security contingency 
funds was made available to Chile in October. An 
agreement was made last November to ship surplus 
agricvdtural commodities valued at $29 million to 
Chile under the Agi-icultural Trade Development 
and Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480) . 

Medical Assistance Sent to Niger 
To Combat Meningitis Epidemic 

Press release 134 dated March 14 

The Government of Niger has requested medi- 
cal assistance from the U.S., German, and Frencli 
Governments to combat an epidemic of meningitis. 

Tliis Government lias airfreighted penicillin 
(6,000 vials) and sulfadyazine (225 kilograms) 
which is scheduled to arrive in Niamey on 
March 16. 

The Niger Ministry of Health reports 2,000 
active cases of meningitis, with fatalities nearing 
400. The area of infection has hit six new dis- 
tricts and is reported approaching Niamey. 

The U.S. Government has coordinated its relief 
efforts with the German and Frencli Govern- 
ments. In this connection the French Govern- 
ment has flown in a medical team consisting of a 
doctor and six assistants and, in addition, has 
authorized their use of Frencli Army ambulances 
and jeeps. The German Government is providing 
65,000 German marks for the purchase of needed 
medicines. U.S. relief was granted on an emer- 
gency basis from ICA funds. 

U.S. medical assistance was also given for a 
meningitis epidemic in the Republic of Upper 
Volta in Januai"y. In the latter case some 8,000 
vials of penicillin and 300 kilograms of sulfa- 
dyazine were airlifted to the Republic of Upper 


Department Supports Treaty 
on Columbia River Development 

Statement hy Ivan B. White * 

My name is Ivan B. White, Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State for European Affairs. I ap- 
preciate having this opportunity to appear here 
in support of a treaty which I am convinced is in 
the best interests of our country and of our rela- 
tions with Canada. 

I believe it would be appropriate to present 
briefly the origin and the background of this 
treaty, which was signed at Washington on Janu- 
ary 17, 1961,^ and submitted on the same date by 

' See p. 478. 

^ Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
on Mar. 8 (press release 117). Mr. White is Deputy 
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs. 

° S. Ex. C, 87th Cong., 1st sess. ; for background and text 
of treaty, see also Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 227. 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

President Eisenhower to the Senate with a view 
to receiving its advice and consent to ratification. 
In President Kennedy's special message on nat- 
ural resources, sent to the Congress on Febru- 
ary 23,=* he said: "I urge the Senate to approve 
this Treaty [Columbia Eiver Joint Development 
Treaty "With Canada] at the earliest possible time, 
to permit an immediate start on the immense ef- 
forts that can be jointly undertaken in power 
production and river control in that Basin." I 
will also summarize the basic objectives of the 
United States delegation which negotiated the 
treaty, the extent to which those objectives ap- 
pear to have been achieved, and some of the other 
considerations involved. 

An analysis of the various articles of the treaty 
is contained in the letters from the President and 
the Secretary of State which accompanied the 
submission of the treaty for your consideration. 
In addition, Lieutenant General [Emerson C] 
Itschner, Chief of Engineers, United States Army, 
will discuss the flood-control aspects of the treaty, 
and Secretary [Stewart L.] Udall and other rep- 
resentatives of the Department of the Interior 
will explain the nature and effects of those pro- 
visions pertaining to hydroelectric power. The 
Assistant Legal Adviser for European Affairs of 
the Department of State [Eichard D. Kearney] 
is available to answer questions regarding the 
provisions for settlement of disputes and for the 
termination of the treaty, as well as other legal 

Origin of the Treaty 

The genesis of the situation which led to this 
treaty is the fact that the Columbia Eiver Basin 
lies in both Canada and the United States. As 
may be seen from the map, Columbia Lake in the 
Eocky Mountains in British Columbia is the 
source of the Columbia Eiver, which in Canada 
flows northwest for over 180 miles and then turns 
south to flow through the Arrow Lakes and cross 
the border into the United States near the town 
of Trail, British Columbia. The river then flows 
through the States of Washington and Oregon 
before reaching the Pacific Ocean at Portland. 
One of the Columbia's principal tributaries is the 
Kootenay Eiver, which rises to the east of Colum- 
bia Lake in Canada, flows south across the border 

' H. Doe. 94, 87th Cong., 1st sess. 

through the States of Montana and Idaho, and 
loops back into Canada near the outlet of the 
Arrow Lakes. 

The origin of this treaty, however, does not 
rest solely with the simple geographic fact that 
one of the greatest rivers in North America flows 
through two countries for 1,200 miles and, in so 
doing, drops a total of 2,650 feet. There is also 
the important factor of a veiy considerable varia- 
tion in the flow of the river during the year and 
from year to year. These seasonal and cyclical 
variations have a direct effect on the output of 
the hydroelectric plants on the lower stem of the 
Columbia in the United States, particularly be- 
cause electric power cannot be stored. The regu- 
lation of the upper Columbia through storage 
reservoirs in Canada can therefore permit more 
efficient use of generating machinery and an in- 
crease in the output of power. Moreover, the 
Columbia Eiver system is highly suited to a co- 
operative type of development because the best 
remaining sites for storage dams are in Canada, 
while the existing, and much of the potential, 
generating capacity is located in the United 
States. Thus both countries are bound to gain 
far more by an arrangement under which they co- 
operate for mutual benefit than by pursuing two 
separate national programs unilaterally executed 
on a common resource. 

One of the characteristics of the treatymaking 
process in this case has been the stimulus and 
leadership provided by Members of the Congi-ess, 
particularly the Senators from our four north- 
western States. I well recall during our 1959 
discussions of the preliminary work of the Inter- 
national Joint Commission that the Subcommittee 
of the Senate Committee on Interior and In- 
sular Affairs, headed by the late Senator Eichard 
Neuberger, placed great emphasis on the advan- 
tages to the United States of both Canadian 
storage and the Libby Project. During the 1960 
period of actual negotiations we received period- 
ically the advice, guidance, and, most important, 
the encouragement of the three members of the 
Senate Foreign Eelations Committee from the 
Pacific Northwest, Senators [Mike] Mansfield, 
[Wayne] Morse, and [Frank] Church. Further- 
more, the American members of the U.S.-Cana- 
dian Interparliamentary Group, headed by Sen- 
ator [George D.] Aiken as cochairman, on several 

April 3, J 96 J 


occasions have discussed the Cohimbia Eiver 
project with their Canadian colleagues. 

By the end of 1959 the Canadian and United 
States Governments had at their disposal : 

1. Valuable technical data provided by a report 
of the International Columbia River Engineering 
Board, and 

2. Helpful guidelines established by the Inter- 
national Joint Commission. 

Equipped with tliis essential information, the two 
Governments began formal negotiations in early 
1960. The chairman of the United States dele- 
gation was Mr. Elmer F. Bennett, then Under 
Secretary of the Department of the Interior. Tlie 
other two members were Emerson C. Itsclmer, 
Chief of Engineers of the United States Army, 
and myself. The Canadian delegation was 
headed by the Minister of Justice, E. Davie Ful- 
ton, as chairman. 

On September 28, 1960, the negotiators were 
able to submit a joint progress repoi-t to the two 
Governments setting forth "the basic terms which 
in their opinion should be included in an agree- 
ment for the cooperative development of the water 
resources of the Columbia River Basin that will 
operate to the mutual advantage of both coun- 
tries." The progress report further recommended 
that the agreement should be in the form of a 
treaty. On October 19, 1960, by an exchange of 
notes the Governments accepted the recommen- 
dations in the progress report as the basis for the 
drafting of a treaty.^ The drafting of the treaty 
then took place, and this process was completed 
on January 17, 1961, with signature of the treaty 
at the Wliite House on that date. 

Benefits for Both Countries 

From the outset of the discussions it was ap- 
parent that, if agreement were to be reached, the 
resultant treaty would have to be beneficial to 
both countries. Accordingly it was necessary for 
the negotiators to strive for objectivity and flexi- 
bility in seeking to arrive at a mutually beneficial 
arrangement of a matter inherently complex, 
highly technical, and involving diverse interests 
in both countries. Fortimately both the United 
States and the Canadian delegations were con- 

' For a statement by President Eisenhower and a White 
House announcement, see Bulletin of Nov. 28, 1960, p. 

scious of the fact that in reaching an arrangement 
of such far-reaching significance it was not pos- 
sible for either side to adopt rigid, nationalistic, 
or partisan positions. Consequently it was pos- 
sible to reach in this treaty accommodations with 
regard to differing views which have achieved 
the result that the interests of both coimtries will 
be greatly advanced without the sacrifice of any 
basic interest of either country. From the finan- 
cial viewpoint alone, the overall cost of the vast 
enterprises envisaged under the treaty will be 
substantially less than if similar developments 
were to be attempted independently by the two 

In this connection I should like to point out that 
the negotiators did not attempt, either in the 
treaty or otherwise, to prejudge the necessary 
internal decisions in each country which must be 
made in cari-ying out the works and programs to 
implement the treaty. Thus, for example, the 
treaty leaves open the question as to what agen- 
cies in the United States would act as the operat- 
ing entities for the purposes of the treaty or the 
manner in which non-Federal projects would par- 
ticipate in the cooperative midertaking. Sim- 
ilarly the Canadian delegation did not seek agree- 
ment on certain implementing decisions which 
properly lie within the jurisdiction of governmen- 
tal authorities in Canada. Had such an attitude 
not been adopted on the part of the negotiators, 
their task would have been immensely more com- 
plicated and the result at best uncertain. Never- 
theless I believe the committee is already aware 
that the appropriate departments of our Govern- 
ment are conscious of the desirability of making 
suitable arrangements relating to the non-Federal 
hydroelectric projects well before the cooperation 
regulation of the Columbia River is put into 
effect. I make only passing reference to this mat- 
ter because it is not essentially a topic for the 
Department of State and will be dealt with by the 
other witnesses from the executive branch. 

Objectives of U.S. Delegation 

One of the primary and basic objectives of the 
United States delegation was to obtain for our 
country a large inci'ease in the quantity of de- 
pendable hydroelectric power in the Pacific 
Northwest. Behind this objective was realiza- 
tion of the stimulation to the Pacific Northwest 
economy which low-cost hydroelectric power had 


Department of State Bulletin 

produced. It was hoped to make available an- 
other large bloc of low-cost power which would 
not only meet the demands of the Pacific North- 
west in the years immediately ahead but also 
would have a potentiality for further increases 
in the long-range future to meet and promote the 
economic development of this region. You will 
have noted from the President's letter transmit- 
ting tliis treaty for your consideration that the 
initial power benefits realizable in the United 
States from Canadian storage under the treaty are 
comparable to another Grand Coulee Dam, the 
largest hydroelectric project now in operation in 
the United States. Clearance for the United 
States, if it chooses, to construct Libby Dam on the 
Kootenai River in northern Montana presents 
the opportunity to gain an additional bloc of 
power substantially greater than the output of 
Bonneville Dam. The total initial result, includ- 
ing both Libby and Canadian storage, is a gain 
to the United States of over 1,686,000 kilowatts 
of low-cost prime power. Over the longer term 
the Canadian storage will greatly increase the 
feasibility of expanding the present capacity of 
the Columbia River Basin hydroelectric system 
in the United States from 11.6 million to 20 mil- 
lion kilowatts of installed capacity. 

As a correlative objective the United States 
delegation had in mind the need to make arrange- 
ments which woidd help to keep the costs of Fed- 
eral power in the Pacific Northwest within the 
framework of the rate structure of the Bonne- 
ville Power Administration. Department of the 
Interior witnesses will comment more fully on the 
power arrangements and their rate significance 
under the treaty. 

Another principal aim of the negotiators was 
to assure that the people of the Lower Columbia 
River in Oregon and Washington and those in 
the Bonner's Ferry area of Idaho, on the Kootenai 
River, would be relieved of the recurring flood 
damage which has plagued them since the settle- 
ment of the Pacific Northwest. The importance 
of this aim may be judged by the fact that the 
Colmnbia River flood of 1948, which was by no 
means of the magnitude of those of 1876 and 
1894, caused total damages estimated at $100 mil- 
lion; inundated nearly 600,000 acres; destroyed 
Vanport, Oregon, a war housing project on the 
outskirts of Portland with a population of 
18,000; and cost the lives of 41 persons in the 

Columbia River Basin. The impoi-tance of the 
flood-control aspects of the treaty may also be 
judged by the fact that the flood-control objec- 
tives of the United States for tlie Ivower Columbia 
River in Oregon and Washington, which have 
been greatly needed for many years, would be 
substantially realized within less than a decade. 
Additionally the Libby Dam project would re- 
solve the critical flood-control problem in the 
Bonner's Ferry area of Idaho, where jieriodic 
floods have been both hazardous and expensive. 

Still another ad^-antage of this treaty is the 
fact that, because of the location of the Canadian 
storage, there will be no interference with the 
cycle for salmon and other anadromous fish, 
which constitute such an important economic and 
recreational asset for the people of the Pacific 

Finally, one of the most important objectives of 
the United States delegation was to remove the 
possibility, no matter how remote, that Canada, 
in the absence of an agreement for cooperative 
development of the Colmnbia River, might decide 
to divert the waters of the Columbia River into 
the Fraser Ri%'er basin, which empties into the 
sea at Vancouver. This objective has been 
achieved for at least the next 60 years. 

In summary, we believe that the treaty protects 
the basic interests of the United States and, at 
the same time, provides an equitable and mutually 
beneficial solution to a difficult problem. The 
treaty which has been recommended to you is an 
important step in achieving optimum develop- 
ment of the water resources of the Columbia 
River Basin as a whole, from which the United 
States and Canada will each receive benefits mate- 
rially larger than either could obtain independ- 
ently. The United States will secure a large bloc 
of power at low cost, substantial flood-control 
benefits, and additional incidental benefits for 
irrigation, navigation, pollution abatement, and 
other uses resulting from controlled storage, as 
well as the removal of the possibility of any 
substantial diversion of the Columbia. Canada 
will also receive a large bloc of power at a low 
cost, as well as flood-control and other benefits 
resulting from the control of water flow. Finally, 
the treaty and its implementation will provide a 
further illustration of the cooperation between 
Canada and the United States in the development 
of a common resource for a common good. 

April 3, 196 J 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^ 

Scheduled April 1 Through June 30, 1961 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 31st Session New York Apr. 4- 

lAEA Board of Governors: 21st Session Vienna Apr. 5- 

FAO Intergovernmental Advisory Committee on the Utilization of Rome Apr. 5- 

Food Surpluses. 

IMCO Assembly: 2d Session London Apr. 5- 

IDB Board of Governors: 2d Meeting Rio de Janeiro Apr. 10- 

FAO Group on Cocoa: 4th Session Accra Apr. 10- 

FAO Program Committee: 5th Session Rome Apr. 10- 

ILO Regional Conference of American States Members: 7th Session . Buenos Aires Apr. 10- 

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 16th Session Geneva Apr. 11- 

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology; 1st Session . . . Washington Apr. 12- 

South Pacific Commission: 2d Technical Meeting on Cooperatives . Noumea Apr. 13- 

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law Brussels Apr. 17- 

GATT Balance-of- Payments Consultations Geneva Apr. 17- 

U.N. Committee on Information From Non-Self-Governing Terri- New Yorii Apr. 17- 


U.N. ECOSOC Social Commission: 13th Session New York Apr. 17- 

Inter- American Commission of Women: Extraordinary Assembly . . Washington Apr. 17- 

ICAO Panel on Origin-and-Destination Statistics: 3d Meeting . . . Paris Apr. 18- 

FAO Ad Hoc Meeting on Jute Rome Apr. 19- 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: Committee on Illicit Geneva Apr. 20- 


ITU Administrative Council: 16th Session Geneva Apr. 22- 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 16th Session . . . Geneva Apr. 24- 

5th ICAO Meeting on Personnel Licensing/Aviation Medicine . . . Montreal Apr. 25- 

U.N. Commission on Sovereignty Over Natural Wealth and Resources: New York Apr. 25- 

3d Session. 

CENTO Ministerial Council: 9th Meeting Ankara Apr. 27- 

IMCO Council: 5th Session London April 

G ATT Contracting Parties: 18th Session Geneva May 1- 

U.N. Economic Commission foi Latin America: 9th Session .... Caracas May 1- 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: 9th Session. . . New York May 1- 

14th International Cannes Film Festival Cannes May 3- 

ICEM Executive Committee: 17th Se.ssion Geneva May 3- 

UPU Executive and Liaison Committee Bern May 4- 

FAO/UNICEF Joint PoHcy Committee: 3d Session Rome May 8- 

ILO Inland Transport Committee: 7th Session Geneva May 8- 

NATO Ministerial Council Oslo May 8- 

Inter-American Nuclear Energv Commission: 3d Meeting Washington May 9- 

WMO Executive Committee: 1 3th Session Geneva May 11- 

ICEM Council: 14th Session Geneva May 11- 

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 20th Plenary Meeting . Tokyo May 15- 

PAHO Executive Committee: 43d Meeting Washington May 15- 

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 2d Session. Rome May 18- 

FAO Group on Grains: 6th Session Rome May 18- 

FAO European Forestry Commission: 11th Session Rome May 22- 

11th Inter-American Conference Quito May 24- 

Exeeutive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commissioner Geneva May 25- 

for Refugees: 5th Session. 

UNESCO Executive Board: 59th Session Paris May 25- 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Mar. 16, 1961. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following 
is a list of abbreviations: CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, 
Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; 
IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovern- 
mental Committee for European Migration; IDB, Inter- American Development Bank; ILO, International Labor Organi- 
zation; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; 
NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OIE, International Office of Epizootics; PAHO, Pan American Health 
Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; 
UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WMO, World Meteorological Organization. 

496 Department of State Bulletin 

ITU European VHF/UHF Broadcasting Conference 

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 
Scientific Committee. 

ILO Governing Body: 149th Session (and its committees) 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 34th Session 

International Rubber Study Group: Enlarged Management Com- 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on 
Abstention Reports. 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party 
on Preparation of Scientific Reports. 

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 11th 
Annual Meeting. 

International Labor Conference: 45th Session 

8th International Electronic, Nuclear, and Motion Picture Exposition . 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 21st Session 

FAO Council: 35th Session 

FAO/OIE Meeting on Emerging Diseases of Animals 

International Whaling Commission: 13th Meeting 

11th International Berlin Film Festival 

7th International Congress on Large Dams 

IAEA Board of Governors: 22d Session 

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 27th Session 

Stockholm May 26- 

Woods Hole, Mass May 29- 

Geneva May 29-* 

Rome May 30- 

London May 

Tokyo May or June 

Tokyo May or June 

Washington June 5- 

Geneva June 7- 

Rome June 12- 

Geneva June 12- 

Rome June 19- 

Rome June 19- 

London June 19- 

Berlin June 25- 

Rome June 26- 

Vienna June 

New York June 

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola 

Following is a statement made hy Adlal E. 
Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the United 
Nations, in the Security Council on March 15, to- 
gether with the text of a draft resolution cosf on- 
sored hy Ceylon, Liberia, and the United Arab 
Repuhlic which failed of adoption. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 3668 

When he first raised the question of Angola in 
the Security Council, the distinguished representa- 
tive of Liberia, Ambassador [George A.] Pad- 
more, recognized that the recent disturbance in 
Angola was not of itself an immediate tin-eat to 
the maintenance of international peace and 
security. At that time he said, 

I believe that there is still time for us to help build in 
Angola a future of which neither the Portuguese nor 
the Africans need be afraid. But we no longer have 
centuries or even decades in which to accomplish what 
should be a simple and humanitarian task. 

He emphasized several problems with which the 
United Nations must concern itself: the urgency 
in this era of rapid communication of acting with 

dispatch, the recognition of iVjigola's problem be- 
ing a part of the larger African scene, and the 
desirability of Portugal availing itself of United 
Nations cooperation and help in the development 
of its territories in Africa. 

It was clear from his remarks that Ambassador 
Padmore was anticipating conditions which, if 
unchanged, might endanger the peace and security 
of Africa, if not of the world. 

It is in a sjairit of seeking a constructive elim- 
ination of not just the symptoms but the sources 
of friction that the United States approaches this 
problem. I regret to find myself in disagreement 
with the distinguished representative of China 
and other members of this Council, who present 
their position with such logic and force. We rec- 
ognize full well that, while Angola and the condi- 
tions therein do not today endanger international 
peace and security, we believe they may, if not 
alleviated, lead to more disorders with many un- 
fortunate and dangerous consequences. 

We in the United States deplore the violence 
which occurred in Luanda and the tragic loss of 
life involving all elements of the community. 
Nothing we can do here will restore these people 

April 3, 1 96 1 


United States Replies to inquiries 
Concerning Vote on Angoia issue 

U.S./D.N. press release 3669 

In response to inquiries regarding the U.S. vote 
on the Angola issue in the Security Council, Francis 
W. Carpenter, U.S. delegation spokesman, issued 
the following statetnent to neics correspondents on 
March 11. 

The United States decision to vote for the resolu- 
tion was made only after thorough consultation be- 
tween Governor Stevenson and officers of the De- 
partment and after approval by the Secretary of 
State and the President. The policy decisions be- 
hind the vote, which were all reflected in Governor 
Stevenson's speech before the Security Council, had 
been carefully considered. Our allies were in- 
formed in advance. We have a deep and continu- 
ing common interest with them. The; difficulty and 
complexity of African questions are, however, such 
that there are and may continue to be differences 
in approach on some of them. 

to life, but perhaps we can discourage further vio- 
lence, which can only make constructive eiforts 
toward the solution of basic problems more 

It is only prudent to view the disorder in Luanda 
in the context of dramatic changes which have 
taken place in so much of Africa in the past few 
years. Angola is but a part of the overall picture 
of evolution on the African Continent. 

The views of the United States have not changed 
since Jefferson wrote, 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are 
Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to 
secure these rights, Governments are instituted among 
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 

These words reflect, we believe, the basic prin- 
ciples which all governments would do well to 
observe and to implement with all of the energy 
at their command. 

It is no secret that the General Assembly has 
been interested for years in conditions within 
Portugal's African territories. There can be no 
doubt that the people of Angola are entitled to all 
of the rights guaranteed them by the charter, the 
right of unfettered opportunity to develop their 
full economic, political, and cultural potentialities. 

I am sure that Portugal recognizes that it has a 
solemn obligation to midertake a systematic and 
rapid improvement of the conditions of the peo- 
ples of its territories, an evolution which is con- 
templated by the charter. 

The United States would be remiss in its duties 
as a friend of Portugal if it failed to express 
honestly its conviction that step-by-step planning 
within Portuguese territories and its acceleration 
is now imperative for the successful political and 
economic and social advancement of all inhabi- 
tants under Portuguese administration — advance- 
ment, in brief, toward full self-determination. 

The practical difficulties facing Portugal in the 
immediate future are formidable. If the people 
of Angola are not given reason to believe that they 
too may hope to participate in determining their 
own future, the tension which exists today will 
grow and may well result in disorders which will 
indeed pose a threat to international peace and 

On the other liand, we all know, and know all 
too well, the tragic events which have occurred in 
the Congo, that huge, unhappy state which lies 
just to the north of Angola. I do not think I 
would be straining the truth to conclude that much 
of the Congo's problems result from the fact that 
the pressure of nationalism rapidly overtook the 
preparation of the necessary foundation essential 
to the peaceful and effective exercise of sovereign 
self-government. The important thing for us, 
then, is to insure that similar conditions do not 
exist for the Angola of tomorrow. We believe 
that a beginning should be made promptly within 
that territory to foster that educational, social, 
and economic development of which political de- 
velopment is an integral part, and to insure the 
rapid attainment of political maturity within this 
area. As we know, political maturity is the cry- 
ing need everywhere. 

Last fall by Kesolution 1542 the General As- 
sembly considered that a number of Portuguese 
territories were non-self-governing within the 
meaning of chapter XI of the charter. The As- 
sembly spoke of an obligation wliich exists on the 
part of Portugal to transmit information under 
chapter XI of the cliarter concerning these terri- 
tories. The Assembly further invited the Gov- 
ernment of Portugal to participate in the work 
of the Committee on Information from Non-Self- 
Governing Territories. 


Department of State Bulletin 

I mention this because, in the view of my Gov- 
ernment, the best course of action for Portugal 
and the best course of action to promote the inter- 
ests of the people of Portuguese territories seems 
to be through cooperation with the United Na- 
tions. In our view the resolution to which I have 
just referred was an invitation to Portugal to 
work witb members of this Oi'ganization to insure 
tlie more rapid progress of the peoples in Portu- 
guese territories. I stress, gentlemen, the words 
"work with." The United States does not read 
any dark dangers into this resolution. This is a 
gesture of concern, a gesture of good will, and, 
beyond that, an effort toward genuine coopera- 
tion in achievement of goals which are shared by 
all of us and which are recognized in the charter 
of this Organization. 

Hence we hope that Portugal will proceed in 
accordance with the resolution ^ now before the 
Council. In doing so, it would, in the words of 
the charter, work "to develop self-government, to 
take due account of the political aspirations of 
the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive 
development of their free political institutions, 
according to the particvilar circumstances of each 
territory and its peoples and their varying stages 
of advancement." 

I hope that what I have said will be taken in 
the spirit in which it is intended: to encourage 
the peaceful evolution of a society in Angola in 
which men of all races can live together in har- 
mony, with mutual respect for the different 
cultures and ways of life which now exist there. 


The Security Council, 

Taking note of the recent disturbances and conflicts in 
Angola resulting in loss of life of the Inhabitants, the 
continuance of which is likely to endanger the mainte- 
nance of international peace and security, 

Viewing icith concern the growing restiveness of de- 
pendent peoples throughout the world for self-determina- 
tion and independence, 

Aicare that failure to act speedily, effectively and in 
time for ameliorating the disabilities of the African peo- 

*U.N. doc. S/4769. The resolution failed of adoption 
on Mar. 15 by a vote of 5 (Ceylon, Liberia, U.S.S.R., 
United Arab Republic, and United States) to 0, with 6 
abstentions (Chile, China, Ecuador, France, Turkey, and 
United Kingdom). 

pies of Angola is likely to endanger international peace 
and security, 

Recalling General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 
14 December I960,' by which the General Assembly de- 
clared without dissent that the subjection of peoples to 
alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes 
a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the 
Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to 
the promotion of world peace and co-operation and asked 
for immediate steps to be taken to transfer all powers 
to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions 
or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed 
will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed 
or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete inde- 
pendence and freedom. 

Recalling further General Assembly resolutions 1541 
(XV) and l.>42 (XV) of 15 December 1960, 

1. Calls upon the Government of Portugal to consider 
urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in An- 
gola for the purpose of the implementation of General 
Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, 
with due respect for human rights and fundamental free- 
doms and in accordance with the Charter ; 

2. Decides to appoint a sub-committee consisting of . . . 
and instructs this sub-committee to examine the state- 
ments made before the Security Council concerning An- 
gola, to receive further statements and documents and to 
conduct such inquiries as it may deem necessary and to 
report to the Security Council as soon as possible. 

United States DeBegations 
to International Conferences 

U.N. Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation 

The Department of State announced on March 
14 (press release 136) the composition of the U.S. 
delegation to the ninth session of the United Na- 
tions Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radia- 
tion, which convened at Geneva March 13. 

Shields Warren, professor of pathology. Har- 
vard University, who has been U.S. represent- 
ative on this Committee since 1955, heads the 
delegation. He is assisted by Austin M. Brues, Di- 
rector, Division of Biological and Medical Re- 
search, Argonne National Laboratory, Lemont, 

Other members of the delegation include : 


Charles L. Dunham, director. Division of Biology and 

Medicine, Atomic Energy Commission 
John H. Harley, Health and Safety Laboratory, New 

York Operations Oflice, Atomic Energy Commission 

' For background and text of resolution, see Bulletin 
of Jan. 2, 1961, p. 21. 

April 3, 1 96 1 


Thomas F. O'Leary, Office of Special Projects, Atomic 

Energy Commission 
Charles H. Owsley, American consulate general, Geneva, 

William L. Russell, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Oak 

Ridge, Tenn. 
Arthur Upton, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Oak 

Ridge, Tenn. 
Max R. Zelle, Division of Biology and Medicine, Atomic 

Energy Commission 

The 15-member Committee (Argentina, Aus- 
tralia, Belgimn, Brazil, Canada, Czechoslovakia, 
France, India, Japan, Mexico, Sweden, the 
U.S.S.R., the United Arab Republic, the United 
Kingdom, and the United States) was established 
by the 10th session of the United Nations General 
Assembly in 1955 at the suggestion of the United 
States to study ionizing radiation and its effects 
on human health and safety. 

The Committee will continue its work in pre- 
paring the final draft of its comprehensive report, 
due to be released in 1962, to the General Assem- 
bly. Among other questions it plans to take up the 
problems of basic radiobiology and of human sur- 
vey and somatic effects and will review various 
sources of exposure of humans to radiation. 

International Meeting on Fish Meal 

The Department of State announced on March 
17 (press release 142) that the following are the 
members of the U.S. delegation to the Interna- 
tional Meeting on Fish Meal, sponsored by the 
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of 
the United Nations, which will be held at Rome, 
March 20-29. 


Clarence W. Nichols, Special Assistant to the Assistant 
Secretary for Economic Affairs, Department of State 

Vice Chairman 

Donald L. MeKernan, Director, Bureau of Commercial 
Fisheries, Department of the Interior 


Donald Y. Aska, chief, Branch of Marketing, Bureau of 
Commercial Fisheries, Department of the Interior 

Thomas A. Barber, J. Howard Smith, Inc., Port Mon- 
mouth, N.J. 

Michael P. Boerner, Office of International Trade, Depart- 
ment of State 

Charles Butler, acting chief, Division of Industrial Re- 
search, Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, Department 
of the Interior 

Charles Carry, executive secretary, California Fish Can- 
ners Association, Terminal Island, Calif. 

W. M. Chapman, director, The Resources Committee, San 
Diego, Calif. 

Lawrence I. Clarke, president, Atlantic Processing Co., 
Amagansett, Long Island, N.T. 

J. Steele Culbertson, director. Industrial Products Divi- 
sion, National Fisheries Institute, Inc., Washington, 

Ursula H. DufCus, economic officer, American Embassy, 

Amnion G. Dunton, chairman of the board, Reedville Oil 
and Guano Company, Inc., White Stone, Va. 

Allen W. Haynie, president, Reedville Oil and Guano Com- 
pany, Inc., Baltimore, Md. 

William 0. Herrington, Special Assistant for Fisheries 
and Wildlife, Office of the Under Secretary of State 

Frederick C. June, Jr., chief. Menhaden Investigations, 
Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, Department of the 
Interior, Beaufort, N.C. 

Stanley W. Letson, president, Maine Marine Products, 
Inc., Portland, Me. , 

John B. Lowry, menhaden vessel captain, Reedville, Va. I 

John Franklin McCammon, Ralston Purina Co., St. Louis, 

Hary I. McGinnis, Wallace Menhaden Products, Inc., 
New Orleans, La. 

George R. Wallace, president, Wallace Fisheries Co., 
Morehead City, N.C. 

Clayton E. Whipple, agricultural attach^, American Em- 
bassy, Rome J 

The world's productive capacity for fish meal ' 
has risen rapidly during the last few years, but the 
use being made of the product has not kept pace 
with this expansion. As a result, stocks have ac- 
cumulated, prices have fallen substantially, and 
production has had to be reduced in a number of 
countries. Therefore less than full use is being 
made of this valuable material, which goes di- 
rectly or indirectly into food, and the incomes of 
fishermen and others involved in its production 
are being seriously lowered. 

The meeting will assess the world demand for 
fish meal, consider ways and means of increasing 
the effective demand by action on the part of 
governments and of the industry, and explore 
possibilities of insuring stable conditions in the 
international market, particularly during the 
transitory period before the hoped-for increase in 
demand can take place, without resort to restric- 
tive measures. 

All member governments of FAO having an 
interest in the matter are expected to send repre- 
sentatives, accompanied by advisers and teclmical 
experts, from the interested industries. Inter- 
national organizations having an interest in the 
subject matter of the meeting are also being asked 
to be represented. 


Department of State Bulletin 


Current Actions 



luternatioual air services transit agreement. Signed at 
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for the 
United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693. 
Acceptance deposited: Senegal, March 8, 1961. 

Safety at Sea 

Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London 
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19, 1952. 
TIAS 2495. 
Acceptance deposited: Uruguay, February 15, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

Protocol of rectification to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana March 24, 1948. 
Entered into force March 24, 1948. TIAS 1761. 

Protocol modifying certain provisions of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana 
March 24. 1948. Entered into force April 15, 1948. 
TIAS 1763. 

Special protocol modifying article XIV of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana 
March 24, 1948. Entered into force April 19, 1948. 
TIAS 1764. 

Special protocol relating to article XXIV of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana 
March 24, 1918. Entered into force June 7, 1948. TIAS 

Second protocol of rectifications to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Geneva Sep- 
tember 14, 1948. Entered into force September 14, 
1948. TIAS 1888. 

Protocol modifying part II and article XXVI of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at 
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered into force De- 
cember 14, 1948. TIAS 1890. 

Protocol modifying part I and article XXIX of the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at 
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 24, 1952. TIAS 2744. 

Third protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 1949. 
Entered into force October 21, 1951. TIAS 2393. 
Acknowledged appUcahle rights and oMigations of the 
United Kingdom: Nigeria, October 19, 1960. 

Memorandum of understanding regarding the grant, sale, 
and use of proceeds from the sale of 28,000 metric tons 
of wheat. Signed at Nicosia December 8, 1960. En- 
tered into force December 8, 1960. 


Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commod- 
ities agreement of April 6, 1960 (TIAS 4468). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Reykjavik February 27, 
1961. Entered into force February 27, 1961. 


Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commodi- 
ties agreement of November 5, 1960 (TIAS 4616). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Djakarta March 2, 1961. 
Entered into force March 2, 1961. 


Agreement supplementing the treaty of friendship, com- 
merce and navigation of February 2, 1948 (TIAS 1965). 
Signed at Washington September 26, 1951. Entered 
into force March 2, 1961. 
Proclaimed hy the President: March 8, 1961. 


Agreement providing for the reciprocal recognition of 
drivers' licenses issued in Panama and the Canal Zone. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Panama, October 31, 
Entered into force: November 1, 1960. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of February 12, 1960 (TIAS 4430). Effected by 
exchange of notes at Lima October 4 and December 27, 
1960. Entered into force December 27, 1960. 


Agreement relating to the conversion of the SEATO 
cholera research project in Thailand to a SEATO med- 
ical research laboratory. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Bangkok December 23, 1960. Entered into force 
December 23, 1960. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation 
of a space-vehicle tracking and communication station 
in Bermuda (Project Mercury). Effected by exchange 
of notes at Washington March 15, 1961. Entered into 
force March 15, 1961. 




Agreement amending the agreement relating to an edu- 
cational exchange program of November 10, 1947, as 
amended (TIAS 1687 and 3957). Effected by exchange 
of notes at Taipei February 28, 1961. Entered into 
force February 28, 1961. 


Memorandum of understanding regarding the grant, de- 
livery, and free distribution of 12,000 metric tons of 
wheat and 10,000 metric tons of barley. Signed at 
Nicosia December 8, 1960. Entered into force December 
8, 1960. 


A. S. J. Carnahan as a consultant to the Bureau of 
African Affairs, effective March 18. (For a Department 
announcement, see press release 144 dated March 18.) 


James C. Flint as International Cooperation Adminis- 
tration Representative in Yemen, effective March 16. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 139 dated March 16.) 

April 3, 7967 



Recent Releases 

For sale iy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free puUications, which jnay be ob- 
tained from the Department of State. 

U.S. Participation in the International Atomic Energy 
Agency (Report by the President to Congress for the 
Year 1959). Pub. 70G2. International Organization and 
Conference Series 14. 38 pp. Limited distribution. 
The third annual report, covering U.S. participation In 
the International Atomic Energy Agency for the year 1959, 
pursuant to the International Atomic Energy Agency 
Participation Act. 

World Refugee Year, July 1959-June 1960— Report on the 
Participation of the United States Government. Pub. 
7095. General Foreign Policy Series 158. 17 pp. 15^. 
A publication which summarizes the background of the 
World Refugee Year and describes the quest for solutions 
to refugee problems. 

Report to Congress on the Mutual Security Program For 
the Fiscal Year 1960. Pub. 7099. General Foreign Policy 
Series 159. 117 pp. Limited distribution. 
The annual report on the operations of the Mutual Se- 
curity Program for the period July 1, 1959, through June 
30, 1960, submitted by the President to Congress. The 
report was prepared under the direction of the Coordi- 
nator of the Mutual Security Program by the Department 
of State (including the International Cooperation Ad- 
ministration), the Department of Defense, and the De- 
velopment Loan Fund. 

North Korea: A Case Study in the Techniques of Take- 
over. Pub. 7118. Far Eastern Series 103. 121 pp. 60^. 
This report represents the findings of a State Department 
Research Mission sent to Korea on October 28, 19.50, to 
conduct a survey of the north Korean regime as it oper- 
ated before the outbreak of hostilities on June 25, 1950. 

Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy. Pub. 

7137. General Foreign Policy Series 161. 6 pp. Limited 


A pamphlet containing the text of President Kennedy's 

inaugural address delivered at the Capitol on January 20, 


Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4598. 3 pp. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Iran, amending the agreement of July 26, 1960, as 
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tehran October 
20, 1060. Entered into force October 20, 1960. 

Mutual Defense Assistance — Sale of Certain Military 
Equipment, Materials, and Services. TIAS 4599. 4 pp. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
the Federal Republic of Germany, amending the agree- 
ment of October 8, 1956. Exchange of notes — Signed at 
Washington June 15 and October 24, 1960. Entered into 
force October 24, 1960. 

Mutual Defense Assistance. TIAS 460O. 3 pp. 5^. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Luxembourg, amending annex B of the agreement of 
January 27, 1950. Exchange of notes— Signed at Luxem- 
bourg September 22 and October 5, 1960. Entered into 
force October 5, 1960. 

Economic Cooperation. TIAS 4601. 5 pp. 5^. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Burma, supplementing the agreement of March 21, 1957, 
as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Rangoon 
June 29, 1960. Entered into force June 29, 1960. 

Defense— Loan of Vessels to Peru. TIAS 4602. 4 pp. 5<f. 

Agreement between the United States of America and j 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Lima February 12 I 


and 26, 1960. 

Entered into force February 26, 1960. 

Economic, Technical, and Related Assistance. TIAS 4603. 
8 pp. 10(}. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Guinea. Exchange of notes — Signed at Conakry Sep- 
tember 30, 1960. Entered into force September 30, 1960. 


The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call atten- 
tion to the following printer's error : 

Bulletin of March 20, 1961, p. 404 : The sentence 
at the top of the right-hand column should begin 
"Subject to detailed negotiations betweeu the two 
Governments, projects contemplated under . . . ." 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: March 1319 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to March 13 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 117 of 
March 8 and 123 of March 9. 

No. Date 


Bowles : National Farmers Union. 

Harriman extends trip to include New 

Delegation to Geneva nuclear talks. 

Medical assistance to Niger. 

U.S. -Canadian Committee on Trade 
and Economic Affairs : communique. 

Delegation to U.N. Committee on Ef- 
fects of Atomic Radiation (rewrite). 

Cleveland : American Society for Pub- 
lic Administration. 

Chayes : death of Benedict M. English. 

Flint sworn in as ICA representative 
in Yemen (biographic details). 

Ball to visit Europe (rewrite). 

Nonrenewal of airfield agreement be- 
tween U.S. and Saudi Arabia. 

Delegation to FAO International 
Meeting on Fish Meal (rewrite). 

Harriman to visit Pakistan. 

Carnahan appointed consultant. Bu- 
reau of African Affairs (rewrite). 

♦Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 




















Deparfmsnf of Sfate Bulletin 

April 3, 1961 



Vol. XLIV, No. 1136 

Africa. Carnahan appointed consultant to Bureau 
of African Affairs 501 

American Principles. The Decisive Decade 

(Bowles) 480 

American Republics. Alianza para Progreso (Ken- 
nedy, message to Congress) 471 


United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote 
on Angola Issue (Carpenter) 498 

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola 

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497 

Atomic Energy 

President Hopes for Successful Conclusion of Nu- 
clear Test Talks (Kennedy, U.S. delegation) . . 478 

U.N. Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation 

(delegation) 499 

Aviation. Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement Be- 
tween U.S. and Saudi Arabia 490 


Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River 

Development (White) 492 

U.S. -Canadian Economic Committee Meets at Wash- 
ington (text of communique) 487 

Chile. Funds Needed for Continuation of Disaster 

Relief in Chile 492 


The Decisive Decade (Bowles) 480 

President Ends Program Intercepting Communist 

Propaganda From Abroad 479 

Congress, The 

Alianza para Progreso (Kennedy, message to Con- 
gress) 471 

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River 

Development (White) 492 

Cuba. U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars 

(Kennedy, Ribicoff) 490 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Carnahan) 501 

Designations (Flint) 501 

Economic Affairs 

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River 
Development (White) 492 

International Meeting on Fish Meal (delegation) . 500 

Mr. Ball Holds Economic Talks With European 
Officials 489 

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee Meets at Wash- 
ington (test of communique) 487 

Europe. Mr. Ball Holds Economic Talks With Eu- 
ropean Officials 489 

India. Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE Dele- 
gates in India, Visits Pakistan 489 

International Information. President Ends Pro- 
gram Intercepting Communist Propaganda From 
Abroad 479 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 496 

International Meeting on Fish Meal (delegation) . 500 

Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE Delegates in 

India, Visits Pakistan 489 

President Hopes for Successful Conclusion of Nu- 
clear Test Talks (Kennedy, U.S. delegation) . . 478 

Italy. President Joins in Commemorating Unifica- 
tion of Italy (Kennedy, text of proclamation) . 486 

Mutual Security 

The Decisive Decade (Bowles) 480 

Flint designated ICA representative in Yemen . . 501 
Funds Needed for Continuation of Disaster Relief 

in Chile 492- 

Medical Assistance Sent to Niger To Combat Men- 
ingitis Epidemic 492' 

U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars (Kennedy^ 
Ribicoff) 490, 

Niger. Medical Assistance Sent to Niger To Combat 

Meningitis Epidemic 492^ 

Non-Self-Governing Territories 

United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote 
on Angola Issue (Cari)enter) 498, 

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola 

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497 

Pakistan. Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE Dele- 
gates in India, Visits Pakistan 489i 


United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote 
on Angola Issue (Carpenter) 493, 

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola 

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497 

Presidential Documents 

Alianza para Progreso 47J 

President Hopes for Successful Conclusion of Nu- 
clear Test Talks 478; 

President Joins in Commemorating Unification of 

Italy 4gg^ 

U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars . . '. '. 490 
Publications. Recent Releases 502 

Refugees. U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars 

(Kennedy, Ribicoff) 490 

Saudi Arabia. Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement 
Between U.S. and Saudi Arabia 490, 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 50J 

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River 

Development (White) 492 

Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement Between U.S. 

and Saudi Arabia 490 


The Deci-sive Decade (Bowles) 430 

Secretary Rusk Meets With Soviet Foreign Minister 
Gromyko 4^9 

United Nations 

U.N. Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation 

(delegation) 499 

United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote 

on Angola Issue (Carpenter) 493 

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola 

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497 
Yemen. Flint designated ICA representative . . 501 

Name Index 

Bowles, Chester 480 

Carnahan, A. S. J 501 

Carpenter, Francis W 493 

Flint, James C 591 

Gromyko, Andrei A 479 

Kennedy, President 471, 478, 486, 490 

RibicofC, Abraham 491 

Rusk, Secretary 479 

Stevenson, Adlai E 497 

White, Ivan B 492 





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Government Printing Office 


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Current Documents, 1957 

This publication is the most recent voliune to be released in the 
American Foreign Policy: Current Documents series. Each volume 
in the series contains the annotated texts of the principal official 
papers published in a given calendar year wliich indicate the scope, 
the goals, and the implementation of the foreign policy of the United 

As was true with respect to the earlier volumes in the series, this 
compilation for 1957, while making use primarily of official U.S. 
source materials, includes some documents issued by other govern- 
ments where the pronoimcements or settlements contained in them 
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own policy. 

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footnotes, and (3) an analytical index. 

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intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D.C. — American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1956 
(Department of State publication 6811) at $4.75 per volume, and 
American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955: Basic Documents (2 volumes; 
Department of State publication 6446) at $5.25 per volume. 

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copies of American Foreign Policy: Current Docu- 


Street Address: 

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Vol, XLIV, No. 1137 

AprU 10, 1961 


FOREIGN AID • Message of the President to the Congress . 507 
CHARTER DAY ADDRESS • by Secretary Rusk ..... 515 




Assistant Secretary Williams , 527 

VELOPMENT • Statements by Ambassador Adlai E. 
Stevenson 534 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLIV, No. 1137 • Publication 7167 
April 10, 1961 

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OF State Bdlletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a toeehly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
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and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
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Foreign Aid 


To the Congress of the United States : 

This Nation must begin any discussion of "for- 
eign aid" in 1961 with the recognition of three 
facts : 

1. Existing foreign aid programs and concepts 
are largely unsatisfactory and unsuited for our 
needs and for the needs of the imderdeveloped 
world as it enters the sixties. 

2. The economic collapse of those free but less- 
developed nations which now stand poised be- 
tween sustained growth and economic chaos would 
be disastrous to our national security, harmful to 
our comparative prosperity, and offensive to our 

3. There exists, in the 1960's, a historic oppor- 
tunity for a major economic assistance effort by 
the free industrialized nations to move more than 
half the people of the less-developed nations into 
self-sustained economic growth, while the rest 
move substantially closer to the day when they, 
too, will no longer have to depend on outside 


Foreign aid — America's unprecedented re- 
sponse to world challenges — has not been the work 
of one party or one administration. It has moved 
forward under the leadership of two gi'eat Presi- 
dents — Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower — 
and drawn its support from forward-looldng 
members of both political parties in the Congress 
and throughout the Nation. 

Our first major foreign aid effort was an emer- 
gency program of relief — of food and clothing 
and shelter — to areas devastated by World War II. 
Next we embarked on the Marshall plan — a tower- 

' H. Doe. 117, 87th Cong., 1st sess. ; transmitted on 
Mar. 22. 

ing and successful program to rebuild the econ- 
omies of Western Europe and prevent a Com- 
munist takeover. This was followed by point 4 — 
an effort to make scientific and technological ad- 
vances available to the people of developing na- 
tions. And recently the concept of development 
assistance, coupled with the OECD [Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development], 
has opened the door to a united free world effort 
to assist the economic and social development of 
the less-developed areas of the world. 

To achieve this new goal we will need to renew 
the spirit of common effort which lay behind our 
past efforts — we must also revise our foreign aid 
organization, and our basic concepts of operation 
to meet the new problems which now confront us. 

For no objective supporter of foreign aid can 
be satisfied with the existing program — actually 
a multiplicity of programs. BureaucraticaUy 
fragmented, awkward and slow, its administra- 
tion is diffused over a haphazard and irrational 
structure covering at least four departments and 
several other agencies. The program is based on 
a series of legislative measures and administrative 
procedures conceived at different times and for 
different purposes, many of them now obsolete, 
inconsistent, and unduly rigid and thus unsuited 
for our present needs and purposes. Its weak- 
nesses have begun to undermine confidence in our 
effort both here and abroad. 

The program requires a highly professional 
skilled service, attracting substantial numbers of 
high-caliber men and women capable of sensitive 
dealing with other governments, and witli a deep 
understanding of the process of economic de- 
velopment. However, uncertainty and declining 
public prestige have all contributed to a fall in 
the morale and efficiency of those employees in 

April 10, 1967 


the field who are repeatedly f inistrated by the de- 
lays and confusions caused by overlapping agency 
jurisdictions and unclear objectives. Only the 
persistent efforts of those dedicated and hard- 
working public servants, who have kept the pro- 
gram going, managed to bring some success to 
our efforts overseas. 

In addition, uneven and undependable short- 
term financing has weakened the incentive for the 
long-term planning and self-help by the recipient 
nations which are essential to serious economic 
development. The lack of stability and continuity 
in the program — the necessity to accommodate all 
planning to a yearly deadline — when combined 
with a confusing multiplicity of American aid 
agencies within a single nation abroad — have re- 
duced the effectiveness of our own assistance and 
made more difficult the task of setting realistic 
targets and sound standards. Piecemeal projects, 
hastily designed to match the rliythm of the fiscal 
year are no substitute for orderly long-term plan- 
ning. The ability to make long-range commit- 
ments has enabled the Soviet Union to use its aid 
program to make developing nations economically 
dependent on Russian support — thus advancing 
the aims of world communism. 

Although our aid programs have helped to 
avoid economic chaos and collapse, and assisted 
many nations to maintain their independence and 
freedom — nevertheless, it is a fact that many of 
the nations we are helping are not much nearer 
sustained economic growth than they were when 
our aid operation began. Money spent to meet 
crisis situations or short-term political objectives 
while helping to maintain national integrity and 
independence has rarely moved the recipient na- 
tion toward greater economic stability. 


In the face of these weaknesses and inadequa- 
cies — and with the beginning of a new decade of 
new problems — it is proper that we draw back and 
ask with candor a fundamental question: Is a 
foreign aid program really necessary? Why 
should we not lay down this burden which our 
Nation has now carried for' some 15 years? 

The answer is that there is no escaping our ob- 
ligations : our moral obligations as a wise leader 
and good neighbor in the interdependent com- 
munity of free nations — our economic obligations 
as the wealthiest people in a world of largely 


poor people, as a nation no longer dependent upon 
the loans from abroad that once helped us 
develop our own economy — and our political 
obligations as the single largest comiter to the 
adversaries of freedom. 

To fail to meet those obligations now would be 
disastrous; and, in the long run, more expensive. 
For widespread poverty and chaos lead to a col- 
lapse of existing political and social structures 
which would inevitably invite the advance of 
totalitarianism into every weak and unstable area. 
Thus our own security would be endangered and 
our prosperity imperiled. A program of assist- 
ance to the underdeveloped nations must continue 
because the Nation's interest and the cause of po- 
litical freedom require it. 

"We live at a very special moment in history. 
The whole southern half of the world — Latin 
America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia — are 
caught up in the adventures of asserting their in- 
dependence and modernizing their old ways of life. 
These new nations need aid in loans and technical 
assistance just as we in the northern half of the 
world drew successively on one another's capital 
and know-how as we moved into industrialization 
and regular growth. 

But in our time these new nations need help for 
a special reason. Without exception they are 
under Communist pressure. In many cases, that 
pressure is direct and military. In others, it takes 
the form of intense subversive activity designed 
to break down and supersede the new — and often 
frail — modem institutions they have thus far built. 

But the fundamental task of our foreign aid 
program in the 1960's is not negatively to fight 
communism : Its fundamental task is to help make 
a historical demonstration that in the 20th cen- 
tury, as in the 19th — in the southern half of the 
globe as in the north — economic growth and politi- 
cal democracy can develop hand in hand. 

In short we have not only obligations to fulfill, 
we have great opportunities to realize. We are, 
I am convinced, on the threshold of a truly united 
and major effort by the free industrialized nations 
to assist the less-developed nations on a long-term 
basis. Many of these less-developed nations are on 
the threshold of achieving sufficient economic, 
social, and political strength and self -sustained 
growth to stand permanently on their own feet. 
The 1960's can be — and must be — -the crucial "dec- 
ade of development" — the period when many less- 

Department of Slate Bulletin 

developed nations make the transition into self- 
sustained growth — the period in which an enlarged 
community of free, stable, and self-reliant nations 
can reduce world tensions and insecurity. This 
goal is in our grasp if, and only if, the other in- 
dustrialized nations now join us in developing with 
the recipients a set of commonly agreed criteria, 
a set of long-range goals, and a conmion undertak- 
ing to meet those goals, in which each nation's 
contribution is related to the contributions of 
others and to the precise needs of each less-de- 
veloped nation. Our job, in its largest sense, is to 
create a new partnership between the northern 
and southeni halves of the world, to which all 
free nations can contribute, in which each free 
nation must assume a responsibility proportional 
to its means. 

We must imite the free industrialized nations 
in a common effort to help those nations within 
reach of stable growth get underway. And the 
foundation for this unity has already been laid by 
the creation of the OECD under the leadership of 
President Eisenhower. Such a unified effort will 
help launch the economies of the newly developing 
countries "into orbit" — bringing them to a stage 
of self -sustained growth where extraordinary out- 
side assistance is not required. If this can be 
done — and I have every reason to hope it can be 
done — then this decade will be a significant one 
indeed in the Iiistory of freemen. 

But our success in achieving these goals, in creat- 
ing an environment in which the energies of strug- 
gling peoples can be devoted to constructive pur- 
poses in the world commimity — and our success in 
enlisting a greater common effort toward this end 
on the part of other industrialized nations — de- 
pends to a large extent upon the scope and con- 
tinuity of our own efforts. If we encourage re- 
cipient countries to dramatize a series of short- 
term crises as a basis for our aid — instead of de- 
pending on a jilan for long-term goals — then we 
will dissipate our funds, our good will and our 
leadership. Nor will we be any nearer to either 
our security goals or to the end of the foreign aid 

In short, this Congress at this session must 
make possible a dramatic turning point in the 
troubled history of foreign aid to the under- 
developed world. We must say to the less-de- 
veloped nations, if they are willing to undertake 

necessary internal refonn and self-help — and to 
the other industrialized nations, if they are willing 
to undertake a much greater effort on a much 
broader scale — that we then intend during this 
coming decade of development to achieve a de- 
cisive turnaround in the fat© of the less-developed 
world, looking toward the ultimate day when all 
nations can be self-reliant and when foreign aid 
will no longer be needed. 

However, this will not be an easy task. The 
magnitude of the problems is staggering. In 
Latin America, for example, population growth 
is already threatening to outpace economic 
growth — and in some parts of the continent living 
standards are actually declining. In 1945 the 
population of our 20 sister American Republics 
was 145 million. It is now greater than that of 
the United States, and by the year 2000, less than 
40 years away, Latin American population will 
be 592 million, compared with 312 million for the 
United States. Latin America will have to double 
its real income in the next 30 years simply to 
maintain already low standards of living. And 
the problems are no less serious or demanding in 
the other developing areas of tlie world. Thus t-o 
bring real economic progress to Latin America 
and to the rest of the less-developed world will 
require a sustained and united effort on the part 
of the Latin American Republics, the United 
States, and our free world allies. 

This will require leadership, by this country 
in this year. And it will require a fresh ap- 
proach — a more logical, efficient, and successful 
long-term plan — for American foreign aid. I 
strongly recommend to the Congress the enact- 
ment of such a plan, as contained in a measure to 
be sent shortly to the Congress and described 


If our foreign aid f imds are to be prudently and 
effectively used, we need a whole new set of basic 
concepts and principles: 

1. Unified administration and operation — a 
single agency in Washington and the field, 
equipped with a flexible set of tools, in place of 
several competing and confusing aid units. 

2. Country plans — a carefully thought through 
program tailored to meet the needs and the re- 
source potential of each individual country, in- 

April 10, 796/ 


stead of a series of individual, unrelated projects. 
Frequently, in the jiast, our development goals 
and projects have not been undertaken as integral 
steps in a long-range economic development 

3. Long-term planning and financing — the only 
way to make meaningful and economical 

4. Special emphasis on development loans re- 
payable in dollars — more conducive to business- 
like relations and mutual respect than sustaining 
grants or loans repaid in local currencies, although 
some instances of the latter are unavoidable. 

5. Special attention to those nations most will- 
ing and able to mobilize their own resources, make 
necessary social and economic reforms, engage in 
long-range planning, and make the other efforts 
necessary if tliese are to reach the stage of self- 
sustaining growth. 

6. Multilateral approach — a program and level 
of commitments designed to encourage and com- 
I^lement an increased effort by other industrialized 

7. A new agency with new personnel — drawing 
upon the most competent and dedicated career 
servants now in the field, and attracting the high- 
est quality from every part of the Nation. 

8. Separation from military assistance — our 
program of aid to social and economic develop- 
ment must be seen on its own merits, and judged 
in the light of its vital and distinctive contribu- 
tion to our basic security needs. 


I propose that our separate and often confusing 
aid programs be mtegrated into a single admin- 
istration embracing the present Washington and 
field operations of — 

A. The International Cooperation Administra- 
tion (ICA) and all its technical assistance (point 
4) and other programs; 

B. The Development Loan Fund (DLF) ; 

C. The food-for-peace program (Public Law 
480) in its relations with other coiuitries, while 
also recognizing its essential role in our farm 
economy ; 

D. The local currency lending activities of the 
Export-Import Bank ; 

E. The Peace Corps, recognizing its distinctive 

contribution beyond the area of economic develop- 
ment ; 

F. The donation of nonagricultural surpluses 
from other national stockpiles of excess com- 
modities or equipment ; 

G. All other related staff and program services 
now provided by the Department of State as well 
as ICA. 

The fieldwork in all tliese operations will be 
under the direction of a single mission chief in 
each country reporting to the American ambas- 
sador. This is intended to remove the difficulty 
which the aided countries and our own field per- 
sonnel sometimes encounter in finding the proper 
channel of decision making. Similarly, central 
direction and final responsibility in Washington 
will be fixed in an administrator of a single 
agency — reporting directly to the Secretary of 
State and the President — working through Wash- 
ington directors for each major geographical 
area, and through the directors of the constituent 
resource units whose functions are drawn together 
in each national plan : a development lending or- 
ganization, food-for-peace, the Peace Corps, and 
a unit for teclmical and other assistance stressing 
education and human resources — initiating a pro- 
gram of research, development, and scientific 
evaluation to increase the effectiveness of our aid 
effort ; and, in addition, the Secretary of State will 
coordinate with economic aid the military as- 
sistance program administered by the Department 
of Defense, the related operations of the Export- 
Import Bank, and the role of the United States in 
the Inter-American Fund for Social Progress, 
and acti\aties of international organizations. 

Under the jurisdiction of both the Secretary of 
State in Washington and the ambassadors in the 
field, foreign aid can more effectively play its part 
as an effective instrument of our overall efforts for 
world peace and security. The concentration of 
responsibilities and increased status will both re- 
quire and attract high-caliber personnel. Pro- 
grams such as the Peace Corps and food-for-peace, 
far from being submerged, will be used more ef- 
fectively and their distinctive identity and appeal 
preserved — and food-for-peace will continue to be 
based on availabilities determined by the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture. 

But I am not proposing merely a reshuffling and 
relabeling of old agencies and their personnel, 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

without regard to their competence. I am recom- 
mending tlie replacement of these agencies with 
a new one — a fresh start under new leadership. 

But new organization is not enough. We need 
a new working concept. 

At the center of the new effort must bo national 
development programs. It is essential that the de- 
veloping nations set for themselves sensible tar- 
gets; that these targets be based on balanced 
programs for their own economic, educational, and 
social growth — programs which use their own re- 
sources to the maximum. If planning assistance is 
required, our own aid organization will be pre- 
pared to respond to requests for such assistance, 
along with the International Bank for Reconstruc- 
tion and Development and other international and 
private institutions. Thus, the first requirement 
is that each recipient government seriously un- 
dertake to the best of its ability on its own those 
efforts of resource mobilization, self-help, and in- 
ternal reform — including land reform, tax reform, 
and improved education and social justice — which 
its own development requires and which would 
increase its capacity to absorb external capital 

These national development programs — and the 
kind of assistance the free world provides — must 
be tailored to the recipients' current stage of de- 
velopment and their foreseeable potential. A 
large infusion of development capital cannot now 
be absorbed by many nations newly emerging 
from a wholly underdeveloped condition. Their 
primary need at first will be the development of 
human resources, education, technical assistance, 
and the groimdwork of basic facilities and institu- 
tions necessary for further growth. Other coun- 
tries may possess the necessary human and 
material resources to move toward status as devel- 
oping nations, but they need transitional assistance 
from the outside to enable them to mobilize those 
resources and move into the more advanced stage 
of development where loans can put them on their 
feet. Still others ali'eady have the capacity to 
absorb and effectively utilize substantial invest- 
ment capital. 

Finally, it will be necessary, for the time being, 
to provide grant assistance to those nations that 
are hard pressed by external or internal pressure 
so that they can meet those pressures and main- 

tain their independence. In such cases it will be 
our objective to help them, as soon as circum- 
stances permit, make the transition from instabil- 
ity and stagnation to growth; shifting our 
assistance as rapidly as possible from a grant to a 
development loan basis. For our new program 
should not be based merely on reaction to Com- 
munist threats or short-term crises. We have a 
positive interest in helping less-developed nations 
provide decent living standards for their people 
and achieve sufficient strength, self-respect, and 
independence to become self-reliant members of 
the community of nations. And thus our aid 
should be conditioned on the recipients' ability 
and willingness to take the steps necessary to reach 
that goal. 

To meet the varied needs of many nations, the 
new aid administration will have a flexible set of 
tools, coordinated and shaped to fit each national 
development program: the grant or sale (for 
either local currency or dollars with special re- 
payment terms) of surplus foods, equipment and 
other items; technical assistance; skilled man- 
power from the Peace Coi-ps ; development grants ; 
transitional, sustaining, or emergency grants ; de- 
velopment loans repayable in local currency ; and 
development loans repayable in dollars, with spe- 
cial terms of repayment that will meet the needs 
of the recipient country. These tools will be co- 
ordinated with the activities of the Export- Import 
Bank, and with loan and investment guarantees 
to private enterprise. 

The instrument of primary emphasis — the 
single most important tool — will be long-term de- 
velopment loans at low or no rates of interest, 
repayable in dollars, and designed to promote 
growth in those less-developed nations which have 
a real chance for ultimate self-reliance but which 
lack the ability to service loans from normal lend- 
ing institutions. The terms of repayment will 
vary from as long as 50 years for those countries 
just starting on the road to development, to a 
much shorter period of time for those countries 
that are nearing the stage of self-sufficient growth. 

Such long-term loans are preferable to outright 
grants, or "soft loans" repayable in local curren- 
cies that are of little benefit to the American tax- 
payer. The emphasis on law or interest-free 
loans is not designed to undercut other institu- 
tions. The objective is to rely on flexibility in the 

April 70, 7967 


repayment period and the requirement of ultimate 
dollar repayment for insuring strict accountancy 
while meeting individual needs in an area not met 
by suppliers of capital on normal terms. 

Lending on these terms is not normal banking 
practice. We are banking on the emergence over 
coming years and decades of a group of inde- 
pendent, growing, self-reliant nations. 


A program based on long-range plans instead of 
short-run crises cannot be financed on a short- 
term basis. Long-term authorization, planning, 
and financing are the key to the continuity and 
efiiciency of the entire program. If we are un- 
willing to make such a long-term commitment, we 
cannot expect any increased response from other 
potential donors or any realistic planning from 
the recipient nations. 

I recommend, therefore, an authorization for 
the new aid agency of not less than 5 years, with 
borrowing authority also for 5 years to commit 
and make dollar repayable loans within the lim- 
its spelled out below. No other step would be 
such a clear signal of our intentions to all the 
world. No other step would do more to eliminate 
the restrictions and confusions which have ren- 
dered the current foreign aid program so often 
ineffective. No other step would do more to help 
obtain the service of top-flight personnel. And in 
no other way can we encourage the less-developed 
nations to make a sustained national effort over a 
long-term period. 

For, if we are to have a program designed to 
brighten the future, that program must have a 
future. Experience has shown that long-range 
needs cannot be met evenly and economically by a 
series of 1-year programs. Close consultation and 
cooperation with the Congress and its committees 
will still be essential, including an annual review 
of tlie program. 

And we will still need annual appropriations of 
those amounts needed to meet requirements for 
which dollar repayable loans would be unsuitable. 
These appropriations should be available until 
spent in order to avoid any wasteful rush to obli- 
gate funds at the end of a fiscal year. 

The new continuity and flexibility this kind of 
long-term authority will bring cannot help but 
result in more productive criteria, a greater effort 

on the part of the developing nations, greater con- 
tributions from our more prosperous allies, more 
solid results, and real longrun economy to the 
taxpayers. The new emphasis on long-term plans 
and realistic targets will give both the Congress 
and the Executive a better basis for evaluating 
the validity of our expenditures and progress. 


A long-term program and borrowing authority, 
even though limited, will enable us to demonstrate 
the seriousness of our intentions to other potential 
donors and to the less-developed world. Over the 
next 5 years, the economic program here proposed, 
together with an expanded food-for-peace pro- 
gram as recommended in my agi'icidtural mes- 
sage,^ and project loans by the Export-Import 
Bank, will constitute direct U.S. economic as- 
sistance activity of considerable magnitude. 

It will, however, take time to institute the new 
concepts and practices which are proposed. Thus, 
during this initial year, while we will need to 
make the necessary long-term commitments for 
development lending, it is unnecessary to ask the 
Congress for any additional funds for this year's 

Consequently, while the funds requested by my 
predecessor will be sharply shifted in terms of 
their use and purpose, I am asking the Congi-ess 
for a total foreign aid budget of new obligational 
authority no greater than that requested in the 
rockbottom budget previously submitted ($4 
billion)^ despite the fact that the number of new 
nations needing assistance is constantly increas- 
ing; and, though increasing such authority for 
nonmilitary aid while reducing military assist- 
ance, this budget provides for a level of actual 
expenditures on nonmilitary aid no greater than 
reflected in the previous budget ($1.9 billion). 
(These figures do not, of course, reflect Public 
Law 480 operations.) 

In deciding on this program, I have also care- 
fully considered its impact on our balance of pay- 
ments. We are now putting maximum emphasis, 
in both our development lending and grant aid 
programs, on the procurement of goods and serv- 
ices of U.S. origin. As I pointed out in my 

= H. Doc. 109, 87th Cong., 1st sess. 
' H. Doc. 15, 87th Cong., 1st sess. 


Department of State Bulletin 

message on the balance of payments,* under 
present procedures not more than 20 percent of 
foreign economic aid expenditures will affect our 
balance of payments. This means that approxi- 
mately $2 billion out of the requested $2.4 billion 
in economic aid will be spent directly for goods 
and services benefiting the American economy. 

This is important. For not only do we have 
the highest gross national product, both total and 
per capita, of any country in the world, thus 
making clear both our obligations and our capac- 
ity to do our full part, but we are currently 
underutilizing our great economic capacity be- 
cause of economic recession and slack. Less than 
80 percent of our industrial capacity is now in 
use, and nearly 7 percent of our labor force is 
unemployed. Under these circumstances cut- 
backs in the foreign aid program would be felt 
not only in loss of economic progress and hope 
abroad but in loss of markets and income for 
business, labor, and agriculture at home. 

In short, this program will not in whole or in 
part unbalance the previous budget in any 
fashion. Its impact on our balance of payments 
will be marginal. And its benefits for our domes- 
tic economy should not be overlooked. 

The $4 billion previously requested for fiscal 
year 1962 will be reallocated under this new pro- 
gram as follows : 

Military assistance will be reduced from the 
$1.8 billion requested to $1.6 billion, as discussed 

Economic assistance, with a much greater por- 
tion going to development loans, a small increase 
in development grants, and a reduction in sustain- 
ing grants, will total $2.4 billion. 

Of this, $1.5 billion will be contained in the 
usual annual appropriation of new obligational 
authority to finance the part of the program that 
is not suitable for dollar development loans : grants 
for education, social progress and institutional 
development, the Peace Corps, and sustaining aid. 
Nine himdred million dollars will be available for 
long-term low or iiiterest-free development loans 
to be repaid in dollars, j&nanced through an au- 
thorization of public debt borrowing authority 
which would also provide no more than $1.6 billion 
I for each of the succeeding 4 years. Also to be 

* Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 287. 
April 10, 7967 

made available for such loans under the new sys- 
tem of full coordination will be the unappropri- 
ated dollar funds now coming in in repayment of 
the principal and interest on certain previous loans 
to foreign governments (United Kingdom, EGA 
[Economic Cooperation Administration], GAR- 
lOA [Government and Relief in Occupied Areas], 
and others — but not the Export-Import Bank). 


The economic programs I am recommending in 
this message camiot succeed without peace and 
order. A vital element toward such stability is as- 
surance of military strength sufficient to protect 
the integrity of these emerging nations while they 
are advancing to higher and more adequate levels 
of social and economic well-being. 

I shall therefore request the Congress to pro- 
vide at this time $1.6 billion for provision of mili- 
tary assistance. This figure is the amount re- 
quired to meet the U.S. share in maintaining forces 
that already exist, and to honor firm existing 
commitments for the future. 

I am frank to say that we cannot now say with 
precision whether this amount will meet the mini- 
mum level of military aid which our basic security 
policy might demand this year. The emergence 
of new crises or new conflicts may require us to 
make an even greater effort. 

However, while I have mentioned in this mes- 
sage the amoimt to be allocated to military assist- 
ance, those funds, while coordinated with the 
policies of the new agency, will not be administered 
by it and should not be included in its appropria- 
tion. In order to make clear the peaceful and posi- 
tive purposes of this program, to emphasize the 
new importance this administration places on 
economic and social development quite apart from 
security interests, and to make clear the relation 
between the military assistance progi'am and those 
interests, I shall propose a separate authorization 
for military assistance with appropriations as 
part of the defense budget. Moreover, to the ex- 
tent that world security conditions permit, mili- 
tary assistance will in the future more heavily em- 
phasize the internal security, civil works, and eco- 
nomic growth of the nations thus aided. By this 
shift in emphasis, we mean no lessenmg of our de- 
termination to oppose local aggression wherever it 
may occur. We have demonstrated our will and 


ability to protect free world nations — if they so 
desire — from the type of external threat with 
which many of them are still confronted. We will 
not fall short on this. 


The levels on which this new program is based 
are the minimum resulting from a hard reapprais- 
al of each type of assistance and the needs of the 
less-developed world. They demonstrate both to 
the less-developed nations and to the other indus- 
trialized nations that this countiy will meet its 
fair share of effort necessary to accomplish the 
desired objective, and their effort must be greater 
as well. These are the rockbottom minimimi of 
funds necessary to do the job. To provide less 
would be wasteful, perhaps more wasteful, than 
to provide more. Certainly it would be wasteful 
to the security interest of the free world. 

But I am hopeful that the Congress will not 
provide less. Assistance to our fellow nations is 
a responsibility which has been willingly assumed 
and fashioned by two great Presidents in the 
past, one from each party — and it has been sup- 
ported by the leaders of both parties in both 
Houses who recognized the importance of our 

I believe the program which I have outlined is 
both a reasonable and sensible method of meeting 
those obligations as economically and effectively 
as possible. I strongly urge its enactment by the 
Congress, in full awareness of the many eyes upon 
us — the eyes of other industrialized nations, await- 
ing our leadership for a stronger united effort — 
the eyes of our adverearies, awaiting the weaken- 
ing of our resolve in this new area of international 
struggle — the eyes of the poorer peoples of the 
world, looking for hope and help, and needing an 
incentive to set realistic long-range goals — and, 
finally, the eyes of the American people, who are 
fully aware of their obligations to the sick, the 
poor, and the hungry, wherever they may live. 
Thus, without regard to party lines, we shall take 
this step not as Eepublicans or as Democrats but 
as leaders of the free world. It will both befit 
and benefit us to take this step boldly. For we 
are lamiching a decade of development on which 
will depend, substantially, the kind of world in 
which we and our children shall live. 

John F. ICennedy. 

The White House, March 22, 1961. 

United States Ratifies 
OECD Convention 

White House press release dated March 23 

Following is a statement made hy President 
Kennedy on March 23 announcing the ratification 
on that day of the convention of the Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development.'^ 

In behalf of the United States I have ratified 
the convention establishing the Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development. I have 
done so with great satisfaction and with expecta- 
tions that the Organization for Economic Co- 
operation and Development will become one of the 
princii^al institutions through which we pursue the 
great aim of consolidating the Atlantic Commu- 
nity. As I said in my inaugural address,^ 

United, there is little we cannot do in a host of coopera- 
tive ventures. Divided, there is little we can do — for we 
dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split 

In giving its advice and consent to this act of 
ratification, the United States Senate has affirmed 
the intention of the United States to enter upon 
a new era of cooperative enterprise with our 
Atlantic partners. We face a broad spectrum of 
common economic problems. And OECD should 
prove a useful fonmi in which the member states 
can consider and act together on a number of the 
vital questions. 

Among these challenging problems, none is more 
urgent than that of helping the less developed 
countries in their quest for economic growth and 
stability. The comitries represented in OECD 
have a common interest and a common responsi- 
bility in this task. For they are among those 
fortunate enough to have earned the capital and 
the skills required for such programs. And they 
share with all humanity the hope and determina- 
tion that the less developed peoples will succeed 
in their valiant efforts to achieve sustained eco- 
nomic progress. 

Next week the Development Assistance Group, 
which is soon to become the Development Assist- 

' For background and text of convention, see Bulletin 
of Jan. 2. 1961, p. 8 ; for statements by Under Secretary 
of State Ball and Secretary of the Treasury Dillon, see 
tb/rf., Mar. 6, 1961, p. 326. 

^/6irf., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175. 


Department of State Bulletin 

cance Committee of the OECD, will meet in 
London. As an indication of the importance I 
attach to all phases of the work of OECD, I have 
instructed George W. Ball, our Under Secretary 
of State for Economic Affairs, to represent the 
United States at this meeting. 
The subject matter of this meeting represents 

one of the central tasks of OECD. I look for- 
ward to the development of joint approaches, and 
joint solutions, in whicli each of the member 
countries will assume its fair share of our com- 
mon responsibility. I am confident that this 
meeting will represent a substantial forward step 
in this eifort. 

Charter Day Address 

hy Secretary Rusk '■ 

It is a great privilege for me to take part in 
the Charter Day exercises of the University of 
California at Berkeley. I have done so before, 
in between pitching pennies at the step of Boalt 
Hall, and am one who has watched the university's 
rise to the front ranks of world univei"sities with 
pride and admiration. You have combined here 
a passion for excellence, the strong support of 
your governors and legislators, and the affection 
of the people of this State to build a univereity 
system which adds luster to California and draws 
upon you the responsibilities which result from 
your capacity to contribute. I could not be here 
without a word of appreciation for the many 
roles you are playing in strengthening our rela- 
tions with the peoples of other lands and cultures. 

Wlien I arrived in Washington to assume my 
new responsibilities, I found that my colleagues in 
the Department of State had thoughtfully pre- 
pared a briefing book on the "major issues" in 
foreign policy which the new administration 
would face. It was 3 inches thick. A tour dUiorl- 
zon of the world scene shows every continent 
filled with complex situations engaging our na- 
tional interest and attention; boredom is not to 
be our problem. 

At this great miiversity I have presumed to 

' Made at the Charter Day exercises at the University 
of California, Berkeley, Calif., on Mar. 20 (press release 

think that you might be interested in hearing what 
seem to me to be some of the underlying questions 
which throw light upon the specific situations that 
fiJl the headlines. My purpose in these brief re- 
marks will be not to describe the jungle but to try 
to point to some trails through it, not to create new 
headlines but to make a modest contribution to 

An Era of Change 

One of the first of these questions is how we 
shall relate ourselves to the far-reaching changes 
which mark our period of history. I have com- 
mented on this before and shall do so again and 
again. For vast readjustments are taking place, 
no less significant than was the explosion of 
Europe into otlier continents in the 15th to 19th 
centuries. The idea of national independence is 
in crescendo and may not ran its course until 
we have at least 120 sovereign states in the com- 
munity of nations. 

In the other direction national states are acting 
together to reduce the meaning of their national 
boundaries through international arrangements of 
a regional or universal character to handle prob- 
lems which cannot be solved by single states act- 
ing alone. The sharper edges of sovereignty are 
being blimted by voluntary action to meet practi- 
cal necessity and gain reciprocal practical advan- 
tage. Today, March 20, for example, there are 

AptW 70, 1 96 1 


more than 10 international conferences in progress 
in some part of the world at which the United 
States is officially represented. The same occurs 
on every working day throughout the year. 
There is emerging, steadily but largely unnoticed, 
what a distinguished jurist has called the "com- 
mon law of mankind." 

In vast areas of the world peoples who have 
lived in misery have discovered that hunger, dis- 
ease, and ignorance are not a part of an inescap- 
able environment but that something can be done 
about, them. The so-called "revolution of rising 
expectations" is real, and governments which do 
not respond with vigorous effort cannot hope to 

Reaching out for domination in the midst of 
these changes is a Communist world which is 
bringing large resources and renewed energy to 
the extension of its controls in Latin America, 
Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. It would be 
a mistake for us to underestimate the formidable 
contest in which we shall be engaged in the decade 
of the sixties. 

But the underlying forces prodvicing change 
are familiar. To state them simply, they are a 
quest for freedom — national and individual — a 
groping for a nile of law, and a yearning for 
economic and social improvement. So identified, 
our relation to them becomes clear. They are 
congenial forces, rooted in ideas upon which we 
have built our own nation, a striving which has 
been a part of our own struggle, aspirations which 
we share with hiunan beings in all parts of the 

Our own role cannot be passive; nor can we 
afford merely an active defense of the status quo. 
The United States, indeed Western democracy, 
must take the lead in building a world in which 
men can be free under law and in which the human 
spirit will not be subdued by hunger, disease, and 
despair. We cannot stand aside from the revo- 
lutionary forces which we ourselves helped to 
nourish if we wish our own great experiment in 
freedom to thrive. 

Resolving Conflicts Through International Action 

A second large question before us is whether 
the conunimity of nations can forge the interna- 
tional instruments we must have to resolve conflicts 
and make cooperation more effective. I am skep- 
tical when I hear that one or another crisis will 

"decide the fate of the United Nations." Man's 
hopes for peace will not be so lightly surrendered. 
But there are times of testing when we learn 
whether we are moving ahead or slipping back- 
ward. The success of the United Nations effort 
in the Congo is such a test. There the United 
Nations has been asked to bring order out of chaos, 
to assist tlie Congolese to get their house in good 
array, to provide financial and administrative as- 
sistance until the human and material resources 
of the country are mobilizexJ, and to protect the 
Congo from interferences from the outside which 
would frustrate both the wishes of the Congolese 
and the principles of the charter. 

It is not my present purpose to enter into the 
Congolese part of the problem but to draw your 
attention to the effort to deal with it by interna- 
tional action. The first requirement has been to 
determine a United Nations policy. Executive 
agents cannot act effectively miless they know 
what they are expected to accomplish; armed 
forces need to be clear about their mission. The 
determination of policy is, of course, a political 
process and involves the adjustment of diverse 
views among those who come to the table. A clear 
mandate cannot issue from the Security Council 
or from the General Assembly unless members are 
willing to agree upon a policy — to reduce the 
variety of national policies to an understandable 
and consistent policy for the United Nations itself. 
The United States supported the most recent Se- 
curity Council resolution on tlie Congo ^ not be- 
cause we thought it was perfect but because we 
believed it to be a useful improvement upon the 
previous uncertain mandate. 

A second requirement has been the furnisliing 
of troops at the call of the Secretary-General on 
behalf of the United Nations. In such situations 
time is of the essence and a ready response is criti- 
cal. Upon arrival such forces must come under 
United Nations command and policy, for if the 
several contingents should act upon national 
directives utter confusion could result. If, for 
reasons which seem sufficient to the governments 
concerned, particular contingents have to be with- 
drawn, the United Nations should be given con- 
siderable discretion as to time and circumstances. 
"Wliile we can be grateful to those countries who 
furnished troops in full cooperation with the 

^ For background and text of resolution, see Bulletin 
of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359. 


Department of State Bulletin 

United Nations, experience in the Congo suggests 
that we must turn once more to the possibility of 
constituting a permanent United Nations Force, 
specifically trained and equipped, held in readiness 
for immediate use. 

A United Nations responsibility in a country 
like the Congo is an expensive operation; it re- 
quires money, and in large amounts. The effort 
cannot succeed imless member goveriunents put 
aside their particular views and provide the re- 
sources properly levied by the General Assembly. 
These are admittedly burdensome, but conflict is 
more so, and we are talking about the maintenance 
of peace. If the United States has thus far as- 
sumed more than its share of United Nations costs 
in the Congo, it is because we believe that United 
Nations presence and action in that country must 
not fail because of the financial defaults of some 
of its members; its failure would involve heavier 
burdens more costly still. 

Recent attacks upon the Secretary-General and 
proposals to substitute a triumvirate for a single 
executive agent must be looked upon as an attempt 
to reduce the United Nations to ineffectiveness. 
The United States cannot accept so serious an un- 
dermining of the agreements and purposes of the 
charter. We have committed ourselves to the 
United Nations as an indispensable instrument of 
peace. But if it is important to us, so it is to the 
generality of its membership who must look to 
it for their safety and for attention to their inter- 
ests in a turbulent world. The United Nations 
must accomplish its task in the Congo both be- 
cause of the Congo and because it must ready itself 
for other, as yet unidentified, crises in the years 
ahead, where effective international action may be 
the difference between war and peace. 

Dealing With Cold-War Issues 

A third of the larger questions before us is how 
we are to deal with the issues commonly called the 
cold war. The cold war was not invented in the 
West; it was born in the assault upon freedom 
which arose out of tlie ashes of World War II. 
We might have hoped that the fires of that strug- 
gle might have consumed ambitions to dominate 
others and that, at long last, man might have 
established his relations on the law of the charter. 
But such has not been the case. The issues called 
the cold war are real and cannot be merely wished 
away. They must be faced and met. But how 

we meet them makes a difference. They will not 
be scolded away by invective nor frightened away 
by bluster. They must be met with determination, 
confidence, and sophistication. Uimecessary or 
pointless irritations should be removed ; channels 
of communication should be kept open to make it 
the more possible to find points at which tension 
might be relieved. Our discussion, public or pri- 
vate, should be marked by civility ; our manners 
should conform to our own dignity and power and 
to our good repute throughout the world. But 
our purposes and policy must be clearly expressed 
to avoid miscalculation or an underestimation of 
our determination to defend the cause of freedom. 
Perhaps most important of all, we should keep 
our eyes on the world beyond the cold war, the 
world we see when men come to their senses, the 
world which men have dreamed about for cen- 
turies. For, in building that world, we shall have 
friends in all parts of the earth, we shall find 
strength in the very nature of man, we shall share 
purposes which make natural allies of us all. If 
defending freedom is to be called waging the 
cold war, then wage it we must, but we would 
prefer to bring it to an end. For we look forward 
to a time when contest will be unnecessary because 
the freedom of man will be firmly established. 

The Problem of Disarmament 

A fourth central question is whether we cannot 
now move realistically toward disarmament. The 
dismal history of man's attempts to lay down his 
arms and to live in peace is not encouraging. I 
suppose there is no subject to which I have given 
more personal attention during my adult years 
than to tliis. I sympathize with those who look 
upon disarmament negotiations as an elaborate 
minuet. But we dare not yield to cynicism or 
despair. The burden of arms is staggering, and 
the very nature of modern weapons adds to gen- 
eral tension. We must try again, with imagina- 
tion, prudence, and pei-sistence, to move from 
endless discussion to practical steps — small steps 
if necessary, large steps if possible. 

Tomorrow the United States, the United King- 
dom, and the Soviet Union will resume negotia- 
tions at Geneva on a treaty to ban the testing of 
nuclear weapons. President Kennedy has in- 
structed our delegation, led by Mr. Arthur Dean, 
to enter these talks with great seriousness of pur- 

April 10, 1961 


pose.^ A ti'eaty which succeeds in halting nuclear 
tests under adequate inspection and control might 
not in itself represent a major step in the reduc- 
tion of arms, but it woiild be a first and a most 
significant one. "We very much hope that all 
others at the table will recognize the pregnant 
meaning of success in this effort and bring to the 
talks a resolve to reach a prompt and reasonable 

Meanwhile our study of general disarmament 
problems moves ahead under the leadership of 
Mr. John J. McCloy and our Disarmament Ad- 
ministration. There is no need to repeat here the 
several proposals which various nations have con- 
tributed to recent disarmament discussion. The 
matter needs a fresh and imaginative review by 
all concerned. There can be no doubt about the 
readiness of the United States to work for a prac- 
tical plan. Our history shows a democracy's deep 
reluctance to bear arms in times of peace — to the 
point where we have learned that weakness, too, 
can be a danger. After World War 11, for exam- 
ple, we demobilized until we had no division and 
no air group ready for combat. Our defense 
budget was one-fourth of its present level. The 
rebuilding of our strength was a necessity under- 
taken reluctantly, forced upon us by those who 
would not join in building a peaceful world. 

Disarmament would be simple in a world in 
which the major political issues have been re- 
solved. Since we camiot expect an early end to 
rivalry and discord, and since an arms race adds 
to tension, our present task is the far more difficult 
one of finding measures which will safely permit 
reductions in arms while a world of law and order 
is coming into being. This is why effective inspec- 
tion and control are required, why progressive 
steps appear to be a prudent procedure, why the 
constitutional structure for settling disputes must 
be strengthened, and why effective international 
police forces are needed to support the processes 
of law. The purpose is a peaceful world — and in 
a peaceful world large military establishments 
would have no place ; the building of that world 
puts us on the road to disarmament. 

We should not suppose that the problem of dis- 
armament is limited to the great powers or to 
the Northern Hemisphere. The burden of arms 

* For a statement by the President, see ihid., Apr. 3, 
1961, p. 478. 

can fall upon all nations, large and small. While 
the so-called great powers are exploring the pos- 
sibilities of major arms reductions, other nations 
may find that they, too, can review their situations 
and make a useful contribution. President Ken- 
nedy has endorsed the suggestion made in Latin 
America, for example, that "the time has come to 
take the first steps toward sensible limitations of 

There may be other nations, at some distance 
from the great centers of military power, who may 
find it to their advantage to undertake agreements 
among themselves to limit their arms to internal 
security purposes. Such agreements would help 
to prevent a diversion of resources sorely needed 
for economic and social development and would, 
in addition, make it less likely that they would be 
drawn into the larger arms race which we are try- 
ing to end. 

In signing the United Nations Charter we com- 
mitted ourselves to disarmament as a solemn pur- 
pose; it has now become an imperative goal. The 
path toward disarmament is tortuous and full of 
pitfalls. There are risks along that path, but 
there are more frightful risks if we do not try 
once more, with the combination of deep purpose 
and clear thought we shall require. 

Among the jjervasive questions wliich affect our 
foreign relations are some which concern us pri- 
marily here at home. President Kennedy has 
moved promptly to invigorate the executive 
branch to see that action is taken when it is re- 
quired. We can no longer afford merely to knock 
the tail feathers out of our problems as they pass 
us by. Delay or inaction should be intentional, 
not caused by neglect or entrenched bureaucratic 
habit. As the pace of events accelerates, cumber- 
some machinery must be simplified. Responsibil- 
ities are being assigned to known individuals, in 
specified departments, rather than to faceless com- 
mittees. Ideas are being given a chance to grow 
into policy, not strangled at birth by procedural 
entanglements. Coordination becomes a respon- 
sibility of the action agency, not a device to spread 
hidden vetoes around the city of Washington. 

A similarly realistic view is being taken of the 
use of available resources for the tasks at hand. 
With regard to foreign aid, for example, we are 
moving to simplify organization and to assign 
greater responsibilities to those in charge of coun- 
try programs abroad. We shall need a basis for 


Department of State Bulletin 

long-range planning and commitment in foreign 
aid, both to enable us to do first things first and 
to permit us to work out with other countries the 
eft'ort which they must undertake if our assistance 
is to have practical results. The President is ask- 
ing our own citizens for the resources we need 
to contribute at critical points to economic and 

social development abroad, but others must give 
us something to support. Development cannot be 
exported from one country to another; foreign 
aid can only be the critical increment; develop- 
ment comes out of the national effort of a people 
stimulated by the promise of a new era, led by 
governments dedicated to the task. 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley, IVIarch^20 

Secretary Rusk: First, I would like to say that 
it is good to be in the Bay area again. I came be- 
cause the univereity was good enough to ask me to 
come out for the Charter Day exercises.^ I have 
had many contacts with this area in the past. I 
taught at Mills College for 6 years. My wife is a 
Mills student. I attended Boalt Hall here on a 
part-time basis for the better part of 4 years — my 
degree was interrupted by World War II. I have 
a son here at the university now. So this is a very 
pleasant and quick visit to the West Coast; I am 
expected back in my office in Washington tomor- 
row morning. 

I have no announcements to make. As you 
can understand, there will be many questions on 
your minds that I won't be able to go into in de- 
tail. Some of these questions are complicated, 
dealing with negotiations and discussions with 
other governments, and will not be useful, and 
premature — or anyway it would interfere with 
the handling of some of these matters officially. 

Now I would like to deal in response to some of 
your questions. I hope you won't be too disap- 
pointed if you don't get completed answers to all 
of them. So who would like to lead off ? 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I might give you an entree in 
the light of what you said. Would you care to 
cowment on the new note of caution and perhaps 
quiet diplomacy which seems to characterize the 
new administration? 

'Held at the University of California, Berkeley, Calif, 
(press release 148 dated March 21). 

' For an address by Secretary Rusk, see p. 515. 

A. We are trying to deal with a great many 
questions and to talk over with other governments, 
with other states, and this involves a great deal 
of old-fashioned diplomacy. We do believe that 
it is important to have effective channels of com- 
munications that are open at all times, that it 
should not be a major event for an ambassador to 
call at the Foreign Office either in Washington or 
any of the other principal capitals. So we hope 
to make considerable use of diplomacy for the 
purposes for which it was intended. 

On the other hand, there will be times when we 
shall have to use flexible procedures. My own 
personal views as a private citizen about con- 
ference diplomacy became rather well known last 
year, but it is the official responsibility to keep 
their eyes on the main purposes and to adopt the 
techniques and the procedures which will best 
get on with the achieving of the results in mind. 

I am going out to Bangkok, for example, next 
week — as a matter of fact at the end of this week — 
for a meeting of the SEATO [Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization] Council. We don't want 
to become dogmatic about procedure, but we do 
want to make the maximum use of our diplomatic 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is there any evidence that the 
Red Chinese are participating directly in relation 
with the arms huildup in Laos? 

A. We have had little info on this point. As 
you will recall the two stories written by two cor- 
respondents during their recent visit, they them- 
selves did not report Chinese being present. So 

April TO, 7967 


far as we can tell, the principal assistance there 
has come from the Russian supply and perhaps 
some help from across the border in northern 

Q. Sir, what significance would you attach to 
the buildup iy the Russians? 

A. I would not want to speculate on that one. 

Nuclear Test Ban Negotiations 

Q. Sir, President Kennedy said about the nu- 
clear test ban negotiations that one real serious 
effort, one more real serious effort, should be made 
and then, if no agreement could be readied, that 
we resume testing. In the light of that statement 
is there any target time, any deadline, on how long 
the Geneva conference now might continue? 

A. I am not sure that you are accurate in quot- 
ing the President on that particular point. Are 
you referring to some discussion during the 
campaign ? 

Q. The campaign, yes, I believe. 

A. The main business at hand now in these 
negotiations — and they begin in Geneva tomor- 
row — is to try to get a realistic treaty which would 
impose a ban on the testing of nuclear weapons 
with adequate inspection controls. We are going 
into these negotiations with great seriousness of 
purpose. It is obvious, when you think of the pur- 
poses of negotiations, that such a treaty would 
not be in itself a major step in disarmament but 
would be a veiy useful and significant first step, 
and we would like to see a reasonable treaty come 
out of it. We think there is no reason why a 
mutually acceptable treaty cannot be negotiated 
thei'e if all parties come to the table with a real 
interest in getting one. If these negotiations are 
not successful, then the question of what we do 
about nuclear testing will have to be taken up and 
considered in the light of the circumstances exist- 
ing at the time. I think it would not be helpful 
to try to anticipate the decisions that will have to 
be taken then because the present purpose is to 
try to get this treaty negotiated. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been some reports 
tliat the Kennedy administration is taking a soft 
approach in a diplomatic outlook on a world sit- 
uation today, rather than the hard approach of 
the Republicans. What do you have to say to 

A. I don't think this is a question of hardness 
or softness. I think the problem, of course, is 
whether it is possible to find any basis for con- 
structive agreements on any of these small or the 
large problems in front of us. As you have all 
observed, there is now at the present time a cer- 
tain condition of civility in the exchange between 
the two Governments, but we should not suppose 
that this means that the great issues have been 
resolved or that the major problems have dis- 

The present administration is fully alive to 
American interests and to the interests of the free 
world and expects to support them with diligence 
and firmness. 

Q. Is there anything to this report of a soft ap- 
proach to the Communists? 

A. Well, what would a soft approach mean? 
I would think not. We are negotiating a number 
of questions, discussing some of them with the 
United Nations, one of them tomorrow in Geneva. 
I discussed some the other day with Mr. Gromyko.' 
I would not think softness and hardness relevant 
adjectives for the situation. 

We are deeply committed to the survival and 
the future of freedom. We also are prepared to 
maintain communications with other governments 
to see if we can work out some of these problems. 

The Disarmament Problem 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you think the fact that we 
have not accomplished disarmament in the world 
is due to the fact that the question is almost an 
insoluble one or that negotiations have been con- 
ducted in perhaps the wrong way? 

A. Well, disarmament is in any event an ex- 
tremely complicated question, because it affects 
our relationships which are heavily involved with 
gi-eat political issues. It will not be a simple and 
easy problem to resolve. I am commenting on 
that in my remarks this afternoon. 

But we do believe that the great public inter- 
est in disarmament all over the world is rooted 
in a proper realization that an arms race is not 
only burdensome but dangerous and that govem- 

' For text of an agreed statement Issued on Mar. 18 
after a meeting between Secretary Rusk and Soviet For- 
eign Minister Andrei A. Gromylso, see Bulletin of Apr. 
3, 1961, p. 479. 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

ments are to do their best to work out some rea- 
sonable solutions in this field. 

We are making our firet effort in the nuclear 
test bans. "We will be working very hard in the 
months immediately ahead on the broader ques- 
tions of disarmament. 

Obviously there has not been much progress in 
the past many years in this field. If we and 
other governments can take a fresh look at it, 
perhaps we can come up with some approaches 
that would allow us to take some steps along the 
way, but I think it would be imprudent to try 
to predict what steps can be taken at this stage. 
We will be working on that very hard the next sev- 
eral weeks and months. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, concerning disarmament and 
the nuclear discussions that loiU he held in Geneva, 
do you, feel that the current administration has 
changed its position in any way from the ■previous 
administj'ation, tchether this be a minor change 
or a major cJmnge? 

A. Well, I think the objectives in these nuclear 
test bans are the same. I tliink the general ap- 
proach is along these same lines, because issues of 
inspection and control are there — the same issues. 

I don't think it would be advisable for me today, 
before negotiations start, to indicate in any de- 
tail what our negotiator will be proposing at the 
table nor characterize it in any way. We think 
we have a workable and realistic and satisfac- 
tory proposal to make looking toward a treaty. 
We hope very much that the others at the table 
will find them reasonable and acceptable. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you go into any greater 
detail on your meeting with Oromyho the other 
day as to what took place? 

A. No, sir. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, just how much hope do you 
Jiave for these negotiations in Geneva? 

A. If you enter a negotiation on an important 
matter of that sort, with a serious purpose, I 
think the seriousness of your own purpose will 
lead you to hope that an agreement can be reached. 
But if you go beyond that and speculate on 
whether you are optimistic about a conclusion, now 
that turns on the attitude of the others at the table, 
and we are in no position yet to know. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the New York Times says 
April 10, 1961 

5SS740— 61 3 

this morning that both the United States and 
British delegations are going into this meeting 
tomorrow loith the realization there is not much 
hope for general disarmament. Would you com- 
ment on tlmt? 

A. I don't know what the basis of that story 
was. We should find out in the next several 
days or weeks whether the story is accurate or not. 

U.S. Vote on Angola Question 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you think last weeFs vote 
in the United Nations on the Angola question 
marks a clmnge in the United States^ policy? * 

A. I think there has been some greater interest 
on the part of the new achninistration in the great 
forces which are producing changes in many parts 
of the world. I am commenting on that in my 
remarks later today. 

We do believe that those who are responsible 
for the administration of overseas territories need 
to think hard about the development of those peo- 
ples and those territories. The great instinctive, 
traditional reaction of the American people on 
such questions has been well demonstrated over 
the years. 

We hope very much these questions can be 
worked out in a peaceful way without the violence 
we have seen recently in Angola. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, your speech this afternoon 
suggests the United States will support pemm- 
nent United Nations armed forces. Would you 
comment on that? 

A. This is a question which has come up in var- 
ious forms over the years, beginning with the 
efforts we made at the time or shortly after the 
signing of the charter. You will recall that chap- 
ter VII of the charter anticipated the provision 
of armed forces at the call of the Security Coun- 
cil, under the militai-y advice and direction of the 
Military Staff' Committee, on which the principal 
or, rather, permanent mem.bers of the Security 
Council will be represented. Since those nego- 
tiations more than 10 years ago failed to produce 
any result, there have been other suggestions as 
to how a United Nations Force might come into 

I think this is something we must turn our at- 
tention back to to see if we can't devise some way 

* For background, see ibkl., p. 497. 


to give to the United Nations a readily available 
force which can be used for kee^jing the peace 
and a number of situations. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is our inilitary aid program 
to Laos in any way linked or conditioned hy our 
inenibership in the Southeast Asia Treaty 

A. No. I think there is no direct organic re- 
lation there. We have been interested in the 
stability and the peace of all of these countries in 
southeast Asia. 

Military and economic assistance in Laos were 
undertaken within the framework of the Geneva 
accords ^ and in full cooperation with the sugges- 
tion of the Laotian Government. That has not 
been linked to the activities of the Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization. 

Q. Would you say or suggest xoliether there 
has been anything in our Government as to 
whether we might suggest to the Southeast Asia, 
Treaty Organization a defense command com- 
-paraUe to NATO? 

A. Those are questions I would not want to 
comment on, particularly since I will be leaving 
on this trip at the end of the week. 

Oid-Fashioned Diplomacy 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you called for a return to 
what you said was old-fashioned diplomacy. Do 
you mean old-fashioned diplomacy the way our 
country used to practice, or do you mean old-fash- 
ioned diplomacy the way some of the old countries 
used to practice? 

A. Well, I wouldn't want to insist upon that 
difference. Diplomacy is a means of discussion be- 
tween governments, and in most cases discussions 
between governments is the best way to find out 
whether there is any basis for agreement, how ir- 
ritations might be reduced, how difficulties might 
be resolved, how common purposes might be dis- 
covered, how cooperation can be arranged. 

Diplomacy is a very large business. As I earlier 
called attention to the fact, the outgoing daily 
traffic from the Department of State every day 
is larger than the daily output of the Associated 
Press and United Press International in Washing- 
ton, D.C. In other words, this is a very intensive 

"For text, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955: 
Basic Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication 
6446, p. 775. 

process of commmiication among governments. 
So it is the chaimel of communication that is 

Now, I might say that there is another aspect 
of old-fashioned diplomacy tiiat is worth con- 
sidering. Comments have been made about 
throwing some stones upon the formalities of di- 
plomacies, but these formalities have a purpose. 
The purpose is to try to eliminate the accidents of 
personality, the irrelevancies that might crop up 
in informal discussion, so that the relations be- 
tween states can be handled as just that — interstate 
I'elations. Most of these old-fashioned rules of 
formal protocol are designed to communicate with 
each other under conditions of calmness and 
sobriety and civility, so that the main business can 
be the principal subject of conversation and irrele- 
vancies kept out of it. 

It should not make any difference, for example, 
whether the particular negotiator happens to get 
up in the morning with a headache ; if he is trained 
in the discourse of diplomacy, this won't come 
through, whereas if he were speaking from the 
way in which he happened to feel that day, he 
might express irritations or resentments that have 
nothing to do with the main business at hand. 

Strengthening the United Nations 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you see any hope in the 
immediate future for an adoption — as you referred 
to here in your speech — of a variety of national 
j)olicies and an adoption of a consistent policy? 

A. In the U.N. ? 

Q. In the Congo and in the U.N.? 

A. I think this is one of the problems that will 
liave to be worked on very hard in the course of 
the U.N. debate. 

The very increase in membership to 99 under- 
lines the importance of intensive regular consulta- 
tion among the delegations at the United Nations. 
We have tried to strengthen our delegation at the 
United Nations to permit this kind of consultation. 
If the resolutions of the United Nations turn out 
to be simply a least common denominator, or if 
they turn out to be resolutions which encompass 
many divergent points of view, so that the reso- 
lutions themselves are hard to interpret, hard to 
understand, then the United Nations policy be- 
comes ineffective and unclear. What we hope is 
by the process of discussion, debate, consultation. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

and by a pooling of national interest in terms of 
;an effective United Nations policy interest, that 
we can improve and strengthen the work of the 
United Nations. 

Q. But this is over a period of considerable 

A. This will take time and a great deal of dis- 
cussion among governments. 

Q. Would you say in months, ferhafs years? 

A. This will be a gradual process m which 
everyone will be working, we hope, straight 
along. It will become easy on certam questions; 
it will be far more difficult on others. But we hope 
that some consensus can be produced through these 
discussions up there that will make sense from the 
point of view of the total world conomunity. 
One of the efforts that we made shortly after 
January 20th was to renew the discussion on the 
Congo among govermnents by going to them and 
talking about the problems there, and the role of 
the United Nations, m the hope that a clearer 
United Nations policy could be evolved. We think 
that some improvement resulted from the United 
Nations' policy about the Congo but that depends 
upon the developments of consensus in the United 
Nations itself, because in the absence of that con- 
sensus the United Nations cannot possibly be 

Q. Mr. Secretary, will we continue to oppose 
the admission of Red China to the United Nations? 

A. We have already commented on that ques- 
tion earlier. The question of the Chinese seat in 
the United Nations is very complicated from a 
parliamentary point of view. We recognize and 
support the membership of the Government of the 
Kepublic of China and will continue to do so. 
The authorities m Peiping have indicated that 
they are not interested in relationships unless 
Formosa is abandoned. It may be that the ques- 
tion comes up as to whether they have any interest 
in membership in the United Nations imder these 
circumstances. We committed ourselves by treaty 
and otherwise to the Government of the Republic 
of Cliina, but I would not want to get into parlia- 
mentary problems and the voting situation and 
the negotiations that will have to take place in 
the General Assembly. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, if you were to compile a 
priority list of the Tnajor prohlems facing the 

United States in terms of the new administration, 
how would you list those problems? 

A. I really would not want to do that because 
the United States is in a situation where we have 
interests in all parts of the world ; there are prob- 
lems for us and for others in all parts of the 
world. Any list of priorities that we might put 
together would not reflect priorities that anyone 
else might give the same list of problems. There 
are many of them; in trying to give you such a 
list off the cuff I am sure that I would perhaps 
omit many of these problems that are of vital im- 
portance to somebody else. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the President outlined the 
10-point program to Latin America.^ What has 
been the reaction of the Latin American countries? 

A. The reaction has been one of lively interest 
and generally warm support throughout the 
hemisphere. There is a lot of work ahead of us 
to cari-y that progi'am forward with the full con- 
sultation with our Latin American friends. We 
will be going into a meeting of the Inter- American 
Coimcil. The President indicated how their de- 
velopment plans and our assistance might be best 
related to make a major contribution to the de- 
velopment of the hemisphere, but the reaction was 
favorable and encouraging. 

Peace Corps 

Q. Does the President have any ideas, or has he 
outlined any, to the extent he will use the Peace 
Corps? ^ 

A. I am sure that the Peace Corps will be in- 
volved in development programs in Latin America 
as in other parts of the world. It has been very 
interesting to see the response from around the 
comitry to the Peace Corps proposal. One of our 
problems in foreign aid over the years has been 
that we must reciniit people for foreign aid on the 
basis of voluntary recruitment. We can't as- 
sign Americans to take on these jobs, a lot of them 
in difficult and at times even dangerous situations. 
The problem of finding the professional and 
teclinical competence on the one side and the 
willinoqiess to seiwe on the other has been a for- 
midable one over the years. The idea of a Peace 

' BuiiETiN of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

' For background, see ibid.. Mar. 20, 1961, p. 400. 

April 10, 1961 


Corps has brought forward a great many vohm- 
teers, among them professionally trained people 
who are going to be extremely helpful in our aid 
programs abroad, and there will be a period of 
experimentation in method. There will be dis- 
cussions with a number of other governments as 
to how such a Peace Corps might best contribute 
under those situations. I think we will have a 
great variety of activities imdertaken by those 
who are accepted in the Peace Corps — some of 
them as individuals, some of them as groups, some 
of them through Government, some of them 
through private organizations. There is going to 
be a great deal of experimentation. It is a very 
exciting thing. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, since taking over as Secretary 
of State, have you run into any froilems that 
xoere unanticipated? 

A. You always get some unearned dividends on 
a job of this sox-t. We did not predict the Santa 
Maria case, for example. Yes, you get a regular 
flow of surprises of that sort, but that is part of 
the business. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, have there been any develop- 
ments in recent weeks to indicate that there is a 
lessening of the tension between Cuba and the 
United States? 

A. I think the present situation has come about 
as you put it, is "No." We have seen no indication 
of any change in that situation. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, here about If. or 5 years ago, 
I seem to recall, xohen still a m,ernber of the Senate, 
President Kennedy was one of the few people to 
see any merit and have any sympathy for Algerian 
aspirations and independence. Do you think that 
has played any role in the French sitting down 
with the nationals for present negotiations? 

A. I think the present situation has come about 
largely through hope, both of General de Gaulle 
and the leadere of the Arabs, that they could find 
an agreement. Undoubtedly the attitude of tlie 
United States and President Kennedy has been 
part of this situation in the sense that we ourselves 
hope that they can find agreement. This is a very 
significant time in that problem, and General de 
Gaulle has moved on his side with great courage. 
We believe that with seriousness on both sides, as 
we think there is at the present time, there is a 
good chance for the settlement of this problem. 

Q. Mr. Secretai'y, do you think that the French 
attitude on the nuclear test bans will have any 
effect on tlie negotiations in Geneva? 

A. The negotiations in Geneva are among the 
three — the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, 
and ourselves. The question of France's attitude 
or relationship to any possible treaty is something 
that we will have to take up in due course, but 
we feel that the first step is to see if we can find 
agreement among the three. Naturally the atti- 
tude of other countries in the future will become ■ 
important, because the kind of treaty we are think- ^ 
ing about could not be an effective treaty unless 
all those who might be involved with nuclear 
weapons would be part of the international 

Q. Just one final question, Mr. Secretary, if you | 
could sum up how we stand today, do you feel we 
are in a better position today internationally than 
we were, say, a year ago? 

A. I think perhaps this kind of generalization 
would be one for the commentators to tliink about. 
Perhaps I am a little superstitious about making 
a remark on that kind of subject. There are a lot 
of problems in front of us. We have got a lot of 
hard work to do. 

There are a great deal of efforts being put into 
finding solutions to some of our problems in build- 
ing our relationships with other comitries, but this 
comes out in the result, and I would not want to 
comment generally. I am sorry. 

Letters of Credence 

Republic of Congo 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee- 
public of Congo (Brazzaville), Emmanuel 
Domongo Dadet, presented his credentials to 
President Kennedy on March 21. For texts of the 
Ambassador's remarks and the President's reply, 
see Department of State press release 147 dated 
INIarch 21. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the Re- 
public of Gabon, Joseph N'Goua, presented liis 
credentials to President Kennedy on March 22. 
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State press 
release 151 dated March 22. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The Ethics of Mutual Involvement 

Remarks iy Harlan Cleveland ^ 

We are used to the practice, if not yet to the 
theory, of mutual international involvement. We 
know that Americans are deeply involved in the 
aifairs of dozens of nations through technical as- 
sistance programs, military arrangements, busi- 
ness enterprises, missionary work, and volimtary 
agencies. We know that our cultural exports are 
matched by cultural imports — most North Amer- 
ican party goers think nothing of dancing for at 
least half the evening to the samba, the cha-cha, 
and other rhythms which give some of us a kind 
of culture shock right on our own hometown dance 

We know that our vigorous efforts to export mer- 
chandise are matched by foreign competition in 
our own market, competition wliich is sometimes 
so painful that it erupts in our politics as argu- 
ments about pottery, optical goods, garlic, small 
cars, watch movements, bicycles, or something 

We know that our interest in other countries' 
internal problems like land reform or budget ad- 
ministration is matched by the concern of foreign 
politicians with what we consider our "internal 
affairs"; leaders in every continent now feel at 
liberty to think out loud, within earshot of the 
international press, about desegregation in south- 
ern United States schools. When it comes to 
people crossing borders, the exodus of Americans 
has been matched by a flood of Europeans, Asians, 
Africans, and Latin Americans into American 
schools, colleges, universities, and industrial estab- 

At the level of information the $100 million a 
year which the U.S. Information Agency has been 
spending abroad is paralleled by vigorous efforts, 
financed from overseas, to participate in the 
processes by which we Americans make up our 
minds, especially on foreign policy issues. They 
range from the careful and effective work of or- 
ganizations like the British Information Service 
to the well-publicized histrionics of Mr. Khru- 
shchev on a balcony at 68th Street and Park Ave- 
nue in New York City. 

' Made before the American Society for Public Adminis- 
tration at Wasliington, D.C., on Mar. 15 (press release 
137). Mr. Cleveland is Assistant Secretary of State for 
International Organization Affairs. 

We can understand from our own experience 
that some forms of intervention are beyond the 
pale. Wlien the president of a radio network sells 
his supposedly objective news coverage for cash 
to the leaders of a foreign countiy, most people 
would say there was something unethical about 
the arrangement, just as most people would con- 
demn the suborning of a supposedly independent 
witness in a court proceeding. Americans gen- 
erally were persuaded that it was hardly appro- 
priate for a foreign power to maintain on our soil 
a political party whose allegiance was abroad ; and 
so the Communist Party, U.S.A., had to go imder- 
ground. If a foreign country were to establish 
here a lobby for the unilateral abolition of nuclear 
weapons, or an alien group were to set up a tech- 
nical assistance project to help the American or- 
ganizations that are fighting for desegregation of 
public education in the South, even Americans 
who agreed with the objective would feel that the 
methods somehow went too far. 

"Wlien the shoe is on the other foot and Ameri- 
cans are working in other people's backyards, we 
also feel that an ethical line has to be drawn. It 
is all right to help set up an agricultural extension 
service, but the visiting American expert would 
probably be thrown out of the country if he started 
makmg campaign speeches for or against politi- 
cal candidates in a local election. 

Some fonns of intervention, then, are beyond 
the pale. But who decides the boundaries of the 
pale, and on what criteria? We need an ethics of 
mutual involvement. And I suggest that it will 
be found, in fits and starts, by trial and error, in 
the growing body of practice by international or- 

For the trouble is, the traditional codes of ethics 
and morality do not apply very well to the new 
kinds of problems we now confront. The tradi- 
tional fonns of intervention across cultural or 
national boundaries have been ethically contained 
not so much by consideration for the intervenee as 
by respect for the imported ethics of the inter- 
vener. The fact that the American pioneers put 
the defeated American Indians on reservations 
rather than in graves was not the result of the pio- 
neer's perception of an American Indian morality ; 
rather it reflected a European Christian concept 
of restraint in the presence of human life. Until 
quite recently, says John Plamenatz of Oxford 
University, "the Europeans, in their behavior 

April JO, 1961 


toward other people, have been restrained almost 
entirely by their own principles (whether shared 
with others or peculiar to themselves) and very 
little by respect for what was foreign to them." 
The traditional ethics of mutual involvement has 
been inner-directed, not other-directed. 

Nowadays the pendulum is swinging, if any- 
thing, too far the other way. In revulsion against 
the notion that the outsider should make up his 
own ethical restraints as he goes along, the idea 
has become popular that the outsider should be 
bound not by the criteria he finds in his own cul- 
ture and tradition but by the ethics of the culture 
which he is serving as technician or administrator. 
Tlie intervener can jjresumably tell whether he is 
overstepping those mysterious bounds by making 
sure that whatever he does is done at the request 
of tlie intervenes. Just as, in law, rape is not rape 
if there is consent, so interference is not interfer- 
ence if its objects accept it. 

But this criterion, too, presents some difficulties 
of administration. Who, for example, are "they" ? 
The government? The people? ^Vliich people? 
And even if this question is resolved by assuming 
that every government effectively represents all 
of the people over whom it has jurisdiction, a 
fundamental problem remains. The fact is that 
most of the less developed areas do not find in 
their own traditions and cultures all the elements 
of a code of ethics for handling the participation 
in their affairs of willing and ambitious advisers 
from the outside. The very reason for wanting 
advisers is to achieve more "development" or "mod- 
ernization." But development is not just a matter 
of teclmiques and equipment; it requires also a 
revised set of attitudes and institutions. 

Thus the building of institutions in the less 
developed areas is neither a matter of digging a 
hole and transplanting Western (whether Rus- 
sian, European, or American) institutions, nor 
is it a matter of fashioning institutions wholly 
from local cultural raw materials. It involves a 
creative synthesis of the two, the development of 
new institutions that reflect both the cultural and 
technological necessities of the time and place, 
modifying the technology to fit the prevailing atti- 
tude but also modifying the local culture to make 
room for the technology. 

It is in these complex circumstances that the 

international organizations of the U.N. system are 
commg into their own. For a major power to put 
twenty or twenty-five thousand troops into the 
Congo, in the name of Congolese independence 
and self-determination, would be almost incon- 
ceivable in the world as it stands today. But the 
Security Council last month greatly strengthened 
the mandate of the United Nations to suppress 
civil strife by force if necessary.- In some very 
crucial situations, from Suez to the Indus Valley, 
we have found that the World Bank can serve as 
catalyst and financier for international projects 
that could not be put together by a single nation 
no matter how much good will it brought to the 
task. In a hundred important fields, from weather 
prediction to labor standards to food production 
to the exploration of an Antarctica, we find the 
nations coming together because they find they 
can do more for their own interests that way than 
by staying apart. 

United States Sends Greetings 
to All-African Peoples' Conference 

Following is the text of a message from Assist- 
ant Secretary Williams delivered on March 25 
to the Secretariat of the AU-African Peofles' Con^ 
ference, meeting at Cairo. 

Press release 164 dated March 25 

March 23, 1961 

On the occasion of the opening of the Third 
AU-African Peoples' Conference, I send cordial 
greetings and good wishes. It is my hope that 
realization of all the ideals of peace, freedom and 
social improvement, for which men of good will 
strive everywhere, may be advanced by your con- 
ference. The American people will observe the 
proceedings and results of your conference with 
great interest because they are concerned with the 
welfare of the peoples of Africa. 

G. IMennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary of State 

for African Affairs 

' For background, see Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Progress and Expectations in Africa 

hy G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

It is a pleasure to come before you today to 
make a brief report on a trip through 16 of the 
nations of Africa.'^ My mission on this trip was 
twofold. First it was my pleasure and privilege 
to bring personal greetings to African leaders 
from President Kemiedy and Secretary Rusk and 
to convey to them and to their peoples new as- 
surances of the strong and positive friendship of 
the United States. Second, and quite simply, I 
went to learn. 

We flew down over the great desert and stopped 
first beside the Nile at Khartoum in the Sudan. 
Next day we were at 8,000 feet in Addis Ababa, 
capital of the oldest independent country in 
Africa. Two days later we were sweltering be- 
side the Indian Ocean in the Somali Republic, one 
of the newest nations in the continent. And so it 
went. British East Africa, including storied 
Zanzibar, the two Congos, Cameroun, Nigeria, 
Togo, the Ivory Coast, Liberia, Ghana, and my 
favorite new frontier, the capital city of Ouaga- 
dougou in Upper Volta. Our new embassy there 
is safely in the hands of a pair of ex-Marines and 
an experienced Foreign Service couple, and the 
lady in question is a wandering constituent from 
Marinesco, in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. 

During this long trip I met one of the last em- 
perors in the world. I talked with presidents and 
prime ministers, colonial administrators, tribal 
chieftains, labor leaders, businessmen, students, 

' Address made before the National Press Club at Wash- 
ington, D.C., on Mar. 24 (press release 156). 

' For an announcement of Mr. Williams' trip, see 
Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 295 ; for an address made 
before delegates to the third session of the U.N. Economic 
Commission for Africa at Addis Ababa on Feb. 17, see 
iUd., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 373. 

and farmers, and fishermen. I have visited mis- 
sion stations, factories, schools, hospitals, in jungle 
villages and in sprawling cities where skyscrapers 
push up beside thatched huts. 

To three of my traveling companions I owe a 
real debt of gratitude. I refer to Warren Unna 
of the Washington Post, Judd Arnett of the De- 
troit Free Press, and Alan IMorrison of Johnson 
Publications. They have set a high standard in 
getting a trip like this, and the image of Africa, 
on the record. 

In fact I did not lack for expert assistance in 
this journey. Traveling with me were several 
Foreign Service and .USIA officers who know 
Africa well and who, in west Africa, stood ready 
to rescue me when my command of the French 
language was being put to the test. Perhaps the 
best qualified, most vigorous, and eminently suc- 
cessful expert of them all was one who bore the 
simple but all important title "Mrs." — my wife 
Nancy. Like many American women she is much 
experienced in the world of schools, hospitals, 
nursing, and the basis of all civilization — children 
and mothers. Her keen perception gave us all in- 
sights we might have missed, and her intense and 
friendly interest delighted the Africans even 
when she was lecturing them for having so few 
girls in the schools. 

Then, too, I had the help of the men and women 
of our embassies, consulates, ICA [International 
Cooperation Administration], and USIS [U.S. 
Information Service], and permit me here to 
throw another spadeful of earth on the dead 
image of our Foreign Service people as striped- 
pants, high-style bureaucrats ping-ponging from 
one cocktail party to another. These are wash- 
and-wear people, working with their sleeves rolled 

April 10, 1961 


up and working hard. And we learned much 
from the dedicated American missionaries, busi- 
nessmen, and educators who also represent Amer- 
ica in Africa. 

We were met evei-ywhere with the greatest 
friendliness and warm hospitality, from govern- 
ments and from people on the street and m 
the countryside. The peoples of Africa miques- 
tionably have a great reservoir of good will toward 
America. Once in the Congo an overly eager 
U.N. sergeant broke up what he apparently 
thought was a riot but was only an impromptu 
crowd gathering to say hello and shake hands 
with us. The Africans place much trust in 
America, even to the extent of being quite candid 
about our shortcomings here at home and in our 
responses to their needs and hopes. 

Common African Aspirations 

We found great contrasts in Africa and ob- 
served many stages of political, economic, and 
social development. Yet there are certain aspira- 
tions held in common in the countries we visited. 
Let me place them under nine headings : 

1. The Africans want freedom from colonial- 
ism, from any form of outside domination. 

2. The Africans want and will insist on racial 
equality in the world. 

3. The Africans do not want to aline themselves 
in a great-power struggle. They are for the most 
part neutral in international politics, or perhaps 
more accurately they are not ready to commit 
their new independence elsewhere. 

4. The Africans naturally want government in- 
stitutions which fit the values of their own so- 
cieties. This may sometimes mean a greater 
reliance on some aspects of centralized au- 
thority than in the advanced democracies of 
the Western World, although democratic forces 
will make themselves felt. 

5. A good many African leaders feel they must 
plan their economies for rapid development and 
seem to favor a mixture of private and govern- 
ment-owned enterprise. In part this is because of 
a lack of local capital. Some call tliis a socialist 
approach, but almost without exception it is far 
from rigid or doctrinaire. Actually I thought I 
was back in American State govermnent when I 
visited western and eastern Nigeria and saw the 
regional governments encouraging private indus- 
try and investment. We saw this elsewhere too. 

6. African leaders want economic development, 
but many of them have yet to assess not only the 
opportimities but the limitations which confront 
them in the economic field. They are bound to 
make some mistakes before they hit the stride 
which their nations can maintain in a competitive 

7. There is a growing awareness of the need to 
raise standards of health and vitality in Africa. 
This means not only more medicines and doctors 
and hospitals; it means a more adequate diet and 
a lot more protein intake. 

8. Agriculture is the main African occupation, 
and a drive is beginning to raise yields and in- 
come from farming. The importance of doing so 
is indicated by the extremely low per capita in- 
come figures. 

9. Finally, and most commanding, is the need, 
the burning desire, for education. The literacy 
rate in Afi-ica is something less than 10 percent. I 
repeat, 10 percent. The educational need is thus 
felt not just at the top, in terms of college gradu- 
ates, but in the primary and secondary school 
levels. We learned that in many local communi- 
ties the people were raising school buildings with 
voluntai-y labor, as frontier communities did in 
this country. 

If we accept these nine points, we can begin to 
look realistically at the problems of Africa. In 
my own reckoning they lead to tliis first con- 
clusion : 

A Race Between Expectations and Performance 

Africans are generally agreed on their goals and 
aspirations and feel they must be achieved in the 
relatively near future. As a result in tropical 
African countries there is a race between the ris- 
ing expectations of the people and what their 
governments can deliver. This race is the basic 
issue in Africa today, an issue which in fact is 
critical for the world and for us here today. 

The dangerous side of this race is not hard to 
see. Africa's new leaders are faced with a situa- 
tion which invites demagoguery and reckless op- 
portunism. These forces, wholly apart from 
commmiism, will seek to stimulate and exploit 
any failure or discontent. This greatly increases 
the challenge to responsible leadership, the chal- 
lenge to build for genuine progi-ess. It was my 
privilege to get to know many of these leaders, 
and I have a great respect for their general level 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

of competence and devotion. I wish each of you 
could have been with me to feel the intensity with 
which one outstanding leader said to me: "Mr. 
Williams, we have won our freedom; we have 
a democratic society — now we need help." This 
leader knows he must produce. 

This can be better understood if we look briefly 
at the historical setting. Tropical Africa was 
long isolated from the rest of the world. Its 
own special history is essentially one of minor 
kingdoms and many tribes, of local wars and 
scattered migrations. Unlike the peoples of other 
continents the Africans ha^•e not been molded 
through force of arms and cultural dominion into 
one or a few broad cultures. The tribe is still 
the underlying base of society, and the degree 
of fragmentation is suggested by the fact that 800 
to 1,000 languages are spoken in the continent. 
The colonial imprint on Africa has been impor- 
tant but incomplete. 

Africa's journey in the greater world is thus of 
very recent origin. But it has been gathering 
momentum at a terrific pace. There were four 
independent nations in all Africa in 1945. In 
1959 there were 10. Today there are 27. This is 
an absolutely unprecedented transfer of power, 
and it has created an atmosphere of great expec- 
tations, of great new beginnings. The aspirations 
of the African peoples have been brought to the 
fore by leaders determined to realize rapid ad- 
vances in human dignity, physical well-being, and 
national progress. 

Keally we should try to put ourselves for a 
moment in the position of one of the leaders of the 
new Africa — let us say, of Dr. Azikiwe in Nigeria, 
of Felix Houphouet-Boigny in the Ivory Coast, 
of Julius Nyerere in Tanganyika. They have led 
their peoples to independence or in the case of 
Nyerere to the threshold of independence. But 
the African peoples are only now beginning to 
think in national terms. We hear much about 
"African nationalism," but more correctly what 
is meant is the immemorial urge — this time in 
Africa — for freedom. African leaders and their 
supporters have won freedom from something — 
from colonial rule. Now they must give content 
to the momentum that has carried them to inde- 
pendence and get their peoples to use freedom for 
something — for the building of modem nations 
and the realization of economic and social 

For this task they have, in modem terms, all 
too little to work with. 

That is why I say that the new governments are 
in a race with time and the expectations of the 
African peoples — expectations which are fed by 
today's easier communication and wider contact 
with the world outside. Newly won independence 
means newly assumed obligations for Africa's 
leaders, and they need outside support and assist- 
ance. Without exception they have turned to the 
West first and for most of the assistance they must 
have. Only where that help has not been forth- 
coming, or where it has been too little or too late, 
liave they placed their primary reliance elsewhere. 
It is not an easy thing, I can tell you, to hear out 
young and progressive African leaders as they 
earnestly discuss minor amounts of American aid 
in terms of the political life and death of their 

U.S. Program of Assistance 

In the field of economic aid and investment the 
main facts today are these : British and French as- 
sistance, which except in Guinea has not dried up 
when a country has become independent, is at an 
amiual level of over $700 million, according to 
a leading university report. These contributions 
are a vital base for most African economies, and 
let me say here that I believe both France and 
Britain have done commendable jobs in tropical 
Africa. U.S. aid programs are supplemental, and 
in this fiscal year will total about $250 million. 
This covers grants, loans, and technical assistance 
but not surplus agi'icultural commodities. Almost 
half of this total is going to three north African 

Wliat can be said of these figures? Are they 
large in relation to the need, or in relation to 
development aid given elsewhere, or are they 
small ? The fact is they ai-e small on both counts. 
To take an example from aid given elsewhere, we 
gave more to Austria alone in the first year of 
the Marshall plan than the figure I have just given 
you for all of Africa this year. To measure 
Africa's needs is not a simple matter, but it may 
help to cite two figures. The first is per capita 
national income, which for Africa as a whole is 
$89 a year. This compares to $171 for the Near 
East, $253 for Latin America, $790 for Western 
Europe, and over $2,500 for the United States. 
The second figure represents the total value of all 

April JO, J 96 J 


the goods and services produced by Africa, in 
comparison witli tlie United States. The figure 
is 3 percent — Africa produces 3 percent of what 
we do — and yet that continent is three times the 
size of the United States and supports over 200 
million people. 

If we cannot equate such figures with needs in 
any absolute sense, we can certainly use them to 
gage where Africa stands in the world's lineup. 
Africa cannot be neatly lumped in with our usual 
generalizations for the world. Africa's problems 
are new and different, and we must mark the 
differences and understand how they affect the 
total world balance. 

It would be rash of me to venture very deeply 
into what the United States role toward Africa 
should be. Yet it is impossible to miss the point 
that Africa's leaders expect from the United States 
a greater response to their needs at this time of the 
birth of nations throughout a continent. And 
for me it is impossible to imagine that we will miss 
seeing the consequences of failing them. I am en- 
couraged in this by the first reactions to President 
Kennedy's appeal of 2 days ago ^ for a new ap- 
proach designed to fulfill our moral, political, and 
economic obligations in support of freedom. 

Such talk may in your minds conjure up 
thoughts of vast new sums of money for aid pro- 
grams. It is true, of course, that it will cost money 
to enable African leaders to meet the dangerous 
challenges of ignorance, poverty, and disease. 
But the need is not for a sudden and unlimited in- 
crease in funds. We are not alone in extending 
aid. And the capacity to absorb and put economic 
assistance to work productively is limited in Africa 
at this time. What we can and should do is well 
within reasonable expectations when judged by the 
criteria of our wealth and leadership in the 
world, by the record of our perfonnance in the 
past, and by the stake we have in human dignity 

There is, however, an urgency, a timeliness, that 
we must not miss in anything we do or hope for in 
Africa. We must act more quickly; we must 
throw in our support now, totlay. We must help 
Africa's leaders to build schools and get teachers 
into them — some from our own shores, many more 
from Africa itself. We must expox't our know- 
how to the fanners of Africa, and we must be 

' See p. 507. 

ready to help get more food from our surpluses 
into African stomachs. We must support com- 
munity development. We must help small indus- 
tries, like that of a trader I saw in Kenya who 
started his small store with an ICA loan. In some 
cases we should take on larger schemes for the de- 
velopment of power and new manufactures. In 
doing so we shall be enhancing the probability 
that American private investment can play a grow- 
ing part in Africa's future development. 

The sum of these contributions will not trans- 
form Africa overnight. And in any case that 
transformation is ultimately in the hands of the 
peoples of Africa and of their new leaders. 

Essentially and in conclusion, these are the 
impressions I have come back with. You may 
remark that I have not talked about the Commu- 
nists or the Congo or the cold war. I will try to 
answer questions, if you wish to ask them, about 
these and other points I have not touched on. 
Just let me say, however, that we had better be 
coldly realistic about Communist-bloc influence in 
Africa. The new nations there do not emerge into 
a one-sided world. They see it whole, and they 
are not going to slam the door on another great 
power which commands large political and eco- 
nomic resources. The Sino-Soviet presence will 
inevitably increase in Africa, and its emissaries 
will be well armed with promissory notes — some 
open, some offered covertly to ambitious and un- 
scrupulous power seekers. The push of a new im- 
perialism is thus certain to seek headway in 
Africa. This is one more reason, and a weighty 
one, for us to get busy learning all we can about 
Africa, understanding the aspirations of its peo- 
ples and supporting its new leaders in the great 
enterprise of construction that lies before them. 

Finally let me say Africa is not only a chal- 
lenge but an opportunity ; we saw it in the bright 
eager faces of hundreds of young school children. 
And I remember especially visiting a mission sta- 
tion 50 miles from Leopoldville in the Congo. The 
missionaries were back only 3 days since evacua- 
tion. They said they had left long after the other 
whites because the indigenous Africans had pro- 
tected them and finally warned them they had 
better go — they left by helicopter. All the while 
the missionaries were gone the Africans ran the 
mission church, the school, and the hospital — as 
we could see. Africans when given the opportu- 
nity can and do hold high the finest values of hu- 

Department of Stale Bulletin 

man dignity. This, then, is the real challenge of 
Africa, the real opportimity — to fulfill our Amer- 
ican pliilosophy by helping our fellow human 
beings realize for themselves the full significance 
and rich blessings of individual dignity as well as 
national freedom. 

Educators From Republic of the Congo 
Arrive in U.S. for Training 

Press release 158 dated March 24 

Nineteen Congolese educators arrived on March 
24 to start an 18-month educational training course 
in the United States under sponsorship of the 
International Cooperation Administration. This 
is the second group of Congolese to be brought to 
the United States for this type of training mider 
the ICA-financed university scholarship program 
and represents part of the 300 scholarships pre- 
sented as an Independence Day gift by the U.S. 
Government to the Congo. 

The group includes Catherine Djoli, who is the 
101st participant and the first woman to be 
brought to the United States from the Congo. 
Miss Djoli is principal of one of Leopoldville's 
largest primai-y schools. The other members of 
the group are engaged in primary school work 

The young Congolese will enroll at Georgetown 
University on March 28 for a 6-month course in 
English-language training. They will study and 
receive instructions from other colleges in the 
United States concerning the educational teaching, 
methodology, supervision, and administration of 
schools before returning to Leopoldville. 

Under the present participant training pro- 
gram, nationals from host coimtries increase their 
knowledge and skill through academic studies, 
inservice training programs, observation trips, 
seminars, workshops, and practice teaching. Par- 
ticipants undertaking academic study and inserv- 
ice training programs come to the United States 
for varying periods of time. The participant may 
attend classes at a college or university or may ob- 
tain his training by experience in plants, factories, 
or offices. Seminars and workshops are arranged 
for participants in many fields such as communi- 
cations, public health, education, and agriculture. 

As in other phases of technical cooperation, 
the participant program in a host counti-y is es- 

tablished in response to the needs and desires of 
the host government, and the initiative and re- 
quest for training come from the host country. 

U.S. To Negotiate With Liberia 
for Expanded Education Program release 160 dated Marcli 24 

The Government of the United States will 
shortly enter into negotiations with the Govern- 
ment of Liberia for an expanded education pro- 
gram. The contemplated agreement will involve 
the transfer of ownerehip of certain facilities in 
the Port of Alonrovia which were constmcted on 
the basis of a World War II agreement between 
the two countries. 

The negotiations involve the settlement of a 
lend-lease debt of approximately $19 million in- 
curred to develop Liberia's port facilities. It is 
the hope of the U.S. Government that amounts 
corresponding to annual lend-lease payments will 
be used for the education of Liberians. 

The United States will view negotiation of this 
agreement as a further step in the long histoiy of 
harmonious relations between the United States 
and Liberia. 

Bolivia Receives $3.5 Million ICA Loan 

Press release 159 dated March 24 

A special assistance loan of $3.5 million was 
made to the Government of Bolivia on March 24 
by the International Cooperation Administration. 
The loan represents part of a $10 million credit to- 
Bolivia which was previously announced in La 
Paz on November 28, 1960. 

The purpose of the loan is to assist in rehabili- 
tating the Bolivian Mining Corporation 
(COMIBOL) mines and concentration plants. 
Proceeds from the loan will be used to purchase 
tools and spare parts in the United States. 

The loan represents the U.S. contribution to the 
first phase of a triangular arrangement whereby 
the Federal Kepublic of Germany and the Inter- 
American Development Bank expect to make sim- 
ilar amounts available to Bolivia. 

The loan is repayable in U.S. dollars over a pe- 
riod of 10 years at 53/4 percent interest. 

Ambassador Victor Andrade of Bolivia signed 
the loan agreement on behalf of his Government. 

April 10, J 96 J 



U.S. Replies to Soviets 
on Congo Situation 

Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

Mr. President, the Unit«d States deeply regrets 
the passing of one of our colleagues [Manuel 
Bisbe y Alberni, Cuban representative] . He died 
in the line of duty. 

I do not intend to speak at length but after hear- 
ing the statement by the distinguished Foreign 
Minister of the Soviet Union [Andrei A. Gro- 
myko] I feel that a few tilings need to be said 

After listening to the Soviet speech, which we 
had already heard in the Security Council, I have 
concluded that there are two Congo problems — one 
in Africa and one in New York — and that the one 
in New York is, if anything, the most serious. 

Many of our delegations during the past 2 weeks 
have been endeavoring to shorten our agenda in 
order to reduce the area of recrimination, of reck- 
less calumny, of cold war which has unhappily 
mari-ed our debates in the past. These efforts have 
not succeeded, but I was frankly astonished to 
hear the Soviet Foreign Minister open the first 
debate of this resumed session with a speech 
which, to say the least, is in the worst and most 
destructive traditions of the cold war. I am 
afraid that we must take this as further evidence 
that the Soviet Union does not regard our Organ- 
ization as a means of international cooperation but 
simply as an instrument of international discord. 

U.N. Purpose in the Congo 

I believe we should all remind ourselves that 
our purpose in this debate and tlie purpose of 
the United Nations in the Congo is to enable the 
Congolese people to solve their own political prob- 
lems through peaceful and conciliatory means by 
protecting the Congo from external interference 

and by helping them establish internal security. 
In this connection I invite your attention to para- 
graph 143 of the report of the United Nations 
Conciliation Commission for the Congo,^ wliich 
has just been laid on our desks. This paragraph 
reads as follows : 

The Commission feels that an appeal should be made 
to all States to abstain from any kind of interference 
in the internal affairs of the country and, in particular, 
to avoid assuming any attitude which might aggravate 
the opposition between the different tendencies in the 
Congo and thus malie reconciliation more diflBcult. 

The reason, I remind you, for this gi-eat and 
expensive effort in the Congo — and I wish the 
Soviet Union would contribute something to it 
besides obstruction and criticism — is not to impose 
a government on the Congo but to help the Congo- 
lese establish a govermment of their own choosing, 
to help them help themselves. 

On Febrviary 21 the Security Council adopted 
an important resolution ^ designed to achieve these 
objectives. The first steals have been taken. The 
United Nations Force in the Congo is being 
strengthened. Efforts are under way to bring 
about the withdrawal of all Belgian and other 
foreign military and paramilitary personnel, mer- 
cenaries, and political advisers. Civil war has 
not developed. Steps toward political concilia- 
tion have been taken. 

Now, the obstacles we know confronting the 
Secretary- General in the Congo are imprece- 
dented. To put more obstacles in his patJi by 
these incessant Soviet attacks not only does vio- 
lence to any respect for justice but also is an ill- 
designed attack on the United Nations effort to 
aid the Congo. 

We deeply regret that this rostrum has become 
a platform for such wild and irresponsible and 
absurd attacks. We have not even been spared 
the charge of an accomplice to murder. To use 
the unhappy state of affairs in the Congo as an 
excuse for such insensate attacks on the Secretary- 

'Made in plenary session on Mar. 21 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3670). 

' U.N. doc. A/4711, Corr. 1, Add. 1 and 2. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 368. 


Department of State Bulletin 

General compounds the offense to the dignity of 
this body and to the very survival of the United 
Nations as an effective operating instrument for 
peace and progress. 

Once more I must make it clear that my Gov- 
ernment respects the high office of the Secretary- 
General and it tlianks the Secretary-General for 
what he has done and is trying to do to give effect 
to the instructions of this body. We think he 
should be helped, not hindered, in his work for 
us. We consider him a dedicated, impartial, and 
scrupulously honest official of unimpeachable in- 
tegrity and that we are fortunate to have such a 
man in this most difficult post at this most critical 

A Period of Fruitful Collaboration 

After listening to the Soviet speech this morn- 
ing I have concluded that, of course, there is 
further hard work that remains to be done in the 
Congo. Much of it will have to be done here in 
New York. Then the aspiration of the local lead- 
ers and the intent of the most recent Security 
Council I'esolution must be reconciled. Retrain- 
ing of local troops needs to be worked out. In- 
stitutions of internal administration and for eco- 
nomic and social development need to be strength- 
ened, and cooperation between the Congo and the 
United Nations needs to be improved. 

In short, we desperately need a period of fruit- 
ful collaboration between the United Nations and 
the Congo during which we all use our best efforts 
to make the United Nations operation succeed. 
I suggest we must stop pulling up the roots of this 
fragile plant every few days to see if it is gi'owing. 
That is the best way to kill the plant, and I suspect 
that that may be the objective of some of these 
incessant attacks. 

I regret exceedingly that today the Soviet 
Union has provoked another debate with the clear 
intention not to encourage conciliation in the 
Congo but to sow dissension and discord. This 
statement has confirmed our belief wliich we ex- 
pressed to many delegations this weekend that 
it would not be helpful to rush into a Congo debate. 
The sort of statement that we have heard this 
morning is not helpful to the effort of the United 
Nations in the Congo, as the distinguished dele- 
gate from Brazil has indicated. It is not helpful 
to the Congo itself. 

We all know that the Conciliation Commission 

has just completed a report on the basis of exten- 
sive, on-the-ground examination in the Congo. 
We all knew that it would contain recommenda- 
tions and conclusions that would merit our most 
careful consideration. 

Wliatever we do now we must avoid, it seems 
to me, two things. We must not act prematurely 
and emotionally so as to further complicate the 
United Nations operation in the Congo; and we 
must encourage, not discourage, efforts of the 
Congolese to produce viable and conciliatory 
political progress. 

I wish to respond to only a very few points. 
The latest mandate of the United Nations in the 
Congo is contained in the resolution of Febru- 
ary 21 in the Security Council. This resolution 
is scarcely a month old. Its implementation re- 
quires close cooperation between the Congolese 
and the United Nations and between many other 
states and the United Nations. It needs to be 
continued to be carried out. I need hardly point 
out to the Assembly that the United States 
strongly supported this resolution and we stand 
by it. The Soviet Union did not support this 
resolution. If any further proof were needed, 
it has now been provided. The Soviet Union 
does not want the United Nations to succeed in 
the Congo. 

Summation of U.S. Views 

In conclusion I should like to emphasize three 

The Soviet Union demands the resignation of 
the Secretary-General. We will oppose this de- 
mand with all of our strength. We must not 
allow the United Nations to be demeaned by 
vicious attack on its most dedicated servant. 

Secondly, the Soviet Union demands that the 
United Nations withdraw from the Congo within 
1 month. The United States is totally opposed 
to this effort to replace constructive efforts of the 
world at large to achieve peace and reconciliation 
with anarchy. The United Nations must succeed 
in the Congo in the interests of all nations, large 
and small. 

In the third place, the Congo and the United 
Nations desperately need a period of quiet and 
of constructive cooperation during which we can 
help the Congolese to help themselves. We now 
have been plunged into a destructive attack be- 

April 10, 1 96 J 


fore the Conciliation Commission's report of its 
on-the-spot conclusions could even be digested. 

We earnestly hope, therefore, that the Assem- 
bly will proceed soberly and intelligently only 
•when we have the full facts in our possession. 
Efforts are under way in the Congo to produce 
conciliation and to carry out the resolution of 
February 21. It would be prejudicial, it seems 
to us, if the Assembly action were to impede this 
process. We pledge our efforts to prevent any 
such development. We must not allow the United 
Nations effort to be wrecked. We must not allow 
our debates to retard rather than to advance the 
peaceful internal developments which are so des- 
perately needed in the Congo. 

Approaching the Problem 
of African Development 

Following are statements made l>y Adlai E. 
Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the V.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly, in Committee I {Political and 
Security) . 


U,S. delegation press release 3671 

I imderstand that shortly before the Assembly 
recessed in December it decided not to take any 
action at that time on the disarmament resolutions 
which are pending before this committee. As 
members of the committee are aware, consulta- 
tions have been taking place on the disarmament 
•question since the session of the General Assem- 
bly resinned. We feel, therefore, that it would 
be unwise to take up the disarmament question 
again at this point. It is possible, at least, that 
private discussions can make further contentious 
xJebate unnecessary. If not, they may, neverthe- 
less, enlarge the area of common agreement. 

I would propose, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that 
we continue our work with the next item on the 
agenda as already approved by the committee, 
with the understanding that the conmiittee will 
-decide after further consultations at what point 
we would resume consideration of disarmament. 

This next item on the agenda is the one on 

"Africa, a United Nations Program for Inde- 
pendence and Development." It seems to us that 
this is a constructive item intended to encourage 
ideas for United Nations assistance and that it 
would be a healthy way to start the business of this 

Last fall there was, I understand, a body of 
opinion that this item should be taken up even 
before disarmament. It is our belief that the 
time has now come when consideration of assist- 
ance to Africa would be beneficial. 


U.S. delegation press release 3674 

Yesterday President Kennedy submitted to the 
United States Congress a special message on for- 
eign aid.^ In this message he reaffirms the convic- 
tion of the Government and of the people of the 
United States that 

There exists, in the 1960's, a historic opportunity for a 
major economic assistance effort by the free industrial- 
ized nations to move more than half the people of the less- 
developed nations into self-sustained economic growth, 
while the rest move substantially closer to the day when 
they, too, will no longer have to depend on outside 

It is in this conviction that we approach the 
problem of African development which is now 
before the committee. 

Last September President Eisenhower in a 
speech before the General Assembly ^ outlined a 
program for the future development of Africa. 
In the intervening 6 months much has happened 
in Africa, much has happened in the United 
States and elsewhere in the world. However, 
most of the conditions that stimulated a more pos- 
itive United Nations recognition of the needs of 
Africa remain unchanged. Tentative steps were 
taken last fall toward formulating a concrete pro- 
gram of United Nations assistance to African de- 
veloi:)ment. On this foundation, then, I hope that 
this committee in deliberation and consultation 
can contribute toward a really effective United 
Nations program for the nations of Africa, a pro- 
gram that will help fulfill their aspirations and 
meet their burgeoning needs. So it seems both 
desirable and appropriate to speak again on tliis 

' See p. 507. 

' Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 


Department of State Bulletin 

vital subject to reaffirm our deep and sympathetic 
interest in the future of this huge continent by 
specific action. 

It is not my purpose here today to advance a 
detailed, rigid program. It is rather for the 
Africans themselves to determine the content of 
such a program. I am certain that the African 
members of this committee out of their actual ex- 
perience will have much to offer in sound ideas and 
in new thinking. This committee should listen 
carefully to what they have to say, and it is our 
hope that its discussions will lead to an African 

It is also our hope that the various African na- 
tions, individually and jointly, will want to as- 
sume the responsibility for developing a 
long-range program for their continent so that it 
will be clear to all of the world that it is by, of, 
and for Africa. Only the Africans can develop 
Africa in the last analysis. The President of the 
United States in his message on foreign aid, to 
which I have just referred, made it clear that spe- 
cial attention should be given to those nations 
most willing and able to mobilize their own re- 
sources, to make necessary social and economic 
reforms, to engage in long-range plans and make 
the other efforts necessary if these are to reach the 
stage of self-sustaining growth. The United 
States would welcome, as I say, this initiative, and 
we desire very much to be associated with it. 

This means, I confess, much to me personally as 
well as to my country. In recent years, as some 
of you know, I have had the privilege of traveling 
through Africa extensively. I have the honor of 
knowing many of the new leaders, whose friend- 
ship I prize. I have also met thousands of others 
in all walks of life and in all conditions of ad- 
vancement. The past problems and urgent needs 
of these nations and peoples have been a lively 
preoccupation of mine. I say this so that, if I 
speak from the heart as well as the head today, 
you will forgive this mixing of sentiment with 

America's Experience 

"When considering this item on our agenda — this 
item which in effect poses the question of what is 
best for Africa's development — we who are Ameri- 
cans might ask ourselves what our Founding 
Fathers wanted for this coimtry when it, too, was 

first emerging as a new and independent nation. 
What were the feelings and attitudes, the ambi- 
tions, the aspirations, fears, and doubts of my 
countrymen almost 2 centuries ago? IVliat did 
they and this part of North America want then, 
especially in relation to the rest of the world and 
the more powerful developed world around them? 

Well, first of all — and above all — they wanted 
independence. On that cardinal point America 
was uncompromising. The young Republic of less 
than 3 million people was determined to exclude 
external interference in its internal affairs. It was 
equally determined to avoid what President Wash- 
ington called "foreign entanglements." But it 
welcomed most eagerly investments from abroad. 
It also welcomed outside ideas and culture, not 
with the notion of becoming an imitation of 
Europe but to the end of creating a new free society 
which gave the best ideas of the free nations of 
the world completely free play. The young 
America was proud and did not like being 
patronized. It was full of plans and impatient to 
get on with them. It was full of the adventure of 
life and of fun and even of folly. Mistakes were 
made, but they were inevitable for a new people in 
a new continent bursting at the seams with vigor 
and with hope. 

I mention all of this for, in remembering our 
own history, it is easier for us to miderstand and 
to sympathize with the new nations of Africa as 
they too begin their long, hard, exciting struggle 
to make their own way in the world. 

Our African friends respect the great concepts 
of individual and of national freedom and the nat- 
ural rights of human beings. They too stand for 
freedom, for independence, for self-determination. 
They too believe in the personal dignity of the 
individual. In support of these beliefs Africa is 
determined to keep itself free from any external 
domination, and it is to the interest of Africa as 
well as of the world that what is called the cold 
war be excluded from the African Continent. 

These objectives are certainly compatible with 
America's hopes and interests. We seek no privi- 
leged position. We only seek to assure that 
people's destinies remain in their own hands. Nor 
is it our ambition to create an Africa in our own 
image but rather to help Africa create a new image 
of its own — a blend of the various strands woven 
from its history and its culture. 

April 10, 1 96 1 


Importance of Proper Planning 

The soundest relationship between nations, we 
believe, is partnership. President Kennedy em- 
phasized this only a few days ago, when he out- 
lined a new program of aid to Latin America.^ 
He said, 

. . . only the most determined efforts of the American 
nations themselves can bring success to this effort .... 
If this effort is made, then outside assistance will give 
a vital Impetus to progress ; without it, no amount of help 
will advance the welfare of the people. 

These thoughts can be applied to Africa with 
equal force. As our discussion progresses on this 
item, I hope the newly independent nations of 
that continent will be encouraged to develop a 
program of real scope, both in time and size. 
Giving foreign aid for political purposes always 
risks more than it yields. And hit-and-miss, stop- 
gap aid will never do the Job either. Plans must 
be made then for the decade ahead to make the 
sixties a historic period of democratic progress in 
all of Africa. 

The success of the postwar recovery of Europe 
has already proved what can be done if there is 
proper planning and real partnership. And this 
is a good time to note that one very important fac- 
tor in that success was that Europeans themselves 
accepted responsibility not only for self-help but 
for mutual aid tlirougli the OEEC, the Organiza- 
tion for European Economic Cooperation. Our 
African friends will find this a useful example to 
keep in mind in developing their own program. 

I think it not unfair to say that the United 
States has already shown in bilateral ways its 
interest in accelerating African economic develop- 
ment. And within the United Nations system we 
have tried to make additional contributions 
through such bodies as UNESCO, FAO, WHO, 
ILO, UNICEF, the Special Fund, and the Ex- 
panded Program of Teclinical Assistance. 

A few days ago the United Nations through 
UNESCO advanced a new program (the most 
far-reaching it has ever undertaken) to advance 
African education. The proposed outlay is equal 
to nearly half of UNESCO's budget for the next 
2 years. Yet surely this is an area in which we 
have made only a beginning. The clear relation- 
ship of education to progress in modern societies 
makes far greater efforts in this field imperative. 

' Ibid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

The technical assistance program for Africa has 
been stepped up sharply from 1960 to 1961. The 
Special Fund already is assisting in the financing 
of some 15 sm-veys calling for total expenditures 
of $18.5 million. These are positive, purposeful 
actions in the fields of greatest need. But more 
must be done. 

Other Areas for Assistance 

There are other fields of development in which 
Africa can find help through the United Nations 
and its members. Let me take a moment to sug- 
gest just a few areas where such assistance might 
be forthcoming. In making these suggestions I 
stress the importance of multilateral action with 
its built-in safeguards against political strings 
and the desirability of making the fullest possible 
use of the Economic Commission for Africa. 

We should stand ready to assist the African 
states on their request to assess their own re- 
sources, to identify the obstacles which stand in 
the way of economic and social progress as they 
formulate programs individually and in consulta- 
tion with each other on a regional or a subregional 
basis. If they so desire, we should be prepared to 
extend assistance in the formulation of such pro- 
grams and plans. Wlien their plans have been 
made and their programs developed, the African 
states will be in a strong position, we believe, to 
call on the United Nations and related agencies 
to extend technical and economic assistance on an 
expanded scale to help them carry out these plans. 

In the formulation of plans for development we 
should also recognize the need for improvement 
and diversification of agriculture, for appropriate 
forms of industrialization in Africa, and the need 
to augment as rapidly as possible African profes- 
sional and administrative personnel to carry out 
countiy or regional programs. These would ap- 
pear to be the areas of primary importance where 
we should stand prepared to help. 

Other possibilities include the whole field of 
infrastructure, that is, the ports, the housing, 
transport, and so on. Africa's needs are virtually 
limitless. Roads, in particular, are indispensable 
if the isolation of communities is to be broken 
down and healthy market economies established. 

Here is where cooperation is indispensable. 
Roads which stop at frontiei-s, railroads which 
operate as closed circuits, rivers which are de- 

Department of State Bulletin 

veloped in separate and sometimes self-defeating 
projects — these are the symbols of political separa- 
tism, whereas the formulation of plans on a re- 
gional basis could have the opposite effect of 
bringing nations closer together. 

All this, of course, is going to cost a lot of 
money, a lot of manpower. Some will say that 
we, the industrialized nations, ought to make their 
contribution out of enlightened selfishness, but I 
prefer to think our policy should be justified by 
enlightened selflessness. Our program of aid to 
social and economic development must be seen on 
its own merits, separated from military assistance 
as stipulated by the President in his message. I 
know of no country that ever had cause to regret 
such a policy. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, the economic aid to 
Africa has overtones of urgency and of need un- 
known elsewhere. Nowhere in the world do peo- 
ple look forward with more hope or reach out 
more eagerly for the fruits of modern knowledge 
and modern technique. To assist this vast under- 
taking, this great awakening continent could and 
should be a great adventure in human cooperation, 
and it is one to which the American administra- 
tion is wholeheartedly dedicated. 

I hope, if circumstances permit, that I may have 
the privilege of addressing the committee again 
on this subject and with reference to the special 
needs of Africa as we see them. 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

25th Session of ECE Steel Committee 

The Department of State announced on March 
23 (press release 154) that Maxwell D. Millard, 
administrative vice president-international, U.S. 
Steel Corp., will serve as U.S. delegate to the 
25th session of the Steel Committee of the U.N. 
Economic Commission for Europe, which will con- 
vene at Geneva, March 27. He served in the 
same capacity at the 24th session of the Steel 
Committee, which was held at Geneva, June-July 

Mr. Millard will be assisted by Werner P. Nau- 
mann, manager, Commercial Research Division, 
U.S. Steel Export Co., New York; William 
L. Sandston, supervisor of economic research, 

ARMCO Steel Coi-p., Middletown, Ohio; and a 
member of the resident delegation at Geneva. 

At this regular semiannual session the Commit- 
tee will consider productivity and automation in 
the steel industry. 


Current Actions 



Convention on the Inter-American Institute of Agricul- 
tural Sciences. Done at Wasliington January 15, 1944. 
Entered into force November 30, 1944. 58 Stat. 1169. 
Ratification deposited: Paraguay, March 16, 1961. 

Protocol of amendment to the convention on the Inter- 
American Institute of Agricultural Sciences of January 
15, 1944 (58 Stat. 1169). Opened for signature at 
Washington December 1, 1958.' 
Ratification deposited: Paraguay, March 16, 1961. 


Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(3), and 61 of the 
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 1591) 
by providing that sessions of the Assembly of the 
International Civil Aviation Organization shall be held 
not less than once in 3 years instead of annually. Done 
at Montreal June 14, 1954. Entered into force Decem- 
ber 12, 1956. TIAS 3756. 
Ratification deposited: Senegal, February 28, 1961. 

International air services transit agreement. Signed at 
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for the 
United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693. 
Acceptance deposited: Ivory Coast, March 20, 1961. 

Economic Cooperation 

Convention on the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development and two supplementary protocols. 
Signed at Paris December 14, I960.' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: March 16, 1961. 
Ratified by the President: March 23, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

Protocol modifying article XXVI of the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 
13, 1949. Entered into force March 28, 1950. TIAS 

Protocol replacing schedule I (Australia) of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy 
August 13, 1949. Entered into force October 21, 1951. 
TIAS 2394. 

First protocol of modifications to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 
1949. Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS 

' Not in force. 

April 10, 1961 


Protocol replacing schedule VI (Ceylon) of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Aiineey 
August 13, 1949. Entered into force September 24, 
1952. TIAS 2746. 

Aanecy protocol of terms of accession to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy 
October 10, 1949. Entered into force for the United 
States October 10, 1049. TIAS 2100. 

Fourth protocol of rectifications to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 3, 
19.50. Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS 

Fifth protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Torquay December 16, 
1950. Entered into force June .30, 1953. TIAS 27G4. 

Torquay protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade and schedules of tariff concessions annexed 
thereto. Done at Torquay April 21, 1951. Entered into 
force June 6, 1951. TIAS 2420. 

First protocol of rectifications and modifications to the 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered 
into force October 21, 19.53. TIAS 2885. 

Second protocol of rectifications and modifications to the 
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 8. 1952. 
Entered into force February 2. 1959. TIAS 4250. 

Third protocol and rectifications and modifications to the 
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva October 24, 1953. 
Entered into force February 2, 1059. TIAS 4197. 
Acknowledged appUcahle rights and obligations of the 
United Kingdom: Nigeria, October 19, 1960. 


Germany, Federal Republic of 

Agreement amending the annex to the agreement of June 
30, 1956 (TIAS 3444), relating to the return of equip- 
ment furnished by the United States under the mutual 
defense assistance program. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Bonn March 9, 1961. Entered into force 
March 9, 1961. 


Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commodi- 
ties agreement of May 4, 1960 (TIAS 4499), as amended 
(TIAS 4543 and 4574). Effected by exchange of notes 
at New Delhi March 9, 1961. Entered into force 
March 9, 1961. 


Agreement providing for the furnishing of economic, tech- 
nical, and related assistance with agreed minute and 
related exchange of notes. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Seoul February 8, 1961. 
Entered into force: February 28, 1961. 

Agreement relating to economic aid. Signed at Seoul 
December 10, 1948. TIAS 1908. 

Terminated: February 28, 1961 (superseded by agree- 
ment of February 8, 1961, supra). 


Agreement amending the agreement of April 4, 1957 
(TIAS 3811), relating to duty-free entry and exemption 
from internal taxation on relief supplies and packages. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Asuncion December 
27, 1960, and March 7, 1961. Entered into force March 
7, 1961. 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: March 20-26 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce 

of News, Department of State, Washington 25, 


Release issued prior to March 20 which appears 

in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 137 of 

March 15. 






U.S. participation in international 



Rusk: University of California. 



Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) cre- 
dentials (rewrite). 



Rusk : news conference of March 20. 



Delegation to SEATO meeting (re- 



Coombs sworn in as Assistant Sec- 
retary for Educational and Cultural 
Affairs (biographic details). 



Gabon credentials (rewrite). 



Kennan sworn in as Ambassador to 
Yugoslavia (rewrite). 



Cultural exchange (Brazil). 



Delegation to ECB 25th session (re- 



Rusk : departure for SEATO meeting. 



Williams : National Press Club. 



Delegation to Development Assist- 
ance Group meeting (rewrite). 



Congolese educators begin training 



ICA loan to Bolivia. 



Negotiations for education program 
with Liberia. 



Cultural exchange (Iceland). 



Slater appointed Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Educational and Cul- 
tural Affairs (biographic details). 



Isenbergh appointed Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Educational and Cul- 
tural Affairs (biographic details). 



Williams : message to All-African Peo- 
ples' Conference. 


•Not prin 

tHeld for 

later issue of the Bulletin. 


Department of State Bulletin 

April 10, 1961 


Approaching the Problem of African Development 

Progress and Expectations in Africa (Williams) . 

United States Sends Greetings to All-African 
Peoples' Conference (Williams) 

Atomic Energy. Secretary Rusk's News Confer- 
ence at Berlieley, March 20 

Bolivia. Bolivia Receives $3.5 Million ICA Loan . 

Communism. Charter Day Address (Rusk) . . . 

Congo, Republic of the 

Educators From Republic of the Congo Arrive In 
U.S. for Training 

U.S. Replies to Soviets on Congo Situation 

Congo, Republic of. Letters of Credence (Da det) . 

Congress, The. Foreign Aid (Kennedy) .... 


Charter Day Address (Rusk) 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley, 
March 20 

Economic Affairs 

Approaching the Problem of African Development 


25th Session of ECE Steel Committee (delegation) . 
United States Ratifies OECD Convention . . . . 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Educators From Republic of the Congo Arrive in 
U.S. for Training 

The Ethics of Mutual Involvement (Cleveland) . . 

U.S. To Negotiate With Liberia for Expanded Edu- 
cation Program 

Gabon. Letters of Credence (N'Goua) 

International Information. The Ethics of Mutual 
Involvement (Cleveland) 

INDEX Vol. XLIV, No. 1137 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

25th Session of ECE Steel Committee (dele- 
534 gation) 537 

^-^ Liberia. U.S. To Negotiate With Liberia for Ex- 
panded Education Program 531 


Mutual Security 

Bolivia Receives $3.5 Million ICA Loan 531 

519 Educators From Repviblic of the Congo Arrive in 

53j^ U.S. for Training 531 

Foreign Aid (Kennedy) 507 


Presidential Documents 

Foreign Aid 507 

United States Ratifies OECD Convention .... 514 


Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Secretary 

Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley, March 20 . 519 

Treaty Information 

^24 Current Actions 537 

507 United States Ratifies OECD Convention .... 514 

U.S.S.R. U.S. Replies to Soviets on Congo Situation 
5jg (Stevenson) 532 

United Nations 

519 Approaching the Problem of African Development 

(Stevenson) 534 

Charter Day Address (Rusk) 515 

The Ethics of Mutual Involvement (Cleveland) . . 525 
Secretary Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley, 

March 20 519 

U.S. Replies to Soviets on Congo Situation 

(Stevenson) 532 

-oi Name Index 

525 Cleveland, Harlan 525 

Dadet, Emmanuel Domongo 524 

531 Kennedy, President 507, 514 

N'Goua, Joseph 524 

Rusk, Secretary 515, 519 

Stevenson, Adlai E 532, 534 

525 Williams, G. Mennen 526, 527 







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Vol. XLIV, No. 1138 JUL 17 1961 April 17, 1961 


THE SITUATION IN LAOS • Statements by President 
Kennedy, U.S. -British Joint Communique, and Texts of 
British-Soviet Exchange of Aide Memoire 543 


ISTERS • Statements by Secretary Rusk and Text of 
Communique 547 


PEACE CORPS • Remarks by Assistant Secretary 
Cleveland 551 


PARTNERSHIP • by Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II . 556 


ment by Jonathan B. Bingham and Text of Resolution . . . 569 


THE CONGO • Statement by Philip M. Klutznick ... 564 

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OF State Bulletin as the source will be 

Vol. XLIV, No. 1138 • Publication 7170 
April 17, 1961 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and interiuitional agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
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national relations are listed currently. 

The Situation in Laos 

Following are the texts of a statement on the 
situation in Laos read hy President Kennedy at 
a news conference at Washington on March £3, a 
joint commwnique issued at Key West, Fla., on 
March £6 following a meeting between the Presi- 
dent and British Prime Minister Harold Mac- 
millan, and a statement made hy the President at 
Pahn Beach, Fla., on April 1, together with the 
texts of a British- Soviet exchange of aide memoire. 


White Hoaee press release dated March 23 

I want to talk about Laos. It is important, I 
think, for all Americans to understand this difficult 
and potentially dangerous problem. In my last 
conversation with General Eisenhower, the day 
before the inauguration, we spent more time on 
this hard matter than on any other one thing. And 
since then it has been steadily before the admin- 
istration as the most immediate of the problems 
we found on taking office. 

Our special concern with the problem in Laos 
goes back to 1954. That year, at Geneva, a large 
group of powers agreed to a settlement of the 
struggle for Indochina. Laos was one of the new 
states which had recently emerged from the French 
Union, and it was the clear premise of the 1954 
settlement ' that this new country would be neu- 
tral, free of external domination by anyone. The 
new country contained contending factions, but in 
its first years real progress was made toward a 
unified and neutral status. But the efforts of a 
Communist-dominated group to destroy this neu- 

' For text of the agreement on the cessation of hostilities 
in Laos, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955: Basic 
Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication 6446, 
p. 775. 

trality never ceased, and in the last half of 1960 
a series of sudden maneuvers occurred and the 
Communists and their supporters turned to a new 
and greatly intensified military effort to take over. 
These three maps ^ show the area of effective Com- 
munist domination as it was last August — in De- 
cember — and as it stands today. 

In this military advance the local Communist 
forces, known as the Pathet Lao, have had in- 
creasing support and direction from outside. 
Soviet planes, I regret to say, have been conspicu- 
ous in a large-scale airlift into the battle area — 
over 1,000 sorties since December 13, 1960, and a 
whole supporting set of combat specialists, mainly 
from Communist north Viet-Nam — and heavier 
weapons have been provided from outside, all with 
the clear object of destroying by military action 
the agreed neutrality of Laos. It is this new di- 
mension of externally supported warfare that 
creates the present grave problem. 

The position of this administration has been 
carefully considered, and we have sought to make 
it just as clear as we know how to the governments 
concerned. First : We strongly and unreservedly 
support the goal of a neutral and independent 
Laos, tied to no outside power or group of powers, 
threatening no one, and free from any domination. 
Our support for the present duly constituted Gov- 
ernment is aimed entirely and exclusively at that 
result, and if in the past there has been any pos- 
sible ground for misimderstanding of our support 
for a truly neutral Laos, there should be none now. 

Secondly, if there is to be a peaceful solution, 
there must be a cessation of the present armed at- 
tacks by externally supported Communists. If 
these attacks do not stop, those who support a 
genuinely neutral Laos will have to consider their 
response. The shape of this necessary response 

" Not printed here. 

April 17, 1961 


will of course be carefully considered not only 
here in Washington but in the SEATO confer- 
ence with our allies which begins next Monday 
[March 27] .^ SEATO— the Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization — was organized in 1954 with 
strong leadership from our last administration, 
and all members of SEATO have undertaken 
special treaty responsibilities toward an aggres- 
sion against Laos.* 

No one should doubt our own resolution on this 
point. We are faced with a clear threat of a 
change in the internationally agreed position of 
Laos. This threat rims counter to the will of the 
Laotian people, who wish only to be independent 
and neutral. It is posed rather by the military 
operations of internal dissident elements directed 
from outside the country. This is what must end 
if peace is to be kept in southeast Asia. 

Third, we are earnestly in favor of constructive 
negotiation — among the nations concerned and 
among the leaders of Laos — which can help Laos 
back to the pathway of independence and genuine 
neutrality. We strongly support the present Brit- 
ish proposal of a prompt end of hostilities and 
prompt negotiation. We are always conscious of 
the obligation which rests upon all members of the 
United Nations to seek peaceful solutions to prob- 
lems of this sort. We hope that others may be 
equally aware of this responsibility. 

My fellow Americans, Laos is far away from 
America, but the world is small. Its 2 million 
peaceful people live in a country three times the 
size of Austria. The security of all of southeast 
Asia will be endangered if Laos loses its neutral 
independence. Its own safety runs with the 
safety of us all — in real neutrality observed by all. 

I want to make it clear to the American people, 
and to all the world, that all we want in Laos is 
peace, not war- — a truly neutral government, not 
a cold-war pawn — a settlement concluded at the 
conference table, not on the battlefield. Our re- 
sponse will be in close cooperation with our allies 
and the wishes of the Laotian Government. We 
will not be provoked, trapped, or drawn into this 
or any other situation. But I know that every 
American will want his country to honor its ob- 
ligations to the point that freedom and security 
of the free world and ourselves may be achieved. 

" See p. 547. 

' For text of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense 
Treaty, see Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 393. 

Careful negotiations are being conducted with 
many countries in order to see that we take every 
possible course to insure a peaceful solution. Yes- 
terday the Secretary of State informed the Mem- 
bers of the Congress and brought them up to date. 
We will continue to keep the country fully 


White House press release (Key West, Fla.) dated March 26 

President Kennedy and Prime Minister Mac- 
millan have had a most valuable exchange of views 
about the situation in Laos. This will be of great 
assistance to the representatives of the two coun- 
tries in the discussions at the SEATO meeting 
which is due to begin in Bangkok tomorrow. 

They agree that the situation in Laos cannot be 
allowed to deteriorate. 

They also agree that the recent British note to 
the Soviet Union contains proposals which, if 
implemented, would bring to an end the warfare 
in Laos and would pave the way for Laos to become 
the truly neutral country, which it is their joint 
wish to see. 

They strongly hope, therefore, that the Soviet 
Union will make a positive and constructive reply 
to these proposals. 


Although the Soviet reply contains certain ob- 
servations with which we cannot agree it offers 
hope that a way can be found to establish a neutral 
and independent Laos through negotiations. 

The fii-st need is to bring the present fighting in 
Laos to an end ; we think that this can be achieved 
if all interested governments, including the Soviet 
Union, use their influence to bring this about. 

Negotiations for a settlement of the Laotian 
question will not be simple and may take some 
time, but the United States will do everything it 
can to reach a result which will permit the Laotian 
people to live in peace and take care of their own 

The Soviet reply appears to be a useful next step 
toward a peaceful settlement of a potentially dan- 
gerous situation. 

" Read to news correspondents at Palm Beach, Fla., by 
Pierre Salinger, Press Secretary to the President. 


Department of State Bulletin 


Text of British Aide Memoire of March 23 " 

Her Majesty's Government have studied the Soviet Aide 
Meraoire about Laos communicated to Sir Frank Roberts 
on February 18.' In considering this they have also had 
in mind the proposals which have been made by various 
other Governments towards a solution of the Laotian prob- 
lem. In particular there is the suggestion of His Royal 
Highness Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia for the holding 
of an international conference of fourteen nations and 
the request of His Majesty the King of Laos that an 
international commission of neutral nations should be 
sent to Laos to bring about an end to the fighting and to 
assist in working out a national settlement. Her Majes- 
ty's Government have also been made aware by the 
United States Government of the exchange of views 
which has taken place between the United States and the 
Soviet Governments. 

Her Majesty's Government now wish to make the fol- 
lowing proposals. An essential prerequisite for the suc- 
cessful execution of the proposals which follow is that 
there should be an immediate cessation of all active mili- 
tary operations in Laos. To this end the two co-Chairmen 
should issue an immediate request for a de facto cease fire. 
If this can be accomplished Her Majesty's Government 
would agree to the suggestions of the Soviet Government 
that a message from the co-Chairmen should be sent to 
the Prime Minister of India asking Mr. Nehru to summon 
the International Commission for Supervision and Control 
in Laos to meet in New Delhi as soon as possible. The 
task of the Commission at this stage would be to verify 
the effectiveness of the cease fire and report thereon to the 

Her Majesty's Government are also willing to accept 
the suggestion of the Soviet Government that an inter- 
national conference should be convened to consider a 
settlement of the Laotian problem. To this end they 
believe that the Geneva Conference should be recalled by 
the co-Chairmen and they strongly endorse the suggestion 
made by His Royal Highness Prince Sihanouk of Cam- 
bodia that certain other nations should join the Conference 
and take part in its deliberations as full members. Her 
Majesty's Government suggest that this Conference should 
meet as soon as the International Commission can reix)rt 
that tlie cease fire is effective. They very much hope that 
this could be brought about without delay say within a 
period of two weeks. 

Finally Her Majesty's Government consider that the 
question of a neutral Laotian Government of national 
unity will have to be resolved as soon as possible before 
an international conference can reach any decisions. Her 
Majesty's Government cannot recognise the so-called "gov- 
ernment of Prince Souvanna Phouma" as being competent 
to represent Laos at an international conference. They 
therefore hope that the various parties in Laos will imme- 
diately resume the discussions which were started in 
Phnom Penh with a view to agreeing on a national gov- 

° Made public by the British Foreign Office on Apr. 1. 
' Not printed here. 

April 17, 1961 

ernment which could represent Laos at the proposed con- 
ference. If no Government of national unity has been 
formed by the time the International Conference convenes 
it is clear that the Laotian Government cannot be repre- 
sented as such and that the Conference will have to ad- 
dress itself as its first task to helping the parties of Laos 
to reach agreement on this point. 

Text of Soviet Aide Memoire of April 1 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated April 1 
Unofficial translation 

The Aide Memoire of the UK government on the question 
of Laos, transmitted March 23, 1961 by the UK Am- 
bassador Sir Frank Roberts, has been attentively studied 
by the USSR government. 

The Soviet government has invariably stood and stands 
for Laos as a neutral, united, independent, peaceful state 
in accordance with the Geneva agreements, has long in- 
sisted on urgent convening of an appropriate international 
conference, considering this the most effective means of 
solving the problem of Laos in the interests of securing 
independence and unity in this country, in interests of 
strengthening general peace. In this connection the So- 
viet government notes with satisfaction that the UK 
government now expresses agreement on convening of 
an international conference for settling the Laos problem 
with participation of countries which were participants 
at the 1954 Geneva Conference and also several other 
states in accordance with the proposal of the Head of 
State of Cambodia, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The So- 
viet government considers it necessary now to agree defi- 
nitely on the date and place of convening such a confer- 
ence and for its part proiwses that it be convened at the 
beginning of April in Phnom Penh. 

The Soviet government, like the UK government, con- 
siders it desirable to have the quickest cessation of mili- 
tary activities being conducted in Laos. In the Soviet 
statement made to the UK Ambassador in Moscow on 
February 18 of this year it was indicated that, in the 
opinion of the Soviet government, the task in Laos is 
"in the first place the cessation of military operations 
being conducted there and reaching peaceful settlement 
in which the unity and integrity of Laos would be re- 
spected and an end brought to interference in its internal 
affairs". Therefore, the Soviet government is positively 
disposed to the proposal that the two chairmen of the 
Geneva Conference appeal for a cease-fire in Laos. In 
accordance with this, interested parties of Laos should 
of course hold negotiations on questions connected with 
the cease-flre. 

The Soviet government agrees also with the convening 
of an international commission for observation and con- 
trol in Laos. The international commission on Laos 
should, as soon as possible, call a meeting in Delhi and 
present its report to the two chairmen of the Geneva Con- 
ference. Of course renewal of activity of the commission 
in no way should hold up calling of the aforementioned 
international conference on Laos. 

In the Aide Memoire of the UK government there is 
reference to the need to solve the "question of a neutral 



government of national unity in Laos". The question of 
the government of Laos is, naturally, an internal affair 
of the Laotians themselves. The Soviet government, lilie 
the government of many other states of Europe and Asia, 
holds, as is known, that in Laos there exists the legal 
government of His Highness Prince Souvanna Phouma, 
which stands on a platform of strict neutrality and restor- 
ation of unity of internal forces, and has the support of 
a majority of the population of the country. A rebellion 
against this government, raised by a group of conspirators, 
relying on military support from the outside, was or- 
ganized precisely for the purpose of ending the neutrality 
of Laos in international affairs. 

The Soviet government of course would regard with 
sympathy the holding of negotiations among different 
political tendencies in Laos on measures for strengthening 
the national unity of the country. If a necessary agree- 
ment is still not reached among participants of the ne- 
gotiations before the time of convening an international 
conference on Laos, then the Soviet government does not 
exclude that the conference, as also proposed by the UK 
government, will put before itself as one of its taslis the 
rendering of help to the Laotians in reaching an agreement 

In conclusion the Soviet government considers it neces- 
sary to draw the attention of the UK government to the 
fact that the settlement of the problem of Laos on a basis 
of securing peace, independence and neutrality of this 
country demands maintenance of an international sit- 
uation favorable for settling such a task. Of course 
threats of interference in the affairs of Laos from the 
side of the SEATO military bloc and the tactic of saber- 
rattling, employed recently by certain powers, not only 
does not promote this, but can seriously complicate the 
entire matter of settlement of the Laos problem. 

The Soviet government expresses the hope that the UK 
government will find acceptable the projwsals set forth in 
this dociunent, which the government of the USSR pre- 
pared, motivated by a sincere effort for the most rapid 
restoration of peace in Laos and securing independence 
and neutrality of this state, and taking into account con- 
siderations of the UK government. 

U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses 
for Arms Sliipments to Congo 

Press release 174 dated March 30 

The Department of Commerce on March 29 is- 
sued an amendment to Department of Commerce 
Transportation Order T-1 prohibiting the trans- 
portation of certain military and paramilitary 
items by United States-registered vessels or air- 
craft from any points of origin to destinations in 
the Congo, except under special authority or li- 
cense granted by the Department of Commerce. 
The items covered by the order are (1) arms, am- 
munition, and implements of war, (2) aircraft and 
aircraft engines and parts, (3) trucks, buses, and 
jeeps of military design, and (4) bayonets. It 
is contemplated that licenses will be issued in any 
case where the shipment of such items is to be 
made at the request or with the approval of the 
United Nations. 

This order has been issued in further imple- 
mentation of the United States Government's firm 
support of the United Nations position that no 
military or paramilitary assistance should be sent 
to the Congo, from any source whatsoever, except 
through the United Nations. In this connection, 
Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the 
United Nations, stated on February 15 ^ that : 

"The United States intends to use its utmost 
influence and, within the framework of the United 
Nations, to see to it that there is no outside inter- 
ference, from whatever source, with the Congolese 
people's working out of their independence." 

^Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Seventh Meeting of SEATO Council of Ministers 

The seventh annual meeting of the Coimoil of 
Ministers of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organi- 
zation teas held at Bangkok, March 27-29. Fol- 
lowing are statements made iy Secretary Rusk 
upon his departure for Bangkok on March 23, at 
the opening session on March 27, and upon his 
return to Washington on March 31, together with 
the text of a communique issued at the close of the 
meeting and a list of the members of the U.S. 


Press release 155 dated March 23 

I am looking forward to participating in the 
seventh meeting of the Council of Ministers of 
the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization in Bang- 
kok which begins on Monday. I intend to take 
full advantage of this welcome opportunity to 
meet and confer with my colleagues, the foreign 
ministers of the SEATO member nations. 

Today the Organization is confronted with a 
serious resurgence of danger to the independence 
of countries in the treaty area. Since its incep- 
tion SEATO has demonstrated its effectiveness as 
a deterrent to aggression. SEATO has also proved 
to be a force for constructive regional progress 
in economic, scientific, and cultural fields. 

For our part we shall pledge the continued 
adherence of the United States under this adminis- 
tration to the principle of collective security. I 
am confident that our partners m SEATO fully 
subscribe to the same principle. 


Press release 169 dated March 28 

This seventh meeting of the Council of Minis- 
ters of SEATO brings us back to the realities 
which gave birth to our alliance. "VVe can regret 
that our meeting in this lovely capital of Thailand 
occurs in such troubled times, but it is perhaps 

symbolic that we return today to the city in which 
our first meeting was held in 1955. 

The hard fact is that this particular meeting 
finds the treaty area in a situation full of danger 
for the future of its nations and peoples — a possi- 
bility clearly envisaged at the time of the found- 
ing of the treaty. The United States does not 
believe that such a situation can be ignored. 

The principle of collective security for defense 
is as old as the history of nations. Even though 
we may be considered ourselves one of the princi- 
pal world powers, we do not rely exclusively upon 
our own arms to defend ourselves but look to the 
collective strength of defense organizations in 
which we have joined around the world. The 
words and actions of aggressive powers have dem- 
onstrated clearly, both to us and to the allies with 
which we have associated ourselves, that collective 
effort is necessary if we are to insure our con- 
tinued existence as free nations. 

We are, as a people, naturally interested in our 
own freedom ; yet we have on numerous occasions 
demonstrated our willingness to come to the aid 
of others who are themselves threatened — both 
where we have local treaty obligations and where, 
as in Greece or in Korea, we had no obligations 
except those imposed upon us by the U.N. Charter 
and by our sense of responsibility to other freedom- 
loving nations. 

This sense of responsibility has no geographical 
barriers. Our attention here is focused on south- 
east Asia. The people of this treaty area, no less 
than elsewhere, have an inherent right to create 
peaceful, independent states and to live out their 
lives in ways of their own choosing. Loss of free- 
dom means tragedy whether that misfortune over- 
takes a people on any continent or any island in the 
seven seas. 

Let no one suppose that the peoples of southeast 
Asia, whether members of this Organization or 
not, are innocent victims caught up somehow acci- 
dentally in power struggles between powerful ex- 
ternal contending forces. The objects of ag- 

April 17, J 96 7 


gressors, in their efforts to expand their dominion, 
are the people and the territory that lie in their 
path. This is the issue here. Were this issue laid 
to rest by an abandonment of such ambition, the 
United States would welcome the resulting re- 
duction of tensions and the ushering in of a world 
under law. But we cannot imagine the survival 
of our own free institutions if areas of the world 
distant from our own shores are to be subjugated 
by force or penetration. We cannot hope for 
peace for ourselves if insatiable appetite is un- 
restrained elsewhere. We confess a national in- 
terest in freedom, but it is a national interest 
which we share with other nations all over the 
globe — which becomes thereby a common interest 
of all who would be free. If we are determined, 
as we are, to support our commitments under 
SEATO, it is because peace is possible only 
through restraining those who break it in con- 
tempt of law. 

We sincerely regret that this meeting must be 
preoccupied by security matters related to the 
threat which faces the Kingdom of Laos and the 
Eepublic of Viet-Nam,^ both states lying within 
the treaty area of this Organization. Our more 
basic purpose is to assist the peoples of this area in 
realizing tliose noble aspirations of life for which 
man was created. 

We would be much happier if money spent here 
on arms, which we have furnished at the request 
of the legitimate governments of the states in the 
area for their own defense, could have been spent 
on the development of the human and material 
resources of the area — the harnessing of the great 
Mekong River for the enrichment of the lives of 
all the people of this area, the building of great 
highways to bind the peoples of this area together 
in friendly intercourse, the improvement of the lot 
of the people themselves, those living in the coun- 
try, cities, towns, and villages — their health, their 
welfare, and their education. 

These are the goals for which the money spent 
on arms could more happily be devoted. Only 
through the attainment of these goals can there 
emerge the feeling of unity and purpose among 
the people and states of the area which will give 
them a basis for collective action to improve their 
own well-being. We in the United States con- 
tinue to help the nations of this area in their de- 

' See p. 543. 

velopment and in the furtherance of their peace- 
ful pursuits, as appropriate through SEATO, 
through the Colombo Plan, through the United 
Nations, and through arrangements undertaken 
directly between us. 

In the final analysis the protection of personal 
freedom and national independence must stem 
from the individual and collective efforts of peo- 
ples themselves, based on their own desires and 
motivations. Small states are not, however, able 
to defend themselves alone against aggression or 
interference in their internal affairs by outside 
powers. Until the nations of this area are able to 
live with reliable assurance against external 
threats, we will continue to assist them toward 
this end. 

Three newly independent states, one of them di- 
vided, emerged from the deliberations which at- 
tended the brealcup of Indochina. Even before 
they had had a chance to organize as states and 
to create viable economies and social structures, 
they were under attack by the same forces which 
had subjugated northern Viet-Nam. During their 
short national existence they have not been given 
the chance to develop to the point where they could 
protect themselves against further subversions or 

We believe, and we feel confident that our views 
are shared by the other members of this Organiza- 
tion, that it is our obligation to assist the peoples 
of southeast Asia in their fight for their freedom^ 
both because of our responsibilities in connection 
with the formation of these states and because of 
the duties undertaken in the formation of the 
SEATO organization. 

Speaking for my country I wish to assure the 
members of this Organization and the people of 
southeast Asia that the United States will live up 
to these responsibilities. It is our sincere belief 
that all of the states of mainland southeast Asia, 
can themselves resolve their purely internal prob- 
lems. In these, of course, we have no desire to in- 
terfere. We will, however, continue to assist free 
nations of this area who are struggling for their 
survival against armed minorities directed, sup- 
plied, and supported from without. We will as- 
sist those defending themselves against such forces 
just as we shall assist those under attack by naked 
aggression. We feel confident that our fellow 
SEATO members share our feeling and will like- 
wise meet their commitments mider this treaty. A 


Department of State Bulletin 

primary puriDose of this meeting of the Council 
of Ministers is to determine how this can best be 


Press release ISl dated March 31 

The meeting of the Council of Ministers of 
SEATO in Bangkok was highly productive. We 
were much encouraged by the discussions there and 
by the unity achieved. 

The most important fact about the SEATO 
meeting was the demonstration of its solidarity 
and the determination of its members. The meet- 
ing expressed its support of efforts for cessation 
of hostilities and for peaceful negotiations to 
achieve a neutral and independent Laos. Should 
these efforts fail, however, members are prepared 
to take appropriate action. The ministers also 
expressed their resolve not to acquiesce in the at- 
tempted takeover of south Viet-Nam. 

All of us meeting in Bangkok were deeply con- 
cerned with the seriousness of the threat to Laos 
and south Viet-Nam. Some of our friends in 
SEATO are very close to these dangers. But even 
those of us far from that area recognize the threat 
to our own security and well-being. The resolve 
of the SEATO members is an important element 
in the maintenance of the jjeace in that part of the 
world and in the preservation of the independence 
of the peoples of that area. 


Press release 173 dated March 30, as corrected 

The SEATO Council held its seventh meeting in Bang- 
kok from March 27 to 29, 1961, under the chairmanship 
of His Excellency, Mr. Thanat Khoman, Minister of For- 
eign Affairs of Thailand. The inaugural address was 
delivered by the Prime Minister of Thailand, His Excel- 
lency, Field Marshal Srisdi Dhanarajata. 


Having examined the situation in Laos and the Republic 
of Viet-Nam, the Council unanimously approved the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

1. Consulting together as provided in the JIanila Pact, 
the SEATO Council has noted with grave concern the con- 
tinued offensive by rebel elements in Laos who are con- 
tinuing to be supplied and assisted by Conmiunist powers 
in flagrant disregard of the Geneva accords.' 

2. The Council once more makes it clear that SEATO 

is a defensive organization with no aggressive intentions 
and reiterates, in the words of the treaty, its "desire to 
live in peace with all peoples and all governments." 

3. The Council desires a united, independent and 
sovereign Laos, free to achieve advancement in a way of 
its own choosing and not subordinate to any nation or 
group of nations. 

4. It is believed that these results ought to be achieved 
through negotiations and cannot be hoped for if the present 
fighting continues. 

5. The Council notes with approval the present efforts 
for a cessation of hostilities and for peaceful negotiations 
to achieve an unaligned and independent Laos. 

6. If those efforts fail, however, and there continues to 
be an active military attempt to obtain control of Laos, 
members of SEATO are prepared, within the terms of the 
treaty, to take whatever action may be appropriate in the 

7. The Council also noted with concern the efforts of an 
armed minority, again supported from outside in violation 
of the Geneva accords, to destroy the Government of South 
Viet-Nam, and declared its firm resolve not to acquiesce 
in any such takeover of that country. 

8. Finally, the Council records its view that the organ- 
ization should continue to keep developments in Laos and 
Viet-Nam under urgent and constant review in the light 
of this resolution. 

General Observations 

During its deliberations, the Council also reviewed 
other aspects of the situation in the treaty area. 

The Council firmly reiterated the need for collective de- 
fense, and for economic and social development. 

The Council stressed the importance of continuing to 
develop good relations and of increasing the sense of com- 
munity among free countries in the area, all of which 
have a common interest in preserving their independence. 


The Council noted that further progress has been made 
during the year in jointly studying techniques of sub- 
version and insurgency, which continue to be favored Com- 
munist tactics in the treaty area, and in exchanging infor- 
mation on means of countering such activities. 

Military Defense 

The Council noted with satisfaction the planning work 
of the military advisers, the reorganization of the Mili- 
tary Planning Ofl5ce, and the effective coordination 
achieved by the forces of member countries in the several 
military exercises conducted during the past year. The 
Council expressed confidence that these efforts provide 
renewed assurance of the ability and readiness of SEATO 
to resist aggression. 

' For texts of the Geneva accords, see American Foreign 
Policy, 1950-1955: Basic Documents, vol. I, Department 
of State publication 6446, p. 750. 

April 17, 7 96 J 


Economic Cooperation 

The Council endorsed a proposal that a SEATO re- 
gional agricultural research program be established, which 
would sponsor, assist and supplement existing research 
facilities in the Asian member countries. The aims are 
to increase agricultural diversification and to control 
diseases affecting staple crops on which the area is 
heavily dependent. 

The Council also endorsed the proposal by the Thai 
Government for a community development project in 
northeast Thailand. It encouraged the Thai Government 
to develop this project in accordance with principles 
adopted at the SEATO community development conference 
recently held in Baguio, and noted that exx)erts would be 
supplied by member Governments for this purpose. 

The Council members attended the first graduation 
ceremony of the SEATO Graduate School of Engineering 
in Bangkolj, at which degrees were conferred by His 
Excellency, the Prime Minister of Thailand. This oc- 
casion marked a noteworthy step in SEATO's endeavors 
to develop those professional skills needed in the economic 
development of Southeast Asia. 

The Coimcil noted further progress on the following 
projects : 

The SEATO Cholera Research Laboratory in Dacca has 
been opened. Its counterpart, the SEATO Cholera Re- 
search Project in Thailand, has been expanded into the 
SEATO general Medical Research Laboratory, designed to 
help eradicate diseases common to the area. A successful 
conference on cholera research was held in Dacca in 
December 1960. 

The SEATO meteorological communication project, by 
providing advance information on weather conditions, 
is designed to achieve greater safety for air travel and a 
reduction of storm damage to propert.v and crops. 

The SEATO skilled labor projects in Pakistan, the 
Philippines and Thailand are performing the necessary 
task of increasing the number of skilled people who can 
participate in developing the economies of these countries 
and their defense capacities. 

Cuitural Activities 

The Council expressed satisfaction with the contacts 
and understanding acliieved among academic leaders by 
the conference of heads of universities held in Karachi 
early this year. It also agreed to continue the SEATO 
cultural program. 


The Council expressed appreciation for the outstanding 
services rendered to the organization during the past 
year by the Secretary-General, His Excellency, Nai Pote 
Sarasin, and his staff. 

Expression of Gratitude 

The Council expressed its gratitude to the Government 
of Thailand for its hospitality and the excellent arrange- 

ments made for the conference. The meeting voted warm 
thanks to the chairman, His Excellency, Mr. Thanat 

Next Meeting 

The Council accepted with pleasure the invitation of 
the Government of France to hold its next meeting in 
Paris in 1962. 


The Department of State announced on March 
21 (press release 149) that Secretary Rusk will 
head the U.S. delegation to the seventh meeting 
of the Council of the Southeast Asia Treaty 
Organization (SEATO), which will be held at 
Bangkok, March 27-29. 

The Secretary will be assisted by U. Alexis 
Johnson, U.S. Ambassador to Thailand and U.S. 
Council Representative to SEATO. 

Members of the delegation include : 

U.S. Representative 

Dean Rusk, Secretary of State 

U.S. Council Representative 

U. Alexis Johnson, Ambassador to Thailand 

Senior Advisers 

Adm. Harry D. Felt, USN, Commander in Chief, Pacific, 
Honolulu, Hawaii 

Thomas E. Naughten, Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
Bangkok, Thailand 

Paul H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Inter- 
national Security Affairs 

John M. Steeves, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 
Far Eastern Affairs 

Roger W. Tubby, Assistant Secretary of State for Public 


Jere Broh-Kahn, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand 

Lloyd Burlingham, Information Officer (SEATO), Amer- 
ican Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand 

John J. Conroy, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand 

Capt. James L. Cook, Jr., USN, CINCPAC, Honolulu, 

Sterling J. Cottrell, Political Adviser, CINCPAC, Hono- 
lulu, Hawaii 

John J. Czyzak, Assistant Legal Adviser for Far Eastern 
Affairs, Department of State 

Capt. James S. Elkin, USN, CINCPAC, Honolulu, Hawaii 

James R. Fowler, Acting Deputy Regional Director for 
Far Eastern Operations, International Cooperation 

Col. Joseph M. Plesch, USA, Office of Assistant Secretary 
of Defense for International Security Affairs 

Millard L. Gallop, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand: 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., Special Assistant for SEATO 

AfEairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of 

William O. Hall, Minister-Counselor, American Embassy, 

Karachi, Pakistan 
Rear Adm. Luther C. Heinz, USN, Director of Far East- 
ern Region, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense 

for International Security AfEairs 
Robert J. Jantzen, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand 
Howard D. Jones, Office of Special Assistant for SEATO 

Affairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of 

Col. Allan L. Leonard, Jr., USA, Chief, Southeast Asian 

Section, CINCPAC, Honolulu, Hawaii 
J. Gordon Mein, Minister-Counselor, American Embassy, 

Manila, Philippines 
Leonard Unger, Counselor, American Embassy, Bangkok, 


Secretary of Delegation 

William M. Gibson, Director, Office of International Con- 
ferences, Department of State 

Internationalizing the Concept 
of the Peace Corps 

Remarks iy Harlan Cleveland ^ 

The essential concept of the Peace Corps is 
simple — simple to state, that is — and immensely 
difficult to administer effectively. It involves re- 
cruiting skilled and dedicated people, mostly in 
their twenties; screening and training them rig- 
orously, with emphasis on developing their cul- 
tural empathy, their sense of organization, and 
their perception of the America from which they 
come ; and then putting them to work as additional 
help in existing organizations already engaged 
in the economic and social development process in 
the less developed areas — in U.S. aid missions, in 
American voluntary agencies, in the host govern- 
ments themselves, and in international agencies. 

But when you think through what it means to 
put young Americans in international agencies, 
some difficult and interesting questions crop up. 
Don't we have to assume that, if Americans are 
put into these agencies in considerable nmnbers, 
other countries will feel that they should do the 
same ? Don't we have to assume that the Soviets, 

^ Made before the Washington Council of the Experi- 
ment in International Living at Washington, D.C., on 
Mar. 2S (press release 170). Mr. Cleveland is Assistant 
Secretary for International Organization Affairs. 

who have copied most of the other major initia- 
tives in American foreign policy since World War 
II (including the Marshall plan, the European 
integration drive, and the point 4 program) , will 
copy this one too? Can we not foresee the time 
when little bands of Komsomols will be coexisting 
competitively with the American Peace Corps? 

If the probable answer to these questions is yes, 
why not plan from the outset on an international 
peace corps in addition to the American effort 
that is already under way ? ^ 

The case for an international approach to tech- 
nical assistance — that an international agency can 
participate more deeply and more relevantly in 
a sovereign government's economic and social 
planning, that internationally administered aid 
removes the sting of cross-cultural domination 
from the always ticklish relationship between 
donor and recipient — also makes a strong case 
for internationalizing the peace corps idea. In- 
deed, such an idea is already being tried out on a 
small scale : Dozens of Dutch youngsters are serv- 
ing internships in the Food and Agriculture Or- 
ganization and other U.N. agencies all over the 
world. The more we can export our good will and 
good intentions through international agencies, the 
easier it will be for the new countries, particu- 
larly those very sensitive, very new countries in 
Africa, to import the teclinical help they need 
without its being regarded merely a form of im- 
perialism — either the 19th-century colonial or the 
20th-century Kremlin variety. 

If we start thinking in tei-ms of an interna- 
tional peace corps as well as an American one, it 
is not difficult to project some of the needs for 
more junior help in the international technical 
assistance programs. Suppose we can develop 
some machinery under the Economic and Social 
Council to recruit and build international teams 
in which American youngsters would work along- 
side of British, French, Russians, Brazilians, Jap- 
anese, Indians, and others. Here, for example, 
are some of the ways these international peace 
corps volunteers might be used : 

1. In the case of the United Nations' own op- 
erations they might serve as staff assistants and 
technicians' helpers in support of particular U.N. 
programs. At present the work of the U.N. resi- 
dent representatives responsible for the Expanded 

' For background, see Bulletin of Mar. 20, 1961, p. 400. 

AprW 17, 7967 


Technical Assistance Program and Special Fund 
activities is severely handicapped by lack of office 
help of every kind, from "leg men" to typists, 
messengers, and chauffeurs. The volmiteers could 
also help in the growing amomit of work in- 
volved m developing statistical services and in 
the expandmg business of conimmiity develop- 
ment in many lands. 

2. The UNESCO [United Nations Educational, 
Scientific and Cultural Organization] education 
program, which is going to concentrate in Africa 
this next year or two, could use peace corps vol- 
miteers as teachers or teachers' helpers, could put 
some of them to work in the actual building of 
schools with native materials, using cheap and 
efficient designs that have already been worked 
up. For some volunteers a particularly exciting 
prospect might be to help in the archeological 
digs in the upper Nile Valley, part of UNESCO's 
attempt to save some of the Nubian monuments 
that will otherwise be lost forever under the wa- 
ters that pile up behind the Aswan Dam. 

3. The International Labor Organization, so its 
Director General has just told us, covdd make 
effective use of volunteers in its manpower train- 
ing programs on the lower intermediate level and 
in its share in community development pro- 
grams — for example, in the Andean-Indian 

4. The World Health Organization could offer 
a chance to participate in its widespread malaria 
eradication and sanitation efforts and in the child 
health centers which it is developing together 
with the Children's Fund [UNICEF]. 

5. The Food and Agriculture Oi'ganization is 
already using volunteers from the Netherlands 
and could use a great many more in several of 
its operating programs, notably the fight against 
animal diseases, locust control, and some phases 
of agricultural extension work and food preser- 

The work will not be easy. It doesn't take 
very much skill, but it does take a good deal of 
dedication to go out into the countryside jabbing 
the flanks of animals with inoculation needles or 
spraying hovels with DDT. But for Americans 
to do these things in company with people from 
other countries would doubly intensify the experi- 
ence and help a whole generation of Americans 
learn not merely how to work for but how to work 
with other people. 


So if we think the peace corps idea is a good 
one — and by the hmidreds of thousands we ob- 
viously do — let's experiment with it in our inter- 
national institution building. As a change from 
the cold war, as a change from the dreary and 
unnecessary debates over Cuba's wild charges and 
the Kremlin's bitter attacks on the U.N. — as a 
change from all this cold-war maneuvering — let 
us experiment with a hot peace mstead. Why 
wouldn't a proposal for a United Nations Peace 
Corps be a good place to start ? 

U.S. steps Up Food-for-Peace 
Programs in Latin America 

Statement iy President Kennedy 

White House press release dated March 29 

In my speech of March 13, 1961, I promised 
immediately to step up food-for-peace programs 
in Latin America.^ 

Pursuant to tliat pledge a food-for-peace mis- 
sion, which recently visited South America, has 
submitted a series of specific recoimnendations 
and begun negotiations to carry out those recom- 
mendations in a number of Latin American 
nations. Some of them have already been acted 

Throughout the hemisphere millions of men 
and women suffer from critical protein deficiencies. 
By using our surplus feed grains to increase the 
production of protein-rich poultry and livestock, 
we can help meet this problem. I am sending 
Mr. Jonathan Garst — a food-for-peace consultant 
and one of the Nation's top experts on the use of 
feed grains — to Brazil to discuss the convei-sion 
of surplus feed grain into scarce protein. This 
will be only the first step, a pilot project, in a liemi- 
spherewide effort to eliminate protein deficiency 
and provide a decent diet for all the people of the 

In addition we have offered a million tons of 
wheat to Brazil for sale for local currencies to be 
used in Brazilian economic and social develop- 
ment. This wheat program is presently under 
negotiation with the Brazilian Government, and 
delivery should be scheduled shortly. 

'Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

Department of State Bulletin 

President Believes IDB Will Play 
Vital Role in Alliance for Progress 

Statement hy President Kennedy 

White House press release dated March 25 

I met this morning with Dr. Felipe Herrera, 
President of the Inter-American Development 
Bank, and Eobert Cutler, the United States Di- 
rector. We discussed the I'ole of the Bank in 
helping to cari-y out the Alliance for Progress.' 
Dr. Herrera informed me of the Bank's current 
programs as well as the policies that will guide 
its future activities. 

I am convinced that the Inter-American Bank 
will play a vital role in the development of the 
hemisphere. It certainly will be one of the major 
instruments of our own effort, and the Latin 
American nations themselves have already indi- 
cated their willingness to use the Bank as a prin- 
cipal force in the implementation of the Alliance 
for Progress. Thus this liberal and progressive 
institution, guided as it is by men with a deep 
understanding of the problems of Latin America, 
can be of major assistance in fulfilling the hemi- 
sphere's desire for social change and economic 

Development Assistance Group 
Concludes Fourth Meeting 

Following are the texts of a communique and 
two resolutions adopted on March 29 iy the De- 
velopment Assistance Group, which held its 
fourth meeting at London, March 27-29, together 
with a list of the members of the U.S. delegation. 

Press release 172 dated March 30 

The Fourth Meeting of the Development As- 
sistance Group was held in London on 27th-29th 
March, 1961. All members of the Group (Bel- 
gium, Canada, France, the Federal Republic of 
Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Portugal, 
the United Kingdom, the United States and the 
Commission of the European Economic Com- 

munity) were represented. Mr. Thorkil Kristen- 
sen, Secretai"y-General designate of the OECD 
[Oi'ganization for Economic Cooperation and De- 
velopment], also participated in the meeting, and 
the International Bank and the Inter-^\jnerican 
Development Bank took part in discussions of 
certain items of particular concern to them. 

The Et. Hon. Selwyn Lloyd, Q.C., M.P., Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, presided at the opening 
session and Sir Frank Lee, Joint Permanent 
Secretary to the Treasury, took the chair for the 
remaining discussions. 

In accordance with the procedure adopted at 
previous meetings of the Group,' the United 
Kingdom, as host government, gave a detailed 
exposition of the United Kingdom's aid pro- 
grammes and policies, and described the substan- 
tial increase which had taken place and was still 
continuing in government expenditure on assist- 
ance to less developed countries. The United 
Kingdom expressed their determination to con- 
tinue to make assistance available to the fullest 
extent which their circumstances would allow. 

Other members of the Group made statements 
on recent developments in their aid programmes 
and policies, and several of them reported sub- 
stantial increases in the level of their current or 
proposed aid programmes, and new institutional 
arrangements they had with the view to reinforc- 
ing their provision of long-term finance to less 
developed countries. 

The Group recognized the importance of an 
adequate technical assistance effort to complement 
the provision of capital assistance, and agreed that 
members should keep one another informed of 
their efforts in this field in order to benefit from 
one another's experience. 

The meeting discussed financial terms on which 
assistance should be provided and took stock of 
the many forms in which finance, public and pri- 
vate, is made available to developing countries. 
It was recognized that these vary considerably 
both in the contributions which they make to eco- 
nomic development and in the effort which they 
represent for the countries providing finance. At 
the same time, it was generally considered that all 
types of finance can serve a valuable function, pro- 
vided that proper balance is kept between them. 

* For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 
April 77, 1967 

' For texts of communiques of previous meetings, see 
Bulletin of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 577, and Oct. 24, 1960, p. 


There was general recognition that an excessive 
proportion of short-term credits should be avoided 
in provision of finance to individual developing 

The meeting considered general questions of 
volume and nature of assistance to less developed 
countries and relative amounts which might be 
made available from various advanced countries. 

It was agreed that a recommendation should 
be made to member governments and to the Com- 
mission of the European Economic Community 
that it should be made a common objective to se- 
cure an expansion of aggregate volume and an 
improvement in effectiveness of resources made 
available to less developed countries. It was 
agreed to make further recommendations on pro- 
cedures to be adopted and principles to be studied 
towards attainment of this objective. The text 
of a resolution on the common aid effort embody- 
ing these recommendations is attached. 

In order to reinforce the functioning of the 
Group, the meeting agreed to invite the United 
States delegation to nominate the chairman of the 
group, and the French delegation to nominate 
the vice-chairman, who would serve for the re- 
mainder of the life of the Group, and who would 
be available to serve as chairman and vice-chair- 
man of the Development Assistance Committee 
when the OECD comes into being. These ar- 
rangements would replace the procedure previ- 
ously adopted, under which a different chairman 
had been appointed for each of the Group's meet- 
ings, with responsibilities confined to the conduct 
of that meeting. The chairman to be appointed 
under these new arrangements would work closely 
with the Secretary-General of the OEEC and 
would be available to devote substantially full time 
to this work. The text of a resolution about these 
arrangements for strengthening the DAG is 

At the invitation of the Government of Japan, 
it was agreed that the fifth meeting of the Group 
should be held in Tokyo on the llth-13th July, 
1961. The Group recorded its expectation that its 
fifth meeting would be the last such gathering 
Ijefore the Group was replaced by the Develop- 
ment Assistance Committee of the OECD and that 
this Committee would normally hold its meetings 
in Paris at the headquarters of the new organiza- 


Resolution on Strengthening the Development 
Assistance Group 

The Development Assistance Group, 

Recognizing the urgency of improving efforts 
to assist the less developed countries. 

Desiring to facilitate the work of the DAG, 

Looking to the coming into force of the OECD 
and its Development Assistance Committee, 

Agree to recommend that members be repre- 
sented on the DAG by senior officials ; 

Agree to request the United States Delegation 
to nominate a chairman who, subject to approval 
of members, would serve during the life of the 
DAG and who would be available to continue to 
serve as chairman of the Development Assistance 
Committee when the OECD comes into being ; 

Agree to request the French Delegation to 
nominate a vice-chairman who, subject to approval 
of the members, would serve during the life of the 
DAG and who would be available to continue to 
serve as vice-cliairman of the Development As- 
sistance Committee when the OECD comes into 

Agree that the chairman shall work closely with 
the Secretary-General of the OEEC, have his of- 
fice in Paris, and be available to devote sub- 
stantially full time to the work of the DAG and 
later of the DAC, and have such authority and 
responsibilities as may be assigned to him. 

Resolution on Common Aid Effort 

The Development Assistance Group, 

Conscious of the aspirations of the less devel- 
oped coimtries to achieve improving standards of 
life for their peoples. 

Convinced of the need to help the less devel- 
oped countries help themselves by increasing eco- 
nomic, financial and teclinical assistance and by 
adapting this assistance to the requirements of 
recipient countries. 

Agree to recommend to members that they 
should make it their common objective to secure 
an expansion of aggregate volume of resources 
made available to less developed countries and 
to improve their effectiveness ; 

Agree that assistance provided on an assured 
and continuing basis would make the greatest 


Department of State Bulletin 

conti'ibution to sound economic growth in less 
developed countries; 

Agree that, while private and public finance 
extended on commercial terms is valuable and 
should be encouraged, the needs of some of the 
less developed countries at the present time are 
such that the common aid effort should provide 
for expanded assistance in the form of grants or 
loans on favourable terms, including long maturi- 
ties where this is justified in order to prevent the 
burden of external debt from becoming too heavy ; 

Agree that they will periodically review to- 
gether both the amount and the nature of their 
contributions to aid programmes, bilateral and 
multilateral, keeping in mind all the economic 
and other factors that may assist or impede 
each of them in helping to achieve the common 
objective ; 

Agree to recommend that a study should be 
made of the principles on which governments 
might most equitably determine their respective 
contributions to the common aid effort having 
regard to the circumstances of each country, in- 
cluding its economic capacity and all other rele- 
vant factors; 

Agree tliat the chairman, assisted by the secre- 
tariat, shall be invited to give leadership and 
guidance to the Group in connection with the pro - 
posed reviews and study. 

James P. Grant, Deputy Director for Program and Plan- 
ning, International Cooperation Administration 

Howard J. Hilton, Economic Development Division, 
OiHce of International Financial and Development 
Affairs, Department of State 

John S. Hooker, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secre- 
tary of the Treasury 

Myer Rashish, Special Assistant to the Under Secretary 
of State for Economic Affairs 

John C. Renner, Office of Eurojiean Regional Affairs, 
Department of State 

J. Robert Schaetzel, Special Assistant to the Under Secre- 
tary of State for Economic Affairs 

Secretary of Delegation 

Donald B. Easum, Executive Secretariat, Department of 

The DAG was organized as a result of special 
economic meetings held at Paris in January 1960,^ 
where a resolution was adopted noting that cer- 
tain countries intended to consult concerning their 
policies of assistance to less developed comitries. 
The purpose of the meetings is to discuss the means 
of expanding and improving the flow of long- 
term funds and other development assistance and 
various aspects of cooperation in these efforts. 
Tlie members of the group are : Belgium, Canada, 
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, 
Japan, the Netherlands, Portugal, the United 
Kingdom, the United States, and the European 
Economic Commimity. 


The Department of State announced on March 
24 (press release 157) that George W. Ball, Under 
Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, will 
serve as U.S. representative to the fourth meeting 
of the Development Assistance Group (DAG), 
which is scheduled to be held at London, March 
27-29. Isaiah Frank, director. Office of Interna- 
tional Financial and Development Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State, will serve as alternate U.S. 

Other members of the delegation include: 
Francis M. Bator, Consultant to the Under Secretary 

of State for Economic Affairs 
Wilson T. M. Beale, Minister-Counselor for Economic 

Affairs, American Embassy, London 
Weir M. Brown, Treasury Representative, U.S. Mission 
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Euro- 
pean Regional Organizations, Paris 

U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord 
on Financial Differences 

Press release 167 dated March 27 

Ambassador Eduardo Quintero of the Philip- 
pines and Assistant Secretary of State for Far 
Eastern Affairs J. Graham Parsons met on March 
27 in the Department of State to sign a memo- 
randum of understanding between the United 
States and the Republic of the Philippines. 

Under terms of this agreement the Republic of 
the Philippines and the United States agreed 
that : 

1. The United States will accept $20 million in 
partial payment for principal and interest due the 
United States under the Romulo-Snyder agree- 
ment of November 6, 1950.^ 

2. The remaining smn of money owed to the 

' For background, see iUd., Feb. 1, 1960, p. 139. 
' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2151. 

April 17, 7967 


United States under the Romulo-Snyder agree- 
ment will be used to offset American indebtedness 
to the Philippines for work performed for the 
Recovered Personnel Division and its successor 

3. The United States will relinquish any and all 
interest in the trust fund consisting of undelivered 
checks for services rendered by members of the 
Philippine Armed Forces during World War II. 

4. The Republic of the Philippines will release 
the United States from any and all responsibility 
for claims against this trust fund and will assume 
all responsibility for such claims. 

With settlement of the Romulo-Snyder obliga- 
tion, the executive branch of the Government of 
the United States will withdraw its recommenda- 
tion to the U.S. Congress that the $73 million 
War Damage Bill be reduced by the amount of 
the Romulo-Snyder obligation. 

Both Ambassador Quintero and Mr. Parsons 
hailed this occasion as renewed evidence of the 
desire and ability of the Philippines and the 
United States to solve their problems in a mutually 
satisfactory manner fully consonant with the 
strong and traditionally close relations between 
the two countries. 

The Evolution of the Japanese-American Partnership 

hy Douglas Mac Arthur II 
A?niassador to Japan ^ 

Four years ago I made my first speech as Am- 
bassador in this very room. And now the time 
has come to say goodby. As I look back, I take 
my leave of Japan with mixed feelings. 

One of these is a feeling of nostalgia. When 
I arrived here as Ambassador in February 1957, 
I said that I hoped to visit all parts of Japan and 
to meet and listen to Japanese jjeople in all walks 
of life, for listening is the key to knowledge and 
understanding. It has been my gi'eat fortune to 
have realized those hopes. 

My wife and I have visited all sections of this 
lovely land. We have traveled from Kagoshima 
to Shikoku and Hokkaido. We have seen the 
mountains, the spectacular seacoast, the lakes, the 
terraced hillsides, and the green valleys that make 
Japan's countryside a constant delight. We have 
come to understand the appeal of Japanese archi- 

' Address made at a farewell luncheon given in his 
honor by the America-Japan Society of Tokyo at Tokyo 
on Mar. 7. The Senate on Feb. 24 confirmed the nomina- 
tion of Ambas.sador MacArthur to be Amba.ssador to 

tecture, and we have been endlessly charmed by 
the delicate beauty of Japanese art. We have 
taken part in many typically Japanese experiences 
and absorbed those manifold impressions that help 
to make understanding of another country. 

Most of all, we have come to have an enduring 
affection for the people of Japan. Nothing in 
this country has impressed me more than the vital- 
ity of the Japanese people. As soon as one sets 
foot in Japan he receives an indelible impression 
of a hard-working, skillful, and above all a cheer- 
ful and dynamic people. 

I am happy that we have made many friends 
in Japan in different walks of life. I am deeply 
indebted to many of them for their wise counsel. 
We shall never forget them, nor shall we ever 
forget their kindnesses and warm hospitality. We 
shall miss Japan. No one who has seen Japan 
as I have seen it could go away without a pang 
at departing from this enchanting country. 

The other feeling that I have at this time of 
leavetaking, however, is one of satisfaction — 
satisfaction that the friendship between Japan and 


Department of State Bulletin 

the United States is now closer and more firmly 
based than ever in the 100-odd years of our 

I say this as an American, and a friend of 
Japan, rather than as the outgoing Ambassador. 
For as you know, an Ambassador does not com- 
mand events. He can only interpret and suggest. 
So when I say that our association is closer and 
stronger than ever, I am really saying that the 
good sense of our two peoples and the funda- 
mental factors of interdependence in our basic 
relationship have been allowed to operate. 

Evolution of Japanese-American Postwar Relations 

Let me briefly review the recent past to put in 
proper perspective the evolution of American- 
Japanese relations, which in the postwar period 
have gone through three distinct phases. 

The Occupation Period — 191^5^2 

The first phase was the occupation period. It 
was a period of almost complete Japanese depend- 
ence. It followed the bitter and tragic war, lasted 
from 1945 to 1952, and merged into the period 
of peacemaking. Eemarkably, and I think greatly 
to the credit of my fellow countrymen, Americans 
quickly put aside the hatreds of the war. We set 
out wholeheartedly to build a renewed friend- 
ship which was made possible by the spirit and the 
responsiveness of the Japanese people. 

As Americans we had two basic objectives dur- 
ing this period. 

First, to assist in the institution of democratic 
reforms so that the Japanese people might enjoy 
the blessings of peace with justice and freedom. 
Reforms were devised, and many of them have 
proved wise and thus durable. Others will prob- 
ably undergo further modification by the Japanese 
people to bring them more into keeping with 
Japan's great heritage and her national sentiment. 

Our second great objective was to assist Japan to 
become economically viable so that the Japanese 
people could prosper and enjoy a better life. We 
did our best in many ways to assist Japan's eco- 
nomic rehabilitation and recovery. 

And at the end of the occupation period in 1952 
we concluded together a statesmanlike peace — a 
peace of true conciliation by which Japan's sov- 
ereignty was restored and the second phase of our 
relations began. 

April 17, J 96 J 

5896SS— 61 3 

TJie Secoiid Phase — 1952-57 : Transition 

But as we entered the second phase in 1952, it 
was apparent that in several respects Japan's res- 
toration of sovereignty and independence was not 
complete. For example, Japan's economy was still 
heavily dependent on the United States. In this 
position of dependency Japan did not feel that 
she had full freedom of action. 

Also, in 1952, while Japan had close and effec- 
tive relations with the United States, her relations 
with other nations were very limited. In a sense 
Japan was stUl largely isolated internationally 
and consequently looked to the United States in 
most international matters. 

And, finally, at that time vestiges of occupation 
attitudes and practices still remained which, if not 
removed, could eventually form the basis for major 
grievances on Japan's part. For as Japan re- 
covered her strength and energy, many Japanese 
increasingly came to consider with some reason 
that Japan was still unduly and unnecessarily in 
a position of inequality in our relations. 

Nonetheless this second phase from 1952 to 
1957 was a period of solid progress. Japan's for- 
eign trade prospered, and her international bal- 
ance of payments became favorable. Economic 
aid from the United States was no longer required. 
The Japanese economy, having recovered to its 
prewar levels, began to surge forward. 

Also, whereas internationally Japan was rela- 
tively isolated in 1952, by 1957 it had established 
relations with almost 80 nations. And in late 
1956 the Soviet Union was finally induced to drop 
its veto of Japan's membership in the United Na- 
tions and Japan took her rightful place in the 
United Nations and soon afterward was elected 
to the Security Council, the highest body of that 
great organization. 

The Third Phase— 1957: The ''New Era" 

Thus when former Prime Minister [Nobusuke] 
Kishi took office in February 1957 Japan stood re- 
stored as a leading nation. In effect the tliird and 
critical phase of our postwar relationship then 
began. For it had become increasingly clear that, 
if Japan and the United States were to work to- 
gether in a free and equal relationship that would 
be satisfactory to both our countries, a "new era" 
in our relations would have to be developed and a 
number of very fimdamental aspects of the Ameri- 


can-Japanese association would need to be reex- 
amined and revised in the light of Japan's restored 

The Problems of Transition 

"What were the features of the situation in 1957 
that caused growing concern in Japan and chal- 
lenged the development of equality and partner- 
ship in Japanese- American relations? The 
answer is that a host of gi-ievances, large and 
small, some of which were the inevitable residue 
of the war and the occupation period, were 
troubling our relations and impeding the comple- 
tion of the transition to full sovereign 

1. First and foremost, certainly, was the old 
security treaty, which had been negotiated while 
Japan was still under occupation. Many Japanese 
had come to see the treaty as a onesided and un- 
equal instrument which, however justified origi- 
nally by lack of a Japanese contribution to her own 
self-defense, gave the United States rights and 
privileges that it had in no other foreign country. 
It was feared that these even included the right 
to commit Japan to an act of belligerency without 
Japanese consent. 

2. Second, there was grave and growing concern 
in Japan that American trade policy would take 
a direction that would be disastrous for the Japa- 
nese economy. You will remember that in 1956 
there had been much public agitation in the United 
States about the level of textile imports from 
Japan. As a result the Japanese textile industry 
put quota controls on exports to the United States. 
It was widely feared that this development might 
be followed by severe American restrictions on 
other export goods of vital importance to Japan. 

3. When I arrived in Japan in February 1957, 
the case of Private Girard was becoming a matter 
of inflamed controversy. Tliis appeared to the 
Japanese people as an example of American un- 
willingness to recognize its commitment to turn 
over to Japan's jurisdiction American servicemen 
charged with crimes not committed in line of duty. 

4. Among the other grievances which had ac- 
cumulated gradually in the preceding years was 
the feeling in Japan that the numbers of Ameri- 
can military personnel in Japan were needlessly 
large in view of the development of Japan's own 
self-defense forces. 


5. Similarly there were complaints that Ameri- 
can military authorities were holding areas and 
facilities which were not really required for de- 
fense purposes but were needed by the Japanese 

6. There was growing opposition to the payment 
by Japan of so-called support costs for American 
military forces in Japan. 

7. There was resentment that we were still hold- 
ing almost 100 war criminals in Sugamo Prison, 
although other allied countries had paroled their 
war criminals. 

8. There were bitter complaints over our testing 
of nuclear weapons in the Pacific. 

9. There was a standing complaint about the 
treatment of the former inhabitants of the Bonin 
Islands, who were imable to return to their homes 
but who had received no compensation from us. 

10. The inhabitants of the Kyukyus were re- 
sentful over our refusal to pay regular rentals for 
the land we were using rather than the lump-sum 
method we had chosen. There was also resent- 
ment over what people in Japan and the Ryukyus 
considered to be an imwillingness on our part to 
let Japan participate in the economic and social 
development of the islands. 

11. Our Japanese friends were also unhappy at 
what they thought was our unwillingness to co- 
operate with Japan in the economic development 
of the free Asian nations. 

The Solutions: Partnership and Interdependence 

How did we deal with these vexing and difficult 
problems ? 

We dealt with them by establishing a new era 
of real partnership in Japanese- American relations 
based on sovereign equality, mutual respect, en- 
lightened self-interest, and the interdependence of 
both nations. These principles were enunciated 
m the communique issued in June 1957 by for- 
mer Prime Minister Kishi and former President 
Eisenhower.^ And following Mr. lOshi's return 
to Japan we sat down together and, guided by these 
principles, began the difficult process of trying to 
work out solutions for all these problems whicli 
would be acceptable to both nations. 

Over the next 4 years we put our partnership 
on a solid basis in these and other ways : 

1. In compliance with the Japanese request we 

- For text, see Bulletin of July 8, 1957, p. 51. 

Department of State Bulletin 

iininediately began the withdrawal of all our 
ground forces and the substantial reduction of 
other forces. Now we have here less than half 
the number of troops we had in 1957. 

2. We also began the return of hundreds of areas 
and facilities previously held by the American 
military services. Over the last 4 yeai-s the num- 
ber of facilities used by U.S. forces has been re- 
duced by 60 percent and the size of tlie areas by 
more than two-thirds. The areas and facilities 
thus released are now serving the economic, social, 
and civic development of Japan. 

3. We agreed that Japan would no longer be 
required to pay support costs for American forces. 

4. Private Girard was turned over to a Japanese 
court for trial as seemed required by the terms of 
our agreement, and our decision to do this, when 
challenged, was upheld by the United States Su- 
preme Court.^ 

5. The war criminals in our custody in Sugamo 
were paroled. 

6. We ceased testing nuclear weapons in the 
Pacific and suspended testing them in the United 

7. Steps were taken to seek compensation for the 
residents of the Bonin Islands who cannot return 
to the Bonins as long as there are conditions of 
tension and threat in this area. And last year the 
Congress appropriated $6 million for these 

8. We modified our land acquisition policy in 
the Ryukyus so as to replace the lump-sum pay- 
ments with generous rentals. We also invited and 
welcomed the participation of the Japanese Gov- 
ernment with our authorities and the Government 
of the Ryukyus in the economic and social develop- 
ment of the islands. 

9. Contrary to Japan's fears at the beginning 
of 1957 that her exports to America would be 
severely restricted, we have had four good and re- 
assuring years. In fact, Japan's exports to Ameri- 
ca, which in 1956 were just imder $550 million, 
have doubled and last year amoimted to somethmg 
over $1.1 billion. And since the liberal trade 
policy of the United States must be reciprocated 
by Japan if Japan's exports to the United States 
are not to wither, Japan has now embarked on a 
trade liberalization program. If carried out en- 
ergetically and in good time, this program should 
result in an increased flow of two-way trade. 

' lUd., July 29, 1957, p. 196. 
April 17, 1961 

In other respects, too, our economic relations 
prospered. Increased American investment in 
capital-short Japan has assisted the expansion of 
Japan's industries. Also Japanese companies con- 
tinue to benefit from the vast research expendi- 
tures of American industry with the number of 
agreements for sale of technology to Japan stead- 
ily increasing. And now we have actually begun 
to see a reverse flow of technical know-how from 
Japan to the United States as the inventive skills 
of the Japanese people begin to produce teclmical 
breakthi'oughs in a number of fields. 

10. We have also established a basis for close 
cooperation in the historical task of economic de- 
velopment in Asia. For example, a major project 
in India to develop iron ore and other resources 
through the combined investment of American, 
Japanese, and Indian capital is under way in 
Orissa Province in India. 

Also there have been more than 3,000 persons 
from other parts of Asia who have come to Japan 
for technical training under the joint auspices of 
the United States International Cooperation Ad- 
ministration and the Government of Japan. 

And in the past 4 years we have purchased in 
Japan almost $500 million worth of goods for our 
programs of economic assistance to other lesser 
developed Asian nations. This has been of tre- 
mendous benefit not only to these Asian nations 
but also to Japan's economy and industries. 

11. Finally there was the major issue in our re- 
lationship in 1957 of the old United States-Japan 
security treaty negotiated in 1951, when Japan 
was still under occupation. The Japanese Gov- 
ernment understandably insisted strongly that the 
revision of this treaty, and the administrative 
agreement which supplemented it, was a necessary 
and fimdamental feature of the new era in our re- 
lations. The tumult and furor, organized and di- 
rected primarily by pro-Conamunist forces of the 
left, that accompanied the last stages of the treaty 
ratification process in Japan last spring should 
never be allowed to obscure what was really 

Wliat the Government of Japan and the Gov- 
ernment of the United States did in revising the 
old security treaty was in essence to place our 
treaty relationship on a platform of full equality 
between sovereign states. The concern of the Gov- 
ernment of Japan about the old treaty was not 
that it enabled the American Government to main- 
tain bases and facilities in Japan; for, as many 


Japanese have so often pointed out, these bases 
and facilities in the first instance assure Japan's 
security more than that of the United States. 
What was of concern to Japan was that under the 
old treaty our rights to use these facilities were 
substantially imrestricted. Although I do not be- 
lieve for one moment that any American Govern- 
ment would ever have used Japanese bases for 
purposes not acceptable to the Government of Ja- 
pan, the legal right to do so was there. The Gov- 
ernment of Japan understandably was disturbed 
about it since legally we had the right to bring 
atomic weapons into Japan without consultation 
or the assent of the Japanese Goverimaent. Sim- 
ilarly there was no limitation on our right to use 
Japan's bases for direct combat operations which 
could involve Japan in an act of belligerency 
without consultation and Japan's assent. 

We now have a new treaty * which provides 
that in respect to these two vitally important mat- 
ters consultation and Japan's assent are required. 
There are also provisions for mutual consultation 
on all important matters of mutual security inter- 
est. In other respects, too, we changed the treaty 
and its administrative arrangements to conform 
with those with our NATO and other allies, while 
at the same time keeping the provisions fully con- 
sistent with the Japanese interpretation of the 
Constitution of Japan. The American military 
forces and the facilities they use in Japan repre- 
sent joint contributions to security and defense. 
As is necessary in any such relationship, each 
party's interests are fully safeguarded and 

Actually, if the old treaty can have been said to 
favor the United States, the new treaty can be said 
to favor Japan. I say this because some 42 nations 
have security arrangements with the United States. 
And in the case of all these pacts except the Japa- 
nese treaty, some part of American territory is 
covered by a reciprocal undertaking whereby the 
other nations are to come to our assistance if the 
United States is attacked. In the case of Japan, 
while we must come to Japan's assistance if it is 
attacked, Japan is not obliged to come to our as- 
sistance because of article IX of its Constitution. 

Now that the propaganda barrage that was laid 
down last spring by Moscow, Peiping, and certain 
elements within Japan has .subsided, the treaty 
and its consequences are available for sober inspec- 

* For text, see ibid., Feb. 8, 1960, p. 184. 

tion. I am confident — as I believe the recent Japa- 
nese elections make clear — that the Japanese peo- 
ple as a whole accept the new treaty and see it for 
what it is: an engagement between friendly and 
equal peoples for mutual well-being and security. 
The new treaty is, above all, a document and a 
relationship that helps to assure that no would-be 
aggressor will use force against Japan under the 
mistaken miscalculation that the United States 
would stand idly by if Japan were a victim of 

The Future of U.S.-Japan Relations 

Now, ;:s an outgoing Ambassador, I shall take 
the privilege of making a brief comment about the 
future. It seems to me the prospects are bright for 
the futiire of American-Japanese relations. This 
does not mean that there vdll not be differences 
between us from time to time as to method or ap- 
proach to common problems, but this need not dis- 
may us for such differences are the very hallmark 
of free peoples. 

Wliat is really important is that the friendship 
between our two coimtries now rests on a broad 
and strong fomidation of partnership, equality, 
mutual respect, and enlightened self-interest. 
Equally important, we are now also linked together 
by a strong interdependence in the vital fields of 
trade, security, and common objectives. 


Trade is literally Japan's daily bread, and the 
United States, for its part, is overwhelmingly 
Japan's major customer. Almost 30 percent of all 
Japan's exports go to the United States. As our 
economy expands, as it will, the market for Japan's 
increasingly large volume of high-quality products 
should similarly expand if Japan reciprocates our 
liberal trade policy. 

The other side of the coin is that Japan is one of 
our biggest markets, usually ranking only after 
our neighbor Canada. It is a market with a sub- 
stantial potential for expansion. And as the Gov- 
ernment of Japan proceeds with its program of 
removing restrictions on imports, that potential 
should be realized. 

We need on both sides to recognize the need for 
perspective and restraint in trade matters. There 
will always be problems in trading relationships 
as extensive as ours have become. Each of these 
wiU require careful attention, and some will re- 

Department of State Bulletin 

quire compromise and adjustment by both of us. 
But if on both sides we can only keep in mind the 
mutuality of our interests and the overall impor- 
tance of our trade, the resolution of specific prob- 
lems need not afl'ect the steadily upward trend in 
our trade and other economic relations. 


In the field of security and defense, where our 
continued freedom and independence are at stake, 
our interests again are mutual and our relation- 
ship is also one of interdependence. Indeed, our 
mutual security ti-caty strengthens not only each 
of our countries but also the fabric of peace in the 
western Pacific and Asia. 

Common Oijectives 

In addition to being interdependent in trade 
and security we also share many common ob- 

First and foremost, we both strive for a world 
where there will be peace with justice for all 

We sliare a common abhorrence of war. 

Neither of us has territorial ambitions. 

We do not seek to impose our respective sys- 
tems on other nations. 

We both are deeply devoted to the principles 
of the United Nations and are doing our utmost 
to strengthen that Organization whicli we both 
recognize is the best hope the world has. 

Neither of us is willing to surrender abjectly 
our democratic freedoms and institutions to those 
who through propaganda, subversion, and the 
threat or use of force seek to impose their totali- 
tarian system on free peoples. Therefore we 
recognize the need for defenses against possible 

But it is our common hope and prayer that the 
time will eventually come when the crushing bur- 
dens of armaments will no longer weigh people 
down, when national armaments will have been 
placed under an effective system of international 
limitation, inspection, and control, and when the 
United Nations will have been so strengthened 

that it can assure the security of its members and 
the keeping of the peace. 

As advanced industrial nations we share an- 
other vitally important interest in the economic 
development and welfare of the peoples of the 
less developed countries. I believe that our part- 
nership increasingly will concern itself with pro- 
grams, undertaken together and with other ad- 
vanced countries, to hasten the sound growth of 
the nonindustrial countries of Asia, Africa, and 
Latin America so that their peoples may enjoy a 
better way of life. For one of the greatest tasks 
of this century is the reduction of the enormous 
disparity in income and well-being that exists be- 
tween the advanced countries and the newly 
emerging less developed nations. 

We have, in short, a firm grounding in common 
interest and in a common approach to the great 
problems that face mankind. 

A Final Word 

Let me close now with a final word of personal 
sentiment. It has been a rare privilege to have 
been Ambassador here during these eventful years. 
Japan has returned to its place among the ranking 
powers of the world. It is an accepted and re- 
spected nation among the United Nations. It is 
led by able, responsible, democratic leaders whose 
names are known around the world. Its farmers 
and fishermen, its laboring people, and its business- 
men have combined to accomplish marvels of eco- 
nomic perfoiTnance. 

Beyond all these things, even beyond the satis- 
faction I take from the present state of our re- 
lationship, I shall always retain a memory of the 
Japanese people, these smiling, active, boundlessly 
friendly and hospitable individuals. It has been 
a joy to live among them, to know them, to make 
friends with them. Wlien I have been discour- 
aged or worried about events here in Japan, I have 
always found comfort in reflecting that no country 
or society made up of such a people can be other 
than sound. 

And so to the Japanese people I say sayonara. 
May God bless you and make you prosper. 

April 17, J 96? 



Department Supports Legislation 
Extending Sugar Act of 1948 

Statement hy Edwin M. Martin 
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^ 

I appear here today in support of H.E. 5463, 
approved by the House of Representatives on 
March 21, 1961. The Sugar Act of 1948, as 
amended, expires at midnight on Friday of this 
week. If the act is not extended a period of un- 
certainty over prices and supplies is bound to fol- 
low, with luifortunate results for our domestic 
sugar industry. Foreign suppliers who depend on 
this market and its quota system would also be 
injured. It is therefore a matter of urgency that 
continuing legislation be considered promptly by 
the Senate. The Department of State fully sup- 
ports the bill as passed by the House and requests 
this committee to give it favorable consideration. 

The bill would continue the present authority 
of the President to determine the quota for Cuba. 
In addition it would give the Executive discre- 
tionary authority as to whether any sugar needed 
to replace Cuban supplies should be purchased 
from any country with which the United States 
is not in diplomatic relations. Effectively, this 
means that the President need not authorize the 
purchase of that sugar from the Dominican 
Republic. Under the statutory formula provided 
in the present law, that country would otherwise 
be entitled to a major share of allocations made to 
replace Cuban supplies. It is not presently con- 
sidered that this would be in the national interest. 
Mr. Thomas C. Mann, Assistant Secretary of State 
for Inter-American Affairs, is here with me today, 
and he will be pleased to respond to any questions 
you may have in this regard. I would like to say 
that the discretionary authority requested is con- 
sidered essential to the proper conduct of our af- 
fairs in this hemisphere and that such authority 
was contained in a bill [H.R. 13062] approved by 
the Senate last September. 

In addition to providing certain discretionary 
authority with respect to sugar from the Domin- 
ican Republic, H.R. 5463 would extend the present 
Sugar Act for 21 months until December 31, 1962. 
The present balance between foreign and domestic 
suppliers of the United States market would be 
maintained during this period. In the meantime 
the administration can give thoughtful study to 
the recent sugar report ^ prepared by the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture at the request of the House 
Committee on Agriculture. Adequate time will 
also be provided for consultation with the domestic 
sugar industry. Should it prove possible to enact 
long-term legislation during the present session 
of the Congress, sucli legislation could, of course, 
be brought into force before the expiration of the 
21 months provided in the present bill. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I wish to say 
again that the bill under consideration provides 
the authority we need at this time in the conduct 
of our foreign relations, and I respectfully request 
favorable consideration. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

86th Congress, 2d Session 

Small Business Exports and the World Market — 19(50. 
Hearings before the Senate Select Committee on Small 
Business, November 17-December 14, 1960. 457 pp. 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Export of Ball Bearing Machines to Russia. Hearings 
before the Subcommittee To Investigate the Adminis- 
tration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Committee. 
Part 2. 15 pp. 

The United States in the United Nations : 1960— A Turn- 
ing Point. Report to the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee by Senators George D. Aiken and Wayne 
Morse, members of the U.S. delegation to the 1.5th U.N. 
General Assembly. February 1961, 32 pp. ; supplemen- 
tary report by Senator Aiken, February 1061, 6 pp. ; 
supplementary report by Senator Morse, February 1961, 
55 pp. [Committee prints] 

Background Documents Relating to the Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development. Publi.shed by 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. February 9, 1961. 
40 pp. [Committee print] 

Study Mission to Africa, November-December 1960. 
Report of Senators Frank Church, Gale W. McGee, and 
Frank E. Moss, to the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations, Committee on Appropriations, and Committee 

'■ Made before the Senate Committee on Finance on 
Mar. 27 (press release 165). 

° Special Study on Sugar : Report of the Special Study 
Group on Sugar, Department of Agriculture, Feb. 14, 
1961. 89 pp. [Committee print] 


Department of State Bulletin 

on Interior and Insular Affairs, February 12, 1961. 55 
pp. [Committee print] 

Gold and the United States Balance of Payments Deficit. 
Prepared by the Legislative Reference Service of the 
Library of Congress for the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee. February 13, 1961. 50 pp. [Committee 

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. 

Hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee on Ex. E, 87th Congress, 1st session. February 
14-Mareh 6, 1961. 316 pp. 
Twenty-fifth Semiannual Report on Educational Exchange 
Activities. Letter from the Chairman, U.S. Advisory 
Commission on Educational Exchange, transmitting the 
report for the period July 1-December 31, 1960. H. Doc. 
89. February 15, 1961. 12 pp. 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings' 

Adjourned During March 1961 

U.N. ECOSOC Plenipotentiary Conference To Adopt a Single Con- 
vention on Narcotic Drugs. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 17th Session. . . 

GATT Contracting Parties: Council of Representatives 

U.N. ECE Conference on Water Pollution Problems in Europe . . 

ILO Governing Body: 148th Session (and its committees) .... 

IBE Executive Committee 

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences: 6th Meeting of 
Technical Advisory Council. 

FAO Committee of Government Experts on the Uses of Designa- 
tions, Definitions, and Standards for Milk and Milk Products. 

FAO Experts on Index Numbers of Agricultural Production . . . 

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade. . . . 

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 17th 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Con- 
struction of Vehicles of the Subcommittee on Road Transport. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on the Status of Women: 15th Session. 

U.N. Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation: 9th 

FAO European Commission for Control of Foot and Mouth Disease: 
8th Session. 

ICAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Aerial Collisions. . . . 

Ad Hoc Commission of the International Committee of Weights 
and Measures for the Revision of the Convention on the Meter. 

U.N. ECE Senior Economic Advisers 

U.N. ECE Coal Committee: 51st Session 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 3d Session 

FAO International Meeting on Fish Meal 

GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade . . . 

Development Assistance Group: 4th Meeting 

SEATO Council of Ministers: 7th Meeting 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 25th Session 

GATT Working Party on Italian Import Restrictions 

New York. 

Jan. 24-Mar. 24 

New York Feb. 20-Mar. 

Geneva Feb. 22-Mar. 

Geneva Feb. 22-Mar. 

Geneva Feb. 27-Mar. 

Geneva Feb. 28-Mar. 

San 3os& Mar. 6-10 

Rome Mar. 6-11 

Rome Mar. 6-16 

Geneva Mar. 6-17 

New Delhi Mar. 8-20 

Geneva . 

Geneva . 

Rome. . 

Mar. 13-17 

Mar. 13-21 
Mar. 13-24 

Mar. 14-16 

Paris Mar. 14^28 

Paris Mar. 20-21 

Geneva Mar. 20-24 

Geneva Mar. 20-24 

Mexico, D.F Mar. 20-24 

Rome Mar. 20-29 

Geneva Mar. 21-29 

London Mar. 27-29 

Bangkok Mar. 27-29 

Geneva Mar. 27-29 

Rome Mar. 27-31 



In Session as of March 31, 1961 

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed Geneva Oct. 31, 1958- 

March 21). 

GATT: 5th Round of Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960- 

U.N. General Assembly: 15th Session (resumed March 7) . . . . New York Sept. 20, 1960- 

U.N. Plenipotentiary Conference on Diplomatic Intercourse and Vienna Mar. 2- 


U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development New York Mar. 27- 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Mar. 31, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: ECE, 
Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; 
GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; IBE, International 
Bureau of Education; ILO, International Labor Organization; SEATO, Southeast Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United 

April 17, 1961 


Financing the U.N. Military Operation in tiie Congo 

Statement hy Philip M. Klutznich 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

This is my first intervention as the representa- 
tive of the United States to this resumed session 
of the Fifth Committee of the 15th General Assem- 
bly. My delegation joins wholeheartedly in the 
opening remarks of the distinguished chairman. 
As a newcomer I can only hope that the atmos- 
phere surrounding our work may be pleasant and 
friendly, even though our responsibilities are 
great and burdensome. Yet it is already apparent 
that there are deep differences among some relative 
to this item of the agenda. 

In preparing for this statement I carefully re- 
viewed the principal interventions on tlie matter 
last fall. It would seem that we have already 
embarked on a repetition of those exercises. Per- 
haps a certain part of such behavior is inescapable 
and even desirable, but my delegation would hope 
that by now the stark realities of the financial 
position of the United Nations Organization have 
become so apparent that we will cut through the 
teclinicalities and get to the core problem. 

With respect to the Congo, it seems impossible 
to eliminate political considerations even where 
the question is simply one of aritlimetic. What 
we have before us is the business of totaling a 
bill that has been authorized and to provide for its 
payment, which is inevitable among honorable 
states and men. Yet we have already listened to a 
statement in support of a point of order. This 
was almost a summary of the speech on the Congo 
delivered last week by the Foreign Minister of tlie 
U.S.S.R. [Andrei A. Gromyko] to the General 
Assembly. In the speech to the General As- 
sembly the U.S.S.R. called on that body to take 

' Made in Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary) 
on Mar. 30 (U.S. delegation press release 3679). 

certain steps relative to the United Nations opera- 
tion in the Congo ; here we have been told by the 
distinguished representative of the U.S.S.R. that 
only the Security Council can authorize and per- 
form certain acts of a similar character. And 
that we, as a committee of the General Assembly, 
are even powerless to consider the matter before 
us. In both instances fantastic and unbelievable 
charges are made against certain member states, 
including the United States, and even a horrible 
and indefensible charge of complicity in murder 
is leveled against the Secretary-General. 

We shall refrain from an answer in kind to 
such obvious untruths as my Government's alleged 
control of the processes of the United Nations. 
It seems to us that this is a violent and unjustified 
attack on the intelligence and integrity of our 
fellow member states as much as, if not more than, 
on my Government. 

Nor shall we here again defend the office of the 
Secretary-General or its incumbent. We are con- 
vinced that the stature of the office itself and the 
impeccable character of its occupant speak far 
more loudly against such unfounded charges than 
any words of ours. 

I repeat, as a newcomer I have kept asking my- 
self what is the motive and purpose of all this. 
These studied and deliberate efforts to confuse 
and complicate these deliberations certainly do not 
seek an alternative method to honor the commit- 
ments already made. Can it be the size of the 
bill that provokes these methods? The bill is 
large, but in any culture it is not the size of a bill 
that changes the moral or legal principles in- 
volved. Unquestionably the size of the bill and 
its emergency cliaracter creates problems of pay- 
ment for certain states whose assets are more than 


Department of State Bulletin 

strained by other commitments. It would be 
cruel and thoughtless not to consider this aspect 
of our mutual problem. My Government, and we 
hope others, are prepared to recognize this as a 
matter for special consideration. But certainly 
this is not a barrier to correct and honorable con- 
clusions on the part of governments which possess 
great resources and boast of enormous economic 

U.N. Fiscal Position 

Only a casual look at the alternative to assess- 
ment and payment can bring home to us the peril- 
ous issue that we debate. The treasury of the 
United Nations is virtually bare ; the Organization 
has borrowed substantial sums to keep afloat. 
This committee has before it all of the available 
intelligence on this subject plus the report^ of 
the results of careful processing by the Advisory 
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary 
Questions. These facts speak powerfully. A 
failure to face this issue forthrightly and effec- 
tively can only produce a default by the United 
Nations in meeting its obligations in a matter of 

The Canadian delegation has presented us with 
a clear picture of our fiscal position. There are 
some member states who seem to feel imtouched 
by this financial problem involved in keeping the 
peace, who, as the distinguished representative of 
Canada aptly demonstrated, are ultimately and 
inextricably caught in the web of this precarious 
financial predicament. The Secretary-General 
has had to borrow — and he will have to continue 
to borrow — funds from the reserve accounts of the 
Special Fund and of the ETAP [Expanded Pro- 
gram of Technical Assistance] which are destined 
for economic and social programs. Without the 
possibility of repayment it is not alone the U.N. 
operation in the Congo that will suffer. Then, 
if conceivably all United Nations troops and staff 
were ordered out of the Congo today, the costs 
incurred and to be incurred would destroy any 
possibility of repayment of loans unless we do 
our job constructively here. The financial integ- 
rity of the United Nations is indivisible ; a failure 
here would mean a failure on other fronts as well. 

Likewise our Canadian colleague issued a call 

U.S. Attitude Toward Congo Financing 

Department Statement 

Press release 175 dated March 30 

The United Xations is facing a serious financial 
crisis, brought to a head by the United Nations 
military Operation in the Congo and by the refusal 
of the Soviet bloc to pay its share of United Na- 
tions Operation in the Congo expenses as part of 
its campaign to control or destroy the United 

The United States has heli)ed to meet this United 
Nations problem by prompt payment of its contri- 
bution to the 1960 costs of United Nations Operation 
in the Congo. The issue now being debated by the 
Fifth Committee of the General Assembly, financing 
the Congo operation for 1961, is one of the most 
important issues which must be settled by the 
current session. We expect to do our share toward 
meeting this cost and we fully expect other respon- 
sible governments to meet their obligations. 

The United States delegation in New Tork has 
announced today [March 30] that the United States 
is prepared to make a sizable voluntary contribution 
toward United Nations Operation in the Congo 
expenses over and above its normal assessed share 
of the total of $120 million. The exact amount and 
form of this contribution will be determined in part 
by the actions taken and views expressed by other 
governments. We and others who believe in the 
absolute necessity of preserving the United Nations 
do not intend to stand by silently and permit a few 
nations deliberately to destroy what stands today as 
man's primary hope for peace. 

' U.N. doc. A/4713. 
April 17, J967 

for payment of obligations. It is time that we 
recognize that a resolution of assessment is but 
the first step. Bankruptcy can come from an over- 
load of unpaid receivables no less than from a 
refusal to assess. Perhaps the time has come to 
call on the Secretariat to present a plan and pro- 
gram to expedite collections and improve cash 
flows into the United Nations treasury. The 
dreary prospect in terms of available funds will be 
only slightly improved by a resolution unless 
means are found to expedite payment of assess- 
ments. It is high time that we, all of us, recognize 
the high priority that our governments should 
place on payment of assessments. This problem 
needs energetic review and consideration in the 
area of policies, procedures, and administration. 
We would support wholeheartedly a resolution 
calling for an examination into this area and for 
recommendations to meet tliis pressing challenge. 


One must not idly regard direct attacks on 
the United Nations Organization; but these at 
least possess the dignity of candor, even when 
wrong. But it must be far below the stature of 
the sovereign powers of the world to destroy in- 
directly this "last great hope for peace" by the 
relatively mean and undignified procedure of not 
paying bills. This is not in keeping with our 
obligations to mankind and to posterity. 

We stand today at the bar of history — all of 
us. Even though the cynic may question the wis- 
dom of extended remarks, so many of which have 
already been made, no member state feeling the 
awesome weight of its responsibility dare refrain 
from making known its views and commitments. 
This issue is fraught with far greater peril than 
a direct attack on the United Nations. Impreg- 
nated into the very fabric of this question of 
approval and payment of a relatively huge sum 
of money to support political decisions of tliis 
Organization are all of the pains and problems 
of the family of nations seeking a formula to 
live together. The foundation stone of such a 
hopeful eventuality must be mutual integrity. 
A failure to assume and discharge this obligation 
exposes the United Nations to imminent dangers 
of decline and deterioration — a cancerous growth 
eating away at the vital hopes of humanity that, 
in tliese precincts, nations of differing philosophies 
and orientation can weld together a solid basis 
for a just and lasting peace. 

Implementing Words With Deeds 

Words in this area are meaningless without 
deeds. We and others who believe in the absolute 
necessity of preserving the United Nations do not 
intend to stand idly by and permit a small group 
of nations to destroy it. The United States is 
accordingly prepared to make an extraordinary 
financial contribution toward ONUC [United 
Nations Operation in the Congo] expenses to 
demonstrate its desire, and its faith, that the 
United Nations shall survive to serve the inter- 
ests of mankind. 

Specifically, Mr. Chairman, the United States 
is prepared to make a sizable voluntary contri- 
bution toward ONUC expenses over and above 
its normal assessed share of the total of $120 mil- 
lion. The exact amoimt and form of this con- 
tribution have not yet been finalized and will be 

determined in part by the actions taken and views 
expressed by other governments. 

As was the case last fall it is our wish that 
voluntary contributions made by the United 
States should be used to reduce the financial bur- 
den on those countries having a lesser capacity to 
pay.' In this connection we have very much in 
mind the views expressed in this committee by 
the distinguished representatives of Venezuela, 
Mexico, and Colombia, who described the burdens 
imposed on their countries by the payment of con- 
tributions for United Nations expenses for UNEF 
[U.N. Emergency Fund] and ONUC. Accord- 
ingly we hope that it will be possible for this com- 
mittee once again to work out an equitable system 
of rebates by making use of the voluntary 
contributions of the United States and other 

Let us make one point very clear. Tlie offer 
of the United States to make voluntary contri- 
butions over and above its normal assessed per- 
centage of the $120 million ONUC expenses is 
made on the understanding that there is general 
recognition that all member governments have an 
obligation — a vei-y serious and solemn obligation — 
to pay their fair shares of these expenses. 

It is our impression that an overwlielming ma- 
jority of member governments do recognize such 
an obligation. There are, of course, a few out- 
standing exceptions. All others have accepted the 
principle of collective responsibility with respect 
to the financing of ONUC. It is true that there 
have been evidenced some differences of opinion 
as to the basis and precise character of the obli- 
gations to pay, but the obligation has been recog- 
nized. The United States takes the view that 
the obligation is a legal one. 

Reappraisal of Assessment Obligations 

We realize that there are differences of opinion 
as to wliat is the fair share which member gov- 
ernments should pay toward ONUC expenses. On 
this point we listened with attention to the dis- 
tinguished representative of Venezuela speaking 
on behalf of our Latin American colleagues. We 
understand and have great sympathy for much 
of his position. We are unable to agree that, in 
the closing days of the resumed 15th General As- 

'Por a statement made by the U.S. representative in 
Committee V, see Btn-LETiN of Dec. 26, 1960, p. 975. 


Department of State Bulletin 

sembly, there is sufficient time to work out a new 
formula for fixing contribution shares. Nor do 
we quite see the validity of dividing an assessment 
of this nature into three categories. On the other 
hand my Government is vei-y much impressed with 
the suggestion that there be established a new 
scale of assessments for peace and security opera- 
tions which would recognize that a special re- 
sponsibility for obligations of this character rests 
with the permanent members of the Security 
Council. The United States has recognized this 
point of view by making special financial con- 
tributions both to UNEF and ONUC. We are 
quite ready to explore this approach further. 
There are other aspects of our recent experiences 
in assessing and paying the costs of keeping the 
peace, which likewise need examination. As long 
as we look upon this matter as one of collective 
responsibility, we have need to examine the present 
and past and try to develop a policy and formula 
which may serve us better in the future. We 
would gladly support a proper resolution estab- 
lishing the machinery to do just this and requir- 
ing a report of recommendations to the 16th Gen- 
eral Assembly. 

We firmly believe that these payments, except 
for adjustment in hardship cases, should be man- 
datory. We know that there are certain states 
who honor their obligations who believe that these 
should be treated as only a moral obligation. We 
join with them in at least the hope that a day may 
come in the United Nations when this high- 
minded approach can be pureued in all of our 
endeavors. The record to date does not support 
confidence that we have arrived at that point in 
our mutual relations. The sorry histoiy of the 
lack of support by some powers of UNEF, refugee 
programs, and other activities does not permit tak- 
ing such a risk. The record in the payment of ob- 
ligations for the Congo certainly does not permit 
of reliance on such an approach. 

In the nature of our work together there will be 
occasions when voluntary contributions should 
be the rule. But in matters affecting the ability 
of the United Nations to meet authorized obliga- 
tions, we do not believe that room should be left 
for member states to pick and choose what they 
will support and what they will not. 

We have already referred to a speech delivered 
at the outset of our committee's proceedings by 
the distinguished representative of the U.S.S.R. 

We have read and reread it. It is full of claims, al- 
legedly legal, that would stay our action. Our 
chairman has disposed of these claims. But no- 
where in this document of many pages can I find 
the hint or suggestion, real or implied, that under 
certain conditions the U.S.S.R. is prepared to pay 
the minimum, if not its just, share of tliis obliga- 
tion. It is possible that some others who have 
followed this path in the past are preparing to do 
so in the future. We do not claim omniscience; 
but if it is our proposals or conditions that make 
it impossible for these dissenters to pay, then let 
them at least come forward with offers of payment 
in accordance with their own ideas. There is al- 
ways room for discussion between us if we first 
accept the principle that it is our joint and mutual 
obligation to assess and pay these debts. 

Let us be abundantly clear about one thing. 
My Government does not approach the need to 
pay its share and more of this obligation with 
songs of joy on our lips. At times there seems to 
be a tendency to assume that whatever funds we 
provide are come by easily, out of huge surpluses, 
and without sacrifices. No nation here represented 
has reached the viltimate goals of its hopes for its 
people. My Nation is not an exception to this 
truth. The standards we have set for our people 
may be relatively high. But, as many of you 
know, it is still only a dream until all of our people 
are privileged to attain our goals for the common 
weal. Funds that are diverted from our public 
income to meet emergency needs of this character 
defer the day when certain wants of our own 
people are satisfied. 

We deeply regret with all right-thinking people 
the need for a United Nations operation in the 
Congo. Yet it is better to defer the meeting of 
our essential needs than to permit the Congo to 
become the spark for a greater catastrophe or to 
debate who pays the bill while the newly won 
independence of the Congolese deteriorates or is 
lost by our common neglect. We devoutly wish 
that this emergency shall soon end, but such wishes 
can only find fruition if we resolutely and hon- 
orably meet the challenges of this day. 

Growth to Maturity 

In conclusion, permit me the luxury of a few 
elementary and general observations. 

We meet here in a complex forum. These are 
governments of many nations of the world that 

April 17, 1961 


are sitting in this chamber. The decisions we 
shall contrive to reach will be the products of the 
multiple capitals of the world. Into our delibera- 
tions must go the views of presidents, prime min- 
isters, foreign and finance ministers, secretaries 
of state and of treasuries, and a whole small uni- 
verse of lesser dignitaries. Our decisions un- 
doubtedly will have an imperceptible mixture of 
the ingredients of politics and finance. 

We who sit here represent these many nations ; 
yet in another sense we make representations to 
them. In all of this maze of sovereignties and 
protocol we, each of us, are the equal of any in 
one respect — we are human beings, fathers and 
grandfathers, vitally concerned with generations 
yet unborn and moved by the inner hope that our 
collective statesmanship may permit their birth. 
Those of tomorrow will look down on these 
■days through which we pass in one of two ways : 
Either this will be characterized as a period of 
pain arising out of the growth to maturity of 
the noble and inspirational ideals expressed in the 
■charter of this Organization; or else this will be 
looked upon as the era in which raised voices and 
relatively small bills unpaid marked the beginning 
of the disintegration and the disillusion of another 
of mankind's great dreams. 

We do not believe it is to be the latter. But 
if it is to be, let us not drift into it. Let us be 
possessed of the courage and foresight to face 
up to our failure in finding an answer to our search 
for collective security. The strident voices that 
find fault freely, and I mean this in its dual sense 
such as often and without cost, must not frighten 
us into losing even a twinkle of a hope for a better 

If on the other hand this is really a period of 
growth to maturity through which the United 
Nations is passing, let us realize that in human 
experience such growth is frequently accompanied 
by pain and sacrifice. If we can with genuine 
statesmanship prevail over this difficult chapter, 
it may well be that the road ahead may not be 
all uphill. Viewed in these more optimistic terms, 
it seems to my delegation that those who truly 
believe in collective security and who honestly 
seek a family relationship among the peace-loving 
nations of the world are justified in making a 
sacrifice at this stage. In retrospect it may be 
written of us that a very small and relatively 
puny sum that we were called upon to pay bought 

the beginning of the realization of inspirational 
hope of the immortality of the human race. 

Mr. Chairman, it is not alone the hard facts of 
fiscal probity that must move us as we enter into 
the phase of seeking mutually acceptable answers. 
Let us even be more mindful of the ideals and the 
solemn purpose that first brought us to this con- 
ference table. 

United Nations Postpones Discussion 
of Disarmament Until 16th Session 

FoUowing is a statement hy Ambassador Adlai 
E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the General 
Assembly, made in Comnvittee I [Political and 
Security) on March 30, together loith the text of a 
resolution adopted by the committee on that day. 


U.S. delegation press release 3682 

The United States desires to do everything pos- 
sible to put an early and a sure end to the arms 
race which threatens humanity. We are eager to 
resume negotiations soon and under conditions 
which will produce results and not further disap- 
pointments. It is only through negotiations that 
we can make progress. 

We are intensively studying our disarmament 
policies in the light of developing political, sci- 
entific, and technical trends. We are, of course, 
hopeful that other states are doing the same. Our 
study is not complete but it is being pressed as 
rapidly as possible. We shall be ready for what 
we hope will be fruitful negotiations by the end of 

In the meantime, exchanges of views will con- 
tinue during June and July between the states 
concerned on questions relating to disarmament 
and to the resumption of negotiations in an appro- 
priate body whose composition is to be agreed 

The Soviet Union and the United States are 
submitting to this committee a resolution propos- 
ing that the General Assembly decide to take up 
at its 16th session the problem of disarmament and 
all pending proposals relating to it. We hope that 
all members of the committee will support this 


Deparlmenf of State Bulletin 

In recognition of the interest of the United Na- 
tions, an understanding has been reached between 
the United States and the Soviet Union to inform 
the 16th General Assembly of the progress made. 


The Oetieral Assembly 

Takes note of the statements made by the heads of the 
delegations of the Soviet Union and the United States on 
the question of disarmament, and 

Decides to talie up for consideration the problem of dis- 
armament, and all pending proposals relating to it at its 
sixteenth session. 

The Question of South-West Africa 


I slioiild like first of all to express a sense of 
high privilege at joining the membership of the 
distinguished Fourtli Committee of the General 
Assembly. No committee has, I believe, a record 
of greater achievement in the almost 16 years since 
the founding of the United Nations. It is with 
a feeling of humility that I take my seat here, 
following many outstanding United States repre- 
sentatives, including Senator Wayne Moree, the 
Honorable Mason Sears, Ambassador Francis 
Sayre, and, going back to 1947, the Honorable 
John Foster Dulles. 

I am sure that in all the years that this com- 
mittee has been meeting it has never included more 
outstanding representatives from all over the 
world than it now does and that it has never had 
more able leadership than it enjoys today from 
its eminent officere. 

The Fourth Committee has a reputation for be- 
ing the hardest working committee in the General 
Assembly. No one has ever accused the members 
of this committee of being inarticulate or of fail- 
ing to speak their minds on a contentious issue. 
Yet its members have also demonstrated a degree 
of mutual respect and accommodation not always 

' U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.267 ; adopted unanimously in 
Committee I on Mar. 30. 

■ Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) of the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly on Mar. 13 (U.S. delegation press release 
3666). Mr. Bingham is U.S. Representative to the Gen- 
eral Assembly. 

found in other bodies of the United Nations. I 
hope that I may be able to contribute in some small 
measure to a continuation by the committee of its 
record of achievement, not for the sake of the com- 
mittee's reputation — though we may cherish that 
reputation — but for the sake of the essential 
human values we seek to promote. 

Position of Union of South Africa 

We are confronted today with what has been 
one of the most distressing and intractable prob- 
lems that has confronted this committee over the 
years. It is a measure of the stubborn nature of 
this problem that all the United States representa- 
tives on this committee whom I mentioned before, 
and others as well, have had occasion to discuss 
South-West Africa before the committee. Yet it 
must be stated that in all these years there has 
been no improvement in the situation ; on the con- 
trary, such change as has occurred has been for 
the worse. 

In spite of the repeated urgings of this com- 
mittee and of successive sessions of the General 
Assembly, the Union of South Africa has been 
adamant in its refusal to recognize any interna- 
tional obligations whatsoever with regard to the 
Territory of South-West Africa. Year after 
year it has rejected or ignored General Assembly 
resolutions urging that it enter into a trusteeship 
agreement with respect to the Territory. It has 
ignored or rejected — sometimes in the rudest of 
language — the decisions of the International 
Court of Justice definmg the nature of its con- 
tinued obligation with respect to the Territory 
imder the mandate granted to it following the 
First World War. 

Over these same years, while the Union of South 
Africa has continuously refused to recognize any 
international obligation with respect to the Ter- 
ritory, its policies for the administration of the 
Territory have grown increasingly harsh and 
repressive. The policy of apartheid has been 
introduced and more and more rigorously 

Mr. Chairman, we in the United States share 
with the rest of the world in our Declaration of 
Independence a magnificent statement of the faith 
of free men everywhere. The words of Thomas 
Jefferson and his associates reflected the inspira- 
tion of a revolution on these shores and have ex- 
pressed the aspirations of human beings strug- 

April 17, 7967 


gling, througli all the decades since, for equality 
of opportunity, for human dignity, and for free- 
dom. Permit me to recall these deathless words : 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are 
Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to 
secure these rights. Governments are instituted among 
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 
governed. . . . 

Now, Mr. Chairman, I will not pretend for a 
moment that we in the United States have been 
wholly successful in our efforts to live up to the 
ideals represented by those words, but, along with 
most of the nations of the world, we recognize 
the validity of those ideals and we have striven 
with considerable success, and will ever continue 
to strive, to achieve them. The appalling thing 
about the policy of apartheid is that it rejects 
those ideals in principle, as well as in practice. 
The policy of apartheid is foimded on a hateful 
concept that human beings of different races are 
not entitled to equality of opportunity. Moreover, 
it rejects the principle that governments derive 
their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned. I feel confident, Mr. Chairman, that all 
members of this committee, without exception, 
would agree that in the case of South-West Africa 
the government exercised by the mandatory power 
is not derived from, and does not have, the con- 
sent of the vast majority of the governed. I say 
without exception, because the Union of South 
Africa itself apparently does not believe that the 
governed, when their skins are of a darker hue, 
have any right to expect that they should have 
any choice whatsoever with regard to the govern- 
ment imposed upon them. 

Thus the policy of apartheid is repugnant to 
us in the United States of America, as it is to 
all the governments represented here, save one. 
It is particularly deplorable that such a policy 
should be exercised in an area such as the Ter- 
ritory of South-West Africa, where the admin- 
istering authority has international obligations, 
even though it refuses to recognize those 

Testimony of Petitioners 

Last week we heard the testimony of four pe- 
titioners, Mr. Ismail Fortune, Mr. Mburumba 
Kerina, the Reverend Marcus Kooper, and Mr. 


Jacob Kuhangua. The picture presented by these 
petitioners of cruel repression, of persecution of 
political leaders fighting for their rights, of police 
brutalities is truly an appalling one, and it stands 
on the record uncontradicted by any evidence that 
the Union of South Africa might have seen fit to 
introduce by way of reply or mitigation. 

In keeping with its habit of grim rejection of 
any competence by the United Nations with re- 
spect to the Territory of South-West Africa, the 
Union has chosen to take no part in these pro- 
ceedings. It cannot then complain if the mem- 
bers of this committee conclude that the state- 
ments of the petitioners have presented an 
accurate view of conditions in the Territory. My 
delegation feels the most acute sympathy for the 
victims of the policies of apartheid and of political 
repression in the Territory of South-West Africa, 
who have been represented here by these eloquent 

In saying this, I should like to have it imder- 
stood that I do not ignore the fact that there are 
other areas of the world where equal, if different, 
cruelties are daily practiced and where political 
repression is in like manner the rule. But these 
situations are not before us at this time. 

We do have before us the report of the dis- 
tinguished Committee on South-West Africa,' 
presented by its most learned and able chairman. 
As that report indicates, the Union of South 
Africa, in characteristic disregard of the decisions 
of the General Assembly of the United Nations, 
has declined to permit the Committee on South- 
West Africa to visit the mandated territory. 

In attempted justification of its refusal, the 
Union presented the argument that the matter was 
sub judice in the International Court of Justice. 
Not only do we disagree with this argument on its 
merits, but we find it especially unconvincing 
coming from the Union of South Africa, which 
has ignored or rejected the prior decisions of the 
International Court of Justice and which has 
given no assurance that it will accept the decisions 
of that august Court in the contentious proceeding 
that has now been brought by the Governments of 
Ethiopia and Liberia. I should like, with all due 
respect, to ask the representative of the Union of 
South Africa this question: Will the Union, to 
establish its sincerity in putting forward the sub 
judice argument, assure the members of the United 

'U.N. doc. Ay4705 dated Mar. 3. 

Department of State Bulletin 

Nations that it will abide by the decisions of the 
International Court of Justice when they are ren- 
dered after due consideration in the present pro- 
ceeding? I wish that I could hope for an affirm- 
ative answer. 

Mr. Chairman, my delegation regrets that the 
Union of South Africa did not see fit to permit 
the Committee on South-West Africa to visit the 
Territory. This would have been an excellent 
opportunity for the Union Government to dem- 
onstrate its willingness to cooperate with the sin- 
cere and protracted efforts of the United Nations 
to find a solution consistent with the terms of the 
charter and of the mandate. We can only conclude 
from its noncooperation that the Union did not 
want this committee or the General Assembly to 
have before it the information which the Com- 
mittee on South-West Africa would have obtained 
and would have brought back to lay before us. 

Need for Tangible Improvement in Situation 

Mr. Chairman, I do not have at this time any 
draft resolution to submit, nor am I prepared to 
comment on any of the suggestions which have 
been offered for possible approval by this com- 
mittee. As I began by saying, the rocklike refusal 
of the Union of South Africa to accept in any 
slightest degree the repeated expressions of opin- 
ion by the world community, as represented by 
the United Nations, has made this problem an 
extraordinarily difficult and intractable one. I 
would merely like to express the hope that the 
members of this committee, in considering the 
various kinds of action which the committee might 
recommend to the General Assembly, would keep 
constantly in mind that our primary objective is 
to achieve some tangible improvement in the sit- 
uation of the people of South-West Africa and 
that an important secondary objective is to pre- 
serve the prestige and authority of the United 
Nations. Let us be careful, therefore, to avoid 
the temptation of making recommendations which 
are impractical and cannot conceivably be carried 
out, or which, even if carried out, will not con- 
tribute to an improvement of the situation or may 
even be harmful to our basic objectives. It would 
be extremely unfortunate, for example, if this 
committee were to take any action endangering the 
existence of the mandate, upon which the United 
Nations position in this matter so largely depends. 
Likewise we must be careful not to do anything to 

jeopardize the success of the contentious action 
brought in the International Court of Justice by 
Ethiopia and Liberia. As indicated by my Gov- 
ernment's support of General Assembly Resolu- 
tion 1565 last fall, we believe that this proceeding 
is of great importance and that, in instituting it, 
the Governments of Ethiopia and Liberia have 
perfonned a signal service on behalf of all peoples 
who believe in the essential dignity of man, re- 
gardless of race, color, or creed. 

By urging that we approach our task realistic- 
ally and practically, I certainly do not mean to 
suggest that we should become discouraged and 
throw up our hands on this problem. To do so 
would be to betray the interests and aspirations 
of great numbers of hvunan beings within the Ter- 
ritory and to betray the ideals of the United 
Nations itself. 

On the contrary we must persevere in our ef- 
forts to find a solution or at least to find the begin- 
ning of a way that may lead to a solution. If we 
do so with determination, it seems to me incon- 
ceivable that the Government of the Union of 
South Africa should be able indefinitely to resist 
the moral pressure of world opinion as it may 
be brought to bear through the medium of this 
great forum. 


The General Assembly, 

Bearing in mind the provisions of the General Assem- 
bly's declaration on the granting of independence to 
colonial peoples and territories which declares that im- 
mediate steps shall be taken to transfer all powers to 
such peoples, without any conditions or reservations, in 
accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, 
without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in 
order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and 

Recalling its resolution 1568 (XV) inviting the Com- 
mittee on South West Africa to go to South West Africa 
immediately, inter alia, to investigate the situation pre- 
vailing in the Territory, 

Noting with deep regret from the interim Keport (docu- 
ment A/4705) of the Committee on South West Africa 
called for under the said resolution that the Government 
of the Union of South Africa refuses to co-operate with 
the United Nations by facilitating the mission of the 
Committee on South West Africa, 

Convinced that it is both the right and the duty of the 

*U.N. doc. A/RES/1596(XV) ; adopted in plenary ses- 
sion on Apr. 7 by a vote of 84 (including U.S.) to 0, with 
8 abstentions. 

April 17, 1 96 1 


United Nations to discharge fully and effectively its obli- 
gations with respect to the proper implementation, under 
Its supervision, of the Mandate for South West Africa 
conferred upon His Britannic Majesty, to be exercised on 
his behalf by the Government of the Union of South 

Nothif! with grave concern the continuing deterioration 
In the situation of South West Africa resulting from the 
continued application, in violation of the letter and spirit 
of the Mandate, of tyrannical policies and practices of the 
Union's administration in South West Africa, such as 

Reiterating its concern that this situation constitutes 
a serious threat to international peace and security, 

1. Recognizes and supports the passionate yearning of 
the x>eople of South West Africa for freedom and the exer- 
cise of national independence and sovereignty ; 

2. Rejects the position taken by the Government of the 
Union of South Africa In refusing to co-operate with the 
United Nations in the implementation of resolution 1568 
(XV) as well as other resolutions concerning South West 
Africa ; 

3. Deplores the attempts at the assimilation of the 
mandated Territory of South West Africa, culminating 
In the so-called referendum held on 5 October 1960. as 
totally unacceptable, having no moral or legal basis and 
being repugnant to the letter and spirit of the Mandate ; 

4. Considers that the full and effective discharge of the 
tasks assigned to the Committee on South West Africa 
In operative paragraph 4 of the Assembly's resolution 
1568 (XV) is essential to the protection of the lives and 
property of the inhabitants of South West Africa, to the 
amelioration of the prevailing conditions of South West 
Africa the continuance of which Is likely to endanger 
international peace and security, to the exercise of the 
right of self-determination by the people of South West 
Africa in complete freedom, and their right of accession 
to national sovereignty and independence with the least 
delay ; 

5. Requests the Committee on South West Africa, 
therefore, immediately to proceed to discharge the special 
and urgent tasks entrusted to it in resolution 1568 (XV) 
as fully and expeditiously as possible with the co-oi)era- 
tion of the Government of the Union of South Africa if 
such co-operation be available, and without it if necessary ; 

6. Requests the Member States of the United Nations 
to extend to the Committee on South West Africa such 
assistance as it may require in the discharge of these 

7. Decides to call the attention of the Security Council 
to the situation in respect of South West Africa which, 
if allowed to continue, will, in the Assembly's view, 
endanger international peace and security, and to this 
resolution, the full implementation of which is necessary 
to bring that situation to a speedy end ; 

8. Takes note with grave concern of reports of the 
terrorization of and armed action against the indigenous 
inhabitants, and calls upon the Government of the Union 
of South Africa to desist from such acts ; 

9. Requests the Committee on South West Africa to 

submit a report on the implementation of resolution 1568 
(XV) as well as the present resolution to the General 
Assembly at its sixteenth session. 

Portugal Joins Fund and Bank 

The International Monetary Fund and the In- 
ternational Bank for Eeconstruction and Devel- 
opment announced on March 29 that on that day 
Portugal had become a member of the Fund and 
Bank, when the articles of agreement of these in- 
stitutions were signed at Washington on behalf 
of the Government of Portugal by the Ambas- 
sador, Luis Esteves Fernandes. 

The quota of Portugal in the International 
Monetary Fund is $60 million, and its subscrip- 
tion to the capital stock of the Bank is 800 shares 
with a total par value of $80 million. 

Sixty-nine nations are now members of the 
Fund, and 67 nations are members of the Bank. 
Admission of Portugal brought the total of mem- 
bers' quotas in the Fund to $14,800,700,000 and the 
total subscribed capital of the Bank to 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

IMCO Second Assembly 

The Department of State announced on March 
30 (press release 177) that Wilson T. M. Beale, 
Jr., Minister-Counselor for Economic Affairs, 
American Embassy, London, will serve as delegate 
and chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Second 
Assembly of the Intergovernmental Maritime 
Consultative Organization (IMCO), which is 
scheduled to be held at London, April 5-25. 

Adm. Alfred C. Eichmond, the Commandant, 
U.S. Coast Guard, will serve as alternate delegate. 
Other members of the delegation include : 


George R. Jacobs, Economic OflScer, American Embassy, 

Rear Adm. Henry T. Jewell, USCG, Department of the 

Capt Archibald McComb, USCG, Department of the 

Robert T. Merrill, Chief, Shipping Division, Office of 

Transport and Communications, Department of State 


Department of State Bulletin 

John Howard Moore, OflSce of International Administra- 
tion, Department of State 

Samuel E. Perkins, Office of International Economic and 
Social Affairs, Department of State 

E. Robert Seaver, Legal Adviser for International Matters, 
Maritime Administration, Department of Commerce 

Alvin Sliapiro, Vice President, American Merchant Marine 
Institute, Washington, D.C. 

Halert Shepheard, American Merchant Marine Institute, 
Washington, D.C. 

William G. Vale, Shipping Division, Office of Transport 
and Communications, Dei)artment of State 

Secretary 0/ Delegation 

Harry Weiner, Office of International Conferences, De- 
partment of State 

This session of the Assembly will consider, 
among other things, the advisory opinion of the 
International Court of Justice on the reconstitu- 
tion of the Maritime Safety Committee. It will 
also elect members of the IMCO Council and 
adopt a work program for the Organization to 
cover the next 2 years, 

OECD Economic Policy Committee 

The Department of State announced on April 1 
(press release 182) the following U.S. delegation 
to the meeting of the Economic Policy Committee 
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development to be held in Paris, April 18-19. 

Head of Delegation 

Walter W. Heller, Chairman, Council of Economic 

Members of Delegation 

Robert V. Roosa, Under Secretary of the Treasury for 
Monetary Affairs 

John W. Tuthill, Alternate U.S. Permanent Representa- 
tive to the Organization for European Economic Co- 
operation (OEEC) 

William McC. Martin, Jr., Chairman of the Board of 
Governors of the Federal Reserve Board 

Edvcin M. Martin, Assistant Secretary of State for 
Economic Affairs 


Manuel Abrams, Officer in Charge, Economic Organiza- 
tion Affairs, Office of European Regional Affairs, De- 
partment of State 

Weir M. Brown, U.S. Representative to the European 
Monetary Agency (EMA) Board of Management 

J. Dewey Daane, Assistant to the Secretary of the 

Dixon Donnelley, Assistant to the Secretary of the 

Mortimer D. Goldstein, Deputy Chief, International 
Finance Division, Department of State 

Alfred Reifman, Economic Policy Adviser, U.S. Mission 

to the OEEC 
James Tobin, Member of the Council of Economic Advisers 
Robert Triffin, Consultant to the Council of Economic 

George H. Willis, Director, Office of International Finance, 

Department of the Treasury 
Ralph A. Young, Adviser to the Board of Governors of 

the Federal Reserve Board 

The Economic Policy Committee will be one of 
the permanent committees of the Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development 
(OECD), when the OECD comes into existence. 
It will serve as the primary forum for consulta- 
tion among member countries for the purpose of 
promoting policies designed to achieve a high and 
sustainable rate of economic growth while pre- 
serving financial stability. This is one of the prin- 
cipal aims of the OECD. 


Current Actions 



Articles of agreement of the International Bank for Re- 
construction and Development. Opened for signature 
at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered into force 
December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 

Signatures and acceptances: Portugal, March 29, 1961; 
Nigeria, March 30, 1961. 

Articles of agreement of the International Monetary Fund. 
Opened for signature at Washington December 27, 1945. 
Entered into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1501. 
Signatures and acceptances: Portugal, March 29, 1961; 
Nigeria, March 30, 1961. 


Constitution of the World Health Organization. Opened 
for signature at New York July 22, 1946. Entered into 
force AprU 7, 1948. TIAS 1808. 
Acceptance deposited: Somalia, January 26, 1961. 


International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961.' 
Accession deposited: Chad, March 10, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the 
Government of the Polish People's Republic. Done at 

' Not in force for the United States. 

April 17, 1 96 J 


Tokyo November 9, 1959. Entered Into force Novem^ Appointments 

ber 16, 1960. TIAS 4649. 

Signature: Federal Republic of Germany, March 6, 1961. 



Amendment to the agreement of March 16, 1956 (TIAS 
4059), concerning the civil uses of atomic energy. 
Signed at Washington February 13, 1961. 
Entered into force: March 30, 1961. 


Agreement amending the agreement of July 3, 1957 (TIAS 
4016), for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic 
energy. Signed at Washington July 22, 1959. 
Entered into force: March 30, 1961. 


Agreement for adjustment of the amount and final settle- 
ment of obligations under the agreement of November 
6, 1950 (TIAS 2151), relating to the repayment of funds 
advanced to Philippine National Defense Forces. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Washington March 27, 
1961. Entered into force March 27, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the payment of arrearages on the 
surplus property agreement of April 22, 1946. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Warsaw March 20, 1961. En- 
tered into force March 20, 1961. 



The Senate on March 15 confirmed the following nom- 
inations : 

Frederick E. Nolting, Jr., to tie Ambassador to the Re- 
public of Viet- Nam. (For biographic details, see Wliite 
House press release dated February 17.) 

J. Graham Parsons to be Ambassador to Sweden. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
178 dated March 31.) 

Avery F. Peterson to be the representative of the 
United States to the 17th session of the Economic Com- 
mission for Asia and the Far East of the Economic 
and Social Council of the United Nations. 

Miss Frances E. Willis to be Ambassador to Ceylon. 
(For biographic details, see White House press release 
dated February 28.) 

Max Isenbergh as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Ed- 
ucational and Cultural Affairs, effective March 5. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
163 dated March 24.) 

Ralph S. Roberts as Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Management, effective February 21. 

Joseph Elliott Slater as Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Educational and Cultural Affairs, effective March 12. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 162 dated March 24. ) 

Checi( List of Department of State 
Press Releases: March 27-April|2 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to March 27 which appear in 
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 149 of March 
21, 155 of March 23, and 157 of March 24. 


Martin : amendment to Sugar Act 
of 1948. 

U.S. participation in international 

Financial settlement with the Philip- 

Visit of Prime Minister of Greece. 

Rusk: SEATO meeting. 

Cleveland : Washington Council of Ex- 
jieriment in International Living. 

Williams : Conference on African Re- 

DAG communique. 

SEATO communique. 

Transportation of military and para- 
military goods to Congo. 

U.S. attitude toward Congo financing. 

Visit of U.K. Prime Minister (re- 

Delegation to IMCO Second Assembly 

Parsons sworn in as Ambassador to 
Sweden (biographic details). 

Brown sworn in as Ambassador to 
Nicaragua (biographic details). 

Stockdale sworn in as Ambassador to 
Ireland (biographic details). 

Rusk : return from SEATO meeting. 

Delegation to OECD Economic Policy 
Committee (rewrite). 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 





























Department of State Bulletin 

AprU 17, 1961 


Vol. XLIV, No. 1138 

Agriculture. U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Pro- 
grams in Latin America (Kennedy) 552 

American Republics 

President Believes IDB Will Play Vital Role in 

Alliance for Progress 553 

U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Programs in Latin 

America (Kennedy) 552 

Brazil. U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Programs in 

Latin America (Kennedy) 552 

Ceylon. Willis confirmed as Ambassador . . . 574 

Congo (Leopoldville) 

Financing the U.N. Military Operation in the Congo 

(Klutznick) 564 

U.S. Attitude Toward Congo Financing .... 565 
U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses for Arms Ship- 
ments to Congo 546 

Congress, The 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 562 

Department Supports Legislation Extending Sugar 

Actof 1948 (Martin) 562 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Isenbergh, Roberts, Slater) . . . 574 
Confirmations (Nolting, Parsons, Peterson, Willis) . 574 

Disarmament. United Nations Postpones Discus- 
sion of Disarmament Until 16th Session (Steven- 
son, text of resolution) 568 

Economic Affairs 

Department Supports Legislation Extending Sugar 

Actof 1948 (Martin) 562 

Development Assistance Group Concludes Fourth 
Meeting (texts of communique and resolutions, 

U.S. delegation) 553 

IMCO Second Assembly (delegation) 572 

OECD Economic Policy Committee (delegation) . 573 

Portugal Joins Fund and Bank 572 

U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord on Financial 

Differences 555 

U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses for Arms Ship- 
ments to Congo 546 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Internationalizing the Concept of the Peace (Dorps 

(Cleveland) 551 

Isenbergh and Slater appointed deputy assistant 

secretaries 574 

Far East. Seventh Meeting of SEATO Council of 
Ministers (Rusk, text of communique, delega- 
tion) 547 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 563 

Development Assistance Group Concludes Fourth 
Meeting (texts of communique and resolutions, 

U.S. delegation) 553 

IMCO Second Assembly (delegation) 572 

Internationalizing the Concept of the Peace Corps 

(Cleveland) 551 

OECD Economic Policy Committee (delegation) . . 573 

Portugal Joins Fund and Bank 572 

President Believes IDB Will Play Vital Role in 
Alliance for Progress 553 

Japan. The Evolution of the Japanese-American 

Partnership (MacArthur) 556 

Laos. The Situation in Laos (Kennedy, Macmll- 
lan, texts of U.S.-U.K. communique and U.K. and 
Soviet aide memoire) 543 

Military Affairs. U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses 

for Arms Shipments to Congo 546 

Mutual Security. Internationalizing the Concept of 

the Peace Corps (Cleveland) 551 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. The Question of 
South-West Africa (Bingham, text of resolu- 
tion) 569 

Philippines. U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord on 

Financial Differences 555 

Portugal. Portugal Joins Fund and Bank .... 572 

Presidential Documents 

President Believes IDB Will Play Vital Role in 

Alliance for Progress 553 

The .Situation in Laos 543 

U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Programs in Latin 
America 552 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Seventh Meet- 
ing of SEATO Council of Ministers (Rusk, text 
of communique, delegation) 547 

Sweden. Parsons confirmed as Ambassador . . . 574 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 573 

U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord on Financial 
Differences 555 

Union of South Africa. The Question of South- 
West Africa (Bingham, text of resolution) . . . 569 

U.S.S.R. The Situation in Laos (Kennedy, Mac- 
millan, texts of U.S.-U.K. communique and U.K. 
and Soviet aide memoire) 543 

United Kingdom. The Situation in Laos (Kennedy, 
Macmillan, texts of U.S.-U.K. communique and 
U.K. and Soviet aide memoire) 543 

United Nations 

Financing the U.N. Military Operation in the Congo 

(Klutznick) 564 

Peterson confirmed as U.S. representative to 17th 

session of ECAFE 574 

The Question of South-West Africa (Bingham, text 

of resolution) 569 

United Nations Postpones Discussion of Disarma- 
ment Until 16th Session (Stevenson, text of 
resolution) 568 

U.S. Attitude Toward Congo Financing 565 

Viet-Nam. Nolting confirmed as Ambassador . . 574 
Name Index 

Bingham, Jonathan B 569 

Cleveland, Harlan 551 

Isenbergh, Max 574 

Kennedy, President 543,552,553 

Klutznick, Philip M 564 

MacArthur, Douglas II 556 

Macmillan, Harold 543 

Martin, Edwin M 562 

Nolting, Frederick E., Jr 574 

Parsons, J. Graham 574 

Peterson, Avery F 574 

Roberts, Ralph S 574 

Rusk, Secretary 547 

Slater, Joseph Elliott 574 

Stevenson, Adlai B 568 

Willis, Franoes E 574 






United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





January 1, 1961 

This publication is a guide to treaties and other international 
agreements in force between the United States and other countries 
at the beginning of the current year. 

The list includes bilateral treaties and other agreements, 
arranged by country or other political entity, and multilateral 
treaties and other agreements, arranged by subject with names of 
countries which have become parties. Date of signature, date of 
entry into force for the United States, and citations to texts are 
furnished for each agreement. 

Documents affecting international copyright relations of the 
United States are listed in the appendix. 

Information on current treaty actions, supplementing the infor- 
mation contained in Treaties in Force, is published weekly in the 
Department of State Bulletin. 

Publication 7132 


Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt, Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Please send me copies of TREATIES IN FORCE— A List of Treaties 

and Other International Agreements of the United States in Force on 
January 1, 1961. 

Enclosed find: 


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Street Address : 

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Vol. XLIV, No. 1139 

April 24, 1961 




WORLD PROBLEMS • Text of Joint Statement . . 579 


Vice President Johnson 581 


# by Assistant Secretary Williams ••••••• 584 


TWO WAYS OF LIFE • by Ambassador Walter C. 
Dowling 588 


James W. Gulick 594 

Boston Public Library 
bupterintendent of Documents 

IVIH I i C ISO I Pfff index see inside back cover 



Vol. XLIV. No. 1139 • Publication 7174 
April 24, 1961 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documenis 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.C. 


82 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contahied herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Bdllktin as the source will be 

Tfee Department of State BULLETIN, 
a iceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

President Kennedy and Prime iVIinister fVlacmillan 
Discuss Wide Range of World Problems 

Harold Macmillan, Prime Minister of the 
United Kingdoin, inade an informal visit to Wash- 
ington, April 4.-9, for a series of talks with 
President Kennedy. On April 3 the Earl of 
Home, Secretary of State far Foreign Affairs, 
arrived at Washington for talks with Secretary 
of State Dean Rusk, departing April 8; both 
Secretaries of State participated in talks with the 
President and the Prime Minister. Following is 
the text of a joint statement hy President Kennedy 
and Prinie Minister Macmillan, which was read 
to news correspondents iy the President on April 
8, together with a list of th^e memhers of the 
parties accompanying Mr. Macmillan and the 
Earl of Home. 


White House press release dated April 8 

We liave a statement for you on what we and 
our two Secretaries of State and other advisers 
have been discussing in the last four days. 

We have had a series of candid and friendly 
talks. We have discussed the present world sit- 
uation in general, and in particular the major 
issues of international relations which affect our 
two countries. We have reached a very high level 
of agreement on our estimate of the nature of 
the problems which we face. We realize all too 
well that to meet these problems will require 
from us many sacrifices. 

Open and friendly discussions have served to 
clarify and confirm our common commitment to 
those who care for freedom. We are in complete 
agreement as to the gravity and depth of the 
dangers in the present world situation for those 
nations who wish to retain their independence 
and the priceless right of choice. 

Wliile we recognize that the core of Western 
security against armed aggression continues to be 

Apr// 24, 7967 

the North Atlantic Alliance, we also discussed 
how our countries can help to strengthen the Free 
World as a whole. 

We have considered what measures it might be 
advisable to take, together with our allies, to en- 
sure the cohesion, effectiveness and adaptability 
of the Atlantic community in a changing world. 

To this end we have examined the world eco- 
nomic and financial situation, including the prob- 
lems of imbalance and short-t«rm capital move- 
ments; the need for coordination to meet these 
problems by increased utilization of existing in- 
ternational machinery : the need for more effective 
assistance to nations in an earlier stage of eco- 
nomic development : and the need for maintenance 
of world trade at the highest possible level. We 
have recognized both the urgency and the impor- 
tance of further steps toward the economic and 
political unity of Europe. 

We reaffinn our vigorous support of the United 
Nations and our determination to oppose the at- 
tempts currently being made to undermine its 
authority as an instrument for peace and security 
in the world. 

We have given close attention to South East 
Asia and specifically to the critical problems of 
Laos and Vietnam.^ 

We are agreed upon both the importance and 
the difficulty of working towards satisfactory re- 
lations with the Soviet Union. 

We also reaffirm the determination of our gov- 
ernments to do their utmost to bruig to a successful 
conclusion within a reasonable period of time 
the negotiations in Geneva for the cessation of 
nuclear weapons tests under effective inspection 
and control. 

We have talked as i^artners, but with a full 
awareness of the rights and interests of the other 
nations with whom we are closely associated. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 543. 



The Department of State announced on March 
30 (press release 176) that the principal members 
of the parties accompanying Prime Minister 
Macmillan and the Earl of Home would be the 
following : 

The Prime Minister's Party 

Lady Dorothy Macmillan 

Sir Norman Brook, G.C.B., Secretary of the Cabinet 
P. F. de Zulueta, Private Secretary to the Prime Minister 
J. E. R. Wyndham, M.B.E., Private Secretary to the 

Prime Minister 
S. H. Evans, C.M.G., O.B.E., Public Relations Adviser 

The Foreign Secretary's Party 

Sir Frederick Hoyer MiUar, G.C.M.G., C.V.O., Permanent 
Under Secretary, Foreign OflBce 

J. W. Russell, C.M.G., News Department 

Peter Ramsbotham, Head of the Planning and Coordina- 
tion Section, Foreign Office 

A. C. I. Samuel, C.M.G., Private Secretary to the Foreign 

A. A. Acland, Private Secretary to the Foreign Secretary 

12th Anniversary of Signing 
of NATO Treaty 

Message of President Kennedy 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated April 3 

April 4th marks the 12th Anniversary of the 
signing of the North Atlantic Treaty. 

We are justified in taking pride in our achieve- 
ments in NATO and in those other cooperative 
endeavors in which we are engaged. But this 
day also reminds us of our obligations to the 
future. The years ahead will demand of us all 
courage, sacrifice and the will to seize every op- 
portunity to secure and to advance human liberty. 
In cooperation with one another, and all those 
around the globe who believe in the freedom of 
man, we can and we will succeed. 

Let us on this Anniversary look to the future 
in this spirit. If we do the cause of freedom 
will prevail. 

John F. Kennedy 
His Excellency 
Alberico Casardi 
Acting Secretary General 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

U.S. Hopes for Workable Treaty 
on Cessation of Nuclear Tests 

Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson was in 
Geneva on April 6 and 6, where he conferred at 
President Kennedy''s request with Arthur H. 
Dean, U.S. Representative to the Conference on 
the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests?- 
Following is a statement given to the press at 
Geneva hy Mr. Johnson on April 6 and read into 
the record of the Conference hy Mr. Dean on that 

During my visit to Geneva I have had the oppor- 
tunity to confer fully with Ambassador Arthur 
H. Dean, our principal negotiator at the Con- 
ference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests. I was most eager to hear his views regard- 
ing the progress of the Conference. 

I came here at the request of President Kennedy, 
who takes a very deep personal interest in this 
Conference. The President has instructed Am- 
bassador Dean to make every effort to determine 
whether prompt agreement on a fair and equitable 
treaty is possible.^ 

During the past weeks the United States and 
United Kingdom delegations have presented con- 
structive proposals in the Conference covering all 
major issues. These proposals, framed after close 
consultation between the two Governments, have 
attempted to take into account all legitimate So- 
viet concerns and are designed to promote an ac- 
cord fair to all parties. They should be completely 
satisfactory to the Soviet Union, if indeed the 
Soviet Union wants to conclude a treaty. If a 
treaty is to be effective and to command the con- 
fidence of all participating nations it must provide 
an efficient, reliable, prompt system of verification 
and controls not subject to crippling vetoes. 
There is no point to a treaty for a treaty's sake. 

The Western delegations are now awaiting the 
Soviet response. The Government and people of 
the United States strongly hope that the Soviet 
response will be prompt and constructive. They 

' The Vice President vi^as returning to the United States 
after having represented the President at ceremonies at 
Dakar on April 3 and 4 celebrating the independence of 
the Republic of Senegal. 

" For a statement by the President, see Bdxletin of 
Apr. 3, 1961, p. 478. 


Deparlment of Stafe BulleI'm 

fully recognize the importance of these negotia- 
tions. For our part we want a sound, effective 
and workable treaty. 

A sound treaty could contribute importantly to 
a reduction of international tension, and to prog- 

ress on the critical problem of disarmament. 
For this reason the President of the United 
States is giving close attention to what is happen- 
ing in Geneva, and I shall be reporting to him on 
the situation here within the next few days. 

Enhancing the Strength and Unity of the North Atlantic Community 

Address hy Vice President Johnson'^ 

I am happy to bring to you from the people 
and the Government a message which is as abso- 
lutely determined and meaningful as it is simple 
to state. That message is that the United States 
is resolved to do everything within its power — 
and I emphasize the word "everything" — to en- 
hance the strength and unity of the North Atlan- 
tic Community. 

This message reflects the basic purpose of our 
foreign policy: to maintain an environment in 
which free societies can survive and flourish. By 
free societies we mean those in which the consent 
of the governed plays an important role. 

It is essential to this environment that it be 
spacious. It is essential, too, that within it there 
should exist the will and power to protect it 
against enemies and the opportunity for all to 
develop and to pursue happiness as they see it, 
within the limits of ability and willingness to 

No single nation has enough influence and 
power to maintain this spacious environment of 
freedom. The coalition of the peoples and na- 
tions of Western Europe and North America is 
indispensable to this end. Without their power — 
the resultant of population, resources, technology, 
and will — it cannot be preserved. 

To the United States it is of prime importance 
to maintain and strengthen the coalitionj both its 

' Made at ceremonies celebrating the 10th anniversary 
of the establishment of Supreme Headquarters Allied 
Powers Europe (SHAPE) at Paris on Apr. 6. 

cohesion and power within the Atlantic area and 
its capacity for constructive action outside that 

If that cohesion and capacity are to be en- 
hanced, vigorous measures will be required in the 
political, military, and economic fields. 

Action in the Political Field 

In the political field it is to discover and act 
on the most basic of the various Alliance interests 
that are at stake and thus increase the Alliance's 
capacity to influence events in the world at large 

Progress toward an integrated European com- 
munity will help to enhance that capacity and 
thus to strengthen the Atlantic Commimity. A 
more cohesive and powerful Europe within a de- 
veloping Atlantic Community is needed to under- 
take the large tasks which lie ahead. Tlie essen- 
tially national and loosely coordinated efforts of 
the past will no longer suffice. 

Our end goal — "that remote and ideal object" 
of which Lord Acton spoke, "which captivates 
the imagination by its splendor and the reason by 
its simplicity" — should be a true Atlantic Com- 
mimity in which common institutions will in- 
creasingly be developed to meet common 

Tlie burgeoning demands of the less developed 
countries no less than the growth of Soviet power 
dictate that a more tightly knit community even- 
tually be achieved. In progressing toward such 
a community we can regain the sense of forward 

April 24, 1967 


movement and imaginative thinking which has 
characterized the Alliance in its most creative 
periods. In the long run such progress may well 
prove to be indispensable if our ultimate goal of 
a free and orderly world community is to be 

Action in the Military Field 

In the military field, too, the United States will 
do its utmost to sustain and enhance the strength 
of the Alliance. I shall speak more briefly about 
this field, since these matters will soon be discussed 
in detail in the Council. 

My countiy's approach to NATO's military 
tasks is governed by the principles which are re- 
flected in the President's recent message ^ to the 
Congress on our own military budget. Our ob- 
jective is to insure that any potential aggressor 
will know that he would be confronted with a 
suitable, selective, swift, and effective military 

To fulfill tliis objective the United States is 
seeking to create a flexible and balanced military 
posture. This is also the goal of NATO. 

To achieve this goal several steps will be called 

For one thing a vigorous and sustained effort to 
build up NATO's nonnuclear defenses will be re- 
quired. This is a high-priority task; it will call 
for increased effort from all of us. But the re- 
sult will be worth the sacrifice, for NATO's de- 
fenses will be more effective and their deterrent 
power greater. As part of its contribution to this 
task the United States is committed to full par- 
ticipation in the conunon defense and the main- 
tenance of its militai-y strength on the Continent 
for the foreseeable future. The President was ab- 
solutely clear on this point in his message to 
NATO soon after taking office.' 

An effective NATO nuclear capability is also 
needed to achieve our goal, and the United States 
stands ready to consult closely with all members 
of the Alliance on the best ways and means of 
maintaining this capability in the future. The 
security of Europe and the security of the United 
States are inseparable. 

In going forward with a practical and balanced 

= H. Doc. 123, 87th CoDg., 1st sess. 
' Bulletin of Mar. 6, 1961, p. 333. 

program to strengthen NATO's arms, we will re- 
duce any temptation to aggression and thus en- 
hance the prospects for peace. 

Action in the Economic Field 

Tlie fruits of peace are not achieved merely by 
avoiding war. We must also seek to progress 
toward a richer life for all mankind. 

If the Atlantic Community is to help achieve 
that progress, we will need : 

First: higher rates of growth in some Atlantic 
countries ; 

Second: more effective coordination between 
the economic policies of Europe and North 
America ; 

Third: increased aid to less developed coun- 
tries; and 

Fourth: fair sharing within the Alliance of the 
burden of that aid and of our militai-y programs. 

The OECD [Organization for Economic Co- 
operation and Development] was created to help 
achieve just these purposes. The United States 
intends to participate fully in its work to this end. 

This is not the time or the place to go into the 
details. I wish only to lay out the general course 
of action to which we are dedicated in seeking 
closer economic cooperation with our Atlantic 

We cannot fail in this course if there is to be 
a high assurance of maintaining an environment 
in which free societies can flourish. The effective- 
ness of the OECD in prosecuting this course will 
be an indispensable base both for the military 
programs which I have described and for fulfilling 
the purposes of the Atlantic Community in less 
developed areas. 

The political impact of progress to this end may, 
however, be even more significant than its eco- 
nomic or military effect. For the chief Western 
nations will have been brought together into 
earnest conclave to launch measures of great and 
constructive moment. This would contribute to 
their confidence and cohesion and, over the long 
nm, might well lay the basis for a new and even 
closer relation between North America and 

It would make more solid the hope that the 
world will be developed in peace — a secure and 
peaceful world in which international disputes 
can be straightened out in accordance with the 


Department of State Bulletin 

charter of the United Nations. I have just come 
from Geneva.* We are earnestly striving to get 
a nuclear test ban treaty. We want and we pledge 
our best efforts to get a sound and effective treaty. 
If so it may well be a prelude for constructive 
planning for disarmament. 

If these hopes are frustrated it must not be 
and will not be upon the conscience of the free 
world. We can and will have the satisfaction and 
knowledge that we labored diligently and we tried 
witli dignity and honor, even if we pled in vain. 
A genuine political — as well as economic — com- 
munity might appear increasingly feasible as our 
longrun goal. 

Such a demonstration of the Atlantic nations' 
capacity for bold and creative effort could not 
fail also to impress mightily friendly nations in 
other areas, and possibly the Communist leaders 
themselves. For its plain unport would be to 
bring within reach the formation of what would 
be incomparably the most powerful economic 
grouping in the world. No calculation of the 
future relative strength of the free world could 
fail to be decisively affected by this prospect. 

Continuing Sacrifices From Ail 

If we go forward with these general policies in 
the political, military, and economic fields we can 
look forward to an Atlantic Ckjmmunity which 
will increasingly fulfill the rich promise that its 
foimders foresaw when they signed the treaty 12 
years ago. 

The task will not be easy. It will call for con- 
tinuing sacrifices from all of us : 

Sacrifices of resources. 
Sacrifices of man-years spent in uniform. 
Sacrifices of special interests. 
Sacrifices of ancient concepts in the light of 
growing interdependence. 

We cannot shrink from these sacrifices if we are 
to be worthy of the common civilization which 
we sliare. 

The United States is prepared to play its full 

* See p. 580. 

part. It accepts the responsibilities of leadership, 
both in projecting its own effort and in setting 
forth its view as to tlie tasks of the Alliance as 
a whole. 

The message that I bring you today is evidence 
of its unreserved commitment to these tasks, which 
all of our countries will need to prosecute vigor- 
ously in the decade that lies ahead if their high 
purposes are to be achieved. 

President Kennedy Names Members 
of Peace Corps Advisory Council 

The Wliite House announced at Palm Beach, 
Fla., on March 30 that the President on that day 
had appointed to membership on the National Ad- 
visory Coimcil for the Peace Corps a group of 
prominent American men and women. The 
Council, representing a cross section of American 
life and thought, will give guidance and coimsel 
in the development of the activities of the Peace 
Corps and will enable the Corps to benefit by 
the insight and experience of individuals who are 
interested in the role of the United States in 
world affairs. 

Tlie following have accepted membership on 
the National Advisory Council : 

Honorary chairman: William O. Douglas, As- 
sociate Justice, U.S. Supreme Court. 

Chairman : Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson. 

Vice chairmen: Mary L. Bunting, David E. 
Lilienthal, Rev. James Robinson, and Thomas J. 
Watson, Jr. 

Metiibers: Leona Baumgartner, Joseph Beime, 
Harry Belafonte, William Sloan Coffin, LeRoy 
Collins, Rev. John J. Considine, Henry Crown, 
Albert Dent, Jolm Fischer, Peter Grace, Corne- 
lius J. Haggerty, Oveta Gulp Hobby, E. Palmer 
Hoyt, Mrs. Robert Kintner, Murray D. Lincoln, 
Frederick R. Mann, Benjamin E. Mays, James 
A. McCain, Franklin D. Murphy, Mrs. E. Lee 
Ozbirn, Clarence E. Pickett, Roger Revelle, John 
D. Rockefeller IV, Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 
Eugene W. Rostow, George L. Sanchez, and 
James Scott. 

kptW 24, 7967 


Mobilizing Economic Resources for Africa 

by G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

It is a privilege to be here with you today at a 
gathering of this significance. Tliis is a pioneer- 
ing enterprise — an American conference specifi- 
cally and solely devoted to African resources. We 
all have reason to be grateful to those who had 
the imagination and foresight to plan and con- 
vene a conference of such high mutual interest to 
Africa and to this country. 

Let me add a personal word of gratitude to you 
who have made this conference possible. I am 
happy to Imow that American businessmen and 
educators are working so actively and construc- 
tively on matters \atal to the well-being of Africa 
and to find distinguished and able Africans work- 
ing along with you in close and fruitful 

It is a particular pleasure to be with you so soon 
after my return from a trip tlirough 16 of the 
nations in Africa. I do not, of course, presiune 
to have the knowledge of Africa of you here be- 
fore me. Wliile it was not my first visit — I have 
been to the continent on two previous occasions — 
most of you have many years of experience that 
I cannot hope to match. But I am glad to have 
the occasion to talk with you when I have just 
come from the stimulation of discussions with 
leaders of the new Africa and fresh from the 
friendliness and warm hospitality we found 

This trip provided the opportunity, and for me 
the great honor, to convey to African leaders the 
personal greetings of the President and the Secre- 
tary of State and the renewed assurances of the 
keen interest and strong friendship of the United 
States. It gave me the opportmiity to learn — 

'Address made before the Conference on African Re- 
sources at New York, N.T., on Mar. 29 (press release 171). 

to learn the thinking of those bearing the awesome 
responsibility of leadership in Africa, to talk with 
businessmen, teachers, labor leaders, and farmers, 
and to see both the progress made in recent years 
and the tremendous remaining needs. 

It was a wonderful experience to visit institu- 
tions of evei"y kind — schools, hospitals, farms, and 
factories. Many of them have been built only 
recently. We visited the sites of major new in- 
dustries and saw again for ourselves how sky- 
scrapers are in places overlooking thatched roofs. 
We saw huge plantations side by side with sub- 
sistence farming. 

Africa is a continent of tremendous contrasts, 
as you know, and few generalizations will stand 
up under analysis. But I came away with the 
conviction, both as a result of my own observation 
and from what I learned from others, that all the 
governments of Africa, both new and old, can be 
said to be in a race with time and the expectations 
of the African peoples. 

In some areas and among some peoples these 
expectations are still rather inchoate, representing 
deep but somewhat vague wishes for a better and 
more meaningful life. More and more, however, 
tlie desires are taking concrete form — for a doctor 
in the village and an allweather road to the city, 
for pure running water and an adequate supply of 
food the year around, for a better house to live 
in and decent clothes to wear. 

Wliatever these desires, they can only be met 
by the application of resources to the problem of 
production. This is equally true whether we are 
speaking of the production of textiles, the produc- 
tion of foreign exchange, or the production of 
doctore; hence the importance of this conference 
and the vital questions it is considering. 

The resources of Africa itself are known to be 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

tremendous, even though the inventory is still 
far from complete. I say "tremendous" in full 
knowledge of the fact that it is the fashion in son:ie 
quarters today to emphasize the shortages that 
exist in certain basic materials rather than the de- 
velopment advantages that Africa possesses. Per- 
haps it is inevitable that the pendulum should 
swing back after years in which romanticists 
throughout the rest of the world dreamed of Af- 
rica as a land of almost milimited riches. 

The real resources of Africa, it seems to me, are 
more prosaic than King Solomon's mines, but they 
may prove far more valuable in the long run. 
They lie in hydroelectric power, which is just now 
beginning to be developed in quantity, and in 
workaday metals and minerals rather than in 
large new findings of gold and diamonds. From 
these will come the industries of the future. They 
can be found in a new agriculture, which takes ad- 
vantage of the techniques developed within this 
generation — indeed, largely since World War II. 
Many of these have direct application to the soils 
and climate of Africa. And, finally, the future 
lies in the greatest resource of all — the men and 
women of Africa. This human resource is the 
potential which has perhaps been tapped less than 
any other. It is the task of all of us in the free 
world to assure that the great human resources 
of Africa will not only create the means for a 
better life but will also be the beneficiaries of it. 

Most of the economic issues I heard debated in 
Africa can be reduced to a single question : How 
best can the resources for Africa be mobilized? 
I would like to restate the question as follows: 
How best can the resources for Africa be mobilized 
for the ienefit of AfTicaf Development based on 
the ruthless exploitation of labor is certainly not 
the goal. It is increasingly appreciated in Africa 
that resources mobilized in freedom are the best 
for the peoples of that continent in the sense of 
their happiness and spiritual welfare. We now 
must demonstrate that free development, if given 
both opportunity and encouragement, is the most 
rapid and efficient means for undertaking physical 

Some of the difficulty we have had in demon- 
strating this to peoples of the less developed na- 
tions may arise, it seems to me, from a misunder- 
standing of the private-enterprise system as it 
exists today. This misunderstanding must give 
us deep concern. 

Importance of Private Enterprise 

In Africa, as you from Africa know best, pri- 
vate enterprise is still too often viewed as a picture 
with "profits" written in red across the center, al- 
though we have long since seen how to place profits 
in the perspective of fair compensation for serv- 
ices rendered. Further, Africans have shown a 
sensitivity concerning foreign "ownership" as 
such, perhaps in part because of some colonial ex- 
periences in which "ownership" implied alienation. 
Yet, in the world of modern capitalism, the em- 
phasis — and tlie contribution tliat only free coun- 
tries can make — is on an alert and progressive 
management. Increasingly, American firms pro- 
ducing abroad are finding it desirable to offer to 
share ownership as the basis for a sound and long- 
lasting working relationship. 

Those of us in this room know that the tech- 
niques of mobilizing capital in the free world have 
advanced far beyond those of 50 years ago and are 
constantly being refined and improved. The re- 
sult means the ability to adapt investment decisions 
readily to the rapidly changing technology of to- 
day. It is our task, it seems to me, to assist Africa 
in taking full advantage of these techniques. 

This is of great importance to tlie Africans, both 
because of tlie way in which added resources from 
the free world can be used and because of their size. 
The way in which they are made available is con- 
sistent with the human values which the vast ma- 
jority of us share both hei'e and in Africa. In size, 
we know of the vast sums which can be mobilized 
in the free capital market — sums which dwarf 
those that are normally available to governments. 

We in the United States have a right to ask 
our private entrepreneurs to take with them 
abroad the same sense of civic responsibility they 
exercise at home. I have seen evidence in Africa 
of the efforts imdertaken by American firms to 
improve the welfare of their employees and their 
families through health services, social programs, 
and teclinical training. At the same time we feel 
justified in pointing out that conditions for in- 
vestment abroad must be reasonably attractive. 

There is no pretending that the risks for pri- 
vate investment are not high in some parts of 
Africa. There are uncertainties in some countries 
as to the role that foreign investment should play. 
Until this is resolved, it may mean that these coun- 
tries are deprived of this valuable source of cap- 
ital. I understand that you have discussed this 

April 24, J 96 1 


President Kennedy Sends Greetings 
to Economic Conference at Yaounde 

White House press release dated April 6 

Following is the text of a message sent iy Presi- 
dent Kennedy on March 25 to the conference of 
chiefs of state of 12 African countries at Yaounde, 
Republic of Cameroun, at uhich they formed the 
African and, Malagasy Organization for Economic 

March 25, 1961 

It gives me deep pleasure to send the greetings 
of the Government and people of the United States 
to you who are gathered at Yaouudfi to consult on 
matters of high importance in your mutual interest. 

It is a particular pleasure because your consul- 
tations represent the kind of regional cooperation 
that strengthens hope in a world too often divided 
and torn by dispute. Yours is an association of 
free and sovereign nations, dedicated to construc- 
tive action for the welfare of your peoples. It is 
this partnership in freedom that is most impressive 
to my country and it deserves the emulation of us 
all. I congratulate you and pledge the readiness 
of my country to provide concrete support, if you 
so desire, for your efforts to make effective a per- 
manent organization to foster your economic co- 
operation and development. You have our warm- 
est good wishes for every success. 

problem at considerable length. In my own think- 
ing I try to keep firmly in mind that foreign in- 
vestment capital is not just an item on a ledger 
sheet. It represents the savings of ordinary 
American citizens, through their banks and insur- 
ance companies, which are eventually put to work 
and result in economic development for the peoples 
of Africa. 

There is still a considerable reluctance on the 
part of potential investors who are unfamiliar 
with the continent. We here know that the head- 
lines of unrest and conflict are atypical. In most 
of Africa people are going about their work peace- 
fully under enlightened leaders, capable of main- 
taining law and order and devoted to the con- 
structive task of economic development. Those 
of us who have the facts have a responsibility to 
get them across to the business and investment 

U.S. Approach to Foreign Aid 

In speaking of the importance of private enter- 
prise, I do not wish to imply that it alone can do 
the job. In Africa, as in the rest of the under- 
developed world, the needs are so vast and varied 
that we cannot expect to rely exclusively on pri- 
vate investment channels to reach all the objectives 
of more rapid economic growth. There are many 
necessary types of investments for which private 
sources would not be appropriate. 

I speak here of the basic, common needs for 
a society to be workable — the schools, hospitals, 
and roads. The decision as to what proportion 
of the total economic resources should go for those 
needs, what proportion for consumption, and what 
for investment in factories and farms is a dif- 
ficult one. Each country must make its own de- 
cisions, and we have not solved it in any final 
way in this country. But we are materially im- 
proving our ability to be responsive to those deci- 
sions, wherever they are based on intelligent 
planning and a fair appraisal of the facts. 

The present approach of this Government to 
the problem of foreign aid and economic develop- 
ment was highlighted in the President's inaugu- 
ral address^ and presented in detailed form in 
the special message to Congress on March 22,' 
just a week ago. I hope this realistic humanitarian 
approach is going to fire the imagination of the 
American people. 

"We are," President Kennedy said,^ "on the 
threshold of a truly united and major effort by 
the free industrialized nations to assist the less- 
developed nations on a long-term basis. Many 
of these less-developed nations are on the threshold 
of achieving sufficient economic, social, and polit- 
ical strength and self -sustained growth to stand 
permanently on their own feet. The 1960's can 
be — and must be — the crucial 'decade of develop- 
ment' — the period when many less-developed na- 
tions make the transition into self-sustained 
growth — the period in which an enlarged com- 
munity of free, stable, and self-reliant nations 
can reduce world tensions and insecurity." The 
President added that, "Our job, in its largest 
sense, is to create a new partnership between the 

' Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175. 
' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507. 


Department of State Bulletin 

northern and southern halves of the world, to 
which all free nations can contribute, in which 
each free nation must assume a responsibility pro- 
portional to its means." 

With this leadership from tlie President of the 
United States, with a more logical and efficient 
long-term approach for American foreign aid, 
the foundation has been laid for a sustained, co- 
operative eifort. 

African leaders — and others — have often spoken 
of the need for aid without strings. This is indeed 
important. The United States agrees that exter- 
nal aid for development ought to be provided 
without external interference or the infringement 
of tlie independence of any nation. I would go 
one step further. We expect the Africans them- 
selves will tie one string to all their efforts — that 
is, an insistence on defending their freedom. We 
have made it our motto that "Eternal vigilance is 
the price of liberty." We hold no copyright on 
tliis principle and oidy liope that others will 
adopt it. 

The defense of the freedom of man and human 
dignity are one and the same thing. It is the 
freedom to choose — to choose one's partners and 
make one's decisions without fear. In the modern 
world it rarely means to stand alone but to be 
able to cooperate on a basis that is entirely 

Strength Through Cooperation 

The importance of cooperation today is clear. 
As an American I found occasion during my re- 
cent visit to cite the experience of my own country. 
One of the principal reasons why the United 
States of America grew strong may be found 
in that word — united. For many decades we were 
colonial dependencies of a mother countiy. Our 
States had different religions and different cul- 
tural backgrounds. We lived in greatly disparate 
climates and made our living by raising different 
crops. The one thing we had in common in those 
days was our love of freedom. 

We learned a great truth, that there were great 
advantages to our standing together in freedom. 
The answer we found was political unity. Our 
kind of political unity is not necessarily the an- 
swer for Africa or for any part of it. In any 
event, whether it is or not is for the peoples of 

Africa themselves to say — certainly not for me. 

But you are as aware as I am of the advantages 
we in America have found through specialization 
in our industries, the free interchange of goods and 
services, and the sharing of the fraits of these 
labors through collective bargaining between la- 
bor and management. We can perhaps be for- 
given if we are convinced that the nations of Af- 
rica, too, are certain to find additional strength 
and greater tangible rewards through increased 
cooperation, particularly in the economic field. 

It has been most encouraging to me to see the 
spirit of cooperation that is at work today in 
Africa. This is particularly time of the attack 
which is now beginning to be made on the eco- 
nomic problems which beset the continent. The 
energy and determination which Africans are 
bringing to this task are impressive. It was ap- 
parent at the recent conference of the U.N. Eco- 
nomic Commission for Africa at Addis Ababa* 
and at the annual session of the Commission for 
Technical Cooperation in Africa South of the 
Sahara. It is taking a highly significant turn in 
the meeting which is now taking place at Yaounde, 
where 12 African nations are forming the Organ- 
ization for African and Malagasy Economic Co- 
operation. It is encouraging to find new ideas and 
approaches so actively imder exploration, and 
there are signs of progress concerning the forma- 
tion of other groups for the purpose of strength- 
ening economic cooperation. 

Economic independence is often stated by Af- 
ricans to be their second priority after political 
independence. This is a worthy ideal, for it 
means freedom to develop one's countiy in terms 
of the aspirations of one's own people. We can be 
partners in the process of promoting prosperity 
and sound economic growth. We live — all of us — 
in an economically interdependent world. This 
calls for economic cooperation, which, to the Uni- 
ted States and Africa alike, means voluntary' co- 
operation as free and equal partners. It means 
help from those who can help to those who need 
help but with those helped being beholden to none. 
This is what we have asked for ourselves through- 
out our own history. This is what, God willing 
Africa, too, will have. 

* For an address made by Mr. Williams to the delegate 
to the conference, see ifticf., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 373. 

kpxW 24, 1961 


Germany Divided : Tlie Confrontation of Two Ways of Life 

iy Walter C. Dowling 
Ambassador to Germany ^ 

I am happy to be with you here this evening. 
I am always glad of an opportunity to speak to 
college and university groups. In recent months 
I have spoken at several of the great Gennan 
universities — Freiburg and Tuebingen, among 
others — and I want to stress to you, as I have to 
them, my feeling that the colleges and universities 
of the Atlantic Community have a special task in 
this present period of challenge — of peril and op- 
portunity, the like of which our Western civiliza- 
tion has never before been called upon to face. 

The historic definition of a miiversity, of 
course — and one that is still valid today — is that 
it is an institution existing for the increase and 
diffusion of knowledge. But a phenomenon of 
the 20th century is the growth of a sense of social 
responsibility in our universities and colleges in 
Europe and America. Tliis sense of responsibility 
has undoubtedly come about as a natural conse- 
quence of the increasing complexity of modern life. 
But more essentially, I think one might say that 
it is due to the spread and development of the 
democratic system of government, which demands 
of the citizen today not only an awareness of a 
formidable range of social and civic problems in 
a world where time and distance have lost their 
traditional imprint on the pattern of life but 
also his active participation in the governmental 
processes for the ordering of national and inter- 
national affairs. Hence the vmiversities, accus- 
tomed to the exercise of mind and reason, with 
their open, free discussion — critical, even disputa- 
tious, but orderly and constructive — have become 
forums for the political, economic, and scientific 
problems of our day. 

'Address made before the South Georgia Forum at 
Douglas, Ga., on Apr. 3. 

Dr. Powell ^ has suggested that I speak tonight 
on ""Wliat Next in Germany ?" I have interpreted 
that to mean a forecast of the future of Germany, 
but to speak of the future one must speak of the 
past and the present too. 

The Division of Germany 

Perhaps a good place to start might be the 
division of Germany. As you will remember, 
Germany was split into four occupation zones — 
American, British, French, and Russian— at the 
end of the war in 1945. After a number of ex- 
haustive but fruitless efforts to reunify the coun- 
try, wliich failed because of Soviet rejections of 
all Western proposals, a new German Govern- 
ment, now known as the Federal Republic of 
Germany, was formed in the three Western zones 
and became sovereign in 1955. The Soviet Union 
set up a puppet regime, known as the German 
Democratic Republic, in the Soviet Zone. Berlin, 
with its four sectors corresponding to the four 
zones of the occupying powers, remained under 
occupation status and continues so today, although 
pseudolegal attempts have been made by the 
Communists to declare East Berlin, that is, the 
Soviet Sector of the city, as the capital of the 
Soviet Zone puppet regime. 

The division of Germany is more than a geo- 
graphic partition or even a political separation. 
It is really the division between two modes of 
political thinking, two concepts of morality, two 
ways of life — one imposed and one freely chosen. 
It is, in sum, the expression in one country of 
the division of the world into two opposing camps 

" R. Bradley Powell, secretary of the South Georgia 


Department of State Bulletin 

and represents the attempt of communism to over- 
whelm democracy. 

Many people look upon the division of Germany 
as an inherent consequence of postwar differences 
between the United States, Britain, and France, 
on one side, and the Soviet Union, on the other; 
and they feel that the solution must come from 
those four powers. In a narrow legal sense this 
may be correct, since the continued division of 
Germany is basically due to the refusal of the 
Soviet Union to gi-ant the people of the Soviet 
Zone the right to express their will in free elec- 
tions, despite constant urging by the Western 
Allies. The victorious powers agreed upon the 
zonal division of Germany as a temporary mili- 
tary necessity, and in international law they con- 
tinue to be responsible for the reunification of the 
country and the negotiation of a treaty of peace 
with a government duly elected by the united 
German people. 

This was certainly the aim of the Western 
Powers, and it continues to be their determined 
policy. The withdrawal of American military 
forces in 1945 from Thuringia and Saxony is 
surely the clearest indication one could ask that 
the Western Powers envisaged not a permanent 
division of Germany but rather four-power ad- 
ministration until a new German goverimient 
could be constituted and could establish its 
authority over the entire country. 

I mention this American withdrawal from 
Thuringia and Saxony for the reason that it has 
a special bearing on the Berlin question and Ber- 
lin's quadripartite status. As you will recall, 
British and U.S. military forces, at the time of 
the surrender of Germany, held all of the area 
west of a line nmning from Wismar to Magde- 
burg to Torgau to Dresden — in other words, 
practically all of Germany west of the Elbe Kiver. 
The area included not only the territory allotted 
to the Western Powers under the London protocol 
fixing the zones of occupation but also a substan- 
tial portion of the territory allocated to the So- 
viet-occupied Zone. On June 14, 1945, the 
President of the United States wrote a letter to 
Marshal Stalin concerning the withdrawal of 
American troops from the Soviet Zone into the 
United States Zone of Occupation, stating that 
this withdrawal was to be carried out : 

... in accordance with arrangements between the 
respective commanders, including in these arrangements 

simultaneous movement of the national garrisons into 
Greater Berlin and provision of free access by air, road, 
and rail from Frankfurt and Bremen to Berlin for United 
States forces. 

Stalin replied by letter dated June 18, 1945, 
stating : 

On our part all necessary measures will be taken in 
Germany and Austria in accordance with the above- 
stated plan. 

On July 1, 1945, United States forces entered 
Berlin and withdrew from their advanced posi- 
tion in central Germany. It should be empha- 
sized in this connection, therefore, that the Soviet 
Union did not bestow upon the Western Powers 
any rights of access to Berlin. These rights of 
the three Western Powers of free access to Berlin 
were an essential corollary of their right of occu- 
pation there and are of the same stature as the 
right of occupation itself. The Soviet Union 
accepted its zone of occupation subject to Western 
rights of access to Berlin. If this were not true 
and if the doctrine of joint and equal rights is 
not applicable, then, for example, the United 
States would now be free to require the Soviet 
Union to withdraw from that portion of the So- 
viet Zone originally occupied by American forces 
and to assume control of the area. Of further 
significance in this regard is the fact that even 
today the Soviet Union professes to be in favor of 
remiification, albeit on their own terms — which, 
as one might expect, seem to add up to a Com- 
munist Germany. 

Role of the German People 

This view of four-power responsibility for 
German unification overlooks the fact, however, 
that a basic element in the issue here is Germany 
itself — whether it will be divided or united; 
whether it will be neutralized or assume its 
rightful position in future international affairs; 
whether it will become a Communist satellite or 
be independent. And in all these questions the 
deciding voice will eventually be that of the 
German people themselves — both in the Federal 
Kepublic and the Soviet Zone — and not any out- 
side power. 

If anyone doubts this, I suggest that he look 
at the role of the German people in the develop- 
ments in Western Germany over the past 10 years. 
He can only agree that the situation as regards the 
Federal Republic has radically changed — and for 

April 24, 7961 


the better — as a result of German actions and Ger- 
man decisions. One way of putting it might be 
to say that, although unfortunately no progress 
has been made in negotiations of the three West- 
ern Powers with the Soviet Union for German re- 
unification, the German people have rebuilt their 
state, thereby insuring that Germany need not 
succiunb to Communist threats and persuasions. 
This achievement may well prove to have laid the 
groimdwork for the eventual reunification of the 
two parts of Germany under a democratic 

The reasons for this improved situation are, 
I submit, not difficult to find. The consistently 
firm position of the United Kingdom, France, and 
the United States in the face of direct challenges 
in the past has imdoubtedly been a major factor. 
But I also think it is clear that the indispensable 
element of success has been the German people. 

In the Federal Republic it was the organiza- 
tional genius, the hard work, the capacity for sac- 
rifice, and the social stability of the German 
people which made possible the Wirtschaftstoun- 
der of the past 12 years — certainly one of the 
most remarkable achievements of our times. On 
this firm economic base the Federal Republic has 
been able to remake a nation : to rebuild on the 
ruins of World War II, to absorb millions of ex- 
pellees and refugees, to establish a stable govern- 
ment, to promote national security, and to raise 
the general standard of living. All this has 
helped build a strong defense against Communist 
subversion and attack. 

In Berlin during these years, again it was the 
people who made possible a continued resistance 
to Communist encroacliments. The Western 
Powers were able to overcome the 1948-49 Soviet 
blockade by an airlift, but only Berlin's deter- 
mination to remain a part of the free world made 
success possible. And it was also the Berliners' 
establishment of an effective, democratic munici- 
pal government, their readiness to invest their 
capital and their future in their city, and their 
refusal to panic in the face of continual Commu- 
nist threats which have made West Berlin the 
extraordinary showcase of our Western way of 
life which it is today. 

And finally — but not least — there is the attitude 
of Germans in the Soviet Zone and in East Berlin. 
In many ways — tlie most obvious of which has 
been the exodus of refugees to the West — these 

oppressed people have greatly influenced the con- 
test of ideology in the two parts of Germany. 
It is obvious that the Communist leaders have 
made tremendous efforts to strengthen their grip 
on the political structure and the economy of the 
Soviet Zone, but the populace has shown a quiet, 
determined resistance to communization which 
makes it necessary even today for the Soviet Union 
to support the so-called German Democratic Re- 
public with Russian bayonets. 

One can readily imagine, I think, what would 
have happened in these past years if developments 
had been somewhat different — if in the Federal 
Republic a German state had not been i-ebuilt in 
freedom, if the Berliners had yielded, if the East 
Zone had embraced communism. Then the most 
determined efforts of the three Western Powers 
could hardly have prevailed against Communist 
moves to take over all of Germany. 

Issue of Reunification 

But, for all the encouraging developments of 
the last decade, we are painfully aware that the 
issue of reunification is not yet decided. As yet 
the Communists show no signs of having given 
up hope of achieving their objectives, and indeed 
they continue to threaten that the consequences 
will be dire unless we accept their proposals for 
two German states. This means, then, that we 
cannot be complacent about our achievements so 
far. It is, I believe, rather a time for us — Ameri- 
cans and Germans — to keep in mind that we may 
face further difficult tests before our goal of Ger- 
man reunification in peace and freedom can be 
attained. I say this not in any mood of discour- 
agement but rather in appreciation of the fact 
that, as Goethe observed, freedom can never be 
taken for granted but must be conquered anew 
with each passing day, and hence new and deter- 
mined efforts will still be required on the part of 
all of us in the free world. 

Let me say at this point that it is a dangerous 
illusion to believe that European stability can be 
built on German partition. The United States 
has consistently maintained that the division of 
Germany is a threat to European security and 
a threat to world peace. From all points of 
view — ethnic, cultural, economic, and historical — 
Germany is one state. The arbitrary separation 
into East and West has never been accepted by the 
population in either part of Germany, and the 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

American Government has neither the desire nor 
the intention to impose or sanction it by interna- 
tional agreement. Let no one doubt, therefore, 
that we shall continue our efforts to obtain a just 
reunification in the interest of peace and stability. 

On this point the basic difference of opinion 
between the United States and the Soviet Union 
is that — at least as long as it may hope to extend 
its influence and dominate Europe — the Soviet 
Union is not interested in Western European 
peace and security, but quite the opposite. 

Nothing, I believe, better reveals the transpar- 
ent purposes of Soviet policy than Moscow's vari- 
able attitude on "self-determination." In the East 
Zone, for instance, the Soviet Union has consist- 
ently refused to permit free elections, either in the 
present administration of the area or as a means 
of achieving German reunification. This stands 
in bald contrast to the insistent Soviet clamor 
for "self-determination" for such distant peoples 
as those living along the Pakistan-Afghanistan 
border, as a device for stirring up trouble between 
neighboring countries. Within its own Commu- 
nist empire, of course, the mere suggestion of self- 
determination would be treason. 

Question of the Future 

This, I think, summarizes the situation as re- 
gards both the issue of the reunification of Ger- 
many and the preservation of Berlin's freedom 
imtil reunification can be achieved. But there re- 
mains the question of the future. "Wliat is there 
to look forward to ? 

I cannot foretell events any better than you, 
and I would hesitate to predict any likely series 
of developments, remembering always Bismai'ck's 
comment that, even at the end of a long career in 
politics and diplomacy, the farthest ahead he 
could see into the political future was less than 
a year and that he was not even sure of this. 
Nevertheless, I do have a few general convictions 
which I would like to put before you. 

The first of these is that we must be prepared 
for new attempts by the Communists to extend 
their control. I see no reason to hope or expect 
that the Soviet Union will relax its efforts to 
this end. On the contrary, I believe the Soviets 
will use Berlin as a lever whenever they consider 
it might suit their purpose of extending Com- 
munist control. While we welcome any actions 
that will result in improving relations among 

nations, we must weigh their significance in terms 
of long-range policy. A basic change in attitude 
on the part of the Soviet Union vis-a-vis the 
Western World can only be achieved if the Soviets 
realize that their dreams of conquest cannot be 
realized. And they will abandon their ambitious 
dreams only in the face of continued vigilance and 
firmness on our part, which alone will leave no 
doubt in the minds of the Soviets that the West 
will meet their challenge. 

Another conviction I have is that the United 
States will meet in full its commitments to Berlin. 
And we shall not accept, for the mere sake of 
agreement, any proposals for the reunification of 
Germany which will endanger the freedom of the 
German people and the security of Europe. 

I have every confidence, moreover, that the 
people of the Federal Eepublic, as well as the 
people of Free Berlin, will stand firmly in de- 
fense of their freedom in the face of any pressure 
or threat. 

And, finally, I feel this : that there is hope for 
the future, even though we may yet have to face 
still further dangers. With the united determin- 
ation of the free world, I believe, it will be pos- 
sible in time to create conditions which inevitably 
will bring the Commimists to accept realities, ad- 
just their policies, alter their goals, and permit 
the stability and security we seek to be realized. 
This, I am convinced, will redound to the benefit 
of the Kussian people as much as to our own. 
After all, our one goal is peace with justice and 
freedom for all. 

President Kennedy Extols Chancellor 
of Austria on Service to Country 

The White House on April 8 made fuhlic the 
folloioing message from. President Kennedy to 
Julius Raab, Chancellor of Austria^ which was 
delivered on April 7. 

White House press release dated April 8 

April 6, 1961 
Dear Mr. Chancellor: The American people 
cherish the bonds of friendship, mutual respect, 
and devotion to common democratic ideals which 
imite our two comitries. These bonds have grown 
in strength and vitality durmg the years of your 
leadership. Your dedicated service to Austria 

April 24, 1 96 J 


and to the principles and institutions of Western 
democracy have earned the respect and gratitude 
of free men everywhere. Under your steward- 
ship Austria has steadfastly executed her mission 
as a bastion of freedom, a refuge for the op- 
pressed, and an exemplar of the noblest traditions 
of Western civilization. As you prepare to lay 
down the demanding duties of the Chancellorship, 
please accept on my own behalf, and on the be- 
half of the people of the United States, our sin- 
cere best wishes. 

John F. Kennedy 

Presidents of Peru and Ecuador 
To Visit United States 

Visit of President of Peru 

White House press release dated April 8 

President Manuel Prado of Peru has accepted 
an invitation from President Kennedy to make 
a state visit to the United States to begin Sep- 
tember 19, 1961. 

As is customary on such occasions President 
Prado will spend the first 3 days in Washington, 
where he will meet with President Kennedy, Sec- 
retary of State Rusk, and other high officials of 
the U.S. Government. President Prado will 
spend the remainder of his visit traveling to other 
parts of the United States. 

Visit of President of Ecuador 

White House press release dated April 8 

President Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra of Ecua- 
dor has accepted, subject to circmnstances in 
Ecuador at the tune of the scheduled trip, an 
invitation by President Kennedy to make a state 
visit to the United States commencmg October 24 
of this year. 

As is customary on state visits President Ve- 
lasco will be scheduled to spend the first 3 days 
in Washington, where he will meet with Presi- 
dent Kennedy, Secretary of State Rusk, and 
other high officials of the U.S. Government. 
During the remainder of the visit President Ve- 
lasco will travel to other parts of the United 

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota 
at Zero for Calendar Year 1961 


Whereas section 408(b) (1) of the Sugar Act of 
1048, as amended by the act of March 31, 1961, provides 
that the President shall determine, notwithstanding any 
other provision of Title II of the Sugar Act of 1948, as 
amended, the quota for Cuba for the period ending June 
30, 1962, in such amount or amounts as he shall find from 
time to time to be in the national interest, and further 
provides that in no event shall such quota exceed such 
amount as would be provided for Cuba under the terms 
of Title II of the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, in the 
absence of section 408(b) ; and 

Whereas section 408(b) (1) of the Sugar Act of 1948, 
as amended, further jjrovides that determinations made 
by the President thereunder shall become effective imme- 
diately upon publication in the Federal Register; and 

Whereas section 408(b)(2) and section 408(b)(3) of 
the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, authorize the Presi- 
dent, subject to certain requirements, to cause or permit 
to be brought or imported into or marlieted in the United 
States a quantity of sugar not in excess of the amount 
by which the quotas which would be established for Cuba 
imder the terms of Title II of such Act exceed the quotas 
established for Cuba by the President pursuant to section 
408(b) of the Act; and 

Whereas, by Proclamation No. 3383 of December 16, 
I960,' the President determined the quota for Cuba for 
the three-month period ending March 31, 1961, to be zero ; 

Whereas pursuant to section 408(b)(1) of the Sugar 
Act of 1948, as amended, I find it to be in the national 
interest that the amount of the quotas for sugar and for 
liquid sugar for Cuba pursuant to the Sugar Act of 1948, 
as amended, for the calendar year 1961 should be zero: 

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the 
United States of America, acting under and by virtue of 
the authority vested in me by section 408(b) of the Sugar 
Act of 1948, as amended, and section 301 of title 3 of 
the United States Code, and as President of the United 
States : 

1. Do hereby determine that in the national interest 
the amount of the quotas for sugar and for liquid sugar 
for Cuba pursuant to the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, 
for the calendar year 1961 shall be zero ; and 

2. Do hereby continue the delegation to the Secretary 
of Agriculture of the authority vested in the President 
by section 408(b) (2) and section 408(b) (3) of the Sugar 
Act of 1948, as amended, such authority to be continued 
to be exercised with the concurrence of the Secretary of 

' No. 3401 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 2849. 

' For text, see Buixetin of Jan. 2, 1961, p. 18. 


Department of State Bulletin 

This proclamation shall become effective immediately 
upon publication in the Federal Register. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this 31st day of March 
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and 
[seal] sixty-one and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the one hundred and eighty- 

/^^W A ^t^^'-^'S 

By the President : 
Chester Bowles, 
Acting Secretary of State. 

Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil, 
Flaxseed, and Linseed Oil Terminated 

White House press release dated April 5 

The Pre.sident on April 5 issued a proclamation 
eliminating the special import fees on peanut oil, 
flaxseed, and linseed oil. These fees were imposed 
in 1953 under section 22(d) of the Agricultural 
Adjustment Act in order to prevent imports from 
materially interfering with appropriate price 
support programs of the Department of 

On January 26, 1961, the Tariff Commission 
submitted a report to the President, finding that 
changed circumstances required a modification 
of the fees on these products. The report recom- 
mended that the fee on peanut oil be eliminated 
and the fees on flaxseed and linseed oil be reduced 
from 50 percent ad valorem to 15 percent ad 

On review of the Commission's report the Presi- 
dent determined that imports of flaxseed and lin- 
seed oil, as well as peanut oil, did not tkreaten to 
interfere materially with domestic price-support, 


Terminating the Import Fees on Peanut On., Flaxseed, 
AND Linseed Oil 

Whereas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural 
Adjustment Act, as amended (7 U.S.C. 624), the Presi- 
dent, on June 8, 195.3, issued Proclamation No. 3019 " im- 
posing fees or quantitative limitations on imports of prod- 
ucts specified in Lists I, II, and III appended to and made 
a part of that proclamation (3 CFR, 1949-1953 Comp., 
p. 189), which has been modified or amended from time 
to time ; and 

Whereas the United States Tariff Commission has 
made an investigation under the authority of subsection 
(d) of the said section 22 of the Agricultural Adjust- 
ment Act, supplemental to its investigation No. 6 under 
that section 22, to determine whether the fees imposed by 
Proclamation No. 3019 on peanut oil, flaxseed, and on 
linseed oil and combinations and mixtures in chief value 
of such oil should be terminated or modified : and 

Whereas the said Commission has submitted to me a 
report of its supplemental investigation and its findings 
and recommendations made in connection therewith; and 

Whereas, on the basis of such investigation and report, 
I find that the circumstances requiring the imposition 
of fees on peanut oil, flaxseed, and on linseed oil and 
combinations and mixtures in chief value of such oil, 
no longer exist : 

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of 
the United States of America, acting under and by 
virtue of the authority vested in me by section 22(d) of 
the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, do hereby 
amend, effective May 5, 1961, List III appended to the said 
Proclamation No. 3019, as amended, by deleting therefrom 
the provisions relating to peanut oil, flaxseed, and linseed 
oil and combinations and mixtures in chief value of such 
oil, and the fees specified for such products. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this fifth day of April 
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and 
[seal] sixty-one and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the one hundred and eighty- 


By the President : 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

' 26 Fed. Reg. 2959. 

' Bulletin of June 29, 1953, p. 919. 

April 24, 1 96 1 

590455—61 3 


Universal Tonnage Measurement 

hy James IF. Gulick 

Practically all ships ui the world of any size 
show on their official register or other documenta- 
tion their register tonnages, as determined by the 
government which documented them. Originally 
there was only a single register tomiage, the net 
tonnage. This was intended to be indicative of 
the earning capacity of the vessel, and it was — and 
still is — upon this tomiage that nations levy ton- 
nage taxes on foreign vessels entering their ports. 

The second tonnage — gross — is more indicative 
of overall size and came into recognition for 
statistical purposes, for the application of many 
legal requirements, and for the imposition of serv- 
ice charges, such as wharfage, drydocking, pilot- 
age, and the like. Both net and gross tonnages 
are therefore in large measure yardsticks for tax- 
ation purposes. 

From 1694: to 1720, English ships were measured 
for tonnage by dividing by 94 the product of the 
length of keel, widest breadth of hull, and depth 
of hold. This gave a tonnage block in which 94 
cubic feet constituted 1 ton. However, in 1720 
it was decided to simplify this admeasurement 
process by arbitrarily stating depth as one-half of 
the vessel's breadth. This formula, known as the 
Builders' Old Measurement Kule, continued to be 
used in England until 1835. It heavily taxed 
beam but removed from measurement the actual 

Since every shipo^vner wants the largest carry- 
ing capacity for the smallest taxable tonnage, the 
Builders' Rule paved the way for the ugly, narrow, 
and deep vessels which served the needs of ocean 

• M7\ Gulick is Chief of Marine Administra- 
tion, Bureau of Customs, Department of the 

commerce in the period when the American 
colonies were coming of age. Ships became more 
and more cranky. Shipwrecks increased. 

As a result of these losses and of the studies 
and investigations which always follow disasters 
at sea, a young British naval architect named 
George Moorsom devised a substitute for the 
Builders' Rule on which the tonnage regula- 
tions of all maritime nations since 1854 have more 
or less been based. 

Moorsom's system continued to base tonnage on 
the internal volume of the vessel's hull. He em- 
ployed actual measui'ement of sections and ordi- 
nates, applied in accordance with Simpson's Rules, 
to obtain the entire internal volume of the hull 
and superstructure in cubic feet. This total was 
then converted to gross tonnage at the rate of 100 
cubic feet to the ton. From this gross tonnage 
there were subtracted spaces within the hull, such 
as crew's quarters, sail takers, storerooms, etc., to 
arrive at the actual cargo spaces. In the case of 
the comparatively few steam vessels of the day a 
further subtraction or "deduction" was provided 
for to cover the boiler and engine spaces with an 
allowance for the variable-sized coal bunkers. 

The trend toward more accurate calculation of 
earning power was joined by the force of social 
reform with the result that other subtractions 
from tonnage encouraged the shifting of pas- 
senger accommodations and crew's quaiters out 
of the dank holds. Moorsom's original proposal 
for a single tonnage based on the volume of space 
available for the carriage of passengers and cargo 
was thus modified to produce two tonnages : gross, 
the total internal volume of hull and super- 
structure, less certain exempted spaces; and net, 
the volume that was left after the deduction of 
other spaces. 


Department of Sfate Bulletin 

Variances in Tonnage Measurement Rules 

Today the systems of tonnage measurement in 
force throughout the world provide for a whole 
series of exemptions to arrive at gross and for even 
more deductions to attain net tonnage, on which 
most sliipping taxes are based. As a result, net 
does not represent revenue-earning capacity but 
is a heterogeneous mixture of revenue-earning and 
non-revenue-earning spaces. The most radical il- 
lustration of this anomaly is that of the shelter- 
deck ship in which an entire 'tween-deck space is 
thrown out of taxable tomiage by virtue of certain 
artificial "tonnage openings" in the deck and 
ti'ansverse bulkheads which only in theory open 
that space to the ravages of sea and weather. 

But this is not all of the stoiy. Since the rela- 
tive simplicity of Moorsom's day, other rules have 
been developed, each with its own set of exemp- 
tions and deductions which require different treat- 
ment of the same vessel. One rule favors shelter- 
deck exemption; another does not. Some pennit 
unlimited water-ballast deduction; others limit 
the deduction to a fixed percentage. In fact, one 
rule omits water ballast completely from meas- 
ured tonnage while all others deduct water-ballast 
space from gross to arrive at net. 

These variances appear in three major group- 
ings of tonnage measurement rules: (1) national 
rules, (2) Suez Canal Rules, and (3) Panama 
Canal Rules. Many ships must contend with all 
three and thus end up with three sets of tomiages, 
all different. IMoreover, the national rules also 
may be broken down into three groupings: (1) 
the rules of those countries which follow the 
British tonnage measurements procedures; (2) 
the Oslo Rules, which are modifications of the 
British rules and have been adopted by most of 
the north European countries, except the United 
Kingdom, as well as by Japan, Israel, and Cam- 
bodia; and (3) the United States tomiage niles, 
which are followed also by Liberia and the Re- 
public of Panama (but not by the Panama Canal) . 
Here again, there is considei-able variation in ton- 
nage results. 
I Tonnage iniles may have changed considerably 
since Moorsom's day, but the constniction and 
operation of ships still require more than lip- 
service to the fundamental issue of pi-ofitmaking. 
Obviously a ship operator has his ship built ac- 
cording to the premise of his predecessor of the 
18th century — the biggest ship for the smallest 

tomiage. If the cargo to be carried is of the light- 
weight variety, a shelter-decker may be the answer. 
If the cargo is heavy and dense, an ore carrier with 
large spaces given over to artificial water-ballast 
spaces may sei-ve his purposes. A ship gouig 
through the Panama Canal as a regular thing is 
built to get maximum tonnage benefits under the 
Panama Canal Rules. Similarly, a Suez Canal 
transit requires that attention be paid to the 
vagaries of the Suez Canal Rules. 

All of this is to say that the pendulum has 
made a full swing, for once again the tonnage 
rules are accused of influencing ship design and 
construction. It is said tliat this worship of 
minimmn tomiage prejudices safety, ignores the 
possibilities of improvements in ship design, and 
increases original construction cost as well as 
operating costs, which, in the long nm, are not 
recouped by lower tonnage taxes and canal tolls. 

Just a few examples are enlightening. Con- 
sider the oversized engmerooms which must be 
built large enough to warrant the most favorable 
propelling-power deduction, with the result that 
the engineroom bulkhead is pushed forward into 
space that ovight to be available for cargo; or, 
even worse, the engineroom is enlarged by erect- 
ing a large, empty deckhouse over the space which 
not only increases construction costs but also 
offers high wind resistance ; or the hull space that 
is not available for profitable cargo use because 
it is earmarked for water ballast only, and that 
only in a highly artificial sense; or the piercing 
of decks, bulkheads, and the hull itself to lower 
the tonnage deck within the hull and thus elim- 
inate or materially reduce the volume of spaces 
above that deck which are included in tonnage. 

Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement 

This was the situation which faced an inter- 
national meeting of tonnage experts from 17 
nations which took place at London June 24-26, 
1959, under the auspices of the Inter-Govem- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization.^ 
These experts constituted the IMCO Subcom- 
mittee on Tonnage Measurement, which provided 
the first practical, international forum to air the 
tomiage measurement problems which have 
plagued the sliipping world for so many years. 

' Mr. Gulick was chief of the U.S. delegation to the 
London meeting. 

>\pn7 24, 7967 


There was complete agreement among the dele- 
gates at London on the need for a single, univer- 
sal tomiage system. However, there were two 
principal proposals for attaining imiformity. 

The conservative method, which was offered by 
the United Kingdom as spokesman for most of 
the Oslo Countries, proposed immediate consid- 
eration of the Oslo Rules as the basis for an 
international system. This was strongly opposed 
by the United States and the Soviet Union, which 
rejected the use of exemptions and deductions to 
attain derivative tonnages as basically imsound. 

The United States proposed a complete break 
with established tonnage concepts and advocated 
studies to seek out simplified, direct, and in- 
dependent formulas for gross and net tonnage 
which would not restrict vessel design, efficiency, 
and safety. It suggested that the net, or taxable, 
tonnage formula be based on the internal volume 
of space available for acconmiodation of passen- 
gers and cargo, and that gross be determined by 
a direct, independent formula so as to connote 
external hull size. 

As an initial step the United States advocated 
separate treatment of small and large vessels, with 
small craft measured under local systems. It was 
also recommended that the new net and gross for- 
mulas be applied only to new ships and that the 
tonnage results be equated as nearly as possible 
with the tonnages of present ships. In this way 
existing vessels could be continued in operation 
until their replacement by the less costly and 
better designed ships built under the new tonnage 

This liberal approach was strongly supported 
by the Soviet Union, which had been thinking 
along similar lines, and also found considerable 
interest and support on the part of France, Italy. 
Germany, Greece, Liberia, Tui-key, and the Latin 
American coimtries. 

Although seemingly far apart, the conservative 
and liberal views could accomplish the same re- 
sult. Pursued to its logical conclusion, the con- 
servative view could return to the pure volume 
method of Moorsom for ascertaining gross ton- 
nage, adjusting the deductions from gross to ar- 
rive at a closer proximation of actual cargo and 
passenger, or true revenue-earning, spaces. The 
liberal view goes further in seeking independent 
computation of gross and net by means of the 
simpler method of directly applied formulas. 
Either course would insure a break with the un- 

satisfactory artificiality of present tonnage 

The member countries of the IMCO subcom- 
mittee are now assembling data to show the uses 
for tonnage measurement. From these uses the 
basic features or needs of a satisfactory interna- 
tional tomiage system will be determined. In 
making this fuiding, full consideration is to be 
given to the effect of tomiage rules on the design 
and construction of ships, on their safety and effi- 
ciency, and on the economics of the shipping in- 
dustry generally. As a final phase of the program 
the subcommittee will then consider whether the 
conservative or liberal approach offere the better 
method of putting those principles into effect. 

In the United States this work is proceeding 
under the direction of a Subcommittee on Tomiage 
Measurement of the Shipping Coordinating Com- 
mittee. This is an interdepartmental Govern- 
ment group chaired by the Department of State. 
With the help of industry advisers, the Shipping 
Coordinating Coimnittee recommends positions on 
shipping problems to be taken by U.S. delegations 
to intergovernmental conferences and meetings. 

The time is opportune for modernization of 
tonnage niles and practices. Recent shippmg re- 
ports indicate that in many areas world fleets are 
overtomiaged. This has caused some owners who 
have been considering the acquisition of replace- 
ments or additions to their fleets to reconsider 
plans for new constmction. Even where there is 
an immediate need for new vessels, there is reason 
to evaluate the unlimited possibilities of nuclear 
power, recent developments in cargo handling and 
stowage, and the recognition by all in the shipping 
industry of the pressing need for more efficient, 
more economical designs capable of serving a 
variety of uses. 

Broken down to the simplest terms, a ship is a 
transportation unit wrapped aroimd revenue- 
earning cargo and passenger spaces. Today the 
arrangement, cost, efficiency, and seaworthiness of 
the transportation unit are prejudiced by the dic- 
tates of the net tonnage outturn. Under the U.S. 
proposal, the transportation imit will be freed 
from the influence of net tonnage. The ship- 
owner will get a more efficient ship with lower 
construction and operating costs. At the same 
time he will be able to say exactly how large or 
how small his net tonnage shall be. Tonnage in- 
fluence will be a thing of the past. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

United States and Bulgaria 
Suspend Claims Negotiations 

Department Statement ^ 

Representatives of the Governments of the 
United States and Bulgaria have agreed to sus- 
pend the negotiations initiated on January 12, 
1961,' for a settlement of certain outstanding fi- 
nancial issues. The negotiations to date have 
succeeded in clarifying and narrowing the differ- 
ences between the two Governments. Both sides 
have expressed the hope for an early resump- 
tion of the negotiations. 

vessel Exton, which is carrying the first shipment 
of 3,162 long tons of corn, is due to reach the 
Tunisian port of Sfax about April 7 and arrive 
at Sousse a day later. The second shipment of 
4,921 long tons of com is due to reach the port 
of Tunis in late April. 


U. S. Grants 30,000 Tons 
of Feed Grains to Tunisia 

Press release 188 dated April 4 

The U.S. Government announced on April 4 a 
grant of up to 30,000 tons of corn and grain sor- 
ghmns to the Government of Tunisia to help pro- 
vide emergency feed for livestock suffering from 
the effects of an unprecedented fall drought. 

The grain will be made available to the north 
African country by the International Coopera- 
tion Administration under provisions of title II 
of the Agricultural Trade Development and As- 
sistance Act (P.L. 480). This provision, which 
ICA administers, authorizes the use of surplus 
U.S. agricultural commodities for emergency re- 
lief purposes. The ICA will pay the ocean 
freight charges. 

The feed grains supplied by the United States 
will be used for direct free distribution to hard- 
hit Timisian livestock owners. The Tunisian 
Government may sell up to 3,000 tons of the feed 
grains on tlie domestic market with the sales pro- 
ceeds being used to purchase certain types of feed 
not available under the provisions of title II of 
P.L. 480. 

It is estimated that emergency feed will be 
needed by some 150,000 Tunisian families who 
have breeding herds numbering about 1 million 
sheep, 100,000 cattle, and 1 million chickens. 

The feed grains will be shipped to Tunisian 
ports over a period of 6 months. The U.S. flag 

^ Read to news correspondents by Department press 
officer Joseph W. Reap on Apr. 6. 
' Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1961, p. 150. 

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement 
on East German Dollar Bond Validation 

Statement ty Richard H. Davis ^ 

I appreciate the opportunity of appearing be- 
fore the Committee on Foreign Relations in sup- 
port of the Second Agreement Between the United 
States of America and the Federal Republic of 
Germany Regarding Certain Matters Arising 
From the Validation of German Dollar Bonds, 
signed at Bonn on August 16, 1960.^ The pur- 
pose of this agreement is to protect the property 
interests of United States citizens who are holders 
of certain German dollar bonds which were issued 
during the 1920's by corporations located in what 
is now the part of Germany under the control of 
the Soviet Union. Ratification of this agreement 
is the first essential step to enabling these bond- 
holders to obtain payment on their bonds. 

As the members of the committee will recall, 
the validation procedures in respect of German 
dollar bonds were established in the United States 
pursuant to an executive agreement signed at 
Bonn on February 27, 1953, and a treaty which 
was signed at Bonn on April 1, 1953.^ The need 
for setting up these validation procedures arose 
from the fact that more than $350 million in face 
amount of bearer bonds, which had been acquired 

" Read before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
on Apr. 5 (press release 194) by Richard D. Kearney, 
Assistant Legal Adviser for European Affairs. Mr. Davis 
is Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs. 

^ S. Ex. D, 87th Cong., 1st sess. 

■ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2793 and 
2794; for bacljground and texts, see also Bulletin of 
Mar. 9, 1953, p. 376, and May 4, 1953, p. 665. 

April 24, 1961 


by the German issuers for amortization purposes, 
were seized from the vaults of the Reichsbank and 
other German banks when the Soviets overran 
Berlin in 1945. In order to prevent the holders 
of these looted bonds from cashing them in, thus 
both requiring the obligors to make a double pay- 
ment thereon and diluting the sums of money 
available for the purpose of paying legitimate 
bondholders, procedures were set up under whicli 
German dollar bonds held outside of Germany 
had to be submitted to a validation board located 
in New York. The Validation Board, on the basis 
of evidence submitted by the bondholder and by 
the issuer, decided wliether the bonds were legiti- 
Tnately outstanding or whether they had been 
taken from the Berlin bank vaults. This valida- 
tion machinery commenced operation in 1953 and 
lias worked out very successfully.* The Board 
"has now completed practically all of the work 
originally assigned to it. 

The validation procedures which were set up 
in 1953, however, covered only bonds issued by the 
former Reich Government, or state and local gov- 
ernments and corporations located in what is now 
the Federal Republic of Gemiany and Berlin. 
This was because the Federal Republic had no 
effective jurisdiction or control over tlie issuers 
who are located in East Germany. 

Some years after 1953, information was acquired 
that one of the East German dollar bond issues 
was guaranteed by solvent companies in "West 
•Germany and that there were substantial assets 
of some of the other East German issuers located 
in West Germany. Discussions were therefore 
held with the German Federal Government in 
order to determine what procedures would be 
necessary for the United States bondholders con- 
oemed either to take advantage of these guaran- 
tees or to obtain payment on their bonds out of 
these assets. Those discussions made it clear that 
the validation procedures should be applied to 
these East German dollar bond issues for the 
purpose of conserving the limited assets and to 
prevent the holders of the looted bonds from cash- 
ing them in. Accordingly, the treaty which is 
now before you was negotiated with the Federal 

* For an article on the Validation Board, see ibid., 
■Oct. 20, 1952, p. 608 ; for text of a report of the Board 
•covering the period Sept. 1, 1955-Aug. 31, 1956, see ibid., 
Mar. 18, 1957, p. 447. 

In the course of the negotiations every effort 
was made to insure tliat the interests of the bond- 
holders were adequately represented. The banks 
which are trustees of the bond issues, the Foreign 
Bondholder's Protective Council, the United 
States Committee for German Corporate Dollar 
Bonds, and the Securities and Exchange Commis- 
sion were all consulted in the formulation of the 
treaty with respect to the matters of interest to 
them or the areas within their jurisdiction and are 
satisfied with it. No objections to the treaty have 
been brought to the attention of the Department. 

In addition to the application of the validation 
procedures to these East German dollar bond is- 
sues, the treaty also provides that the Federal 
Republic of Germany will enact legislation per- 
mitting bankruptcy proceedings to take place with 
respect to the assets of East German issuers which 
have been found in the Federal Republic. The 
purpose of this provision was to insure the clear- 
ing away of any possible obstacles to recovery by 
United States bondholders once their bonds had 
been validated and to insure that the assets 
would be conserved until the validation proce- 
dures had been carried out. 

The agreement also contains a provision under 
which refugees from Eastern Germany who held 
dollar bonds which have been lost or destroyed 
will be allowed to file claims for these bonds under 
the original validation procedures, despite the fact 
that the time limits for such action have expired. 
The article contains special provisions to insure 
that there will be no impairment of established 
rights as a result of the late filing. 

The agreement is thus one which merely fills 
up a gap in the original validation procedures be- 
cause of information which developed after the 
1953 treaty had gone into effect. Its purpose is 
to aid bondliolders to obtain payment on their 
bonds which have been in default for a great 
many years. Because these bonds are bearer in- 
struments we do not have any full degree of in- 
formation regarding their present holders, but, 
due to the fact that the Securities and Exchange 
Commission has an order in effect against trading 
nonvalidated German bonds, it is unlikely that 
any substantial amount of speculation in these 
bonds has taken place. This is borne out by the 
299 individual inquiries which liave been received 
by the Validation Board from holders of these 
bonds and which establish that these holders are 
to be foimd in at least 36 States and the District 


Department of State Bulletin 

of Columbia. The inquiries also indicate that the 
average size of the holdings is approximately 
$2,000 in face amount. 

Because there will have to be bankruptcy pro- 
ceedings in Germany with the necessary marshal- 
ing of claims, it is not yet possible to state with 
any degree of accuracy the overall return which 
will be made to the bondliolders. The best esti- 
mate, and it is admittedly very rough, is in the 
neighborhood of $5 million. The inquiries which 
the Validation Board has received also establish 
that the bondholders are most anxious that meas- 
ures be taken so that they will be able to receive 
some long-overdue return on their original 

Gennan Bundestag action on the treaty has been 
completed, and as this is an agreement which in- 
volves only benefit for citizens of the United 
States, I trust that it can be speedily approved. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Hearings before the 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the 
Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws 
of the Senate Judiciary Committee. April 29-October 
10. 1960, and January 10, 1961. 128 pp. 

Semiannual Report of the National Advisoi-y Council on 
International Monetary and Financial Problems. Letter 
from the chairman transmitting a report of the Coun- 
cil on its activities during the period July 1 to Decem- 
ber 31, 1959. H. Doe. 37. January 3, 1961. 59 pp. 

International Travel. Report to accompany S. 610. S. 
Rept. 48. February 16, 1961. 12 pp. 

Permitting Canadian Vessels To Serve Certain Ports in 
Southeastern Alaslia. Report to accompany S. 707. 
S. Rept. 49. February 16, 1961. 3 pp. 

Extending From 4 to 7 Months the Period for Which the 
Federal Maritime Board May Suspend Tariff Schedules. 
Report to accompany S. 804. S. Rept. 50. February 16, 
1961. 2 pp. 

The Bogota Conference, September 1960. Report of Sen- 
ators Wayne Morse and Bourlie B. Hickenlooper to the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. February 17, 
1961. 40 pp. [Committee print] 

Repealing Certain Obsolete Provisions of Title 38, United 
States Code, Relating to Unemployment Compensation 
for Korean Conflict Veterans. Report to accompany 
H. Rept. 860. H.R. 15. February 21, 1961. 10 pp. 

Khrushchev's Speech of January 6, 1961, A Summary and 
Interpretive Analysis. Prepared at the request of Sen- 
ator Alexander Wiley by the Legislative Reference 
Service of the Library of Congress. S. Doc. 14. Febru- 
ary 22, 1961. 9 pp. 

Establishment of a Permanent Peace Corps. Message 
from the President transmitting a special message for 

the establishment of a permanent Peace Corps. H. Doc. 
98. March 1, 1961. 4 pp. 

Income of Foreign Central Banks. Report to accompany 
H.R. 5189. H. Rept. 58. March 6, 1961. 5 pp. 

Sixth NATO Parliamentarians' Conference. Report of 
the U.S. House delegation to the sixth conference of 
members of parliament from the NATO countries, held 
at Paris, November 21-26, 1960. H. Rept. 68. March 
8, 1961. 9 pp. 

Columbia River Treaty. Hearing before the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee. March 8, 1961. 80 pp. 

Agreement for Cooperation With Italy for Mutual Defense 
Purposes. Hearing before the Joint Committee on 
Atomic Energy. March 9, 1961. 27 pp. 

The Confusion of the West : An Analysis of Certain As- 
pects of Communist Political Warfare. Remarks of 
Senator Thomas J. Dodd at the Conference on Soviet 
Political Warfare, Paris, December 1, 1960. S. Doc. 17. 
March 9, 1961. 9 pp. 

Special Study Mission to Latin America : Venezuela, 
Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Panama. Report by 
Representatives Armistead I. Selden, Jr., and Dante 
B. Fascell. H. Rept. 70. March 9, 1961. 47 pp. 

Extend and Amend the Sugar Act. Report to accompany 
H.R. 5463. H. Rept. 79. March 14, 1961. 12 pp. 

Appropriation for Inter-American Fund for Social Prog- 
ress and Rehabilitation of Certain Areas of Southern 
Chile. Message from the President requesting the 
appropriation of $600 million for the inter-American 
fund and for aid to Chile. H. Doc. 105. March 14, 
1961. 7 pp. 

Proposed Agreement for Cooperation for Mutual Defense 
Purposes Between the Government of the United States 
and the Government of Italy. Report pursuant to sec. 
202, Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended. S. Rept. 
71 and H. Rept. 167. March 15, 1961. 13 pp. 

A Report on United States Foreign Operations. Report 
by Senator Allen J. EUender. S. Doc. 20. March 15, 
1961. 1150 pp. 

Canada-United States Interparliamentary Group. Re- 
port to the Senate on the fourth meeting held at Ot- 
tawa and Quebec City, February 22-26, 1961, by Senator 
George D. Aiken, chairman of the Senate delegation. 
S. Doc. 27. March 17, 1961. 6 pp. 

Amendments to the Budget Involving an Increase for 
the U.S. Information Agency. Communication from 
the President transmitting amendments to the budget 
for the fiscal year 1962 involving an increase in the 
amount of .$11 million for USIA. H. Doc. 114. March 
20, 1961. 2 pp. 

Amendments to the Budget for the Fiscal Year 1962 for 
the Department of State. Communication from the 
President transmitting amendments to the budget for 
fiscal year 1962 involving a decrease in the amount of 
$130,000 for the Department of State. H. Doc. 115. 
March 20, 1961. 3 pp. 

Inter-American Children's Institute. Report to accom- 
pany S. J. Res. 66. S. Rept. 84. March 22, 1961. 2 pp. 

Foreign Aid. Message from the President. H. Doc. 117. 
March 22, 1961. 11 pp. 

Additional Authorization for Sale of Agricultural Com- 
modities Under Title I of Public Law 480: Report to 
accompany H.R. 4728. H. Rept. 196. March 23, 1961. 
14 pp. 

Report of the First Meeting of the Mexico-United States 
Interparliamentary Group, Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mex- 
ico, February 6-10, 1961. Report by Representative 
D. S. Saund, chairman of the House delegation. H. 
Rept. 197. March 24, 1961. 23 pp. 

Budget and Fiscal Policy. Message from the President. 
H. Doc. 120. March 24, 1961. 10 pp. 

Collection of Fees From American Vessels and Seamen. 
Report to accompany S. 1358. S. Rept. 88. March 27, 
1961. 3 pp. 

April 24, 1 96 J 



United Nations General Assembly Deplores 
South Africa's Apartheid Policy 

Following are statements made iy Francis T. P. 
Plimpton, U.S. Representative to the General As- 
sembly, in the Special Political Committee during 
debate on the question of apartheid in the Union 
of South Africa, together with the texts of resolu- 
tions voted upon in plenary session on April 13. 


U.S. delegation press release 36SO 

A few days ago, on March 24th, this Special 
Political Committee passed a resolution ^ concern- 
ing the treatment of peoples of Indian and Indo- 
Pakistan origin in the Union of South Africa. 
Wlien we did so we were all aware that this was 
a part of the larger problem we now face. I refer, 
of course, to apartheid. 

This Afrikaans word for apartness or separate- 
ness is no longer a merely Afrikaans term ; it has 
become in all languages a stigma, symbolic of the 
whole range of the discriminatory racial legisla- 
tion and practices of the Union of South Africa. 
No one listening to the clear and detailed descrip- 
tion of apartheid by our distinguished vice chair- 
man. Ambassador [Melquiados J.] Gamboa, or 
by others of our colleagues, could remain unmoved 
at the realization tliat human beings can be so 
unjust to fellow human beings. 

Apartheid is a repudiation by the Union of 
South Africa of its pledge, as a member of the 
United Nations and under article 56 of the 
charter, to take action for the achievement of the 
purposes set forth in article 55, for among those 
purposes is, 

' U.N. doc. A/SPC/L. 58. 

. . . universal respect for, and observance of, human 
rights and fundamental freedom for all without distinc- 
tion as to race, sex, language, or religion. 

The Union of South Africa is clearly obligated 
to observe these human rights ; instead it has de- 
liberately adopted policies which disregard this 
obligation and has pronounced these policies as 
right and just. Indeed it has made racial dis- 
crimination its acknowledged law of the land. 

For the ninth time the Special Political Com- 
mittee is charged with considering the failure of 
the Union of South Africa to seek genuine im- 
provement of its intergroup policies. I must note 
with regret that the Union Government still re- 
fuses to admit that the United Nations has a. 
proper interest in this matter. 

Previous deliberations of the Special Political 
Committee have dealt with the appropriateness 
of United Nations discussions of this situation. 
Each member of this international organization 
quite properly exercises control over its internal 
affairs, but, as one of my predecessors [Harold 
Riegelman] pointed out in 1959 : ^ 

The problems related to human rights, however, are 
universal, in that their continued existence is properly 
of increasing interest to us all. Since they normally arise 
within the borders of a nation, they are in one sense 
internal affairs. But article 56 and other articles and 
actions of the United Nations also stamp them indelibly 
and rightly as matters of great international impact and 
effect. This, in our opinion, justifies this discussion and 
places upon every member state the duty of acknowl- 
edging the propriety of United Nations concern and of 
responding to its appeals even if it is reluctant to comply 
with those appeals. 

And as Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge said on 
" Bulletin of Dec. 28, 1959, p. 948. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

April 1, 1960, when the Security Council was 
considering the South African item : ^ 

When governmental policies within one country evoke 
the deep concern of a great part of mankind, they in- 
evitably contribute to tension among nations. This is 
especially true of racial tensions and the violence which 
sometimes results. They are more subtle and more com- 
plex than some of the political disputes between states 
which the [Security] Council has considered. But in 
the long run they may be even more destructive to the 
peace of mankind. 

Deliberate deprivations of human rights which 
affect international peace and security are the 
concern of the United Nations, whether the victims 
be imiocent Africans, persecuted Christians, Jews, 
or Muslims, Hmigarian patriots, or Tibetan 

In our common zeal to condemn a particular 
violation of human rights, we must in all fairness 
remind ourselves that, regrettable as that violation 
is, it is not unique. Minorities in many small 
nations, as well as millions of peoples in large and 
powerful nations, are today denied the human 
rights and fundamental freedoms contemplated 
by the charter of the United Nations. When the 
autliors of the charter set forth in article 55 the 
goals of certain basic rights for all mankind, they 
were all too well aware that they were contemplat- 
ing goals and not accomplished facts. Some na- 
tions have come closer to realizing these goals 
than others; it is the tragedy of South Africa 
that she has adopted policies whose effect is to 
deny these goals and prevent their ever being 

We in the United States approach the question 
now before this committee with a certain humility ; 
we are no strangers to many of the aspects of this 
problem, and we are all too aware of its com- 
plexities and difficulties. As I hope all delegates 
realize, our own Government is dedicated to the 
high principle that all men are created equal and 
should be treated equally; and our Government, 
with the support of the vast majority of its citi- 
zens, is moving firmly and patiently toward the 
implementation of that high principle in all as- 
pects of our common life throughout this country, 
which itself is striving to be a united nation unify- 
ing all races and all nationalities. Indeed, I have 
always felt it singularly appropriate that the 
United Nations should have its seat in this city 
which, whatever its shortcomings may be, does 

" Ibid., Apr. 25, 1960, p. 667. 

offer to the world an example of differing races 
and colors and creeds and nationalities doing their 
best to live together in mutual tolerance under a 
rule of law designed to afford to all its citizens the 
same rights, the rights of life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness. 

I devoutly hope that during our discussions here 
all representatives of all member nations will take 
a fresh and candid look at their own interracial, 
interreligious, and interethnic relations. Let us 
all renew our vigilance against any discriminatory 
violation of fundamental human rights wherever 
it may occur. 

We are all in agreement, I think, that this com- 
mittee is within its rights in discussing apartheid, 
and I hope we all recognize that the Union of 
South Africa is not the only state guilty of dis- 
criminatory practices. But what is to be done 
about apartheid? 

On March 21, 1960, just over a year ago, a 
series of mass demonstrations took place in the 
Union of South Africa in protest against laws 
requiring persons of African origin to carry 
passes. These demonstrations culminated in 
clashes with the police in which some 68 Africans 
were killed and over 220 injured. So serious be- 
came the tension that the situation was referred 
to the Security Coimcil, which adopted a resolu- 
tion'' calling on the Union of South Africa to 
initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial 
harmony based on equality and asking the 
Secretary-General, with his great skill and re- 
sourcefulness, to try to make arrangements which 
would further the purposes and principles of the 

Despite the driving pressures of a multitude of 
other problems, the Secretary-General did have 
two series of discussions with leaders of the South 
African Government, one in London and the other 
in the Union itself, and during his visit to the 
Union he did have an opportunity to visit briefly 
in many parts of the country. Many of us had 
hopes that some easing of the situation might re- 
sult from the Secretary-General's dedicated efforts. 
There did appear to be some temporary ameliora- 
tion of the pass laws that had precipitated the 
demonstrations, but now, vmf ortunately, the trend 
seems to have ended. We believe, however, that, 
with so few doors to the South African Gov- 
ernment remaining open, the Secretary-General 

* For text, see ibid., p. 669. 

April 24, 1967 


should continue his contacts with that Govern- 
ment in an earnest endeavor to make it realize its 
obligation under the charter and take measures 
for the fulfillment of that obligation. 

IVfany of us had also hoped that the Union, 
as a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, 
would be influenced by the liberal and enlightened 
attitudes of the leaders of the other governments 
of that forward-looking community of states. 

Earlier this month the Government of the Union 
of South Africa itself dashed our hopes in this 
regard when Prime Minister [Hendrik F.] Ver- 
woerd announced that the Union, which had be- 
come a republic, would not apply for membership 
in the Commonwealth. It is common knowledge 
that this decision resulted from condemnation of 
the Union's apartheid policy by other Common- 
wealth countries imwilling that Commonwealth 
partnership should stand in the way of a protest 
against injustice. 

I refer to this recent history, well known to all 
of you, for two reasons. 

First, it emphasizes the increasing extent of 
the international criticism of South Africa's apart- 
heid policy, indeed the universal extent of that 
criticism, for no nation has come to the defense 
of that policy. In its angi-y reaction to this mii- 
versal international denunciation of retrogressive 
racial discrimination, the Union Government 
seems to be taking the position that it alone is 
right and all the rest of the world is wrong. 

Second, the extent of the international condem- 
nation of apartheid emphasizes a development 
which I referred to in my remarks of last week 
[March 22] ^ as to the treatment of people of 
Indian and Indo-Pakistan origin in the Union 
of South Africa, namely, the growth of racial 
tolerance and the importance of that tolerance 
in international affairs. I am more than ever 
convinced that the world of today is, and increas- 
ingly will be, intolerant of intolerance, that the 
surge toward racial equality is the wave of the 
present and the future, and that the Government 
of the Union of South Africa, as well as every 
other government, should swim buoyantly with 
that wave lest it be engulfed by it. 

Several of our colleagues have suggested that 
the harshness of apartheid must be met by the 
harshness of drastic measures against the Union 

° For text, see U.S. delegation press release 3673 dated 
Mar. 22. 

of South African Government. One wonders 
whether the adoption of such drastic measures 
would constitute a constructive step toward what 
we all hope will be a peaceful solution of this 
difficult and dangerous problem. One can 
thoroughly understand and warmly sympathize 
with the impatience of many of our friends at 
the continued obdurate refusal of the Union Gov- 
ernment to heed our solemn resolutions or to move 
toward compliance with its obligations imder the 
charter. However, I submit that our paramount 
consideration should be not punitive action against 
a recalcitrant government but the welfare of 
apartheid''s mifortunate victims themselves. Will 
their welfare be bettered by harsh measures which 
would fall not so much on the governmental lead- 
ers we are trying to influence as on all the South 
African people, and which might well serve to 
harden the hard core of racial intolerance and 
stifle the emerging voices of reason ? INIight such 
measures result in increased oppression and ex- 
ploitation of the very ones we are seeking to help ? 

There is no delegate present here who does not 
desire that this problem be settled in an intelli- 
gent and peaceful manner — for the alternatives 
fill one with anxious foreboding. Only the Gov- 
ernment of the Union of South Africa itself, of its 
own free will, can lead the way to a peaceful 

Again the united voices of the United Nations 
are calling on the Government to fulfill its charter 
obligations. Those voices have been heard be- 
fore and Iiave gone unanswered; no longer can 
silence be considered an answer. May the Gov- 
ernment of the Union of South Africa realize that 
continued apartheid for any of its peoples may 
well mean apartheid of the Union of South Africa 
from all mankind. 


U.S. delegation press release 36S4 

I wanted to say once again that the United 
States is squarely, utterly, and irrevocably opposed 
to the policy of racial discrimination epitomized 
in the term apartheid. Let there be no mistake 
about our position. But our paramount consid- 
eration must be, and I repeat my words of the 
other day, "the welfare of apartheid\s unfortunate 
victims themselves" and "not punitive action 
against a recalcitrant govenunent." 


Department of State Bulletin 

Two resolutions are now before this committee. 
Tlie first, set forth in SPC/L.59/Rev. 1, was sub- 
mitted by Ceylon, the Federation of Malaya, and 
India. In firm and unequivocal terms it again 
calls upon the Government of the Union of South 
Africa to bring its policies and conduct into con- 
formity M'ith its obligations under tlie charter. 
The condemnation of apai'iheid in this resolution 
is clear and strong. The language of the operative 
paragraph is dignified, appropriate, and just. 

The second resolution, set fortli in SPC/L.60, 
was submitted by 24 African members of the 
United Nations. I can understand the justified 
indignation that prompted this draft. Some of 
the cosponsors have emphasized their desire to 
present in the strongest possible foi-m their feel- 
ings about tlie policy of apartheid. Operative 
paragrajih 5 of this resolution states, "Solemnly 
recommends to all States to consider taking"— 
and then it sets forth a series of sanctions. Let 
us be in no doubt about the language of this intro- 
ductory sentence. "We do not believe the word 
"consider" makes any significant change in the 
effect of this paragraph of the resolution. We 
believe that anyone who votes for this resolution 
as it is presently worded is in effect voting in 
favor of sanctions and should feel an obligation 
to put them into effect, otherwise there would be 
no need to go beyond the language of operative 
paragraph 3 of the previously introduced three- 
power draft. These sanctions range from the 
severance of diplomatic relations to a complete 
economic blockade. 

Our primary objection to these harsh measures 
is that they simply will not accomplish what they 
are intended to do. If sanctions as extensive as 
these were to be approved and carried out, the 
effect could be an internal explosion in South 
Africa, the brunt of which could be borne by the 
very Africans we are striving to help. Beyond 
that, the peace of the whole continent of Africa 
could be in jeopardy. 

Also, despite our total rejection of apartheid., 
we will vote against the proposal for sanctions 
because we do not believe its adoption will bring 
an end to apartheid or improve the lot of the 
victims of that abhorrent policy. 

There are those who say that a vote in favor of 
a sanctions resolution is the way to express the 
maximum disapproval of apartheid. But the 

sanctions contained in the resolution go well be- 
yond disapproval since specific measures are rec- 
ommended whose effect could have the most 
serious consequences. We believe that this would 
not produce the end of apartheid but would result 
in embittered chaos threatening African and world 
peace and security. We will not vote in favor of 
sanctions which we believe would endanger the 
victims of apartheid and the peace of Africa. 

Since the African resolution is a call to the 
members of the United Nations to take concrete 
action against the Union of South Africa, we 
wonder how many members of the United Nations 
stand ready to take such drastic action should the 
resolution be adopted. To vote for this resolu- 
tion which we do not believe would ever be fully 
implemented if adopted would tend to weaken 
the United Nations without weakening apartheid. 
We must not let the United Nations become an 
instrument of empty threat. 

There are many of us who believe that a change 
in the policies of the South African Government 
will come only as the proponents of apartheid 
feel their increasing and forlorn political isola- 
tion and realize the hopelessness of apartheid. 
Apartheid in the last analysis is a moral question. 
If the views of the United Nations are to have 
weight, this Assembly must state its opposition 
to apartheid in a single, unequivocal voice. The 
three-power text before us is one we believe all 
can support. Through it we can and will speak 
with a united voice. The 24-power text will 
divide us. 

We are prepared to vote for the three-power 
resolution because is casts a judgment on apartheid 
which we believe is just. We are prepared to 
speak out against apartheid and consider practical 
and realistic measures to achieve this end. We 
believe the three-power resolution, representing 
as it does the maximum disapproval of apartheid, 
is such a measure. It expresses the imanimous 
judgment of the world that apartheid is an evil 
offense against the conscience of mankind. 

Let us be realistic. A sanctions resolution if 
put into effect would endanger the welfare of the 
v^ery people we are trying to aid. The racial con- 
flict that it would bring about would leave a new 
scar on the African Continent increasing the very 
racial intolerance we are seeking to eliminate. I 
urge my colleagues to join in unanimous approval 

AprW 24, 1 96 1 


of the sound and statesmanlike resolution pro- 
posed by the Governments of Ceylon, the Feder- 
ation of Malaya, and India, and to reject sanctions. 


Three-Power Resolution • 

The General Assembly, 

Recalling its previous resolutions on the question of 
race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies 
of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South 

Considering that resolutions 616 B (VII) of 5 Decem- 
ber 1952, 917 (X) of 6 December 1955 and 1248 (XIII) 
of 31 October 1958, have declared that racial policies 
designed to perpetuate or increase discrimination are 
inconsistent with the Charter and with the pledges of 
Members under Article 56, 

Rioting that resolutions 395 (V) of 2 December 1950, 
511 (VI) of 12 January 1952 and 616 A (VII) of 5 
December 1952 have successively affirmed that the policy 
of racial segregation (apartheid) is necessarily based on 
■doctrines of racial discrimination, 

Recalling also that the Union Government has failed 
to comply with the repeated requests and demands of 
the United Nations and world public opinion and to 
reconsider or revise its racial policies or to observe Its 
obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, 

1. Deplores such continued and total disregard by the 
Government of the Union and furthermore its deter- 
mined aggravation of racial issues by more discriminatory 
laws and measures and their enforcement, accompanied 
by violence and bloodshed ; 

2. Deprecates policies based on racial discrimination as 
reprehensible and repugnant to human dignity ; 

3. Requests all States to consider taking such separate 
and collective action as is open to them, in conformity 
with the United Nations Charter, to bring about the 
abandonment of these policies; 

4. Affirms that the racial policies being pursued by the 
Government of the Union of South Africa are a flagrant 
violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the 
Declaration of Human Rights and inconsistent with the 
obligations of a Member State ; 

5. Notes with grave concern that these policies have 
led to international friction and that their continuance 
endangers international peace and security ; 

6. Reminds the Government of the Union of South 
Africa of the requirement in Article 2, paragraph 2, 
of the Charter of the United Nations that all Members 
shall fulfil in good faith the obligations assumed by 
them under the Charter ; 

" U.N. doc. A/SPC/L. 59/Rev. 2; adopted by the Special 
Political Committee on Apr. 10 by a vote of 93 (includ- 
ing U.S.) to 1, with no abstentions, and in plenary session 
(A/RES/1598(XV) ) on Apr. 13 by a vote of 95 to 1, with 
no abstentions. Afghanistan and Indonesia joined Ceylon, 
India, and Malaya as sponsors. 

7. Calls upon the Government of the Union of South 
Africa once again to bring its policies and conduct into 
conformity with its obligations under the Charter. 

African Resolution ' 

The General Assembly, 

Recalling its resolution 1375 (XIV) of 17 November 

1959 and its previous resolutions on the question of race 
conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of 
apartheid of the Government of the Union of South 
Africa ; 

Considering that resolutions 616 B (VII) of 5 Decem- 
ber 1952, 917 (X) of 6 December 1955 and 1248 (XIII) 
of 31 October 1958 have declared that racial policies 
designed to increase discrimination are inconsistent with 
the Charter and with the pledges of Members under 
Article 56; 

Noting that resolutions 395 (V) of 2 December 1950, 
511 (VI) of 12 January 1952, and 616 A (VII) of 5 
December 1952 have successively affirmed that the policy 
of racial segregation (apartheid) is necessarily based on 
doctrines of racial discrimination ; 

Recalling with regret the massacre at Poudoland de- 
spite the Security Council resolution S/4300 of 1 April 

1960 which deplored an earlier massacre of unarmed 
and peaceful demonstrators in Sharpeville and conse- 
quently called on the Union Government to abandon its 
policies of apartheid; 

Recalling also its repeated requests to the Government 
of the Union of South Africa to consider and revise its 
racial policies and to observe its obligations under the 
United Nations Charter; 

Noting with alarm the dangerous situation arising out 
of the persistent violation of the United Nations Charter 
by the Union Government ; 

1. Deplores the continued disregard by the Government 
of the Union of South Africa of the resolutions of the 
General Assembly and its application of further discrim- 
inatory laws and measures the enforcement of which has 
led to violence and bloodshed ; 

2. Deprecates policies based on racial discrimination 
as being reprehensible and repugnant to the dignity and 
rights of peoples and individuals and considers it to be 
the responsibility of all Members of the United Nations 
to talie separate and collective action to bring about the 
elimination of these policies ; 

3. Affirms that the racial policies being pursued by the 
Government of the Union of South Africa and the laws 
and measures taken to implement them are inconsistent 
with the Charter and the Declaration of Human Rights 
and incompatible with membership of the United Nations ; 

4. Notes with grave concern that these policies have 
led to international friction and that the unflinching stand 
of the South African Government by these policies en- 
dangers international peace and security ; 

' U.N. doe. A/SPC/L. 60 ; adopted by the Special Politi- 
cal Committee on Apr. 10 by a vote of 47 to 29 ( including 
U.S.), with 18 abstentions, but withdrawn by its sponsors 
in plenary session on Apr. 13 when the operative para- 
graph on sanctions failed to receive the necessary two- 
thirds majority. 


Department of State Bulletin 

5. Solemnly recommends to all States to consider tak- 
ing the following steps : 

(1) To break off diplomatic relations with the Union 
Government, or to refrain from establishing such 
(il) To close the ports of each State to all vessels 

flying the South African flag, 
(ill) To enact legislation prohibiting the ships of each 
State from entering South African ports, 

(Iv) To boycott all South African goods and to refrain 

from exporting goods to South Africa, 
(v) To refuse landing and passage facilities to all 
aircraft belonging to the Government and com- 
panies registered under the laws of the Union of 
South Africa ; 
6. Draws the attention of the Security Council to these 
recommendations in accordance with Article 11, Section 
2 of the Charter. 

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee 
for Industrial Development 

Statement by Teodoro Moscoso ' 

My name is Teodoro Moscoso. I have been 
directing Puerto Rico's industrial development 
program since 1942. Puerto Rico also has a Plan- 
ning Board, a Government Development Bank, 
an Industrial Development Company, agricul- 
tural development programs, and a number of 
other Government agencies and corporations en- 
gaged in economic development. The objective 
of all these f omenta programs is to rid Puerto 
Rico of poverty as quickly as it can be done. 

There are many areas in the United States 
which, like Puerto Rico, have had a late start in 
industrialization and still know what poverty 
means. Other areas have been depressed by tech- 
nological unemployment of their people and 
their resources. Many of these towns, cities, 
States, and regions have organized industrial de- 
velopment programs and are seeking new ways of 
industrialization with the same urgency being felt 
by the newly developing countries of the world. 
I say this because I want everyone to know that 
we in the United States identify ourselves with 
this problem. We do not stand aloof ; we have the 
same passionate concern. 

We all feel the need for a program of research 

' Made before the first session of the Committee for 
Industrial Development of the U.N. Economic and Social 
Council at New York, N.Y., on Mar. 29 (U.S./U.N. press 
release 3678). Mr. Moscoso is U.S. representative on the 

that is focused as sharply as possible on the plan- 
ning and operating problems of industrial de- 
velopment and especially on the most difficult 
situations and on the most massive problems. We 
want practical solutions brought before those re- 
sponsible for action. Action, even imperfect ac- 
tion, is critical in developing or, as we say in 
Spanish, "fomenting" industry. It is a function 
of research to stimulate action as well as to help 
guide it. 

It woidd be unwise to assume that lack of 
capital equates with underdevelopment. All of 
us around this table can identify countries with 
substantial amounts of capital available to them 
but which, because they lack other essential fac- 
tors, have not been able to take off on a prolonged 
period of sustained growth. 

Again, teclinical know-how brought in on a 
temporary basis, while extremely important to 
development, caimot stand by itself — not even 
with capital by its side. 

We need a sense of purpose and an understand- 
ing of industrial development and the sacrifices 
needed to engage in it successfully. There must 
be a rational acceptance of the fact that, generally 
speaking, industrial development is worth the 
sacrifice it entails and that it can in fact be ac- 
complished by one underdeveloped country as 
other less developed countries have already done. 

Were I to be asked what is important for in- 

AptW 24, J 96 J 


dustrial development, I would list tliree factors 
of highest priority : 

1. A sound governmental structure with ade- 
quate planning, budgeting, personnel, and audit- 
ing departments. Reliable statistics would follow 
logically from a well-run public service. 

2. Education. To have development, which 
generally means industrialization, we must have 
brain power, and the first step in its deyelopment 
is literacy. No great progress along the path of 
industrialization can be made by an illiterate, 
ignorant people; nor can there be much progress 
without a substantial cadre of well-trained, better 
educated professionals and teclinicians. 

It is generally accepted by those who have 
studied Puerto Rico that one of our greatest assets 
is the relatively high level of education of our 
labor force. India has benefited greatly from an 
unusually well educated and highly dedicated 

3. The establishment of measures of social jus- 
tice which would see to it that the fruits of the 
new efforts were justly distributed. How? 
Through expansion of public services in health, 
education, housing, et cetera. By creating new 
jobs so that the unemployed would benefit. Tax 
reforms and land reforms would also be a part 
of this arsenal. For if the masses do not feel that 
they are participating in the advance of the 
economy, they will not support a development 
program indefinitely. 

The Secretariat's Work Program 

Before turning to individual proposals in the 
secretariat's work program, permit me to say a 
word on what we believe could usefully emerge. 
We would hope that from our discussions of this 
program it will be possible to advise the Economic 
and Social Council on what this Committee re- 
gards as priority areas and topics for attention in 
the next year and beyond. We would also hope 
to provide the secretariat with helpful guidance 
for the subsequent development of its work pro- 
gram. It may also be possible to draw fi"om our 
experiences valuable indications of what the fu- 
ture tasks of the Committee might be. 

The agenda before us — and I am now referring 
specifically to agenda item 3, "Proposals for a 
Longer- Term and Expanded Program of Work 
in the Field of Industrialization" — is clear evi- 

dence that competent people have been hard at 
work and for some years. In no small measure it 
is now our responsibility to grasp as quickly as we 
are able the essentials of this work. We must 
understand before presuming to advise. 

The memorandum of the Secretary-General, 
which is designated E/C.5/1 and is entitled "Pro- 
posals for a Longer-Term and Expanded Pro- 
gramme of Work in the Field of Industrializa- 
tion," contains, beginning on page 28, an annotated 
list of projects. This list itself provides evidence 
that the proposed work program is solidly rooted 
in a past program of work from which we should 
expect rapid and vigorous future growth. The 
list also demonstrates the existence, in practice, of 
a rationale for division of labor between the secre- 
tariat and the regional commissions. 

Both of these general observations are implied 
by the first item on the list, which is designated 
A.I., and is described as a project to provide 
"Documentation for the working party on pro- 
gramming in ECLA [Economic Commission for 
Latin America] region in early 1962." The word 
"documentation" implies past work, and we have 
only to look to item A.2.a., "Use of models in pro- 
gramming," to find a completed study which will 
doubtless form a part of that documentation. 
This, and other research projects scheduled for 
completion before early 1962, then become the 
materials for the working party referred to in 
B.l.b., which is "co-sponsored with ECLA in co- 
operation with BTAO [Bureau of Technical As- 
sistance Operations]." Tlie more general re- 
search of the secretariat thus provides a basis for 
the applied research of ECLA and as a guidance 
for lending and other operating agencies. 

If I may interject, we have a roughly analogous 
division of labor among our economic develop- 
ment agencies in Puerto Rico, and it seems to 
work. Our Planning Board is centralized and 
provides us with a set of internally consistent pro- 
gram targets aimed at our general economic and 
social objectives. The Economic Development 
Administration is decentralized, witli offices in 
several cities in the United States and Europe, 
and most of its research and promotion efforts ai-e 
directed toward the formulation and realization 
of individual projects. And then we also have 
a vai'iety of public and private lending and invest- 
ment organizations with somewhat specialized 
spheres of operation. Just as researchers, pro- 


Department of State Bulletin 

moters, and lenders tend to have somewhat dif- 
fering personalities, specialization among agencies 
helps them develop personalities which contribute 
to the spirit as well as to the substance of their 

But there is another face to specialization. 
Sometimes in a large and necessarily somewhat 
complicated organization the various parts of 
the organization have little view of the total pur- 
pose to be served. A part may confuse its own 
specialized function with the organization's end 
objective. Such an organization could be said to 
amount to less than the sum of its parts. 

The proposal before us clearly implies a ra- 
tionale already developed and in practice which 
should serve to minimize friction, cross-purpose, 
and waste. The listing of working parties, semi- 
nars, and meetings on page 31 is a case in point. 
These meetings link the secretariat and the 
regional commissions. Also important is the 
extent of direct headquarters support of field 
operations which is outlined on pages 25 through 
27. I understand that this now amounts to 
approximately 40 percent of all headquarters 
industrialization efforts. Publication of the 
Industrialization and Productivity Bulletin is an 
additional link in internal as well as external 
coimnmiication. Personnel interchange is being 
used partly to serve the same purpose. 

The expanded work program would appear to 
be well grounded in past research and well 
oriented in a general way to serve the organization 
and purposes for which it is intended. Also it 
has the real merit of close attention to its own 
field and keeping out of matters handled else- 
where in the U.N. This much can be said without 
implying perfection. Doubtless the progi'am will 
become progressively better grounded in experi- 
ence, and presimiably its orientation can be 

Some Recommendations on Proposed Projects 

Even the proposed program can still be charac- 
terized as pioneering. For this reason its own 
self-gained experience will necessarily provide the 
basis for much of the expected improvement in 
scope, priority setting, and technique. Even in 
this knowledge I should like to risk a few com- 
ments on some of the individual projects wliich 
have been proposed. I will start by saying that, 
by profession, I am a pharmacist. This explains 

why I am willing to risk comment — and the mis- 
takes I am sure to make. 

Returning to our annotated list of projects on 
page 28, projects numbered A.2.b. and A.2.C. relate 
to the evaluation of individual industrial projects. 
It is my impression that, wherever it is done, 
project evaluation still remains at least as much 
an art acquired through practice as a science 
which can be taught or learned. This is not to 
suggest that project evaluation should not be 
studied nor that no attempt be made to make the 
process more systematic. It is to suggest, how- 
ever, the ne«d for especially careful study, for a 
variety of approaches, and for caution in drawing 
generalized conclusions. We have evidence in 
recorded Puerto Rican experience that there are 
large gaps in knowledge and sigiiificant elements 
of "economic" irrationality present in the making 
of many actual investment decisions. Somewhat 
similarly, I hope that the study of industrial 
growth listed in A.2.d. does not mislead the stu- 
dent to believe that the typical pattern, which 
undoubtedly does exist, is foreordained for his 
own country. The typical pattern is useful 
mainly as a norm against which a country can 
measure its own differences. 

On project A.2.f. I will risk two comments. In 
view of the urgent need for an authoritative study 
of the organizational aspects of plarming and in 
view of the amount of information already avail- 
able, the proposed completion date seems rather 
distant. There may also be a question of whether 
such a project falls more largely in the field of 
public administration than in the field of indus- 
trial development. In any case sustained and 
rapid industrial development in most under- 
developed coimtries today is dependent on both 
effective general economic planning and on a 
workable general structure of government, even 
in countries where the bulk of economic activity 
is carried on by private individuals and businesses. 
This study should be given high priority wher- 
ever and however conducted. 

Projects under B.2. and B.3., as well as project 
B.l.a., are in the area of what is sometimes called 
"industry feasibility research." The former two 
groups of projects deal with the characteristics of 
industrial processes, of groups of industries, and 
of individual industries which tend to make them 
generally more feasible in the early stages of in- 
dustrial growth. But the studies included imder 

April 24, 796T 


B.l.a. deal with the feasibility or viability of basic 
industries on which the industrial structure of a 
region or coimtry can be built, expanded, and in- 
tegrated. It would appear appropriate that the 
major initiative and responsibility for such funda- 
mental tooling for industrial development be 
taken by individual comitries, assisted where 
appropriate by the regional economic commissions. 

Sometimes too much is expected from research 
into the feasibility of new basic industries and 
industrial complexes. A rather high order and 
wide variety of skills are involved, which often 
necessitates employing specialized private indus- 
trial research fii'ms. The research is relatively 
time-consuming and expensive. The promotional, 
financial, and teclinical skills required to fit the 
projects together and put the plants into operation 
are also expensive, and the work is even more 
time-consiiming. The gestation period in Puerto 
Rico for one group of interrelated agricultural 
and manufacturing industries proved to be over 
8 years from conception of the general plan to 
birth of the basic industries. ]\Iuch of the indus- 
trial superstructure and even more of the agricul- 
tural production is yet to come. 

Yet this project has demonstrated the basic 
value of industrial feasibility research to those 
who can afford to wait for results. Puerto Rico 
now has a reasonable hope of becoming almost 
self-sufficient in the high-protein foods her people 
are consuming in sharply increased amounts. In 
a comparatively short time the Government will 
begin to earn a handsome "profit" from the tax 
revenue derived from the new income generated by 
the project. Industrial development has proved 
capable of assisting agricultural development, and 
both will make increasing contributions not only 
to family money incomes but also to educational 
and social services of lasting value to future 

The industrial research projects proposed in 
general support of technical assistance programs 
are listed under C, D, and E. The various 
methods of providing technical and financial as- 
sistance, whicli are the subject of some of the 
individual projects, have been rather extensively 
studied. It may be that some redirection of this 
phase of the research program should be con- 
sidered. Wliere sufficient information already 
exists on techniques that have proved to be suc- 
cessful, help in the organization of working par- 

ties and seminars should fulfill the principal 
remaining operating needs. 

Availability of trained personnel, however, is a 
matter so basic to industrial development that fur- 
ther research on methodology and technique for 
assessing requirements (project C.l.a.) may well 
be useful to the many countries which have only 
begun to recognize the scope and difficulty of the 
problem. Beyond this, there is a known de- 
ficiency, and in some countries almost an entire 
lack, of trained managerial personnel. Organized 
training programs are needed to fill so wide a gap. 
In general, however, it would appear that avail- 
ability of trained industrial personnel is merely a 
rubric of the vastly greater potential to be found 
in the overall development of human resources. 

The need for export markets by countries with 
a rapidly rising volume of competitive industrial 
products was made evident by the United King- 
dom representative on our Committee, Mr. [Hugh 
T.] Weeks, and documentation of some of their 
success stories (D.4.b.) will doubtless be of value. 
But deeper and less tractable problems are in- 
volved in the changing patterns of national and 
regional specialization that are implied. The 
magnitude and variety of possible shifts is only 
suggested by the recent increases in U.S. imports 
of manufactured goods from some of the more 
rapidly industrializing countries. 

Another problem that might yield to an imagi- 
native combination of industrial and financial re- 
search is a concern found in some parts of the 
world that large foreign private investments, 
however valuable as a stimulus to industrial 
growth, may diminish cultural identities and 
values and even jeopardize effective political 
sovereignity. There may be found among various 
combinations of joint ventures, factoi-y leasing, 
and lease-back agreements some approaches that 
will not only reduce such fears where they exist 
but also accelerate the development of local en- 
trepreneurial talent and provide foreign investors 
with valued and helpful domestic partners. 

U.S. Development Assistance 

Recognizing the many pressing problems of the 
developing nations, the United States Government 
has been contributing strongly and in a multi- 
tude of ways to their economic development. 
Now we intend to strengthen this effort. 


Deparfment of Sfafe Bullefin 

President Kennedy recently stated in his special 
message to the Congress of the United States : ^ 

There exists, in the 1960's, a historic opportunity for 
a major economic assistance effort by the free industrial- 
ized nations to move more than half the people of the 
less-developed nations into self-sustained economic 
growth, while the rest move substantially closer to the 
day when they, too, will no longer have to depend on 
outside assistance. 

He also stated : 

We must unite the free industrialized nations in a 
common effort to help those nations within reach of 
stable growth get underway. . . . Such a unified effort 
will help launch the economies of the newly developing 
countries "into orbit" — bringing them to a stage of seLf- 
sustained growth. . . . 

The President has also proposed a new and uni- 
fied United States aid administration. Most of 
my associates in the United States delegation to 
this Committee have devoted long and active serv- 
ice in existing programs of financial and teclinical 
assistance. They join me in the expectation that 
there will now be a stronger program, based on 
longer range planning and better shaped to fit 
the needs of each national development program. 

In Puerto Eico the industrial development pro- 
gram has two nicknames. In English it is 
"Operation Bootstrap." This, if you please, is an 
unfortunate translation of the more vigorous 
rallying cry in Spanish, which has identified our 
program in the minds — and I hope the hearts — 
of all Puerto Ricans. That cry is: Manos a la 
Ohra^ which means simply : "Let's get on with the 
job." This strikes me as a sound recommendation 
for all of us. 


Current Actions 



Articles of agreement of the International Finance Cor- 
poration. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. En- 
tered into force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620. 
Signature and acceptance: Nigeria, March 30, 1961. 

Law of the Sea 

Convention on the territorial sea and contiguous zone. 

Done at Geneva April 29, 19.58.' 
Ratification deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist 

Republic, February 27, 1961." 
Ratified by President of the United States: March 24, 

Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29, 

Ratification deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist 

Republic, February 27, 1961.' 
Ratified iy President of the United States: March 24, 

Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva 

April 29, 1958.' 
Ratification deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist 

Republic, February 27, 1961. 
Ratified by President of the United States: March 24, 

Convention on fishing and conservation of the living re- 
sources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29, 

Ratified by President of the United States: March 24, 



Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Consul- 
tative Organization. Signed at Geneva March 6, 1948. 
Entered into force March 17, 1958. TIAS 4044. 
Acceptance deposited: Malagasy, March 8, 1961. 


Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in- 
ternational telecommunication convention, 1959. Done 
at Geneva December 21, 1959.' 

Notifications of approval: Belgium, February 16, 1961; 
Spain and Spanish Provinces in Africa, February 23, 
1961 ; ^ Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Feb- 
ruary 24, 1961. 
International telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961.* 

Accession deposited: Central African Republic, March 
22, 1961. 

United Nations 

Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific 
and Cultural Organization. Done at London November 
16, 1945. Entered into force November 4, 1946. TIAS 
Signature and acceptance: Cyprus, February 6, 1961. 


Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners of 

Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 
wounded and sick in armed forces in the field ; 

Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 
wounded, sicli, and shipwreclied members of armed 
forces at sea ; 

Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian per- 
sons in time of war. 

Dated at Geneva August 12, 1949. Entered into force 
October 21, 1950 ; for the United States February 2, 
1956. TIAS 3364, 3362, 3363, and 3365, respectively. 

' Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507. 

' Not in force. 

■ With reservations made at time of signing. 
' With reservations and declaration made at time of 
* Not in force for the United States. 

April 24, 1 96 1 


Adherence affirmed: 
June 30, I960.' 

Congo ( Leopold ville), effective 



Agreement providing for an informational media guaranty 
program. Effected by exchange of notes at Kabul Janu- 
ary 26 and February 15, 1961. Entered into force 
February 15, 1961. 


Agreement providing economic assistance to Colombia. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington March 
30 and April 4, 1961. Entered into force April 4, 1961. 


Agreement granting duty-free entry privileges, on a re- 
ciprocal basis, to diplomatic and consular officers and 
personnel. Effected by exchange of notes at Washing- 
ton March 23 and 31, 1961. Entered into force March 
31, 1961. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of December 28, 1960 (TIAS 4656). Effective by 
exchange of notes at Seoul March 17, 1961. Entered 
into force March 17, 1961. 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ments of December 28, 1960 (TIAS 4656), and June 
30, 1959 (TIAS 4256). Effected by exchange of notes 
at Seoul March 17, 1961. Entered into force March 
17, 1961. 


Agreements supplementing the agricultural commodities 
agreement of April 11, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4470 
and 4579). Effected by exchanges of notes at Rawal- 
pindi March 11, 1961. Entered into force March 11, 

Agreement amending the agreement of January 11, 1955 
(TIAS 3183), relating to defense support. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Karachi March 11, 1961. En- 
tered into force March 11, 1961. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation 
of a space-vehicle tracking and communications station 
in the Island of Zanzibar. Effected by exchange of 
notes at London October 14, 1960. Entered into force 
October 14, 1960. 

° Conventions were made applicable by Belgium to the 
Belgian Congo, effective March 3, 1953. By a note of 
March 16, 1961, the Swiss Emba.ssy informed the De- 
partment that pursuant to a notification from the Re- 
public of the Congo the conventions continue to apply 
to the Republic of the Congo and that the adherence be- 
came effective on the date that nation attained its inde- 
pendence, June 30, 1960. 

Agreement on cooperation in intercontinental testing in 
connection with experimental communications satel- 
lites. Effected by exchange of notes at London March 
29, 1961. Entered into force March 29, 1961. 


Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at Sai- 
gon April 3, 1961. Enters into force 1 month after 
exchange of ratifications. 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: April 3-9 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce 

of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to April 3 which appear in 



of the BuLLETI^f are Nos. 171 of 

March 29 

and 176 of March 30. 






Galbraith sworn in as Ambassador to 
India (biographic details). 



U.S. participation in international 



Blumenthal sworn in as Deputy As- 
sistant Secretary for Economic Af- 
fairs (biographic details). 



Treaty of amity and economic rela- 
tions with Viet-Nam. 



Hughes designated Deputy Director of 
Intelligence and Research (biographic 



Feed grains to Tunisia. 



Young sworn in as Ambassador to 
Thailand (biographic details). 



Thompson designated Director Gen- 
eral of Foreign Service (biographic 



Biddle sworn in as Ambassador to 
Spain (biographic details). 



Durbrow designated Deputy Chief of 
Mission, Paris (biographic details). 



Delegation to IAEA Board of Gover- 
nors (rewrite). 



Davis: validation of German dollar 



Blair sworn in as Ambassador to Den- 
mark (biographic details). 



Attwood sworn in as Ambassador to 
Guinea (biographic details). 



Reisehauer sworn in as Ambassador to 
Japan (biographic details). 



MacArthur sworn in as Ambassador to 
Belgium (biographic details). 



Rice sworn in as Ambassador to the 
Netherlands (biographic details). 



Program for visit of Chancellor of 
German Federal Republic (rewrite). 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 


Department of State Bulletin 

April 24, 1961 


Vol. XLIV, No. 1139 


Mobilizing Economic Resources for Africa (Wil- 
liams) 584 

President Kennedy Sends Greetings to Economic 
CJonference at Yaounde 586 

Agriculture. Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil, 
Flaxseed, and Linseed Oil Terminated (text of 
proclamation) 593 

Atomic Energy. U.S. Hopes for Workable Treaty 

on Cessation of Nuclear Tests (Johnson) . . . 580 

Austria. President Kennedy Extols Chancellor of 

Austria on Service to Country 591 

Bulgaria. United States and Bulgaria Suspend 

Claims Negotiations 597 

Claims and Property. United States and Bulgaria 

Suspend Claims Negotiations 597 

Congress, The 

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East 
German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 
Policy 599 

Cuba. President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero 
for Calendar Year 1961 592 

Economic Affairs 

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East 

German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597 

Mobilizing Economic Resources for Africa (Wil- 
liams) 584 

President Kennedy Sends Greetings to Economic 

Conference at Yaounde 586 

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero for 

Calendar Year 1961 592 

Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil, Flaxseed, and 
Linseed Oil Terminated (text of proclamation) . 593 

Universal Tonnage Measurement (Gulick) . . . 594 

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee for 

Industrial Development (Moscoso) 605 

Ecuador. Presidents of Peru and Ecuador To Visit 

United States 592 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. President Ken- 
nedy Names Members of Peace Corps Advisory 
Council 583 


Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East 

German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597 

Germany Divided : The Confrontation of Two Ways 
of Life (Dowling) 588 

Human Rights. U.N. General Assembly Deplores 
South Africa's Apartheid Policy (Plimpton, texts 
of resolutions) 600 

International Organizations and Conferences. U.S. 

Hopes for Workable Treaty on Cessation of 
Nuclear Tests (Johnson) 580 

Mutual Security 

President Kennedy Names Members of Peace Corps 

Advisory Council 583 

U.S. Grants 30,000 Tons of Feed Grains to Tunisia . 597 

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee for In- 
dustrial Development (Moscoso) 605 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Enhancing the Strength and Unity of the North 

Atlantic Community (Johnson) 581 

12th Anniversary of Signing of NATO Treaty 

(Kennedy) 580 

Peru. Presidents of Peru and Ecuador To Visit 

United States 592 

Presidential Documents 

President Kennedy and Prime Minister Maemillan 

Discuss Wide Range of World Problems . . . 579 
President Kennedy Extols Chancellor of Austria on 

Service to Country 591 

President Kennedy Sends Greetings to Economic 

Conference at Yaounde 586 

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero for 

Calendar Year 1961 592 

Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil, Flaxseed, and 

Linseed Oil Terminated 593 

12th Anniversary of Signing of NATO Treaty . . 580 

Treaty Information 

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East 

German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597 
Current Actions 609 

Tunisia. U.S. Grants 30,000 Tons of Feed Grains 
to Tunisia 597 

Union of South Africa. U.N. General Assembly 
Deplores South Africa's Apartheid Policy ( Plimp- 
ton, texts of resolutions) 600 

United Kingdom. President Kennedy and Prime 
Minister Maemillan Discuss Wide Range of 
World Problems ( text of joint statement ) . . . 579 

United Nations 

U.N. General Assembly Deplores South Africa's 
Apartheid Policy (Plimpton, texts of resolu- 
tions) 600 

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee for 
Industrial Development (Moscoso) 605 

Name Index 

Davis, Richard H 597 

Dowling, Walter C 588 

Gulick, James W 594 

Johnson, Lyndon B 580, 581 

Kennedy, President .... 579, 580, 586, 591, 592, 593 

Maemillan, Harold 579 

Moscoso, Teodoro 605 

Plimpton, Francis T. P 600 

Williams, G. Mennen 584 


United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 2S, D.C. 










This 36-page pamphlet gives a clear-cut presentation of the existing 
situation in Cuba and its hemispheric implications. Its contents in- 
cludes: The Betrayal of the Cuban Revolution; The Establishment of 
the Communist Bridgehead; The Delivery of the Revolution to the 
Sino-Soviet Bloc ; and The Assault on the Western Hemisphere. 

In its concluding section the pamphlet states, in part, 

". . . The United States, along with other nations of the 
hemisphere, expresses a profound determination to assure future 
democratic governments in Cuba full and positive support in 
their eiforts to help the Cuban people achieve freedom, democracy, 
and social justice. 

"We call once again on the Castro regime to sever its links with 
the international Communist movement, to return to the original 
purposes which brought so many gallant men together in the 
Sierra Maestra, and to restore the integrity of the Cuban 

Publication 7171 

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Please send me copies of CUBA. 


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Boston Public Library 
Superintendent ot Documents 

JUN2 2 1961 

Vol. XLIV, No. 1140 May 1, 1961 


PAN AMERICAN DAY • Remarks by President Kennedy . 615 

RESS • by Adolf A. Berle 617 


Joint Communique 621 


SCIENCE AND SCHOLARSHIP • Remarks by Secretary 
Rusk 624 


Under Secretary Bowles 629 


A. Gullion , 634 

For index see inside back cover 

For sale by the Superintendent of Docomcnts 

U.S. Government Printing OflSce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


C2 Iseoes, domestic $S.SO, foreign $12.26 

Single copy, 26 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
bo reprinted. Citation of the Depabtmknt 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 

Vol. XLIV, No. 1140 • Publication 7178 
May 1, 1961 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government tcith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service, The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of tlie Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and interruitional agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a parly and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Pan American Day 

Remarks l)y President Kennedy * 

A number of Presidents of the United States 
have visited the Pan American Union since Theo- 
dore Roosevelt shared witli Ambassador Nabuco 
of Brazil the honor of laying the corneretone of 
this building over one-half a century ago. It is 
an honor for me today, as President of the United 
States, to share the platform with another dis- 
tinguished Ambassador from Brazil, Ambassador 

I doubt whether anyone in all those years has 
had the privilege of listening to a more thought- 
ful and wise speech than the one we have just 
heard from the Chairman of the Council of the 
Organization of American States. He has de- 
fined our task and our responsibility with both 
precision and feeling. 

There is in this last decade, or in the last few 
years, in the organizations of the liemispliere and 
in Western Europe of the Atlantic Community, 
a strong pressure to develop new institutions 
which will bind us all closer together. I some- 
times feel that it is our function and re- 
sponsibility to use in a more effective manner 
the institutions we now have. 

The Organization of American States repre- 
sents a great dream of those who believe that 
the people of this hemisphere must be bound more 
closely together. It seems to me it is our func- 
tion and our responsibility, in our day, to make 
tliis organization alive, to make it fulfill its func- 
tion, to make it meet its responsibilities, and not 
divert ourselves always witli developing new in- 

' Made before the protocolary session of the Council 
of the Organization of American States at the Pan 
American Union at Washington, D.C., on Pan American 
Day, Apr. 14 (White House press release). 

'Dr. Fernando Lobo, Chairman of the OAS Council. 

stitutions, when we have one which was nurtured 
in time, which has served well in the past, and 
which can, if we give it our lasting support, serve 
us well in the future. 

Ambassador Lobo has suggested in his speech 
that we stand today on the threshold of a new 
epoch in the development of the American hemi- 
sphere. Science, and all the other things which 
have sprung from science, have brought a better 
life into the reach of every man and woman in 
our hemisphere. The 20th century has given 
mankind the tools to make abundance not the 
gift of a privileged few but a practical possibility 
for all who live within our frontiers. 

The other change which our century has given 
us is even more important. That change lies in 
the new attitude of the mass of our people. 

For too long, poverty and inequality and 
tyranny were accepted as the common lot of man. 
Today people everywhere are demanding — and 
are rightly demanding — a decency of life and op- 
portunity for themselves and their children. 

This new attitude has produced an immense 
surge of hope throughout the entire Western 

Our common purpose today is to harness these 
new aspirations and these new tools in a great 
inter-American effort — an effort to lift all the 
peoples of the Americas, including the people of 
my own country of the United States, into a new 
era of economic progress and social justice. 

Seventy-one years ago the new American na- 
tions were exploring new frontiers of interna- 
tional organization when they formed the Inter- 
national Union of the American Republics for 
regular consultation to solve common problems. 
Today, as the Organization of American States, 

May 1, 1967 


■we constitute the oldest organization of nations 
now in existence. 

Already the OAS — our OAS — has moved ahead 
to meet the new challenges of the 20th century. 
The Act of Bogota ' is our charter for economic 
and social advance. Many of the provisions of 
this act are Latin American in their inspiration. 
I am glad that this should be so, because the OAS 
will thrive and grow only as it derives its vitality 
from all its members — and only as its members 
strengthen their own capacity for choice and 

The time has come to transform these pledges 
of social and economic concern into a concrete 
and urgent collaboration for hemisphere develop- 

The grand concept of Operation Pan America 
has already offered inspiration for such an effort. 
One month ago I proposed a new cooperative 
undertaking — an Alianza para el Progreso — a 10- 
year program to give substance to the hopes of 
our people.* I asked all the free republics of the 
hemisphere to join together to make the 1960's a 
decade of miexampled progress — progress in wip- 
ing hunger and poverty, ignorance and disease, 
from the face of our hemisphere. 

This is surely, the contemporary mission of 
pan-Americanism — to demonstrate to a world 
struggling for a better life that free men working 
through free institutions can best achieve an eco- 
nomic progress to which all of us aspire. 

But, if we are to succeed, we must take specific 
steps to realize our common goals — and we must 
take these steps without delay. 

This very week, in Rio de Janeiro, the assembled 
Governors of the Inter-American Development 
Bank — representing 20 American Eepublics — 
endorsed the principle that development planning 
on a country-by-country basis was vital to the 
success of the Alliance for Progress. 

Now we may take the next step — to establish 
the machinery, to adopt the plans, and to accept 
the commitments necessary to speed the pace of 
hemisphere development. 

Therefore I will shortly instruct the United 
States delegation to this Council to request a 
meeting of the Inter-American Economic and 
Social Coimcil at the ministerial level. I will 
suggest that this meeting be held at a mutually 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537. 
* imd., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

agreeable date this summer. This will give us all 
time for the extensive preparation that will be 

This meeting should have three fundamental 

First, it should encourage all the free states of 
the hemisphere to set deadlines for the completion 
of preliminary plans for national economic devel- 
opment, as well as to begin long-range planning 
to meet the development needs of the rest of the 

Second, it should set up inter-American ma- 
chinery to aid participating countries in the rapid 
formulation of realistic develoiDment plans. The 
OAS secretariat, the Economic Commission for 
Latin America, and the Inter- American Bank are 
already preparing a joint recommendation for a 
hemisphere planning-for-progress staff. I hope 
that a group of economists, drawn from all parts 
of the hemisphere, will soon be available to offer 
assistance to all nations preparing development 

Third, the meeting should outline basic develop- 
ment goals. This means elaborating the objec- 
tives of the Act of Bogota in all the key areas of 
economic and social betterment — in education, in 
land use and tenure, in taxation, in public health, 
in the mobilization of resources, in the develop- 
ment of self-help programs, in the stabilization 
of commodity markets, and m regional economic 

These details of procedure may seem dry and 
technical. But they are the basis for the devel- 
opment of a life for our people to which all of us 
aspire. They should not obscure the exciting pros- 
pects for human growth and liberation which lie 
within our group. 

Our task is to build a society of men and women 
conscious of their individual identity, of their 
national aspirations, and also of their common 
hemisphere interest. 

This means re-creating our social systems so 
that they will better serve both men and our 

It means social legislation for the workers and 
agrarian legislation for those who labor on the 
land. It means abolishing illiteracy, it means 
schools for children and adults as well, and it 
means strengthened institutes of higher education, 
technical as well as humane. It means doctors 
and hospitals for the sick. It means roads link- 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

ing the interior frontiers with the markets and 
ports of the coast. It means the spread of indus- 
try and the steady increase of both industrial and 
agricultural production. And it means, above all, 
the assurance that the benefits of economic growth 
will accrue not just to the few but to the entire 
national community. 

Is this not the new ideal of pan- Americanism ? 
On the OAS rests much of the hope of realizing 
these possibilities; on the OAS rests the duty of 
giving the people of this hemisphere their long- 
awaited goal of self-fulfillment. Either the OAS 
will demonstrate a capacity for practical action 
in these next years, or else it will become an arti- 
ficial and legalistic body, without substance, with- 
out purpose, and finally without a future. 

If we are a united hemisphere, we have no 
choice but to make the OAS the instrument of 
our common purposes. And the social and eco- 
nomic pi'ograms represent only one part of the 
OAS agenda. For material growth is not an end 
in itself. It is rather a means — a means of 
strengthening the dignity and freedom of the indi- 

vidual. This faith in freedom is the enduring 
essence of our hemisphere cooperation. 

This year six of our sister Republics complete 
the 150th anniversary of their independence. The 
memory of past struggles for freedom must con- 
firm our resolution to enlarge the area of freedom 
every year in our hemisphere. In the end our 
moral unity as a family of nations rests on the 
ultimate faith that only governments wliich 
guarantee human freedoms, respect human rights, 
and vindicate hiunan liberties can advance human 

Franklin Roosevelt, at the Inter- American Con- 
ference in Buenos Aires 25 years ago, spoke of our 
common faith in freedom and its fulfillment. He 
said it had proved a mighty fortress, beyond reach 
of successful attack in half the world. That faith, 
he said, arises from a common hope and a common 
design given us by our Fathers — in differing form, 
but with a single aim: freedom and security of 
the individual. 

That is our task. That is our responsibility, 
and that, gentlemen, is our opportunity. 

The Inter- American System and the Program for Economic and Social Progress 

iy Adolf A. Berle 

Chairman, Task Force on Latin America ^ 


Pan American Day [April 14] comes this year 
in a moment of crisis. Events in the next few 
months may decide the next phase in the history 
of the pan-American institution, and with it of 
the 21 nations constituting the inter-American 
world. Equally, they may vitally affect the lives 
of all of us here present. 

The situation resembles the European crisis of 
1947. Then, Secretary of State Marshall proposed 
to Europe the famous plan known by his name.^ 

* Address made before the Association of the Bar of the 
City of New York at New Torl£, N.Y., on Apr. 12 (press 
release 208). 

' For bacljground, see Bulletin of June 15, 1947, p. 

May 7, 7967 

The Soviet Union countered by declaring the cold 
war. Climax was reached in December of that 
year. I had the honor of addressing this associa- 
tion when that fantastic contest was at issue. It 
was surmoimted, and a free, prosperous, and crea- 
tive Western Europe emerged from the ashes of 
World War II. 

In the Americas this year President Kennedy, 
after most careful study, proposed the Alliance 
for Progress.' His conception, outlined on March 
13 last, offered cooperation with all American na- 
tions willing to join, designed to achieve three 
results. The first was to maintain and preserve 

' lUd., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 


governments dedicated to freedom and progress 
and against tyranny. The second was organiza- 
tion of continuing collaboration in a 10-year plan 
to assure growth of production by combining 
American and Latin American resources, capac- 
ities, and skills. Its third objective was national 
planning for social justice, assuring that the fruits 
of increased jiroduction and national incomes 
should increase the standard of living of the 
poorest. In simple terms this meant growing op- 
portunity and capacity for all to have land, jobs, 
housing, health, and education. 

Response to this plan was immediate. A num- 
ber of Presidents of American coimtries directly 
communicated to the "VVliite House their warm 
support. No less important, a substantial group 
of political parties in 12 countries declared their 
approval of the plan as a platform upon which 
common effort could be constructed. More formal 
organization will be reached when the Inter- 
American Economic and Social Council meets to 
work out detailed plans. 

In the Western Hemisphere today, as in the 
Europe of 1947, there are obstacles. Some have 
already been removed by the vast Latin American 
revolution accomplished in the past 15 years. 
During that period Latin America discarded most 
of its tyrants, reconquered freedom for peoples, 
and reestablished governments responsible to the 
will of their citizens. President Kennedy's plan 
would have been meaningless if most Latin Ameri- 
can governments were still cast in the mold of 
the ousted Argentine dictator, Juan Domingo 

Another obstacle is, obviously, seizure of the 
Cuban regime by the Sino-Soviet bloc and their 
use of Mr. Castro as a 20th-century Maximilian 
to advance their imperialist plans for conquest of 
the Americas. We face an intent, expressed both 
by Castro and by Communist-bloc propaganda, 
to use that regime as a spearhead to force similar 
seizures on all the other nations of the American 
world. One remembers a similar obstacle in the 
attempted seizure of Greece in 1947. The same 
misrepresentations were made then as they are 
today. The prehensile clutch of overseas aggres- 
sion was thinly masked by Quisling leaders and 
mercenary guerrillas. The Greek children were 
kidnaped and sent to Communist countries, just 
as Cuban children are now being conscripted. 

taken from their families, and sent behmd the 
Iron Curtain. 

Screammg denmiciation of President Kennedy's 
initiative by the Cuban Coimnmiist camp in 1961 
exactly parallels the abuse launched by the Com- 
munist satellites against Secretary Marshall. 
Their attacks are almost amusing. They would 
like to call it United States imperialism. But as 
the United States has no empire, their theorists 
are stniggling to invent one. Marxist scholars 
are now tiying to explain that, contrary to Marxist 
theory, wage levels and standards of living of the 
poor indeed can and do rise mider a free system — 
rise faster in fact than do standards of living in 
Conmiunist countries. Most humorous is their 
reversal on major theory. Imperialism, in Marx- 
ian analysis, sought to conquer the markets in 
Latm America. Now it has been discovered that 
the United States in fact contributed mightily to 
Latin America by affording markets for Latin 
American products in tlie United States. They 
now insist it is "aggression" for the United States 
not to buy Cuban sugar — on a preferential basis. 
Today it is Marxists who wish to conquer mar- 
kets — and build armaments to do it. In fact a 
replacement for the organization formerly pro- 
vided by empire has been foimd. 

The Primary Struggle 

Knowing Cuba and Latin America, I have con- 
fidence that Cubans and Latin Americans will 
overcome this obstacle as Greeks and Europeans 
overcame it 14 years ago. But we must all re- 
member that the primary straggle now is not 
against that obstacle; Communist opposition is 
merely one of the difficulties we must overcome. 
Our real struggle is to add strength, organization, 
and resources to the tremendous surge for life, 
construction, and human improvements sweeping 
Latin America today. Our ultimate enemies are 
ignorance and disease, grinding poverty and in- 
security, lack of production and lack of social 
justice — all legacies of a discarded past. Our 
weapons are food and the teclinique of increasing 
its supply; land, its better distribution and use 
for homes and for production; preventive medi- 
cine and care available to the humblest as well 
as the highest; teaching for children and adults, 
giving men and women the knowledge they need 
to enter modern life; credit, to give access to mod- 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

ern tools and techniques. A miglity weapon is 
the modern instrument of social planning, to make 
sure that the surge of production does not merely 
make the rich richer but directly advantages the 
poor. The United States has been able to con- 
quer these enemies. No Communist government 
has yet done so in comparable measure. 

To do this, the United States must assist not 
merely with money. That, of course, will be 
needed. Even more we can cooperate by joining 
resources with those of the Latin American 
countries. Their resoui-ces also are great. With 
modern organization this generation can do for 
Latin America what our fathers did for us in the 
United States. The technique of pooled resources 
under freedom was the great American contri- 
bution to modern economic life. Now, in common 
jjurpose, we can use that teclmique to make the 
freedom real. Freedom from tyranny must be 
more than freedom to starve. It must be freedom 
to enter an economic system which gives land to 
the landless, work to the unemployed, and affords 
the peon as well as the hidalgo a solid economic 
base. It must be based on universal education, 
making the next generation more capable than 
the last. Then freedom becomes a meaningful 

I hope all of you I'ealize how significant tliis is. 

The Inter-American System 

The American world was the first to throw off 
the shackles of empire. Until half a centuiy ago 
a dozen empires ruled the world — except the West- 
ern Hemisphere. Outside the Communist bloc, 
empires today are not popular. One of their con- 
tributions, notwithstanding, ought to be recog- 
nized here. They did provide a framework of 
currency, transport, and marketing, often imsat- 
isfactory but within which economic life could be 
carried on. We have learned from experience 
that when their organization is dissolved it must 
be replaced by something else. 

This gap the American woi-ld has sought to 
fill. The Pan American Union, set up in April 
1890, was the beginning of a cooperative interna- 
tional relationship. In 1936 it introduced the 
right and the obligation of consultation between 
the American nations regarding common prob- 
lems. In 1938 this was enlarged to include the 
conception of common defense of the hemisphere. 

By the Act of Chapultepec in 1945, in which Gov- 
ernor [Nelson A.] Rockefeller and I were active, 
more formal agreements for common defense and 
common economic effort were arranged. These 
later were embodied in formal treaties of Rio de 
Janeiro (1947) and the Pact of Bogota, which 
established the present Organization of American 
States, coming into effect in 1951. During the 
whole period international constitutional law for 
the hemisphere was meanwhile being pounded out 
by the resolutions and declarations of a long series 
of pan-American conferences, regular and special, 
and occasional consultations of foreign ministers. 

This titanic task has received all too little at- 
tention. In simple language, there is here being 
constructed a family of equal and independent 
nations, working together to take over and per- 
form in common interest the fimctions formerly 
performed by empires for their own interest. We 
are so accustomed to this in the Americas that 
we take it for granted. How long the road and 
how steep the mountain traveled and climbed can 
be seen when we look at Africa today. There, 
emerging from empire, many free and independ- 
ent nations are beginning to struggle to achieve 
common agreement among themselves which has 
been attained by the American nations through 
the inter-American organization. 

Imperfect as the pan-American organization 
still is, its institutions have given more peace to 
a larger area and for a longer period than any 
international organization in existence. 

Need for Economic and Social Development 

The chief lack in the inter- American system, 
I think, has been in the field of economic and 
social development. Provision was made for 
plowing that field in the charter of Bogota. It 
provided for an economic and social council for 
"the promotion of the economic and social wel- 
fare of the American nations through effective 
cooperation for the better utilization of their nat- 
ural resources, the development of their agricul- 
ture and industry and the raising of the standards 
of living of their peoples." * Too little was done 
to give this council resources and power to realize 
these objectives, though it maintained a limited 
program of technical cooperation. The substan- 

'Art. 63 of the charter of the Organization of Ameri- 
can States. 

May 1, 1961 


tial beginning was made last year. The Inter- 
American Development Bank was brought into 
existence — it had first been proposed in 1890 and a 
treaty for it had been worked out in 1943. It 
now is functioning and has some funds. Appro- 
priation of the $500 million promised by the 
previous admmistration at Bogota last year has 
been asked and is now pending before Congress.^ 
I hope and believe the appropriation will promptly 
pass and that Americans everywhere will support 
and approve it. 

The major steps toward putting an economic 
and social floor under the inter-American struc- 
ture were outlined by President Kennedy's speech 
of IVIarch 13 on the Alliance for Progress. That, 
you recall, proposes a 10-year plan, based in turn 
on national economic plans of the countries in- 
volved. As it is made real, the cooperative union 
of free nations designed to give to men and women 
a modern standard of living comes of age. It 
is both a duty and a pleasure to point out that 
in conception as well as realization this has been 
and will continue to be the work of Latin Ameri- 
cans, working with their colleagues in the United 
States and elsewhere. The list of collaborators 
is a long roster of distinguished Latin American 
statesmen, economists, and scholars, many of 
whom are equal in experience, training, and capac- 
ity to the best in the world. 

Of particular interest is the fact that the social 
needs of countries and peoples are the first concern 
of the new plan. Previous measui-es sought eco- 
nomic development but took little thought wheth- 
er the results would be distributed so as to benefit 
all. This time the welfare of the masses is the 
primaiy objective. In liberating the continent 
from the bondage of miseiy, we may also liberate 
the world from a terrible and tragic hoax — the 
illusion that social progress can be achieved only 
by blood and by tyramiy, by secret police and by 
firing squads. 

So long as the inter- American group of nations 
stays together, works together, thinks together, 
dreams together, and so organizes that thinking 
and working as to bring dreams closer to reality, 
the progress of the Americas is assured. But 
this requires organization, and organization re- 
quires a clear knowledge of objectives. To raise 
standards of living in Latin America, more pro- 

° For background, see Bdixetin of Oct. 3, 1960, p. 533, 
and Apr. 3, 19C1, p. 474. 

duction is needed there than now exists. This 
problem is primarily economic. To assure that 
increased production shall benefit everyone is a 
social task and requires social organization. Spe- 
cifically this means that a substantial share of 
the production shall go to maintain health, to 
provide schooling of children, training for tech- 
nicians, and greater support to universities. It 
means maintaining the right of free labor to se- 
cure for workmen a fair share through wages and 
social insurance. It means that tax systems shall 
assure that economic growth does not merely make 
the rich richer. It means that, in one or another 
form, ownership of industry in each counti-y shall 
be spread as widely as possible. It means land 
programs so that millions of families shall have 
and can hold their homes and their fanns and 
can be grubstaked with food and tools during the 
difficult years of clearing and establishment. It 
means road programs, connecting the great inte- 
rior frontiers with the gi-eat cities and ports to 
make marketing possible. It means supervised 
credit so that men, placed on the land, can get 
tools for their use and training to use them. 

The Returns From Education 

The Export-Import Bank of Wasliington, and 
importantly one branch of the Inter-American 
Development Bank, have already dealt with and 
will continue to deal with loans and credit for 
the classic purpose of increasing j^roduction. In 
this respect their operations follow the accepted 
lines of long-term commercial lending. The new 
fund which is presently being added, and later 
additions to it, must take into account the financ- 
ing of operations not nonnally commercial. Edu- 
cation is a major example. My own fear has been 
and still is that education will receive too little 
consideration. Overall it is the most profitable 
expenditure possible. Even in cold economics the 
returns from education are enormous. But these 
returns do not come back through normal commer- 
cial channels. The amount and handling of this 
kind of investment, therefore, fall outside con- 
ventional molds; but it must not be scrimped on 
that account. 

Hei-e we must seek the understanding and sup- 
port of the citizens of the United States. I could, 
if necessary, demonstrate that the effort we are 
organizing in Latin America in time will return 
to the United States economic advantage far sur- 


Department of State Bulletin 

passing the investment. Our European efforts did 
so. But I prefer to make the case more starkly 
and simply. This organization, these expendi- 
tures, this dedication of resources outside and be- 
yond commercial lines must be done because it 
ought to be made and done. It ought to be done 
even if no calculable fragment of advantage ever 
came back to us. This is our contribution to our 
world — our affirmation of ourselves — and it tran- 
scends calculations of profit or personal benefit. 
The Alliance for Progress needs, and indeed can 
have, no better justification. 

You will pardon a personal word. I have 
worked and lived and studied and hoped in this 
world for 40 years in private and public life. Its 
scholars and its politicians and its poets and its 
musicians have tanght me most of what I know. 
I remember golden evenings in Governor Luis 
Mufioz Marin's kindly Puerto Eican castle by the 
sea, where came men like Eaul Prebisch of Argen- 
tina, Eomulo Betancourt of Venezuela, Jose 
Figueres of Costa Eica, Jose Miro Cardona of 
Cuba, Pablo Casals with his cello, the presidents 
of many of the great universities of Latin Amer- 
ica, young men dreaming dreams and old men 
seeing visions. I recall long discussions in Brazil 
and Colombia with the younger men fighting to 
plan for the future of those vast nations. I have 
seen South American cities like Sao Paulo, equal 
to the greatest in Europe, built in the short space 
of 20 years, and villages, which a decade ago were 
a handful of mud and wattle huts, leap into towns 
equipped for modern life with houses, schools, 
electricity, paved roads. By comparison, the sim- 
ilar development of our own West was gradual. 

This demand for life, this breaking of old 
colonial traditions in Latin America, is called a 
"revolution." So it is, as it is also ours. It is the 
continuing revolution of the American world. 
Now it is equipped, staffed, and organized as a 
new generation of young men who have sought 
and received university training. They believe, 
and so do I, that a new world can be made. It will 
be the world of all the Americas; and it will be 
great. Its population compares with the great 
Asian blocs beyond the Pacific — but the Ameri- 
can bloc has land and resources. 

Above all it has freedom. In a period of a 
decade it should be possible to increase by at least 
one-half the living standards of everyone — and 
of the poorest far more than that. As that decade 

draws to a close, it should be possible to open new 
doors to a larger life for every child and youth in 
the inter- American world. To assure that this is 
done — and more besides — is the precise task of the 
Alliance for Progress working with the American 
states, the 71st anniversary of whose union we 
celebrate tonight. 

President Kennedy and Chancellor 
Adenauer Hold Informal Talks 

Konrad Adenauer, Chancellor of the Federal 
Rejniblic of Germany, made an informal visit to 
Washington, D.O., April 12-13 for talks with 
President Kennedy. Following are texts of a 
joint cominunique and an exchange of remarks 
made at the concliosion of their talks on April 13, 
together with welcoming remarks made by Secre- 
tary Rusk on April 11 and a list of the members 
of the Chancellor's official party. ^ 


White House press release dated April 13 

During the past two days the President and the 
Chancellor have had a most cordial and useful 
exchange of views on a number of subjects of 
interest to their two Governments. 

Their informal conversations have included, 
among other things, discussions of: the problem 
of a divided Germany including Berlin ; the cur- 
rent nuclear test ban talks ; political and military 
developments pertaining to NATO ; aid to devel- 
oping countries ; European economic cooperation ; 
East-West relations; and the situation in some 
critical areas of world politics. 

Also participating in the talks were Secretary 
of State Dean Eusk and German Foreign Min- 
ister Heinrich von Brentano. 

The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed 
the position of their Governments that only 
through the application of the principle of self- 

^ The Department of State announced on Apr. 12 (press 
release 212) that Chancellor Adenauer and his party 
would leave Washington on Apr. 16 for a visit to the 
LBJ Ranch in Texas as a guest of Vice President and 
Mrs. Johnson. On Apr. 17 Dr. Adenauer addressed a 
joint session of the Texas State Legislature at Austin. 
He departed for Germany that afternoon. 

tAay 1, 796J 


determination can a just and enduring solution be 
found for tlie problem of Germany including Ber- 
lin. They renewed their pledge to preserve the 
freedom of the people of West Berlin pending 
the reunification of Germany in peace and free- 
dom and the restoration of Berlin as the capital 
of a reunified coimtry. 

The President and the Chancellor agreed that 
intensified political cooperation in NATO is in- 
dispensable in order to coordinate the efforts of the 
Allies for the preservation of peace and security 
in the world. 

The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed 
their support of NATO as the keystone of the 
common defense of the North Atlantic area. 
They underlined the conviction of their Govern- 
ments as to tlie necessity for the Alliance to main- 
tain and develop further all military means 
required to enable them to deter effectively a po- 
tential aggressor from threatening the territorial 
integrity or independence of any ally. 

Furthermoi'e, the problems of general and con- 
trolled disarmament were discussed. The Presi- 
dent and the Chancellor are convinced that rea- 
sonable, freely negotiated measures to reverse the 
growth of uncontrolled national armaments will 
serve to lessen the danger of war and that con- 
currently measures should be negotiated to secure 
a life in freedom to all nations. The goal is a 
general and total peace. 

The President and the Chancellor agreed on the 
importance of a concerted aid effort by the in- 
dustrialized free world nations in an amoimt 
commensurate with their resources and on a basis 
corresponding to the magnitude of the task. 
They pledged the support of the United States 
and the Federal Kepublic to the fulfillment of 
the objectives adopted by the member nations of 
the Development Assistance Group at their meet- 
ing in London two weeks ago.^ 

The President and the Chancellor welcomed the 
prospective establishment of the Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development ^ as con- 
stituting a step of vital importance in the develop- 
ment of an Atlantic Community. The new pos- 
sibilities which it opens for economic cooperation 
and economic policy coordination and the means 
of achieving closer interdependence were also 

' Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 553. 
' ma., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8. 


In this connection, the President and the Chan- 
cellor agreed that continuing attention should be 
paid to the balance of payments problem. 

The important role of the European Economic 
Community as a powerful and cohesive force in 
the core of the Atlantic Commmiity was stressed. 
The dynamic political and institutional potential 
of the EEC was agi-eed to be an important ele- 
ment of present strength for the Atlantic Com- 

The fruitful exchange of views which the Presi- 
dent and the Chancellor have had, as well as 
the frank and cordial atmosphere in which the 
talks were conducted, have contributed signifi- 
cantly to deepening the ties of friendship and 
underetanding between the two countries and to 
the strengtliening of the free world community. 


White House press release dated April 13 

President Kennedy 

We have this communique which will come out 
in a few minutes. Perhaps I could read it quickly 
and then I might say a word or two. 

[After reading the communique the President said :] 

I want to say, speaking as President of the 
United States, that it has been a great pleasure 
to welcome to the shores of this country again 
the Chancellor of the Federal Republic. I don't 
think that there is any doubt that history will 
deal most generously with him in writing the 
history of the Atlantic Community in the years 
194:5 to the present. His accomplislunents have 
been extraordinary in binding the nations of 
Western Europe together, in strengthening the 
ties which link the United States and the Federal 

Therefore, speaking personally and also as 
President of this country, it is a gi-eat honor to 
welcome again to our shores a friend, a great 
European and distinguished leader of his country, 
the Chancellor of the German Republic, Chan- 
cellor Adenauer. 

Chancellor Adenauer < 

Mr. President, I was deeply moved and touched 
by the kind words which you said after reading 
out the communique. I should like to assure you, 

* As interpreted from the German. 

Department of State Bulletin 

Mr. President, that I feel exactly the same way 
as you do, that it was an extremely great pleasure 
for me to have come back again to your country 
in order to have had the opportunity of sensing 
the atmosphere which I was able to find over here. 
I especially felt this atmosphere in the discus- 
sions which I had with you, Mr. President, and 
I also felt it particularly this afternoon when I 
was welcomed in the Senate. 

This is the ninth time that I have come here 
to the United States, and every time I feel deeper 
and closer linked with your counti-y and with 
your Government. I am very happy indeed, Mr. 
President, to have had this chance of meeting 
you — and you, as the great leader of your country, 
and therefore the personality that carries such a 
huge responsibility for the fate of all the free 
world, and you are dealing with this big task with 
great energy, with great farsightedness. 

Thank you very much, Mr. President. 


Press release 207 dated April 11 

Mr. Chancellor, let me extend to you a warm 
welcome to Washington. It is a great pleasure for 
me both personally and officially, and a high 
privilege as well, to greet you on behalf of Presi- 
dent Kennedy and the people of the United States. 

We are happy to have you here with us not only 
because you are so well known as a close and 
understanding friend of our country but also be- 
cause you embody so clearly the dynamic and 
democratic Germany of today. It is most oppor- 
tune that you could arrange to consult with us at 
precisely this time when a new American admin- 
istration is shaping the major policy lines which 
we will expect to follow during the years ahead. 
In close cooperation with our allies and friends 
we shall move together on the path toward free- 

dom and peace for all the world. We will expect 
to benefit greatly from the wise and statesmanlike 
counsel that you will bring to this endeavor. 

Pei-mit me also to extend my welcome to your 
daughter, Mrs. Werhalui, and the distinguished 
members of your party, including particularly 
Foreign Minister von Brentano. I hope that, even 
though your stay with us will be a short one, 
the pressure of business will permit you some 
measure of relaxation and that your visit will 
prove most pleasant and enjoyable for yoiu-self 
and your party. 


The Department of State announced on April 
7 (press release 200) that the following would 
accompany Chancellor Adenauer as members of 
the official party: 

Mrs. Libeth Werhahn, daughter of Chancellor Adenauer 

Heinrich von Brentano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany 

Felix von Eckardt, State Secretary for the Federal Press 

Karl Carstens, State Secretary, Federal Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs 

Hasso von Etzdorf, Assistant Secretary, Foreign Office 

Gunther Harkort, Assistant Secretary, Foreign Office 

Heinrich Barth, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Personal 
Aide to the Chancellor 

Peter Limbourg, Executive Assistant to the Foreign 

Karl-Gunther von Hase, Officer in Charge, Press Rela- 
tions, Foreign Office 

Horst Osterheld, Chancellery Liaison Officer, Foreign 

Ulrich Sahm, Officer in Charge for NATO Affairs, For- 
eign Office 

Franz-Joseph Hoflfmann, Officer in Charge for North 
American Affairs, Foreign Office 

Albert Reinkemeyer, Officer in Charge for Soviet Union 
Affairs, Foreign Office 

Richard Balken, Officer in Charge for Disarmament 
Affairs, Foreign Office 

May 1, I96J 


Building an International Community of Science and Scholarship 

Remarks hy Secretary Rvsk ' 

I wish first to congratulate tliis great institu- 
tion on its centennial and on the manner of its 
celebration. MIT is a symbol of excellence right 
around the globe, and it is particularly fittmg 
that you have drawn together here some of the 
most distinguished minds of our era to consider 
what science and technology mean these days 
to the world in which we live. The discussions 
of this distinguished assemblage will be studied 
with the most intense interest far beyond the walls 
of this institution. And certainly in the Depart- 
ment of State we shall value the views which have 
been developed here on the implications of science 
and engineering for international relations. 

My remarks today are not, horribile dicfu, a 
major foreign policy address. But they are com- 
ments on some of the matters you have had before 
you. Indeed, they shall be rather simple com- 
ments. And I would not wish to apologize to 
this audience for their simplicity; for many of 
you have spent much of your lives searching for 
relatively simple notions which bring order into 
the understanding of complexity. And what you 
attempt to do in science, you must not deny to us 
in politics. Further, we tend to forget or to take 
for granted the simple and basic thoughts which 
give us our compass directions and which, even 
if trite, turn out to be true. 

Foreign policy, of course, deals with points of 
conflict and tension between nations and between 
groups of nations. Today, for example, the front 
page of the newspaper which I read at breakfast 
had stories about Laos, the Congo, Algeria, Viet- 
Nam, and Cuba. This is a proper attention to 

' Made at the centennial celebration of the Massachu- 
setts Institute of Technology at Cambridge, Mass., on 
Apr. 7 (press release 201 dated Apr. 10). 

these places and these events. And we shall have 
stories of this sort for as long as you and I can 
read them, because it is our lot — perhaps one 
should say our exciting privilege — to be caught 
in a period of history when a world which we 
have known is disappearing and a world which 
we are creating is just coming into bemg. These 
crises, those of today and those of tomorrow, are 
and will be dangerous, sensitive, complicated, and 
will make their contribution to the agonies of 
policy. And their handling has much to do with 
the peace of the world, which is just another way 
of saying that they are of vital concern to each of 
us in our daily lives. But foreign policy is also 
concerned with cooperation, with the recognition 
and nourishment of common interests which bind 
people together across national frontiers. 

Before we pass on, I would like to remind you 
of the unsung, largely unreported, processes of 
cooperation which, too, are a part of foreign pol- 
icy. Among the official international conferences, 
for example, which are in session today — and 
there are from 10 to 20 in session on every work- 
ing day throughout the year — while the front 
pages speak of Laos, the Congo, and Algeria, there 
are conferences at work on the further develop- 
ment of trade, on diplomatic intercourse, on the 
use of food surpluses for food-deficient peoples, 
on industrial development, on maritime safety, 
and on a larger role for Africa and the Middle 
East in the peaceful uses of atomic energy. We 
sometimes forget that one of the central purposes 
of foreign policy is not to sharpen conflict but to 
reduce it, not to make headlines but to shrink 
them, not to exaggerate the differences of national 
interest but to build toward a world of freedom 
imder law on the solid foundations of recognized 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

commoia interests. Indeed, these are the purposes 
which occupy the bulk of our labors. These are 
the activities which are the subject of most of our 
telegrams. These are the great enterprises in 
which our embassies abroad are most heavily 
involved. And these preoccupy the gi'eat major- 
ity of our staff in the Department of State. 

At critical times we have our attention drawn 
to individuals here or there who are in the midst 
of a particular crisis. We don't ordinarily think 
of the thousands and thousands of devoted men 
and women in all parts of the earth who are 
working with dedication, professional skill, and in 
many places with gallantry to build a decent 
world order. 

But beyond these official enterprises, I think we 
might just note in passing what might be called 
the quietest diplomacy of all. Foreign policy, nor- 
mally understood, is a matter for governments, 
but government deals directly with only a frac- 
tion of the foreign relations of the American peo- 
ple. To a considerable extent our foreign rela- 
tions are in the hands of the people themselves, 
in our case in the hands of Americans by the 
millions who, in one way or another, are part 
of one or another unorganized but vast interna- 
tional community made up of private citizens 
reaching out across national frontiers to pursue 
peaceful purposes and to weave their own ties, 
intimate, close, cordial, with associates in other 
countries. I am thinking of the great community 
of the arts — or of trade, in which America has 
some $33 billion of investments overseas, some 
3,000 firms with branches and activities abroad. 
I am thinking of sports and recreation or even 
tourism, a million and a half Americans going 
abroad, spending approximately $21/4 billion. I 
am thinking of three-quarters of a million for- 
eigners coming to this country to visit — a number 
we hope very much to expand as rapidly as we 

International Scientific Exchange 

But one of the most impressive and constructive 
and exciting of all these great private commu- 
nities is what might be called the international 
community of science and scholarship. I mention 
that here because MIT is a thriving and vigorous 
part of that community. I understand that over 
12 percent of your students come from other 
lands — the second highest percentage among our 

institutions of higher education in this country — 
and that you have the highest number of dis- 
tinguished scientists and scholars on your faculty. 
You are a tangible part of this international com- 
munity. Obviously, science can know no national 
frontiers, for the building blocks of human knowl- 
edge have been put in place by many minds from 
every continent in a combined effort of man which 
has recognized no national frontiers and has leapt 
across the deepest political differences. 

I remember many years ago, when we were 
trying to increase our international scientific ex- 
change program in Government, a distinguished 
political leader in opposition made the remark 
that a nation which invented the atom bomb, 
radar, and penicillin doesn't need scientific ex- 
change. Curiously enough, he thought he was 
talking about the United States. But the lan- 
guage of science and scholarship eases transcul- 
tural discourse. It is in the field of science that 
we discover that world which President Kennedy 
recently referred to as the world which "makes 
natural allies of us all." ^ Here we are. Homo 
sapiens, a rather insignificant part of a vast physi- 
cal universe, not knowing quite yet whether we 
shall come to tolerable terms with that universe, 
not knowing quite yet whether the wheat rusts 
or the wheat breeders will win, but knowing that 
the great issues between man and his environment 
are issues which reduce to insignificance most of 
the petty quarrels we spread upon the front pages 
of our newspapers. 

There is here a great universe of common inter- 
est, whether in health, or in the production and 
protection of food crops, or in meteorology, or in 
the safety of man against the elements ; whatever 
it might be, there is waiting for us only partly 
utilized a great human adventure which can in- 
deed make allies of us all. For as we look about 
the earth, we can readily identify certain com- 
mon, elementary human needs. It would be hard 
to find those who would rather be sick than 
healthy, or those who would rather be hungry than 
fed, or those who would rather be ignorant than 
informed, or those who would not like to have 
some degree of predictability with the rising sun, 
or those who would not like to bring up a family 
in some sort of decency — common, ordinary, hu- 
man needs, which exist regardless of race or creed, 

' For text of President Kennedy's state of the Union 
address, see Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 207. 

May J, J967 


regardless of political commitment, regardless of 
geographical location. 

Is this a basis for peace ? Perhaps you say we 
have said too much because the means for satisfy- 
ing these needs are in short supply and historically 
these human needs have been a cause for war. 

Need for "Development Scientists" 

If I might speculate entirely personally for a 
moment, it seems to me that there is something 
rather unique about our particular decade, about 
the period, say, since World War II. We have 
on the one side what has been called a revolution 
of rising expectations, appearing not only in the 
miderdeveloped parts of the earth but in our most 
heavily industrialized Western societies — a keen 
interest in the removal of the obstacles to a decent 
life arising from hunger or disease or the absence 
of physical goods. Alongside of this there is a 
population explosion which tlu-eatens to put in- 
tolerable pressures upon the resources of the earth. 
And yet with this combination of rising expecta- 
tions and rising populations, of pressures brought 
to bear upon governments — almost intolerable 
pressures — to get on with development, one does 
not find anywhere in the world today any govern- 
ment or any nation making any systematic claim, 
any policy claim, for what might be called 
leiensraum. No country has an announced policy 
that the needs of its society require it to move to 
seize the resources of another society. 

It seems to me rather curious at the present 
moment — and perhaps it is just a moment — that 
the nations and peoples of the earth seem to be 
pinning their hopes on the possibilities of scien- 
tific and technical development for the satisfaction 
of the basic human needs. This may be temporary. 
It may be that we have a chance for a time to get 
a job done which will implant that idea deeply 
into the consciousness of man and put us in a posi- 
tion to give up the temptations of predatory seiz- 
ure of resources elsewhere. But if these expecta- 
tions are not satisfied and we cannot make tolerable 
advances, one can see down the road the renewal 
of pressures for more lands, more resources, and 
gi'eat hazards to the peace of the world. 

We must, I think, in this period ahead of us give 
a great deal of attention, serious attention, 
thoughtful attention, to what is called develop- 
ment and in that process must elevate our sights 
as to the role of education. It is understandable 

in our own society, where we have been reluctant 
historically to bring the Federal Government 
strongly into the educational field, that there has 
been some reticence or reluctance to have the Fed- 
eral Government take an intimate part in edu- 
cational activities abroad. But when we think 
of development, we must recognize, if we want to 
be realistic, that education is not a luxury to be 
afforded when development has succeeded but that 
education is an indispensable, elementary ingre- 
dient in the early stages of developmental processes 
themselves. It is very simple to explain why, for 
development requires people — people to lend as- 
sistance and to receive it, people to organize soci- 
eties, people to build institutions, peo^jle to train 
other people — and development needs new knowl- 
edge for the solution of practical problems which 
are still vei"y much on our agenda. 

Mr. Eugene Black, the distinguished head of the 
World Bank, recently referred to our need for 
"development diplomats" in the years ahead. 
Surely for as long as we can see into the future 
we will also need "development scientists" among 
the social and natural scientists who can bring the 
best of om" thought to bear on how societies can 
develop efficiently and, perhaps most important 
of all, promptly, under free institutions. 

In our own development programs we hope to 
expand our interest in education, partly by re- 
ceiving additional young people here in our own 
institutions of higher learning and by giving more 
thought to the educational needs of those who 
come. But far more important in the long ran is 
that we must try to assist in the development of 
educational systems and institutions abroad be- 
cause we ourselves cannot, nor can those associated 
with us, train sufficient numbers of people in our 
own institutions to accomplish the great tasks of 
education in the underdeveloped parts of the 

Improving U.S. Assistance Programs 

As we have turned to review our assistance 
programs and have tried to think about what the 
last 15 years of experience — of trial and error 
and experimentation — have meant, we think there 
are certain steps which can now be taken which 
will improve our assistance programs. I am sure 
most would agree that we could use more efficient 
administration. We have begun to realize that 
there is a certain irony in our taking 2 years to 


Department of State Bulletin 

decide to send a team to another country to help it 
improve its isiiblic administration. One of tlie 
ways by which we can teach is by example. 

We hope to simplify our aid administration, to 
identify responsibility within it, to speed up its 
processas, and to put it in a legislative and ad- 
ministrative position to act in a timely fashion. 
One of tlie almost terrifying elements in the con- 
duct of our foreign relations is the problem of 
pace. Events pass by at a breathtaking speed. 
One of our problems is to act in a timely fashion 
and not find ourselves in a position of not even 
knocking off the tail feathers of our problems as 
they pass us by. In development a small invest- 
ment at the right time can be far more productive 
than frequently much larger investment too late. 

Secondly, we hope that we shall be in a position 
to make longer term policies and commitments, 
to shift somewhat from aid programs on an an- 
nual basis to long-range approaches to long-range 
problems. This has been a problem that has 
troubled us since 1945; this is not a partisan 
remark. This has been a part of our difficulty in 
arranging our assistance on the basis of annual 
planning. If we can recognize as a nation that 
we are involved in a long-tenn engagement in 
foreign assistance and that we are because we are 
committed to shaping the course of events which 
will determine our future, then it will be possible 
for us to consider doing first things fii-st, to put 
aside the temptation to move for dramatic short- 
term effect, and to build solidly from the foimda- 
tions up and beginning, incidentally, with educa- 

Further, if we ourselves are in a position to 
make long-term commitments, it will make it 
possible for us to say to those who are seeking 
assistance that we need from them some long- 
range thinking, some plans, some commitments, 
and some interest in the institutions which are 
essential for rational development. Then it will 
be possible for us to talk with them about the cri- 
teria of assistance and to ask them to give us 
something more solid to support with our 

We also hope to throw much more responsi- 
bility on what has come to be called the "country 
team" located in the countiy to be assisted. We 
hope to move from a consideration of projects in 
Wasliington to a partnership with the country in 
the field, witli strong responsibility in the hands of 

the local ambassador and aid administrator in the 
country itself. For we have learned all over again 
what we should have learned long ago: that na- 
tional economic and social development requires 
advances on a broad front. It cannot be accom- 
plished througli a selected lunge here and another 
there. It requires attention among others to 
health, to education, to administration, to public 
finance, to communications, to work, to livelihood, 
and to earning capacity. Unless there is a move- 
ment on a broad front, lunges are likely to ac- 
complish very little. 

Obviously foreign aid cannot accomplish de- 
velopment across the broad front of an entire 
society. This can only be done from within, and 
it cannot be done from within solely by govern- 
ments. It can only be done by peoples, peoples 
who are stimulated to take an interest in their own 
aspirations, peoples whose energies and efforts are 
mobilized to maximum effect, and peoples wliose 
ambitions are geared to the new society which 
they themselves tell us they want to build. In that 
situation reasonably modest foreign aid can be 
brought to bear at certain critical points in order 
to maintain momentum, in order to helj) where 
help is most needed, in a part of a total effort 
which can challenge the imagination and bring 
life to the democratic nature of a new society. 

A Two-Way Relationship 

I have been talking a little about this interna- 
tional community of science and scholarship. 
Perhaps this is a point to remind ourselves of 
something wliich I have commented upon before 
and will comment upon again. And that is that 
we Americans must be a little careful that we do 
not misinterpret our experience since 1945 in 
foreign aid, that we recognize that it was circum- 
stance and not predestination that put us into 
position as the giver, the teacher, the lender, the 
exporter of know-how, the source of assistance. 
This Nation has been the great receiver of help 
from others, in science, in the arts, in literature, 
absorbing into our society the contributions of 
the cultures of almost even' other part of the 

"When you talk to people these days from dis- 
tant places about what they can contribute to the 
enrichment of American life and society, you find 
them in the first instance incredulous that we our- 
selves are thinking about such possibilities. Then 

May 1, 7961 


they worry about whether they have anything to 
contribute in which we are interested. And then, 
when they take a little time off to think about it, 
they go through the delightful experience of rec- 
ognizing that there is much which they can give 
us if they would but make the effort. I hope that 
we can stimidate this two-way relationship, not 
to balance the ledger — that isn't important — but 
to balance the relationship, to change it from one 
between giver and receiver to one between giver 
and giver. We ourselves, I think, would learn 
something about some of the problems of receiv- 
ing assistance. Suppose another government 
called and said, "We would like to send you 12 
professors of our language," and I called Presi- 
dent Stratton ^ and said, "Would you like a pro- 
fessor of Hindi?"' President Stratton would 
probably reply, "Well, I don't know, show me the 
professor." But if we offer professors to a uni- 
versity abroad under an aid program, we tend to 
be just a little annoyed if the university says, 
"Show us the professor." I think there are some 
psychological equivalents that we could develop 
here if we actively thought out more systemati- 
cally the contributions which others can make to 
our own society. 

My time has gone. Let me make one closing 
comment that is peculiarly appropriate at the 
centennial of the Massachusetts Institute of Tech- 
nology. It is somewhat easy to be discouraged 
about the efforts that we have been making in 
different parts of the world in the last two dec- 
ades. I think it is important that we pause for 
a moment to think of at least one reason why we 
get discouraged. We and our associates in the 
free world — in the Atlantic Community as well 
as in the non-European parts of the world — are 
committed to a job of building tolerable national 

' Julius Adams Stratton, president of MIT. 

societies at home and a decent structure of world 
order and peace around the globe. Unfortunately 
there are those who would tear down whatever it 
is they cannot control. And tearing down is so 
much easier than is the building. It is easy to 
organize a student riot but difficult to build a great 
university. It is easy to burn a warehouse but 
difficult to build a viable economy. It is easy to 
organize a disloyal group in administration but 
difficult to organize a democratic government. 

What is the job of building? Take a moment 
some time to read the preamble and articles 1 
and 2 of the United Nations Charter. They con- 
tain a succinct statement of what in the long run 
the foreign policies of the American people are 
all about — as well as, indeed, the foreign policies 
of a great many people in a great many other 
parts of the world. They form an architectural 
plan, which can be modified, of course, as we go 
along, but tliey nevertheless reflect the aspirations 
which came out of the fires of war, the commit- 
ments to which governments have put their sig- 
natures, and the hopes to which men have com- 
mitted themselves with great service for the last 
15 to 20 years. Of course we shall be disap- 
pointed, because although man sometimes acts at 
his best, he can also act at his worst, and the build- 
ing will be difficult, laborious, and interrupted. 
But we shall pick ourselves up time and time 
again after one or another disappointment and 
return to the labor — let us hope with refreshed 
energy and renewed determination. 

But of one thing, I think, we can be sure, and 
here the longrun advantage makes itself appar- 
ent. On this job of building we are deeply in 
touch with the essential elements of hmnan na- 
ture, with the dreams of man, and on those, as we 
go about our work, we shall find allies and friends 
in all parts of the earth. 

Thank you very much. 


Department of State BuHetin 

The Foundations of World Partnership 

hy Under Secretary Bowles ' 

The first months of a new administration are 
a time for the reexamination of old policies, old 
programs, and old concepts. Since January 20th 
we have been engaged in such a reappraisal. 

For instance, there has been a far-reaching ef- 
fort to give new direction, vigor, and effectiveness 
to our foreign aid programs.^ 

This includes a fresh concept of economic and 
social development which goes beyond the grow- 
ing of more food and the production of more 
goods to consider the human factors that give the 
peasants and workers a greater personal stake in 
the creation of free societies. 

We have also reconsidered the relationship be- 
tween military and economic assistance. 

We have proposed a reorganization to permit 
better coordination of the numerous activities 

We have proposed measures which will permit 
us to plan our development assistance over a pe- 
riod of years and to make advance commitments 
which are more responsive to the needs of the 
receiving countries. 

We are also studying gaps in our defense sys- 
tem, the relationship among different types of 
military facilities, and the need for achieving a 
balance in all components of our Armed Forces. 

We are considering our own defensive power 
in relation to the defensive capabilities of our 
allies so that the overall task of free-world de- 
fense may be arranged more effectively. 

' Address made before the Consultation on Immigra- 
tion Policy of the National Council of the Churches of 
Christ in the U.S.A. at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 13 
(press release 215). 

' For text of a message on foreign aid from President 
Kennedy to the Congress, see Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, 
p. 507. 

We are engaged in a reappraisal of our rela- 
tions with the nations of the Atlantic Commu- 
nity which make up NATO and the OECD. 

At the NATO meeting scheduled for early May 
we will present our views on the goals and f imc- 
tions of the Atlantic Community and on Amer- 
ica's relationship with it. The Community rela- 
tionship is a major cornerstone of American 
foreign policy which must be strengthened in every 
way. This requires not only a fresh look at our 
NATO defenses but at the process of political 
consultation in NATO and other types of coopera- 
tion within the NATO framework. 

Simultaneously we are striving to gear the de- 
velopment of the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development to meet its twin 
objectives: first, a closer economic relationship 
among the nations of the Atlantic Community, 
and, second, as an instrument for cooperation 
among the induetrialized nations of the West 
in providing more effective assistance to the less 
developed nations. 

There has also been a reappraisal and reorien- 
tation of our relations with our Latin American 
neighbors. We can no longer take them for 
granted, and President Kennedy's recent speech 
on the subject' makes it clear that we have no 
intention of doing so. In particular, we recog- 
nize and welcome their demands for speedier so- 
cial and economic progress and for social justice. 
If we are to avoid a repetition of the debacle in 
Cuba, we must help our friends to achieve these 
goals within the framework of political freedom. 

There has also been a sweeping reappraisal of 
our approach to the great continent of Africa — 

' Ihid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

May J, I96J 

691270—61 -3 


an area four times as large as the United States 
itself, where more than 20 countries have gained 
independence in a single decade. 

In the Congo independence has brought tur- 
moil, but some other areas have been able to 
maintain political stability. All of them, how- 
ever, have a crying need for many forms of de- 
velopment assistance — economic, teclinical, and 

There is also a new look in our relations with 
Asia. We face critical problems there, especially 
in southeast Asia, where there is strife and tur- 
moil. Taking the Asian nations as a whole, how- 
ever, we are beginning to see steady progress 
toward increased security, freedom, and political 
stability. Wise policies may encourage further 

Finally, our relations with the Communist 
nations are also under examination. The diffi- 
culties involved in these relationships are both 
massive and dangerous. Our differences are 
deep-rooted, and they will not be resolved over- 
night. But, as President Kennedy said in his 
inaugural address,* we must at least make a 

Wliether broad agreement can be reached on 
major questions such as arms reduction and con- 
trol is higloly uncertain. Under the best of cir- 
cumstances, severe competition between the 
United States and the Soviet Union is likely to 
continue for years to come. 

Yet whatever progress can be made toward 
easing specific points of tension will reduce the 
danger of armed conflict in some degree. The 
stakes are stupendous, and we must do all that 
we can to lessen the shadow of fear which now 
hangs over a great portion of mankind. 

Defining the Contest With Communism 

Each of these reappraisals is vitally important 
to our security and to our long-range objective 
of a more peaceful and prosperous world. Yet 
the most fundamental questions of all involve 
our national values, the quality of our society, 
and the objectives which we seek in world affairs. 

In order to answer these questions in a mean- 
ingful way, we must realize that the differences 
which exist between the Soviet Union and our- 
selves are closely related to other profoundly 
basic world developments which are important in 

' Ibid., Feb. 6, 1961. p. 175. 

their own right. On every continent deep 
changes are under way. Old ways are being 
challenged and clianged. New asjiirations are 
being freed after generations of apathy and con- 

In no small degree it was our own Revolution, 
and our example of human freedom and progress, 
that has stimulated these aspirations elsewhere. 
Even if the Commimist challenge did not exist, 
tliis fact alone would impose upon us a heavy 
obligation to help liberate mankind from the 
bondage of ignorance, tyranny, and hunger. 

Yet the Communist challenge does exist, and 
it has superimposed a worldwide struggle upon 
the most intensive and farflung revolution in the 
history of mankind. 

In this contest what are we Americans striving 
to accomplish ? 

Many observers will assert that the answer is 
obvious: We are striving to protect our own se- 
curity, to maintain our way of life, and to pre- 
serve our living standai*ds. 

But does this answer provide an adequate base 
for a worldwide partnership of non-Communist 
nations? Should we expect our friends abroad, 
allied or neutral, to labor, risk, and sacrifice in 
order to help ms to enjoy the world's highest liv- 
ing standards here in America? Other nations 
are not primarily concerned about the security 
of the United States. Even less are they con- 
cerned about our material comforts. 

What then about other definitions? 

Some say that the world struggle is essentially 
a contest between the American and Soviet "ways 
of life." This description is not only misleading 
but arrogant. There are a great many different 
"ways of life" among the peoples of Africa, Asia, 
and Latin America, which are as important to the 
people concerned as our own way of life is to us. 
While Moscow may believe that one political and 
social system is destined to absorb the world, we 
hold no such views. We are not trying to remold 
the world in the American image. 

Others define the struggle as a contest between 
two types of economic systems — socialism and 
capitalism. Soviet spokesmen are very fond of 
this definition. It, too, is false. The Communist 
economic system certainly does not conform to 
socialist principles and traditions. The non- 
Communist world, on the other hand, possesses a 
variety of economic systems — none of which ia 

Deporfmenf of State Bulletin 

pure capitalism and all of which defy classical 

Other observers define the world struggle as a 
contest "to win the minds of men." Certainly 
the minds of men ai'e deeply involved, as are their 
hearts and stomachs. Nevertheless we should dis- 
abuse ourselves of any notion that we can possess 
the minds of men or that we have any right to 
possess them. We are not seeking to capture 
minds but to liberate minds. 

Sometimes the struggle has been called an 
"East- West" conflict. This easy cliche also misses 
the point. It would be a terrible mistake to lump 
"the East" with the Communist bloc. The con- 
test transcends geographic boundaries. The great 
civilizations of the East and the objectives laid 
down by such modern Asian leaders as Gandhi 
are at stake just as are those in the West. 

Differing Concepts of Fundamental Values 

This leaves unanswered two questions of critical 
importance : 

First, what is it that distinguishes our global 
objectives from those of the Communist powers? 

Second, as we organize to meet the Communist 
challenge, what common ground exists between 
us Americans and the non-Communist peoples 
of the world which can provide the basis for an 
effective and enduring partnership ? 

Obviously the challenge has many facets — mili- 
tary, political, economic, psychological, and cul- 
tural. However, the heart of the struggle, it 
seems to me, lies in widely diflFering concepts of 
certain deeply fundamental values. 

On one side are those who have a common re- 
spect for tlie dignity of the individual, who be- 
lieve in his infinite capacity for growth, and who 
believe in the right of the individual to choose for 
himself, to develop himself, his views and his 
capabilities, as he sees fit — as long as he does not 
interfere with the rights of others. 

On the other side are those who believe tliat 
man is born to serve society and that the state is 
the principal object of human effort. 

This distinction between those who believe that 
man exists for society and those who believe that 
society exists for man did not originate with 
Marx, Lenin, or Stalin. The conflict of concepts 
goes far back into history. It was the basis of the 
competition between the Greek city-states and 

the Persian Empire. It was also the basis of the 
conflict between the emerging Christian world 
and the old Roman Empire, which eventually re- 
sulted in the collapse of the latter. 

When we begin to see the conflict in these fim- 
damental terms, it becomes clear that its implica- 
tions go far beyond the narrow, immediate 
security interests of the United States. It in- 
volves all people everywhere, and generations yet 

The material strengths which we can bring to 
bear on this challenge are very great. Our eco- 
nomic system is capable of producing 40 percent 
of the industrial goods in the world. Most of our 
people are well educated by world standards. Our 
Military Establishment is fantastically powerful. 
We have a treasure house of scientific and techni- 
cal know-how. 

These material assets are of the utmost impor- 
tance. Without them we would be at an impos- 
sible disadvantage in this world of conflict and 
aggression. Yet those who point proudly to our 
superabmidance of automobiles, bath tubs, and 
television sets as evidence of our right to "world 
leadership" have scant understanding of the dy- 
namics of our era. We cannot survive as a great 
and influential nation unless we can help forge a 
working partnership of the non-Communist peo- 
ples of the world. And in the long, difficult effort 
to create such a partnership our dedication to hu- 
man freedom, to social justice, and the rights of 
others may prove to be fully as important as our 
money and our weapons. 

One hundred and eighty-five years ago in our 
Declaration of Independence we held these uni- 
versal values to be self-evident. They lie at the 
heart of our Bill of Rights and of Lincoln's 
Gettysburg Address. In essence they reflect man- 
kind's deepest aspirations as set forth in the Ser- 
mon on the Mount and are repeated in one form or 
another in every great religion. 

Perhaps the greatest testimony to the strength 
of these ideas is the fact that totalitarian leaders 
have sought to borrow them, strip them of their 
meaning, and pervert them to their own ends. 

Our own right to claim them as part of our 
American tradition is clear. We were the first 
nation to throw off colonial bonds through a 
revolution of the majority. We were the first to 
launch a great experiment in popular democracy. 
We were the first to provide individual opportu- 

May h 1967 


nity to all citizens through a system of universal 

This brings us to the central question: What 
meaning do these values have for us today ? 

Clearly it is not enough for our generation of 
Americans to offer lipservice to the principles and 
ideas which have been the basis of our greatness 
in generations past. The difference between as- 
serting moral positions for the limited purposes 
of "psychological warfare" and living by them 
because they are the warp and woof of our na- 
tional life is precisely the difference between 
manipulation and genuineness, tactics and truth. 

Thus the test of our sincerity will not be the 
frequency with which our revolutionary slogans 
resound in political speeches, television extrava- 
ganzas, and broadcasts of the Voice of America 
but our actual day-by-day performance on the 
issues which move mankind. 

Purpose of U.S. Foreign Aid Program 

Against this background let us consider some 
key aspects of American foreign policy. What, 
for instance, is the precise purpose of our foreign 
aid program? 

Are we trying only to keep a favorable majority 
in the United Nations? Are we trying only to 
build more profitable markets ? Are we trying to 
win the gratitude of the impoverished segment of 
mankind? Are we simply trying to outdo the 
Communists? Are we trying to demonstrate the 
superiority of the so-called "American way of 

Although these are the reasons many Americans 
give themselves, the most casual reflection will 
demonstrate that they are inadequate and inac- 
curate. Foreign aid, no matter how massive, will 
not buy for us the loyalty of any nation. It is 
folly to assume that simply by filling Asian and 
African stomachs we can automatically turn their 
grateful owners into friends and allies. 

The primary, all-important objective of our as- 
sistance program can be simply stated: It is to 
help new and struggling nations create conditions 
which offer their people the steadily expanding 
measure of justice and opportunity which is es- 
sential to political stability and to a free society. 
Such societies will never lack dedicated defenders 
of freedom ready to meet aggression from any 

In our efforts to help create societies whose citi- 

zens believe them to be worth defending, we must 
also recognize that rapid economic growth by it- 
self is not enough. Indeed such growth releases 
powerful forces which, once out of hand, can lead 
to increasing political ferment as well as to rev- 
olutionary upheaval. 

What counts as much as economic expansion is 
the manner in which the expansion is achieved 
and what happens to individual human beings in 
the process. 

A giant dam, for instance, may add substan- 
tially to the gross national product of a particular 
coimtry. But it will prove to be a source of dis- 
content, instead of pride, if the individual peas- 
ants see that the benefits accrue largely to the 
landlords and the money lenders while they and 
their families remain impoverished and insecure. 

Improving the Attitudes of Americans 

The objectives, content, and direction of our 
foreign development programs are one example 
of the way in which the traditional ideas and 
aspirations of the American people may be re- 
flected in our foreign policy. Equally important 
are the attitudes which we Americans adopt in 
our contact with foreign citizens. 

Although we are desperately anxious to be un- 
derstood, we have not always taken the time or 
made the effort to understand others. In some 
countries where we have spent millions of dollars, 
our efforts have been handicapped by the tactless, 
arrogant attitudes on the part of some Americans. 

Too often we have seemed to "talk down" to 
people, without interest in their culture or opin- 
ions. Too often we are best remembered for our 
shiny new automobiles and luxurious living, for 
our failure to travel outside the large cities or to 
mix with the people as friends and neighbors. 

During the years ahead we must make sure 
that the Americixns which our Government sends 
abroad — in our economic aid programs and our 
military programs — understand and respect the 
people with whom they work and live. And let 
us encourage similar attitudes on the part of other 
Americans going abroad — technicians, business- 
men, and tourists. 

It is not enough, however, to improve our atti- 
tudes toward people in other comitries. We must 
also improve our attitudes toward our fellow 
Americans here at home. 

Among the hundreds of thousands of foreign 


Department of State Bulletin 

citizens that visit this country each year, many 
obtain an advei-se and unbalanced impression of 
American life. It is futile to talk about our ideals 
and principles imless we express them in our day- 
to-day behavior — in the whole range of actions 
involving our relationship with the peoples of 
other countries and in our own. 

When a foreign diplomat is refused service in 
a restaurant in Maryland because his skin is darker 
than that of most Americans, we lose something 
that cannot be compensated for by grants of arms 
or bulldozers. 

If we profess to believe in spiritual values, we 
must prove it by devoting a greater measure of 
attention to things of the spirit. 

If we profess to believe in the dignity of man, 
we must adopt programs and policies which pro- 
mote such dignity. 

If we profess to believe in the revolutionary 
principles of political democracy, we must be pre- 
pared to accept and support the gropings toward 
freedom which exist in almost every part of our 
modem world. 

The Years Ahead 

The years immediately ahead are likely to be 
decisive for generations to come. We face these 
years with many advantages which the Com- 
munists do not have and can never have. 

Our first advantage is the fact that our Nation 
is the great pilot demonstration of the most power- 
ful principles and ideals in histoiy, the ideals and 
principles which created the American Revolution. 
This revolution is still alive and marcliing 
throughout the world. It is a permanent revolu- 
tion — a revolution not alone of politics but of 
agriculture, industry, education, and all facets of 
human endeavor. 

Our opportunity now, in concert with other 
freedom-loving peoples, is to bring the principles 
of this revolution to bear on world problems. 

Our primary advantage lies in the fact that our 
national interests do not require us to do injury 
to othere — to weaken them, to exploit them, to 
delude them, or to enslave them. On the contrary, 
our own security and well-being depend in large 
measure on the progi'ess which other peoples make 
toward freedom, economic progress, and social 
justice. Without such progress, what do they 
have to defend ? 

This means that for all the peoples of the world, 
including the peoples of the Communist lands, we 
want no more and no less than what they want 
for themselves and their children — a chance to 
grow, to improve, to think, to learn, to choose, to 
be themselves. 

This identity of national interests can readily 
be demonstrated. For instance, if we were to list 
what we Americans want to have happen in India, 
Tanganyika, Italy, or Brazil during the next 
decade, our list would be nearly identical with 
that of any good Indian, Tanganyikan, Italian, 
or Brazilian. 

If a Communist were asked to prepare similar 
lists of Conununist objectives in these same coun- 
tries, his lists would be dramatically different. 

In other words, the values we are seeking to 
defend are the universal values for which men — 
black, white, brown, and yellow — have fought and 
struggled since the beginning of time. This is 
the basis of our individual strength. This is the 
foundation on which a worldwide participation 
of free peoples must be built. 

As we develop our national policies to meet this 
challenge in the perilous but profoundly prom- 
ising decade of the lOGO's, let us never fail, in the 
absence of arms controls, to possess the military 
strength upon which our survival depends. 

Nor can we afford any lasting slowdown in the 
blessings on which the material abundance of our 
society depends. 

But let us never fall into the fatal trap of 
assuming that national power in this revolution- 
ary world can be measured by our output of auto- 
mobiles and missiles alone. 

One hundred and three years ago Abraham 
Lincoln stated the proposition clearly. "What 
constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and 
independence?" he asked. And then he answered, 
"It is not our frowning battlements, our bristling 
sea coasts. . . . Our reliance is in the love of 
liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense 
is in the spirit which prized liberty as the heritage 
of all men, in all lands everywhere." 

If our generation of Americans can capture and 
maintain the vision of Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, 
Wilson, and Roosevelt, we will have regained our 
sense of national pui-pose. And simultaneously 
we will have laid the foundation of an invincible 
world partnership for freedom and peace. 

May 1, 1961 


Disarmament Issues and Prospects 

by Edmund A. Gullion 

Deputy Director, U.S. Disarmament Administration^ 

I sincerely welcome this opportunity to speak 
about disarmament with a group representing 
such a wide cross section of American life and 

We stand today at the threshold of a new cycle 
of the disarmament negotiations which promises 
to be active and accelerated. Last Thursday, 
April 6, I was in Geneva, where the conference 
on discontinuance of nuclear testing is taking 
place, when Vice President Lyndon Johnson met 
with Ambassador Arthur Dean, our principal 

The United States has returned to the confer- 
ence table at Geneva to complete the work of 
drafting and signing a sound and fair treaty 
as soon as possible. In support of this objective 
our delegation has presented a series of new pro- 
posals which constitute the most significant over- 
all move made by either side in the negotiation 
since it commenced more than 2i/^ years ago.^ 

New Western Proposals 

Following an intensive and by no means easy 
assessment by the new administration of the per- 
tinent scientific and military considerations, the 
United States delegation, supported by the 
United Kingdom, made these proposals, which 
I summarize: 

1. An extension of the projected moratorium 
on small underground test explosions — the mora- 

' Address made before the Seventh National Confer- 
ence on World Disarmament and Development at Wash- 
inKton, D.C., on Apr. 10 (press release 202). 

'For a statement by A'ice President Johnson, see Bul- 
letin of Apr. 24, 1901, p. 580. 

'For background, see ibid., Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482. 


torium to commence with treaty signature — from 
27 months to 3 years ; 

2. An offer, subject to the approval of Con- 
gress, to permit participating parties of either 
side to inspect the nuclear devices used in a seis- 
mic research program undertaken to improve the 
means of detecting underground explosions, or 
for other peaceful purposes, in order to assure 
that these programs could not be used to cloak 
weapons tests; 

3. A ban on tests in outer space to be monitored 
by a control system based on recommendations 
made in 1959 by technical experts of the United 
States and the United Kingdom and the Soviet 
Union ; * 

4. Relocation of the proposed number of fixed 
control posts which would result in a reduction 
of from 21 to 19 in the number stationed in 
Soviet territory ; 

5. An equal quota of 20 annual on-site inspec- 
tions each in the United States and the United 
Kingdom, on one hand, and in the Soviet Union 
on the otlier, to determine whether certain disturb- 
ances in the earth are caused by nuclear explo- 
sions or by earthquakes ; and 

6. A control commission composed of four 
Western, four Communist, and three other na- 
tions, this composition being contingent on the 
unhampered, independent, day-to-day operation 
of an effective control system. 

Those of you here who are familiar with the 
complex issues of the negotiations can best appre- 
ciate how much movement these propositions in- 
volve upon our part. But anyone, I think, should 

* For background, see ibid., July 6, 1959, p. 16. 

Department of Stale Bulletin 

be able to identify in these proposals a far-reach- 
ing offer designed to produce an early, reliable 
agreement fair to both sides. 

Such an accord would be a breakthrough in the 
long history of disarmament negotiations and 
could not fail to have a good effect on United 
States-Soviet relations. 

The situation at Geneva now is that we are 
awaiting Soviet reactions to these proposals, 
which were laid down on the opening day of the 
resumed session and which Ambassador Dean has 
been expanding in detail since March 21. 

If there is to be agreement the Soviet Union 
must also move from the positions it has pre- 
viously taken, for example, on staffing of the con- 
trol organs and the inspection teams — which 
would reduce the process of verification and con- 
trol under the treaty to mere self-inspection. 

New Soviet Proposals 

The Soviet delegation also made some new 
propositions on the opening day. In negotiations 
up to this point it had been agreed that the in- 
spection system would be headed by a single, 
impartial administrator, operating within a man- 
date clearly defined by the treaty. The Soviet 
Union now apparently wants to substitute for 
this official a three-man directorate theoretically 
representing the Communist bloc, the Western 
nations, and the uncommitted countries. 

This troika-type directorate resembles the kind 
of thing with which the U.S.S.R. proposes to 
replace the Secretary-General in the United 
Nations and which would so impair the effec- 
tiveness of that body. Under the test-ban treaty 
it might paralyze the inspection system by sub- 
jecting it to new and crippling built-in vetoes. 

The administrator of the treaty system Tnust 
be able to act, within the provisions of the treaty, 
rapidly and directly when suspicious events have 
been certified by objective criteria as being eligi- 
ble for inspection. I do not believe a three-headed 
organism could do this effectively any more than 
I would choose to have three pairs of hands at the 
steering wheel of my car on the highway. 

On the other hand, we may not yet have heard 
all the Soviet delegation has to say about this 
proposition. It was put forth before the Soviet 
Union had had a chance to contemplate the hori- 
zons opened by our own new proposals. We 
hope, therefore, that the Soviet Union will be 

able not only to give a constructive response to 
our ideas but that it will also reconsider the effect 
on the prospects for the treaty of its proposed 
triangular directorate. 

I must emphasize that we are continuing to 
strive patiently and with stubborn hope for an 
agreement at Geneva. We know very well how 
difficult it is to approach decisions or to change 
positions on matters so bound up with the national 
security. We wish the Soviet Union to have due 
and reasonable time for reflection. 

Yet we must be aware that what we now have, 
in the absence of a treaty, is a moratorium on 
nuclear test explosions of any kind, destructive 
or benign, based on the mere unverified declara- 
tions of the participating countries. 

We are observing this moratorium. We expect 
the Soviet Union to do likewise and do not make 
any accusation of bad faith, but, given the closed 
nature of their society, we can be less sure of them 
than they can of us. So long as the standstill is 
faithfully observed it prevents not merely the 
refinement of weapons but also the perfection of 
means to detect illicit testing and the development 
of atomic energy for peaceful engineering proj- 
ects, imder conditions which preclude dangerous 
radioactive fallout. 

The present situation not only puts a premium 
on bad faith but it also actually impedes peaceful 
progress. This is why President Kennedy in- 
structed Ambassador Dean to determine within 
a reasonable time whether a treaty with adequate 
safeguards was going to be possible." 

An international agreement which put a stop 
to nuclear weapons testing would be an epochal 
first step toward bringing under political control 
the cosmic forces which science has unleashed. 
But it would be only a first step ; its intrinsic im- 
portance, however great, would be less than its 
significance as a precedent for general disarma- 

In the time remaining I should like to discuss 
approaches to the larger problem of comprehen- 
sive disarmament. 

We have agreed with our allies and the Soviet 
Union that general disarmament negotiations will 
be resumed sometime tliis summer." We see this 

° For a statement by President Kennedy announcing 
Ambassador Dean's departure for the conference, see ibid., 
Apr. 3. 1961, p. 478. 

•/bid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 568. 

May I, T96I 


as a renewed opportunity to bring an early and 
sure end to the arms race. The administration 
has, therefore, initiated an intensified study of 
United States disarmament policy under the direc- 
tion of Mr. John J. McCloy, Adviser to the Presi- 
dent on Disarmament. Heavily engaged in this 
undertakmg are the United States Disarmament 
Administration, of which I am a part, and other 
agencies of Government. 

While this study is in progress it would be pre- 
mature for me to comment in detail on United 
States disarmament policy. Our position is now 
subject to the same searching review which the 
administration has given to policies on atomic 
testing. In this endeavor it is very helpful to 
have counsel from all responsible quarters, such 
as yours. 

In the meantime, it may be useful to restate our 
goals and to comment on two major problems, 
namely, our differences with the U.S.S.R. on how 
much disarmament we must negotiate all at once 
and, secondly, the problem of compliance and the 
institutional requirements of disarmament. 

First Steps and the Ultimate Objective 

The ultimate objective remains a secui-e, free, 
and peaceful world in which there can be general 
disarmament under effective international control 
and agreed procedui-es for the maintenance of 
peace and the settlement of disputes in accordance 
with the principles of the United Nations Charter. 

To define an ultimate objective, however, is by 
no means to deny the urgent need for progress 
now. On the contrary, unless we can achieve some 
early steps to halt and turn back the arms race, 
the ultimate objective may recede still further 
until it and we are blotted out in bloody mist. 

It is in this very matter of taking first steps, 
of agreeing on confidence-building measures, of 
launching pilot operations that we have found 
ourselves in a baffling impasse with the Soviet 

We have thought that the world would require 
some experience of success in reduchig armaments 
before it could proceed into extensive disarma- 
ment. We have thouglit that these measures could 
well include, in addition to a nuclear test ban, 
steps to secure the world against surprise attack 
and, more recently, against the mounting danger 
of war by miscalculation — whether it be a misread- 

ing of an adversary's intentions, a wrong inter- 
pretation of a blip on a radar screen, or a mistake 
in calculating a nation's will and capacity to 

We have proposed such things as the verification 
in advance by the United Nations of all space 
launchings; an agreement with the Soviet Union 
on a cutoff of production of nuclear material for 
weapons use, to take effect as soon as an inspection 
system is agreed upon by a meeting of experts; 
an agreement that no nation will put into orbit 
or station in outer space weapons of mass destruc- 
tion; and joint scientific undertakings such as 
space probes. 

We have proposed the creation of a United 
Nations surveillance force to be available at the 
call of nations caught up in crisis. Secretary of 
State Dean Rusk has recently suggested that na- 
tions at some distance from the great centers of 
military power "may find it to their advantage 
to undertake agreement among themselves to limit 
their anns to internal security purposes." ^ 

We do not know yet whether the Soviet Union 
will eventually consent to join in any such en- 
deavors. It has not yet done so apparently on 
the grounds that we were trying to achieve in- 
spection — or espionage — without real reduction 
of armaments, in spite of the fact that these proj- 
ects seem to us to involve the least onerous forms 
of inspection. 

The Soviet approach up to now calls on every 
coimtry great and small to commit itself not only 
to the goal of "general and complete disarma- 
ment" down to the level of hand weapons for 
police forces but also to agree on the whole de- 
tailed process and program clear to the end, which 
they have said can be achieved in about 4 years. 
It seems to us that their position is tantamount 
to saying that until everything is agreed notliing 
can be attempted. This whole-package approach 
tends to frustrate early results and sets the stage 
for protracted negotiations. 

The Soviet Union has, however, indicated some 
interest in "partial measures"; it professes a will- 
ingness to adjust the requirements of inspection 
to the particular task involved. We do not really 
know precisely what they mean by these declara- 
tions and how they reconcile them with their 
existing positions. In the forthcoming negotia- 

' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 515. 


Department of State Bulletin 

tions we shall certainly try to pin down a com- 
mon miderstanding and application of concepts 
like these. We should hope that the Soviet Union 
has an apprehension equal to ours of the dangers 
of the existing situation and of the risks of ita 
continuance and sufficient to cause it to see the 
wisdom of early, partial measures. 

Institutional Requirements of Disarmament 

As to the other problem, which I wish to take 
up briefly, namely, that of institutions for dis- 
armament, we are, of coui-se, studying the Soviet 
position along with our own, especially in rela- 
tion to the means of insuring compliance at each 
stage. This is, of course, not an easy matter when 
it involves two societies organized as differently 
as ours and the Soviet Union, one of which cher- 
ishes its openness as the other guards its secrecy 
as a great national asset. 

There is at present no sufficiently strong inter- 
national authority to administer sanctions in the 
way in which our Government enforces domestic 
law. We must rely therefore upon arrangements 
which will give each party an assurance that all 
other parties are in fact living up to their com- 
mitments. We must rely upon verification and 
disclosure, rather than upon sanctions, to promote 

This is an important limitation. We do not 
attempt to get people to obey the traffic laws with- 
out the sanction of fines or confinement or other 
penalties. We cannot assume that, once a dis- 
armament agreement is concluded, each party will 
resist the temptation to conceal clandestine ai"ma- 
ments. Nevertheless, we must, for the present, 
proceed in disarmament negotiations on the ex- 
perimental assumption that the possibility of ex- 
posure can effectively deter violations in the early 

This limitation places a heavy responsibility 
upon diplomacy. The U.N., as it now exists, the 
inspection arrangements we envisage for disarma- 
ment, the provisions we must make for the settle- 
ment of disputes, the plans we must lay for 
institutions to keep the peace in an advanced 
stage of disarmament — all these at this stage will 
be no more effective than the determination of the 
nation-states concerned to make these institutions 
work. The success of any international body de- 
pends ultimately upon the continuing mutual 
good will and identity of purpose of the sovereign 

states composing it. It is for this reason that 
progress in disarmament is inevitably linked with 
progress in resolving our differences and reducing 
international tensions. It would be difficult, in- 
deed, to achieve day-to-day effectiveness in one 
organ of the U.N. while waging a cold war in 
another — to reduce arms in one part of the world 
while waging war in another. 

In the face of the very real danger of a nuclear 
disaster all must agree that efforts to reduce ten- 
sions should be assiduously pursued by all sides, 
whether they be disarmament, arms control, pro- 
cedures for the settlement of political issues, ex- 
tending the means for settling international 
disputes, or the removal of barriei-s to commence 
cultural exchange and overall mutual under- 

These things should be tliought out and at- 
tempted as soon as an opportunity is offered or 
can be created without waiting for agreement on 
a massive disarmament package. 

To make a safe agreement will require bridging 
enormous gaps between the Soviet Union and 
ourselves not only on particular issues but also 
in historical experience, ideology, psychology, 
semantics, values, and ethical concepts. 

We must be xmderstanding and patient about 
these things, but at the same time we must be 
vigilant. Anyone who has read the Moscow 
declaration of 81 Communist parties or Premier 
Khrushchev's January address knows that at the 
same time that the U.S.S.K. calls for complete 
and general disai-mament it maintains an iron 
determination to push the Communist revolution 
whenever feasible or to capture other revolutions 
for the Kremlin. 

No negotiator can take much for granted in 
dealing with the Soviet Union. But every nego- 
tiation must strive to find a common groimd. The 
Soviet Union must be as conscious as we are of 
the implications for human security of the advance 
of technology, the cost of armaments, and the hor- 
rors of nuclear warfare. 

The fantastic forward leap of technology may 
soon place certain objects of arms control beyond 
hope of control. Just as the proliferation of 
nuclear stockpiles made impractical the aims of 
the Baruch plan to do away entirely with such 
stockpiles, so tomorrow may the seeding of the 
earth with missiles and the sowing of outer space 
with nuclear weapons render even the most power- 

May 7, I96I 


ful and creative diplomacy impotent to achieve 
disarmament. We may lose that chance, which 
some philosophers of arms control think we now 
have, of fixing upon a certain potential stability 
in the strategic military confrontation and of uti- 
lizing it to turn the level of armaments down and 
ever downward in equivalent amounts on both 
sides of the equation. 

Soon also we must move together to stop the 
drain of armaments on world resources. Civi- 
lized modern man presently spends an estimated 
$330 million a day on military costs. The talents 
and energies of some 50 million civilian and uni- 
formed personnel are consumed in man's search 
for security amid constantly changing weapons 
systems. And all this vast expenditure of effort 
and resources on uneconomic goods generates a 
further insidious side effect of which President 
Eisenhower gave valedictory warning: "... the 
acquisition of unwarranted influences, whether 
sought or unsought, by the military-industrial 
complex" ' — a development which could have im- 
plications for the fabric of society. 

The Soviet position at international disarma- 
ment negotiations has sometimes seemed to me to 
vary with the fluctuations of obscure contention 
within the Soviet Government. One such uncer- 
tainty turned for a time on whether or not a nu- 
clear war could be a disaster for the Soviet Union. 
I believe it is safe to say that the Kremlin is now 
convinced (even if Communist China may not be) 
that general nuclear war, if not a defeat for the 
Soviet Union, would at least be a disaster for 
everybody. About this they are sincere. 

I have known some of the Soviet negotiators and 
have imagined I knew when they were sincere 
and when they were not. They were, I believe, 
sincere in their awareness of the effects of atomic 
warfare. Premier Khrtishchev has termed nu- 
clear war "madness." Here, at least, there may 
be grounds for agreement. 

President Kennedy, while stressing the need for 
sufficient military strength, described the United 
States position in his inaugural address : ^ 

"But neither" he said, "can two great powerful 
groups of nations take comfort from our present 
course — both sides overburdened by the cost of 
modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the 
steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racmg 

to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays 
the hand of mankind's final war." 

Here then is the grim and crucial conundrum 
which we are still given a chance to resolve in new 

and serious negotiations. 

Africa Freedom Day 

Remarhs hy President Kennedy ^ 

White House press release dated April 15 

I want to say, speaking personally and as Presi- 
dent of the United States, that it is the greatest 
possible pleasure to join with you today in cele- 
brating this most important occasion. I think 
the fact that there are so many Members of the 
House and Senate from the Hill, and so many 
members of the United States Government, indi- 
cates our great interest, our profound attachment 
to the great effort which the people of Africa are 
making in working toward political freedom and 
also working toward a better life for their people. 

We also are a revolutionary country and a rev- 
olutionary people, and therefore, though many 
thousands of miles of space may separate our 
continent from the continent of Africa, today we 
feel extremely close. 

I think that the preoccupation of the United 
States with the cause of freedom not only here 
but aroimd the world has been one of the most 
important facets of our national life. All of our 
early revolutionary leaders I think echoed the 
words of Thomas Jefferson that "the disease of 
liberty is catching." And some of you may re- 
member the exchange between Benjamin Frank- 
lin and Thomas Paine. Benjamin Franklin said, 
"Wliere freedom lives, there is my home.'" And 
Thomas Paine said, "Wliere freedom is not, there 
is my home." I think all of us who believe in 
freedom feel a sense of community with all those 
who are free, but I think we also feel an even 
stronger sense of commmiity with those who are 
not free but who some day will be free. 

• Ibid., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 179. 
'lUa., p. 175. 

' Made at a diplomatic reception held by Secretary 
Rusk at the Department of State on Apr. 15 for African 
ambassadors accredited to Washington and their staffs. 
Members of the Senate and House of Representatives, as 
well as officials from various departments of the Gov- 
ernment, were also present. Africa Freedom Day was 
originally proclaimed in a resolution of the tirst Confer- 
ence of Independent African States at Accra in April 


Detpartment of State Bulletin 

I must say as an American that I can think 
that all of us in this country can find continued 
inspiration and I think all of you who are citizens 
of countries who have newly emerged to freedom 
can find some inspiration in the Farewell Address 
of George Washington. 

Wixshington wrote the address in 1796 in order 
to eliminate himself as a candidate for a third 
term but most importantly to give some guidance 
to the new Republic. His text in his speech is 
alive with the spirit of liberty. It speaks of a 
union of States as a political fortress against the 
batteries of internal and external enemies. It 
counsels against adopting hasty improvisations at 
the expense of principle which thus might under- 
mine what cannot be directly overthrown. 

There is wisdom and foresight in Washington's 
instructions to cherish public credit and to jsro- 
mote as an object of primary importance institu- 
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. 
Washington told our forefathers in this country 
to reject permanent, inveterate antipathies against 
particular nations and passionate attachments 
for others and said any nation failing in this 
is m some degree a slave. He warned against 
foreign influences which seek to tamper with do- 
mestic factions, who practice the arts of seduction 
to mislead public opinion. His rule for commer- 
cial relations was to have with them as little po- 
litical comiection as possible. 

Every year in the United States Senate we read 
the speech, and we still get great benefit from it. I 
hope that in your experiences you will also get ben- 
efit from it. I want to stress today that we look 
to the future with the greatest degree of confidence 
and hope, and I hope that the people of your 
continent recognize that we wish to be associated 
intimately with them, that we wish for them the 
same things we wish for ourselves : peace, the op- 
portunity to develop our own institutions in our 
own way, to be independent not only politically 
but in all of the other kinds of independence which 
make up important national security. 

Your brightest days are still ahead. I believe 
ours are also. And I hope that when the history 
of these times is written — when the history of 
the decade of the sixties is written — they will re- 
cord a more intimate and closer attachment year 
by year between your countries of Africa and 
this country of the United States. 

President Extends Greetings 
to First President of Togo 

The White House on April 15 made public the 
following letter from President Kennedy to 
Sylvanus Olympic, President of the Republic of 

April 13, 1961 
Dear Mr. President: I take great pleasure in 
extending to you, both personally and officially, 
my very warm greetings and heartiest con- 
gratulations upon the occasion of your inaugura- 
tion as the first President of the Republic of 

The overwhelming majority by which you were 
elected reflects the Togolese people's admiration 
and appreciation for the enlightened leadership 
you have given during the achievement and con- 
solidation of your country's independence. 

May your years in office be marked by peace 
and prosperity for the Togolese people and by 
increasingly friendly relations between Togo and 
the United States. 

John F. Kennedy 

His Excellency 

Sylvanus Olympic 

President of the Republic of Togo 


President Congratulates Soviets 
on Orbiting a Man in Space 


White House press release dated April 12 

The achievement by the U.S.S.R. of orbiting a 
man and returning him safely to ground is an out- 
standing technical accomplishment. We congrat- 
ulate the Soviet scientists and engineers who made 
this feat possible. The exploration of our solar 
system is an ambition which we and all mankind 
share with the Soviet Union, and this is an im- 
portant step toward that goal. Our own Mercury 
man-in-space program is directed toward that same 

May I, 7961 



White House press release dated April 12 

Following is the text of the Presidenfs telegram 
to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, N. S. Khrushchev. 

Afril 12, 1961 
The people of the United States share with the 
people of the Soviet Union their satisfaction for 
the safe flight of the astronaut in man's first ven- 
ture into spac«. We congratulate you and the 
Soviet scientists and engineers who made this feat 
possible. It is my sincere desire that in the con- 
tinuing quest for knowledge of outer space our 
nations can work together to obtain the greatest 
benefit to mankind. 

John F. I^jennedt 

Rockefeller Public Service Awards 

Remarks iy Secretary Rusk^ 

President Goheen [of Princeton University], 
Mr. Rockefeller, distinguished award winners, 
and ladies and gentlemen : It is a very great privi- 
lege indeed for me to be here and to speak on 
behalf of Secretaries McNamara, Freeman, Udall, 
Ribicoff, and for myself as well in expressing 
our pleasure that these distinguished awards have 
been given to deserving civil servants within our 
respective departments. 

It is especially fitting that we celebrate the 
public service under these present auspices, be- 
cause those of us who have thought about the 
public service over the years know of the pre- 
eminent role which Princeton University, and 
particularly its Woodrow Wilson School, has 
been playing for many years in this field. 

And if I might make a personal remark, I 
think that one would have to know him intimately 
to know how extensive is the true public service 
of John D. Rockefeller III, because if you left 
him on his own he would never let you discover 
the range of his service to the Nation as a private 
citizen. The combination of the man and the 

' Made at the Rockefeller Public Service Awards lunch- 
eon at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 11 (press release 213 
dated Apr. 12). Charles E. Bohlen, Special Assistant to 
the Secretary of State, was one of the six Government 
employees receiving an award. 

university makes these awards, it seems to me, 
peculiarly fitting. 

I have been somewhat uitimidated by the for- 
mality of the program, wluch indicates that I am 
to give what is called the "principal address," 
because there is one thing which the professional 
public service has not accomplished, to the best 
of my knowledge, and that is the ability to pre- 
pare speeches for busy Cabinet officers. And in 
any event I approach a prepared text with some 
hesitancy because I shall never be able to forget 
the professor on the West Coast who habitually 
assigned to his graduate students the preparation 
of his speeches, and on one notable occasion he 
faltered halfway through because he had come 
upon a blank page on which was written, "Im- 
provise for 5 minutes." 

We could not celebrate these award winners 
today without adding a recognition of what really 
won them their awards. Ranged alongside of 
them are those who give them gallant support, 
who kept many a long and lonely vigil, who were 
the built-in deflators of official pomp and sense 
of self-importance. I am referring of course to 
the wives of these award winners. I wonder if 
you will please rise. 

We celebrate today men who might probably 
100 years ago have been called by John Stuart 
Mill "bureaucrats," when he remarked that "the 
work of government has been in the hands of 
governors by profession ; which is the essence and 
meaning of bureaucracy." We think of the bu- 
reaucrat in somewhat different terms these days. 
News media have bureaus, but we don't think of 
newspapermen as bureaucrats. Business is filled 
with the hidebound follower of rigid rules, but 
we don't call people in business bureaucrats. We 
seem to reserve that term for those who are in 
public service. 

As a matter of fact, I would suggest that it 
is a good thing that a certain tension exist be- 
tween a democratic people and those who are 
carrying responsibilities in office. The profes- 
sional public servant has to hew to that delicate 
line between disinterested service, on the one hand, 
and a full acceptance of both the spirit and the 
letter of policy handed down by those who are 
designated by the people to formulate policy. 

I once made the remark to a British friend, in 
compliment to the British civil service, that the 
existence of this fine civil service must inject a 


Department of State Bulletin 

great element of stability and confidence into the 
British political system, commenting that of 
course civil servants did not have party loyalties. 
He smiled and said, "You ki\ow, you have missed 
the pomt. The British civil servant gives his 
loyalty to one party at a time." This is a deli- 
cate thing to do, and it needs to be policed by 
public opinion. 

High Standards of Accountability 

Further, the public servant is holding in the 
most literal sense a public trust. There is a dif- 
ference between his public office and his private 
interests. The funds he uses are held in trust to be 
used on the highest standards of accountability 
and performance. He is frequently dealing with 
authority, and under our system and our tradi- 
tions those who exercise the authority of the state 
need the constant supervision and restriction of 
the critical judgment of our fellow citizens. Many 
public servants are dealing with matters of the 
deepest moment to the life, to the health, and to 
the safety of the Nation, and it is inevitable that 
•we should be sensitive to their performance. 

I think it is fair to say that the critics and the 
criticized are not always on the same footing of 
responsibility, for there is a considerable differ- 
ence between conclusions and decisions. As pri- 
vate citizens, as commentators, as lecturers, we 
can afford the luxuries of conclusions. We can 
defer our conclusions until all the evidence is in. 
We can change our mmds without serious reper- 
cussions. But the public servant, whether a po- 
litical appointee or a career man, is dealing daily 
with decisions. He is forced to look at the prob- 
lem as a whole. He is forced to act when action 
is required, even though he would prefer to wait. 
He is forced to recall that taking no action is itself 
a decision, and he is forced quite properly to live 
with the results. 

These are only a few of the elements which 
explain some of those exacting standards to which 
Mr. Bohlen referred, the exacting standards of 
public service which are equaled by few profes- 
sions in the land. 

We began this Republic with some hopes for 
a professional public service. When our Federal 
Government was strongly centered under the tradi- 
tions of Virginia, it was the hope of those who 
founded our Eepublic that we would quickly de- 

velop a professional service. One can recall the 
words of Jefferson : 

I return with joy to that state of things when the 
only questions concerning a candidate shall be: Is he 
honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the Constitu- 

But through turbulent decades of the mid-19th 
century we drifted away from the aspirations for 
a career service, until later in the century the 
first Civil Service Commission was appointed only 
in 1871. It lasted only 3 years, and it was not 
until the assassination of President Garfield by 
a disappointed jobseeker that the Pendleton Act 
was passed, which reestablished the Civil Serv- 
ice Commission in 1883. 

In our particular system the notion of a well- 
founded, solid career service is relatively new. 
But I suppose we could agree that there could 
be no more important goal than strengthening the 
Nation's career service, not because it is now weak 
but because we must expand our capacity and 
ability to meet the rapidly multiplying demands 
of this era. 

I think it was at Princeton some years ago that 
a group sat down to analyze what it would be 
good for a Foreign Service officer to know. When 
they thought about the demands upon him, I be- 
lieve they concluded that he needed to have a thor- 
ough grasp of at least 21 academic disciplines, 
ranging from history to nuclear physics. 

There is no doubt that with the increasing com- 
plexity and pace of modern life the demands upon 
our public service have never been more severe 
and the challenges to people who occupy public 
posts never more exacting. The old adage that 
"there is more room at the top" was never truer 
than today, when the demands for top perform- 
ance are so exacting. 

I think there is another reason for us to think 
about the quality and performance of our public 
service, particularly at this time. There are en- 
tering the family of nations a very large number 
of new societies, newly accepting responsibilities 
for their own affairs. Many of these, dozens 
upon dozens of newly independent nations, are 
having to build their public service, some of them 
m a vacuum, many of them— mdeed most of 
them — without adequate personnel. These peo- 
ples are now sitting as juries, trying to decide 
upon the institutions which they shall adopt as 
their own — whether free institutions or those 

Aloy I, 796J 


more authoritarian in type. The quality of their 
administration will largely determine their suc- 
cess in erecting free institutions. In this field, 
what we do by example — not merely by lectur- 
ing — can have the most profound influence on 
what they do and thus upon the shape of the 

Need To Strengthen Public Service 

The need to strengthen our public service comes 
aljout because of a rapid increase in the munber 
of jobs requiring the liighest level of executive 
talent. "When we look at the tasks which have 
been laid upon our great departments of Govern- 
ment and consider the impact of what we do and 
how we act on the world these days, the wide 
range and limitless responsibilities of our public 
service come into full view. 

"We need to fill our pipelines with talented 
young people to I'ise to leadership. "We need to 
take into account the flexibility, the imagination, 
the vision, as Mr. Rockefeller put it, to recognize 
change and adapt swiftly to new environmental 
factore. No one can cling for long to outworn 
customs in this society of ours. Alfred North 
"Wliitehead in his Adventures of Ideas puts it this 

. . . tradition is warped by the vicious assumption that 
each generation will substantially live amid the condi- 
tions governing the lives of its fathers and will transmit 
those conditions to mould with equal force the lives of its 
children. AVe are living in the first period of human 
history for which this assumption is false. 

... in the past the time-span of important change was 
considerably longer than that of a single human life. . . . 

Today this time-span is considerably shorter than that 
of human life, and accordingly our training must prepare 
individuals to face a novelty of conditions. 

One must suggest in this connection — and I sus- 
pect that it would be a comfortable and exciting 
thought for Princeton — that because of these time 
factors there is still room for the basic liberal 
education which enables men to adjust to change; 
for the accelerating rate of change in our indus- 
trial society brought about by scientific discovery, 
technical progress, and rapid mechanization re- 
quires the administrator and executive in Govern- 
ment and business to become better educated and 
intellectually prepared. Our age of science calls 
for less and less muscle and more and more mind 
to control both matter and men. 

In all the complexities which confront us in 

our troubled world, we may find that if we use 
our wits we shall not need to use our weapons. 

As we look toward strengthening our public 
service, we must, I think, take into account the 
fact that in our society the public service is re- 
cruited voluntarily. We do not draft men and 
women nor assign tliem by fiat. "We must entice 
them, stimulate and attract them, and support 
them in Government service in such a way as to 
make such service a satisfying, lifetime career. 
One of tlie great pleasures in working with dedi- 
cated career servants is to see the quiet, sustained 
satisfaction which they derive from serving their 

AVe must continue to encourage our educational 
institutions to acquaint the Nation's youth with 
the opportunities which exist in the field of pub- 
lic service and public administration. 

"We must give greater attention to fair employ- 
ment practices, of which government has always 
been a stout champion but not always an ardent 

AVe must in our service provide full oppor- 
tunity for growth — the growth of individuals — 
for nothing is more disconcerting than to find 
men in service wlio luive not grown with the years 
and with tlie opportunities. As we continue our 
programs of inservice training for Government 
employees and as we expand opportunities for 
career development, we shall be filling a larger 
percentage of those notches at the top with career 
men and women. 

AVe can as citizens applaud, encourage, and ex- 
press our appreciation for institutions like the 
AVoodrow AV^ilson School and individuals like 
John D. Rockefeller III for the attention which 
they themselves are giving to excellence in the 
public service. The Rockefeller Public Service 
Awards, recognizing and honoring civilians in 
the Federal Government for distinguished serv- 
ice, focus public attention on the enormous variety 
of opportunities and satisfactions in the public 
service and enable their distinguished recipients 
to pass on to others the knowledge which they 
have gained from tlieir years of experience. 

Some 10 years ago I made the remark that it 
may well be that the most important single factor 
of the 20th century is that the energy, wealth, 
power, and imagination of the American people 
are devoted to peace, liberty, and the economic 
well-being of ourselves and others. For us to 


Department of State Bulletin 

keep this type of commitment in mind, we shall 
need dedicated public servants of tlie highest 
order. The world is moving much too fast for 
us to stand still or to smile in satisfaction at 
all that we have in possession. 

So let us honor these unusual public servants 
for the reality of their hold on truth. Let us also 
remember, with Archibald MacLeish, that 

Freedom is never an accomplished fact. It is always 
a process. Which is why the drafters of the Declaration 
spoke of the pursuit of happiness: They knew their Thu- 
cydides and therefore knew that "The secret of happiness 
is freedom, and the secret of freedom, courage." 

And hei'e we give our thanks and our apprecia- 
tion to these great public servants. 

United States and Morocco Sign 
Investment Guaranty Agreement 

Press release 214 dated April 13 

The Department of State annomiced on April 
13 that the United States and Morocco have signed 
an agreement which will provide additional en- 
couragement for the mvestment of private Amer- 
ican capital in Moroccan business enterprises. 

The agreement, eflFected by an exchange of notes 
between the two countries, extends the provisions 
of the U.S. investment guaranty program to 
American private investments in Moroccan busi- 
ness ventures. Tlie program is administered by 
the U.S. International Cooperation Administra- 
tion as part of the Mutual Security Program. 

Under the agreement the U.S. Govermnent will 
provide guaranties that American jjrivate capital 
invested in Moroccan enterprises, and local cur- 
rency receipts from such investments, will remain 
convertible into dollars. The program also pro- 
vides guaranties against losses due to expropria- 
tion or damage resulting from war. 

The U.S. Government guaranties will be avail- 
able for new U.S. private investments of capital 
goods, services, patents, and loans which are ap- 
proved for purposes of the ICA guaranty by the 
Government of Morocco. For this insurance the 
U.S. investor will pay a premium of one-half of 
1 percent per year for the amount of investment 
guarantied under each of the three types of 

The agreement with Morocco makes it the fifth 
African nation to participate in the investment 

guaranty program. Other African nations par- 
ticipating are Ghana, Liberia, Sudan, and Tunisia. 
Negotiations are now in process with other Afri- 
can countries, including some of the newly inde- 
pendent nations. 

Altogether 51 countries have instituted the 
investment guaranty program. However, mutual 
security legislation was amended in 1959 to limit 
the program's operation to economically under- 
developed areas. The program is presently opera- 
tive in 37 countries and dependent territories of 
some others. As of December 31, 1960, a total of 
$560.8 million in ICA guaranties had been issued 
for investments in countries already participating 
in the program, and applications in process exceed 
$1.4 billion. 

Inquiries and applications for guaranties should 
be addressed to the Investment Guaranties Divi- 
sion, International Cooperation Administration, 
Washington 25, D.C. 


President Recommends Participation 
in Effort To Save Nubian Monuments 

The White House on April 7 made public the 
following letter from President Kennedy to the 
Speaker of the House, Sam Rayiurn. An identi- 
cal letter was also sent to Lyndon B. Johnson, 
President of the Senate. 

White House press release dated April 7 

April 6, 1961 
Dear Mr. Speaker: Pursuant to Section 502(c) 
of the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as amended, 
I transmit herewith my recommendations for par- 
ticipation by the United States in the international 
campaign initiated by UNESCO to preserve the 
ancient temples and other monuments m the Nile 
Valley which are now threatened with inundation 
as a result of the construction of the Aswan High 

I consider it to be in the interests of the United 
States to assist in rescuing these historic remains 

May ?, 1967 


of a former civilization from destruction — and 
to join the international effort to conduct explora- 
tion and research in the threatened area of Nubia 
before it is submerged for all time. 

The significance of these ancient monuments 
has been discussed by President [Gamal Abdul] 
Nasser of the U.A.R. who recently said ". . . we 
pin our hopes on the preservation of the Nubian 
treasures in order to keep alive monuments wliich 
are not only dear to our hearts — we being their 
guardians — but dear to the whole world which 
believes that the ancient and the new components 
of human culture should blend in one harmonious 
whole." Reflecting similar sentiments, President 
[Ibrahim] Abboud recognized Sudan's responsi- 
bility to the rest of the world for the ancient monu- 
ments within its borders ". . . since the history 
of the Sudan is but a part of the history of 

The United States, one of the newest of civiliza- 
tions, has long had a deep regard for the study of 
past cultures, and a concern for the preservation 
of man's great achievements of art and thought. 
We have also had a special interest in the civili- 
zation of ancient Egypt from which many of our 
own cultural traditions have sprung — and a deep 
friendship for the people who live in the valley 
of the Nile. In keeping with this tradition, and 
this friendship, I recommend that we now join 
with other nations through UNESCO in prevent- 
ing what would otherwise be an irreparable loss 
to science and the cultural history of Mankind. 

The international effort now under way to save 
the many ancient temples in the United Arab Re- 
public and Sudan is an operation of a magnitude 
that cannot be bome by one or even a few nations. 
Its total cost is estimated at 75 - 100 million dol- 
lars. Because of the immense size of the task, the 
Director General of UNESCO, at the request of 
the Governments of the United Arab Republic 
and of the Sudan, has appealed to all nations and 
peoples to join in a common undertaking to save 
these historic monuments from destruction. 

In return for assistance, the Governments 
of the United Arab Republic and of the Sudan, 
in declarations of October 1, 1959 and October 24, 
1959, respectively, have offered to cede, with cer- 
tain exceptions, at least half of the finds to parties 
carrying out excavations in Nubia. The U.A.R. 
Government has also declared its willingness to 
authorize excavations outside the threatened area 

at sites in Lower, Middle and Upper Egypt, and 
has stated it is prepared to cede, with a view to 
their transfer abroad, certain Nubian temples and 
a large collection of antiquities which are now 
part of Egyptian state collections. It is also my 
understanding that the Government of the United 
Arab Republic is prepared to extend the above 
privileges and benefits to American museums and 
institutions if effective financial assistance from 
the U.S. Government is forthcoming. 

The United Arab Republic has itself pledged 
the Egyptian pound equivalent of $10 million for 
the UNESCO campaign, to be paid over the next 
seven years. Seven other nations have either paid 
in or pledged contributions. Still others are fur- 
nishing assistance in kind, have sent expeditions 
to the area, or are seriously considering financial 
assistance. To date the United States Govern- 
ment has made no financial contribution to the 
program, and only modest funds have been forth- 
coming from private sources. 

It is important to note that all United States 
contributions to this international campaign can 
be in the form of U.S. owned Egyptian currency 
generated under P.L. 480. The total of all the 
contributions recommended below can be met 
from the portion of these currencies available for 
U.S. use which is determined to be in excess of 
U.S. prospective requirements. 

The task of saving the Nubian monuments can 
be conveniently divided into two parts: (A) the 
preservation of the massive temples of Abu 
Simbel; and (B) the preservation of the temples 
on the Island of Philae and the remaining lesser 
temples in the threatened area. 

(A) The cost of preserving Abu Simbel — dedi- 
cated to Rameses II and Queen Nefertari, and 
built in the 13th century B.C. — has been estimated 
at approximately 60 to 80 million dollars. Two 
major plans have been advanced for saving these 
monuments: One recommends building a coffer 
dam around them ; and the other proposes to sever 
the temples from the rock cliff of which they are 
a part and lift them 200 feet to the future level 
of the Nile. Each of these plans entails serious 
difficulties, and further studies are being made. 
Therefore I feel it would be premature to recom- 
mend, at the present time, that any U.S. funds be 
provided for this purpose. 

(B) The preservation of the Philae temples, 


Department of State Bulletin 

the lesser temples, and also the exploration of the 
threatened region. 

1. The second most important group of monu- 
ments are the temples on the Island of Pliilae — 
known as the "Pearl of Egypt." Kecent engi- 
neering studies have indicated that these monu- 
ments can be saved at a cost of approximately 6 
million dollars. There would be no more effective 
expression of our interest in preserving the cul- 
tural monuments of the Nile Valley than an Amer- 
ican offer to finance the preservation of these 
temples. I am directing that the Egyptian pound 
equivalent of 6 million dollars be set aside for this 
purpose. AVlien required an appropriation to 
cover the use of this sum will be sought. 

2. The cost of preserving the lesser temples in 
the U.A.R. and in the Sudan will be approxi- 
mately 9.6 million dollars. I recommend an ap- 
propriation covering the use of the Egyptian 
pound equivalent of 2.5 million dollars as the 
U.S. contribution toward the removal of these 

3. In addition to preserving these monuments 
there is a pressing need for extensive archeological 
and prehistory research in the Nubia. Much of 
the threatened area, particularly in the Sudan, 
still remains unexplored by archeologists. There- 
fore, a large-scale program of investigation and 
exploration must be undertaken if the undiscov- 
ered treasures and antiquities of this region are 
not to be lost forever. For this purpose the Egyp- 
tian and Sudanese Governments have thrown 
open the Nubia to archeological teams from other 
countries, and several institutions in the United 
States have either sent exi>editions to the area or 
have expressed their desire to do so. I recom- 
mend an appropriation covering the use of the 
Egyptian pound equivalent of 1.5 million dollars 
for grants to American archeological expeditions 
and groups doing related research in Nubia which 
are prepared to meet their own dollar require- 
ments. These grants will be administered by the 
United States. 

4. Of course Egyptian pounds cannot be used 

to finance either the preservation of temples or 
exploration and research in the Sudan. However, 
the Government of the U.A.R. has indicated its 
willingness to permit the conversion of the Egyp- 
tian pound equivalent of $500,000 into Sudanese 
currency. Therefore I will set aside this amount 
to be converted for use in the Sudan from the 
sums I am requesting for research and for preser- 
vation of the lesser temples. 

5. I intend to appoint a commission of govern- 
ment officials and leading Egyptologists to make 
plans for the acquisition and distribution of the 
antiquities ceded to the United States as a result 
of our contribution. 

In making these funds available the United 
States will be participating in an international 
effort which has captured the imagination and 
sympathy of people throughout the world. By 
thus contributing to the preservation of past 
civilizations, we will strengthen and enrich our 


John F. Kennedy 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Small Business Exports and the World Market. Report 
of the Senate Select Committee on Small Business on 
encouragement and expansion of exports by small busi- 
ness. S. Rept. 80. March 27, 1961. 42 pp. 

Sugar. Report, together with individual views, to ac- 
company H.R. 5463. S. Rept. 125. March 28, 1961. 
12 pp. 

Reemployment of Foreign Service Officers or Employees. 
Report to accompany S. 644. S. Rept. 127. March 28, 
1961. 3 pp. 

Extension of Sugar Act. Conference report to accompany 
H.R. .5463, H. Rept. 212. March 29, 1961. 2 pp. 

Trading With the Enemy Act. Report of the Senate 
Judiciary Committee made by its Subcommittee To 
Examine and Revievp the Administration of the Trading 
With the Enemy Act. S. Rept. 132. March 29, 1961. 
8 pp. 

Commending Project Hope. Report to accompany S. Con. 
Res. 8. S. Rept. 138. March 80, 1961. 2 pp. 

May I, 7967 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^ 

Scheduled May 1 Through July 31, 1961 

GATT Contracting Parties: 18th Session Geneva May 1- 

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America: 9th Session Caracas May 1- 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: 9th Session . . . New York May 1- 

14th International Cannes Film Festival Cannes May 3- 

ICEM Executive Committee: 17th Session Geneva May 3- 

UPU Executive and Liaison Committee Bern May 4- 

FAO/UNICEF Joint Policy Committee: 3d Session Rome Mav 8- 

ILO Inland Transport Committee: 7th Session Geneva May 8- 

NATO Ministerial Council Oslo May 8- 

Inter- American Nuclear Energy Commission: 3d Meeting Washington May 9- 

WMO Executive Committee: 13th Session Geneva May 11- 

ICEM Council: 14th Session Geneva May 11- 

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 20th Plenary Meeting . . . Tokyo May 15- 

PAHO Executive Committee: 43d Meeting Washington May 16- 

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 2d Session Rome May 18- 

FAO Group on Grains: 6th Session Rome May 18- 

FAO European Forestry Commission: 11th Session Rome May 22- 

11th Inter-American Conference Quito May 24- 

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commissioner Geneva May 25- 

for Refugees: 5th Session, 

UNESCO Executive Board: 59th Session Paris May 25- 

ITU European VHF/UHF Broadcasting Conference Stockholm May 26- 

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: Scien- Woods Hole, Mass May 29- 

tific Committee. 

WHO Executive Board Geneva May 29- 

ILO Governing Body: 149th Session (and its committees) Geneva May 29-* 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 34th Session Rome May 30- 

International Rubber Study Group: Enlarged Management Com- London May 


International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on Tokyo May or June 

Abstention Reports. 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on Tokyo May or June 

Scientific Reports. 

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 11th Washington June 5— 

Annual Meeting. 

International Labor Conference: 45th Session Geneva June 7- 

FAO Expert Meeting on Economic Effects of Fishery Regulation . . . Ottawa June 12- 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 21st Session Geneva June 12- 

8th International Electronic, Nuclear, and Motion Picture Exposition. Rome June 12- 

FAO Council: 35th Session Rome June 19- 

FAO/OIE Meeting on Emerging Diseases of Animals Ankara June 19- 

International Whaling Commission: 13th Meeting London June 19- 

11th International Berlin Film Festival Berlin June 25- 

7th International Congress on Large Dams Rome June 26- 

lAEA Board of Governors: 22d Session Vienna June 

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 27th Session New York June 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: Expert Working Group London June 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session Geneva July 4- 

8th Inter-American Travel Congress Rio de Janeiro July 5- 

FAO Technical Meeting on Plant Exploration and Introduction .... Rome July 10- 

Development Assistance Group: 5th Session Tokyo July 11- 

WMO Regional Association III (South America): 3d Session Rio de Janeiro July 11- 

IBE Council: 27th Session Geneva July 

24th UNESCO/IBE Conference on Public Education Geneva July 

FAO North American Forestry Commission: 1st Session Mexico, D.F July 

South Pacific Commission: Meeting of Urbanization Committee . . . Noumea July 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Apr. 14, 1961. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following 
is a list of abbreviations: ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food 
and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic Energy 

Agency; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, 

Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization; OIE, International Office of Epizootics; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; 
U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; UNICEF, United 
Nations Children's Fund; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological 

646 Department of State Bulletin 

President Kennedy Reaffirms 
U.S. Support for NATO 

Remarks hi/ President Kennedy^ 

I am delighted to offer tlie warm welcome of 
the United States Govermnent to the Chiefs of 
Staii' of the nations of NATO as you assemble 
here for a meeting of the Military Committee. 
We, of course, take satisfaction in having your 
representatives with us regularly, in permanent 
session, but it is especially good today to have in 
Washington the Military Committea itself. More- 
over, it is for me much more than a ceremonial 
pleasure to meet with you. 

You hold a critical responsibility in the affairs 
of NATO, and I want to talk with you about 
the substance of the task and about the necessary 
relation between you as military officers and 
others of us as political leaders. 

NATO, as you gentlemen know, is at a turning 
point in its military planning. In Supreme 
Headquarters and in many of the capitals of the 
Alliance, work on our future needs is going ahead. 
As part of this effort, we in the Government of 
the United States are now well advanced in a 
careful study of our own view of the military 
policy of NATO. 

Vice President Johnson explained last week in 
Paris' our belief that there should be a rein- 
forcement of the capabilities of NATO in con- 
ventional weapons. NATO needs to be able to 
respond to any conventional attack with con- 
ventional resistance which will be effective at 
least long enough, in General [Lauris] Norstad's 
phrase, to force a pause. To this end we our- 
selves mean to maintain our own divisions and 
supporting units in Europe and to increase their 
conventional capabilities. 

In addition to strengthened conventional forces 
we believe that NATO must continue to have an 
effective nuclear capability. We hope to consult 
closely with our allies on the precise forms wliich 
the nuclear deterrent should take in future years. 
In his address last week Prime Minister Mac- 

' Made before the Military Committee of the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization at Washington, D.C., on 
Apr. 10 (White House press release) . 

" Bulletin of Apr. 24, 1961, p. 581. 

millan pointed out the urgency of this question. 
The United States means to do its full share in 
working toward a good solution of the problem, 
and we believe that the clarity and firmness of 
our own commitment to the full defense of Europe 
can be helpful in this direction. 

I do not want to go further today in the elab- 
oration of these matters. The proper first forum 
for their consideration in NATO is, of course, the 
North Atlantic Council, and, moreover, questions 
of this importance also require careful discussions 
in each country at the very highest levels of 

But before I turn to other matters let me 
comment briefly on one further military point. 
In our studies we have found a serious need for 
a sensitive and flexible control of all arms, and 
especially over nuclear weapons. We propose to 
see to it, for our part, that our military forces 
operate at all times under continuous, responsi- 
ble command and control from the highest au- 
thorities all the way downward — and we mean 
to see that this control is exercised before, during, 
and after any initiation of hostilities against our 
forces, and at any level of escalation. We believe 
in maintaining effective deterrent strength, but 
we believe also in making it do what we wish, 
neither more nor less. 

In stating this doctrine I am reaffirming prin- 
ciples to which the responsible military leaders of 
NATO have always adhered — but I am also assur- 
ing you that the political leadership of the United 
States will apply both energy and resources in this 

And this brings me to my second main point. 
NATO is remarkable among the alliances of his- 
toi-y in its combination of political, military, eco- 
nomic, and even psychological components. Wliat 
NATO is, at any time, depends not only upon its 
forces in being but upon the resolution of its 
leaders, the state of mind of its peoples, and the 
view of all these elements which is held by the 

In this situation it is clearly necessaiy that there 
should be close understanding between political 
leaders and the senior military officers. In our 
countries, of course, final responsibility always 
rests with political authorities, and we also have 
a tradition of respect for the professional judg- 
ment of professional soldiers. But in NATO, 

May 1, 7961 


from the beginning, it has been essential that 
neither class of men should accept any arbitrary 
division of our problems into "the political" and 
"the militaiy." The crucial problems have all 
been mixed. Political leaders have had a duty 
to share M-ith tlieir senior officers a full under- 
standing of the political purposes of the Alliance, 
and military leaders for their part have had to rec- 
ognize that in NATO all the important military 
problems are political problems too. 

This recognition of the interconnection between 
policy and force is an even more compelling neces- 
sity today, especially in all the questions which 
relate to the command, the deployment, and the 
possible use of nuclear weapons. 

In the months ahead, as we share in the framing 
of NATO's policy and in new decisions which 
may guide us safely toward the future, we shall 
need to have the closest and most understanding 
communication, not only from country to country 
but from soldier to civilian. Political planning 
must be aware of military realities, and military 
plans in turn must be responsive to political con- 
siderations — among them such varied and impor- 
tant matters as resource capabilities, national 
attitudes, and other Alliance objectives like our 
common purpose to advance the economic welfare 
of the whole free world. Our force goals, our mil- 
itary policy, our deployments, and our war plans 
themselves must all reflect the purposes and spirit 
of our great community. Military and political 
problems are not separable, and military and po- 
litical men must work ever more closely togetlier. 

I hold an office which by our very Constitution 
unites political and militaiy responsibility, and 
therefore it is no more than my duty to pledge my 
own best effort to keep tliese two kinds of prob- 
lems together in my mind. I ask the same of you. 

In ending, gentlemen, let me turn for one 
moment from our problems to our accomplish- 
ment. NATO has kept the peace of Europe and 
tlie Atlantic through 12 dangerous years, and in 
that time our community has grown in strength 
and in well-being. This is no small accomplish- 
ment. I offer to you, and through you to all of 
NATO's armed forces, the thanks and congratula- 
tions of the people and Government of the United 
States. Let us go on together in this higli task 
of guarding a free community's peace. 

President Emphasizes Importance 
of EPC Meeting 

White House press release dated April 14 

Following is a statement hy President Kennedy 
on the occasion of the departure of the U.S. dele- 
gation to the meeting of the Economic Policy 
Committee of the Organization for European 
Econom,ic Cooperation at Paris, ApHl 18-19?- 

The United States delegation leaves this week- 
end to participate in the Paris meeting of the 
Economic Policy Committee of the Organization 
for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), 
April 18-19. Now that the U.S. has ratified the 
convention establishing the Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development (OECD) = — 
the body which will succeed OEEC — the Paris 
meeting takes on a high and symbolic significance. 
It will be the first meeting of the Economic Pol- 
icy Committee to be conducted within the new 
spirit of the OECD — a spirit which the United 
States has undertaken to foster by assuming the 
responsibilities of full membership. 

We are entering a new era in which the day-to- 
day economic affairs of the Western nations are 
becoming more and more closely intertwined. We 
face problems and opportunities to which we must 
respond in full awareness of the common stake in 
sound decisions. To overcome recession and un- 
employment, to achieve and maintain high rates 
of growth, to encourage world economic develop- 
ment — these are no longer merely independent na- 
tional goals to be pureued by each of our 20- 
member countries in isolation from the otliers. 
They are also common goals which call for 
sustained common action through economic pol- 
icies which reflect our common interests. 

The strength of the delegation which will rep- 
resent us at the EPC meeting underscores the im- 
portance wliich we attach to this new departure 
in our economic relations -with Western Europe 
and Canada and the seriousness with which we 
have accepted our obligations in the new Organi- 
zation. The delegation includes Walter W. Hel- 
ler, Chairman of the Council of Economic Ad- 

' For a list of the members of the U.S. delegation, see 
Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 573. 

' For background, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8 ; Mar. 
6, 1961, p. 326 ; and Apr. 10, 1961, p. 514. 


Department of State Bulletin 

visers, as head of the delegation ; Robert V. Roosa, 
Under Secretary of the Treasury; Ambassador 
John W. Tuthill, Ahernate U.S. Permanent Rep- 
resentative to the OEEC; William McChesney 
Martin, Jr., Chairman of the Boaixl of Gover- 
nors of the Federal Reserve System ; and Edwin 
M. Martin, Assistant Secretary of State for Eco- 
nomic Affairs. 

It is our hope to develop in the OECD a con- 
tinuous working partnership in a spirit of flexi- 
bility and mutual accommodations among the of- 
ficials responsible for economic policy in these 
20 countries. The Paris meetings will be the first 
of many designed to build and strengthen rela- 
tionships for dealing with common economic prob- 
lems as they unfold. 

The American people will follow with deep 
interest and high hopes the progress of this new 
venture in Western cooperation and unity. 

U.N. Security Council Considers 
Jordanian Complaint Against Israel 

Statement by Francis T. P. Plimpton'^ 

The United States Government regrets that a 
case involving a breach of the armistice agree- 
ment between Jordan and Israel is again before 
the Security Council. This is the first time in 2 
years we have had to deal with such a problem. 
At the same time it is appropriate that the discus- 
sion has centered on the specific issue brought be- 
fore us by Jordan, and I am hopeful that we can 
continue to concentrate our attention on that 
specific issue. 

In our view the rehearsal for a military parade 
conducted by Israel in Jerusalem on March 17 in 
preparation for the Independence Day parade of 
April 20 was contrai-y to the General Armistice 
Agreement. A violation of the armistice agree- 
ment involving only a holiday parade may or may 
not constitute a threat to peace, as has been al- 
leged. The degree to which such a violation of the 
armistice agreement might become a threat to the 
peace depends primarily on the respective atti- 

Hlade in the Security Ck>uneil on Apr. 11 (U.S./U.N. 
press release 3687). Mr. Plimpton is Deputy U.S. Repre- 
sentative in the Council. 

tudes of the parties. In this connection I note 
that the distinguished representative of Israel has 
sought to reassure the Government of Jordan of 
the peaceful nature of the Israeli celebration. 

It may well be that both parties in the past have 
been responsible for violations of article VII of 
the armistice agreement, violations involving vary- 
ing amounts and types of military equipment. It 
may well be that these violations were not hostile 
in intention and, in substance, constituted no 
threat to the peace. And it may well be that the 
parade proposed by the Israeli Government for 
the 20th of April will, in substance, not constitute 
a threat to the peace. But the crucial question is : 
What effect do such violations have on the force 
of the armistice agreements and on the attitudes 
of the parties toward them ? 

In the case before us, one of the parties has 
lodged a complaint with the Mixed Armistice 
Conmiission, and the Commission has decided that 
the episode did indeed constitute a violation of the 
General Armistice Agreement. If we do not act 
wisely now, we may be faced with a series of 
formal complaints submitted by both parties 
which will erode the armistice agreement and the 
will of the parties to carry it out. That would in- 
deed constitute a threat to the peace. Such a situ- 
ation can easily be avoided by adlierence in the 
future not only to the substance but to the form 
of the armistice agreement. 

It is true that the Mixed Armistice Commission 
might have been able to handle this matter in 
another way, perhaps along the lines of the ex- 
perience of the 1958 Israeli military parade in 
Jerusalem, which, we understand, was held pur- 
suant to arrangements worked out in the field by 
the Commission. But this has not happened. 
Instead we have before us a specific finding by the 
Mixed Armistice Commission made according to 
the proper procedures. 

We believe the authority of the truce super- 
vision machinery on the spot should be upheld. 
We realize the imperfections of the armistice 
agreements. We are aware that all parts of the 
agreement are not fully implemented and that 
others are occasionally violated. Nevertheless we 
are convinced that the armistice agreement and 
the machinery to carry it out is an essential ele- 
ment of peace and stability. We support the 
armistice agreements fully. 

May h I96I 


It is fundamental to the continuation of the 
present state of relative tranquillity in the area 
tliat both parties to the armistice agreement ob- 
serve it in spirit and in letter. We sincerely hope 
that all concerned will take stej^s to insure that 
tlie agreement is not again violated. All parties 
should refrain from acts which might tend to in- 
crease tension. Two wrongs do not malce a right. 
Any retaliatory violations of tlie armistice agree- 
ment by either party, particularly for violations 
that are not ill-intentioned, could unnecessarily 
lead to seriotis circumstances. Given the frank ill 
nature of peace in the Middle East, both Israel and 
Jordan have a particularly heavy responsibility 
for the exercise of patience and statesmanship. 
The United States Government hopes that the 
Council will indicate its support for the principle 
that the effectiveness of the United Nations Truce 
Supervision Organization machinery should be 
maintained and supported. 

My Government has tabled the draft amend- 
ment before us as an addition to tlie draft resolu- 
tion cosponsored by Ceylon and the United Arab 
Eepublic.^ We are in accord with the position 
taken by the proposed draft resolution. Neverthe- 
less we believe that this Council should take this 
opportunity to reaffirm its continuing concern that 
the General Armistice Agreements, so long as 
they shall govern the relationships between Israel 
and its Arab neighbors, must be complied with 
fully and in good faith. Over the years this 
Council has spent a considerable portion of its 
deliberations in endeavoring to assist the parties 
to the General Armistice Agreements in main- 
taining the tranquillity and stability in the Pales- 
tine area. 

The purpose of the United States amendment is 
to put again on record the fact that compliance 
with the General Armistice Agreements is not a 
unilateral obligation. Neither party to any of the 

- The joint draft resolution (U.N. doe. S/4784) endorsed 
the decision of the Jordan-Israel Mixed Armistice Com- 
mission of Mar. 20 and urged Israel to comply with this 
decision. The U.S. amendment added a paragraph re- 
questing the members of tlie Mixed Armistice Commission 
to cooperate so as to Insure that the General Armistice 
Agreement will be complied with. The joint draft reso- 
lution, as amended, was adopted by the Security Council 
on Apr. 11 by a vote of 8 to 0, with 3 abstentions (Ceylon, 
U.A.R., U.S.S.R.). 

General Armistice Agreements can expect that 
the other party will fully honor the provisions of 
that agreement if it itself is not prepared to show 
good faith in compliance. So long as the full 
General Armistice Agreements are in effect and 
still govern the relations of the parties, tliis Coun- 
cil must, we submit, take every appropriate 
opportunity to demonstrate its continued deter- 
mination to insure their efl'ectiveness. 

WMO Commission for Hydrologicai 
Meteorology Meets In U.S. 

Press release 203 dated April 11 

The United States will serve as host to the first 
session of the Commission for Hydrologicai Me- 
teorology of the World Meteorological Oi'ganiza- 
tion (WMO), which will be convened in the in- 
ternational conference suite of the Department 
of State on April 12, 1961. 

Max A. Kohler, Chief Research Hydrologist, 
Hydrologic Services Division, U.S. Weather Bu- 
reau, is serving as first president of the Commis- 
sion and will preside at the opening session. 

At the third congress of the WMO in April 
1959 the United States urged the creation of a 
Technical Commission for Hydrologicai Meteor- 
ology to deal with the Organization's work in the 
field of water resources, and the Chief of the U.S. 
Weather Bureau recommended that the United 
States serve as host to the first session. 

Invitations were issued to member countries of 
the United Nations and its specialized agencies, 
as well as to approximately 12 nongovernmental 
organizations interested in hydrology. Of the 108 
member states and territories eligible to attend, 
it is estimated that about 40 will send delegations. 
Approximately 70 delegates are expected to attend 
the meetings. 

The Commission will develop its work program 
and will discuss the i-elationship of the Organi- 
zation with other international groups concerned 
with water resources. Technical matters to be 
considered include river forecasting techniques, 
observation networks, publication and exchange 
of data, and standardization of tenninology, codes, 
and units. The conference will be in session 
until April 26. 


Department of State Bulletin 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

IAEA Board of Governors 

The Department of State announced on April 
5 (press release 193) that the following are the 
members of the U.S. delegation to the 21st ses- 
sion of the Board of Governors of the Interna- 
tional Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which is 
scheduled to be held at Vienna, April 5-14. 


Robert E. Wilson, Commissioner, Atomic Energy Com- 


Edward L. Brady, U.S. Mission to the International 

Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna 
Mose L. Harvey, U.S. Mission to the International Atomic 

Energy Agency, Vienna 


Joseph W. Clifford, International Affairs Division, Atomic 
Energy Commission 

Dwight M. Cramer, U.S. Mission to the International 
Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna 

Betty C. Gough, U.S. Mission to the International Atomic 
Energy Agency, Vienna 

John A. Hall, Assistant General Manager for Interna- 
tional Affairs, Atomic Energy Commission 

Ernest L. Stanger, Office of United Nations Political and 
Security Affairs, Department of State 

John P. Trevithielv, U.S. Mission to the International 
Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna 

This session of the Board will consider, among 
other things, an amendment of the IAEA statute 
giving greater representation for Africa and the 
Middle East on the Board of Governors, the pro- 
gram and budget for 1962, and a request from 
Yugoslavia for a reactor and nuclear fuel. 

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law 

The Department of State announced on April 
13 (press release 217) that the following would 
be members of the U.S. delegation to the Diplo- 
matic Conference on Maritime Law, which will 
be held at Brussels, April 17-30 : 

U.S. Representative 

Bobert E. Seaver (chairman) , Chief, International Affairs 
Division, Maritime Administration, Department of 

Alternate U.S. Representatives 

Leavenworth Colby, Chief, Admiralty Division, Depart- 
ment of Justice 

May 1, 1961 

Ely Maurer, Assistant Legal Adviser for Economic Affairs, 
Department of State 


Arthur M. Boal, Tompkins, Boal and McQuade, New York, 

William D. English, Office of General Counsel, Atomic 
Energy Commission 

Richard C. Hagan {secretary of delegation), Office of 
International Conferences, Department of State 

John W. Mann, Assistant Chief, Shipping Division, De- 
partment of State 

Leonard J. Matteson, Bigham, Englar, Jones and Houston, 
New York, N.Y. 

Howard Meyers, U.S. Mission to the European Commu- 
nities, Brussels 

Marcus Rowden, U.S. Mission to the European Commu- 
nities, Brussels 

This Conference is being convened for the dual 
purpose of considering at the governmental level 
(1) an international convention governing third- 
party liability for certain damage which might 
result from operations of nuclear-powered ships 
and (2) an international convention on the unifi- 
cation of certain rules relating to the carriage of 
passengers by sea and specifying the liability to 
each passenger in event of his death or personal 
injury. In addition the Conference will be asked 
to recognize an official status for the traditional 
Diplomatic Conference, which since the early 
1900's has formulated international conventions 
in the field of maritime law. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography^ 

General Assembly 

United Nations Conference on Diplomatic Intercourse and 
Immunities. Guide to the Draft Articles on Diplomatic 
Intercourse and Immunities adopted by the Interna- 
tional Law Commission. A/CONP. 20/8. January 25, 
1961. 105 pp. 

Letter of January 24 from the chairman of the Soviet 
delegation addressed to the President of the General 
Assembly concerning the question of the future of 
Ruanda-Urundi. A/-16S9. January 28, 1961. 2 pp. 

Letter of January 31 from the permanent representatives 
of Burma, India, the Soviet Union, and the United 
Arab Republic addressed to the President of the General 
Assembly concerning the question of the future of 
Ruanda-Urundi. A/4691. January 31, 1961. 2 pp. 

' Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia 
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. 
Other materials (mineographed or processed documents) 
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the 
United States. 


Security Council 

Report from the special representative of the Secretary- 
General in the Congo on the situation in Orientale and 
Kivu Provinces. S/4745, February 22, 1961, 9 pp. ; 
Add. 1, February 23, 1961, 1 p. 

Report addressed to the Secretary-General by his special 
representative in the Congo concerning Patrice Lu- 
mumba, consisting of an exchange of letters between 
the special representative and Mr. Tshombe. S/4688/ 
Add. 2. February 25, 1961. 6 pp. 

Report dated February 24, 1961, to the Secretary-General 
from his special representative in the Congo on the 
civil war situation in the three main sectors of the 
Congo. S/4750, February 25, 1961, 6 pp.; Add. 1, 
February 25, 1961, 1 p. ; Add. 2, February 25, 1961, 2 pp ; 
Add. 3, February 25, 1961, 1 p.; Add. 4, February 28, 
1961, 2 pp. ; Add. 5. March 1, 1961, 2 pp. ; Add. 6, March 
2, 1961, 3 pp. ; Add. 7, March 7, 1961, 3 pp. 

Report dated February 27, 1961, to the Secretary-General 
from his special representative in the Congo on inci- 
dents in L6opoldville involving personnel. S/4753/Corr. 
1. February 28, 1961. 1 p. 

Report of the Secretary-General on certain steps talien in 
regard to the implementation of the Security Council 
resolution adopted on February 21, 1961. S/4752/Corr. 
1, February 28, 1961, 1 p.; Add. 1, March 3, 1961, 11 
pp.; Add. 2, March 5, 1961, 3 pp.; Add. 3, March 6, 
1961, 4 pp. ; Add. 4, March 9, 1961, 3 pp. 

Report dated March 2, 1961, to the Secretary-General 
from his special representative in the Congo on U.N. 
protected areas. S/4757, March 2, 1961, 4 pp. ; Add. 1, 
March 3, 1961, 4 pp. 

Economic and Social Council 

Economic Commission for Africa 

International action for commodity stabilization and 
the role of Africa. E/CN.14/68. November 5, 1960. 
40 pp. 

United Nations programs for technical assistance in 
public administration. E/CN.14/89. November 16, 
1960. 10 pp. 

Report of the worlishop on extension of family and 
child welfare services witliin community development 
programs held at Accra from November 21 to Decem- 
ber 3, 1960. E/CN.14/79. December 1960. 82 pp. 

Transport problems in relation to economic development 
in west Africa. E/CN.14/63. December 6, 1960. 
125 pp. 

The impact of Western European integration on African 
trade and development. E/CN.14/72. December 7, 
1960. 101 pp. 

Economic Bulletin for Africa, Vol. 1, No. 1, part A, 
Current Economic Trends. E/CN.14/67. December 
27, 1960. 132 pp. 

African economic statistics. E/CN.14/67 (statistical 
appendix). December 27, 1960. 18 pp. 

Regional cartographic conference for Africa. E/CN. 
14/78. December 29, 1960. 14 pp. 

Community development in Africa. Report of a U.N. 
study tour in Ghana, Nigeria, Tanganyilia, and the 
United Arab Republic, October 15-Deeember 3, 1960. 
E/CN.14/S0. December 30, 1960. 29 pp. 

Work of the Commission since the second session. Re- 
port of the Executive Secretary. E/CN.14/97. Jan- 
uary 10, 1961. 42 pp. 

Conference of heads of African universities and uni- 
versity colleges. Held at Khartoum December 20-22, 
1960. E/CN.14/86. January 11, 1961. 27 pp. 

Programme of Work and Priorities. E/CN.14/87/Rev. 
1. January 1961. 24 pp. 
Population Commission. Progress of work during 1959-60 

and program of work for 1961-62 in the field of popula- 
tion. E/CN.9/164. January 4, 1961. 20 pp. 


U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty 
of Amity and Economic Relations 

Press release 186 dated April 3 

A treaty of amity and economic relations 
between the United States and Viet-Nam was 
signed on April 3 at Saigon. Ambassador [El- 
bridge] Durbrow signed the treaty for the United 
States, and Vu van Man, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, for Viet-Nam. 

The treaty is the first of its type to be entered 
into between the two countries. It affirms the 
friendly and cooperative spirit prevailing in the 
relations of the two countries and records the 
mutual acceptance by them of a body of prin- 
ciples designed to promote the continued growth 
of those relations along mutually beneficial lines. 

The new treaty contains 14 articles. It is of 
the short, simplified type of general treaty that 
the United States has been negotiating with a 
number of countries but contains the general sub- 
stance of the normal treaty of friendship, com- 
merce, and navigation. Each of the two 
countries : 

(1) agrees to accord witliin its territories, to 
citizens and corporations of the other, treatment 
no less favorable than it accords to its own citi- 
zens and corporations with respect to carrying on 
commercial and industrial activities; 

(2) formally endorses high standards regard- 
ing the protection of persons, their property and 
interests ; 

(3) recognizes the need for special attention 
to the stimulation of the international movement 
of investment capital for economic development; 

(4) affirms its adherence to the principles of 
nondiscriminatory treatment of trade and 

For the United States, the conclusion of this 
treaty represents a further step in the program 
being pursued for the extension and moderniza- 
tion of its commercial treaty structure and the 
establishment of conditions favorable to foreign 
investment. For Viet-Nam, it constitutes further 


Department of State Bulletin 

indication of tlie intent to pursue a policy devoted 
to promoting the economic growth of the 

The treaty will be transmitted as soon as 
possible to the Senate for advice and consent to 
ratification. In Viet-Nam the treaty requires the 
approval of the National Assembly. Wlien the 
ratification processes of both Governments have 
been completed, it will enter into force 1 month 
after exchange of ratifications. 

Current Actions 


Effected by exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro Octo- 
ber 10, 1960, and March 17, 1961. Entered into force 
March 17, 1961. 


Agreement on cooperation in intercontinental testing in 
connection with experimental communications satel- 
lites. Effected by exchange of notes at Paris March 31, 
1961. Entered into force March 31, 1961. 


Agreement relating to Investment guaranties authorized 
by section 413(b)(4) of the Mutual Security Act of 
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 847; 22 USC 1933). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Rabat March 31, 1961. Entered 
Into force March 31, 1961. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 USC 1701-1709), 
with exchange of notes. Signed at Saigon March 25, 
1961. Entered into force March 25, 1961. 

Automotive Traffic 

Convention on road traffic with annexes. Done at Gen- 
eva September 19, 1949. Entered Into force March 26, 
1952. TIAS 2487. 

Accession deposited: Rumania (with reservations), 
January 26, 1961. 

Economic Cooperation 

Convention on the Organization for Economic Co-opera- 
tlou and Development and supplementary protocols 
nos. 1 and 2. Signed at Paris December 14, 1960.^ 
Ratification deposited: United States, April 12, 1961. 


Convention for the establishment of an Inter-American 
Tropical Tuna Commission and exchange of notes of 
March 3, 1950. Signed at Washington May 31, 1949. 
Entered into force March 3, 1950. TIAS 2044. 
Adherence deposited: Ecuador, April 7, 1961. 

Postal Services 

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex, 
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air- 
mail, with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3, 
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202. 
Ratification deposited: Poland, February 23, 1961. 


International telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961." 
Accession deposited: Haiti, March 29, 1961. 



Counterpart settlement agreement, with related exchange 
of notes of March 10 and 28, 1961. Signed at Vienna 
March 29, 1961. Enters into force on the date that the 
Government of Austria notifies the United States that 
the agreement has been ratified. 


Agreement providing for a grant to the Government of 
Brazil to assist in the acquisition of certain nuclear 
research and training equipment and materials. 


' Not in force. 

' Not in force for the United States. 


The Senate on March 28 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

William Attwood to be Ambassador to the Republic of 
Guinea. (For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 196 dated April 5.) 

Anthony J. Drexel Biddle to be Ambassador to Spain. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 191 dated April 4.) 

William McCormick Blair, Jr., to be Ambassador to 
Denmark. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 195 dated April 5.) 

Aaron S. Brown to be Ambassador to Nicaragua. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
179 dated March 31.) 

J. Kenneth Galbraith to be Ambassador to India. ( For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
183 dated April 3.) 

Edwin O. Reischauer to be Ambassador to Japan. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 197 dated April 5.) 

John S. Rice to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of the 
Netherlands. ( For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 199 dated April 7.) 

Edward G. Stockdale to be Ambassador to Ireland. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 180 dated March 31.) 

Kenneth Todd Young to be Ambassador to Thailand. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 189 dated April 4.) 

fAay 1, 1961 



Clark S. Gregory as International Cooperation Admin- 
istration representative in tiie Federation of Rhodesia 
and Nyasaland, effective April 10. (For biographic de- 
tails, see Department of State press release 216 dated 
April 13.) 


Weather Stations — Cooperative Program on Guadeloupe 
Island. TIAS4610. 4 pp. 5(f. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
France, extending the agreement of March 23, 1956, as 
supplemented. Exchange of notes — Signed at Paris 
December 23, 1959, and July 25, 1960. Entered into force 
July 25, 1960. Operative retroactively July 1, 1959. 

Defense — Weapons Production Program. TIAS 4611. 12 

pp. io«;. 

Arrangement between the United States of America and 
France. Exchange of notes — Signed at Paris Septem- 
ber 19, 1900. Entered into force September 19, 1960. 

Commission for Educational Exchange. TIAS 4612. 3 

pp. 5<J. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Spain, amending the agreement of October 16, 1958. Ex- 
change of notes — Dated at Madrid June 3 and October 18, 
1960. Entered into force October 18, 1960. 

Recent Releases 

For sale }>y the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free publication, tchich may be ob- 
tained from the Department of State. 

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4604. 2 pp. 5^. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
India, amending the agreement of September 26, 1958. 
Exchange of notes— Signed at New Delhi May 13 and 21, 

1959. Entered into force May 21, 1959. 

Tracking Station. TIAS 4605. 6 pp. 5(}. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 

the Federation of Nigeria. Signed at Lagos October 19, 

1960. Entered into force October 19, 1960. 

German Assets in Spain— Termination of Obligations 
Arising From Accord of May 10, 1948. TIAS 4606. 10 
pp. lO^'. 

Protocol between the United States of America, the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, 
and the French Republic and Spain — Signed at Madrid 
August 9, 1958. Entered into force July 2, 1959. With 
exchange of notes. 

International Development Association. TIAS 4607. 30 
pp. 15(^. 

Articles of agreement between the United States of 
America and Other Governments. Approved at Washing- 
ton by the Executive Directors of the International Bank 
for Reconstruction and Development January 26, 1960. 
Signed for the United States of America August 9, 1960. 
Instrument of acceptance by the United States of America 
deposited August 9, 1960. Entered into force September 
24, I960. 

Interchange of Patent Rights and Technical Information 
for Defense Purposes. TIAS 4608. 10 pp. 10<t. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Portugal — Signed at Li.sbon October 31, 1960. Entered 
into force October 31, 1960. 

German External Debts. TIAS 4609. 5 pp. 5^. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Other Governments, amending the administrative agree- 
ment of December 1, 1954, as amended. Signed at Bonn 
August 29, 1960. Entered into force August 29, 1960. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: April 10-16 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to April 10 which appear in 
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 186 of April 3, 
193 of April 5, and 200 of AprU 7. 


Rusk : Massachusetts Institute of 

GuUion : "Disarmament Issues and 

WMO Commission for Hydrological 

U.S. participation in international 

Mo.scow film festival. 
Renegotiation of certain tariff con- 
cessions by Japan. 
Rusk : arrival of Chancellor Adenauer. 
Berle : Bar Association of City of New 

Cultural exchange (Jordan). 
Reception for African ambassadors. 
Harriman : Westinghouse conference 

Visit of Chancellor Adenauer to Texas 

Rusk: Rockefeller Public Service 

Investment guaranty agreement with 

Bowles : National (Council of Churches. 
Gregory sworn in as ICA representa- 
tive in Rhodesia and Nyasaland 

(biographic details). 
Delegation to Diplomatic Conference 

on Maritime Law (rewrite). 
Visit of Prime Minister of Greece 

Miss Willis sworn in as Ambassador to 

Ceylon (biographic details). 
Visit of President of Indonesia. 
Bunn appointed Counsel to President's 

Disarmament Adviser (biographic 


*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 




































Department of State Bulletin 

May 1, 1961 


e X 

Vol. XLIV, No. 1140 

Africa. Africa Freedom Day (Kennedy) . . . 638 

American Principles. The Foundations of World 
I'artnersliip (Bowles) 629 

American Republics 

The Inter-Anieriean System and the Program for 

Economic and Social Progress (Berle) .... 617 
Pan American Day (Kennedy) 615 

Atomic Energy 

Disarmament Issues and Prospects (GuUion) . . 634 
IAEA Board of Governors (delegation) .... 651 

Civil Service. Rockefeller Public Service Awards 

(Rusk) 640 

Communism. The Foundations of World Partner- 
ship (Bowles) 629 

Congress, The 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign Pol- 
icy 645 

President Recommends Participation in Effort To 

Save Nubian Monuments (543 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Gregory) 654 

Confirmations ( Attwood, Biddle, Blair, Brown, Gal- 

braith. Reischauer, Rice, Stockdale, Young) . . 653 
Rockefeller Public Service Awards (Rusk) . . . 640 

Disarmament. Disarmament Issues and Prospects 

(Gullion) 634 

Economic Affairs 

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (dele- 
gation) 651 

The Inter-American System and the Program for 

Economic and Social Progress (Berle) .... 617 

President Emphasizes Importance of EPC Meeting 

at Paris 648 

U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty of Amity and Eco- 
nomic Relations 652 

Germany. President Kennedy and Chancellor Ade- 
nauer Hold Informal Talks (Adenauer, Kennedy, 
Rusk, text of joint communique) 621 

International Law. Diplomatic Conference on 

Maritime Law (delegation) 651 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 646 

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (delega- 
tion) 651 

IAEA Board of Governors (delegation) .... 651 

Pan American Day (Kennedy) 615 

President Emphasizes Importance of EPC Meeting 

at Paris 648 

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology 

Meets in U.S 650 

Israel. U.N. Security Council Considers Jordanian 

Complaint Against Israel (Plimpton) .... 649 

Jordan. U.N. Security Council Considers Jordan- 
ian Complaint Against Israel (Plimpton) . . . 649 

Morocco. United States and Morocco Sign Invest- 
ment Guaranty Agreement 643 

Mutual Security 

Building an International Commimity of Science 

and Scholarship (Rusk) 624 

The Foundations of World Partnership (Bowles) . 629 

Gregory appointed ICA representative in Federa- 
tion of Rhodesia and Nyasaland 654 

President Recommends Participation in Effort To 

Save Nubian Monuments 643 

United States and Morocco Sign Investment Guar- 
anty Agreement 643 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President 

Kennedy Reaffirms U.S. Support for NATO . . 647 

Presidential Documents 

Africa Freedom Day 638 

Pan American Day 615 

President Congratulates Soviets on Orbiting a Man 

in Space 639 

President Emphasizes Importance of EPC Meeting 

at Paris 648 

President Extends Greetings to First President of 

Togo 639 

President Kennedy and Chancellor Adenauer Hold 

Informal Talks 621 

President Kennedy Reaffirms U.S. Support for 

NATO 647 

Publications. Recent Releases 654 

Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Gregory appointed ICA 

representative 654 


Building an International Community of Science 

and Scholarship (Rusk) 624 

President Congratulates Soviets on Orbiting a Man 

in Space 639 

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology 

Meets in U.S 650 

Sudan. President Recommends Participation in 
Effort To Save Nubian Monuments 643 

Togo. President Extends Greetings to First Pres- 
ident of Togo 639 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 653 

U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty of Amity and Eco- 
nomic Relations 652 

U.S.S.R. President Congratulates Soviets on Orbit- 
ing a Man In Space 639 

United Arab Republic. President Recommends 
Participation in Effort To Save Nubian Monu- 
ments 643 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 651 

President Recommends Participation in Effort To 

Save Nubian Monuments 643 

U.N. Security Council Considers Jordanian Com- 
plaint Against Israel (Plimpton) 649 

Viet-Nam. U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty of 

Amity and Economic Relations 652 

Name Index 

Adenauer, Konrad 621 

Attwood, William 653 

Berle, Adolf A 617 

Biddle, Anthony J. Drexel 653 

Blair, William McCormick, Jr 653 

Bowles, Chester 629 

Brown, Aaron S 653 

Galbraith, J. Kenneth 6.53 

Gregory, Clark S 654 

Gullion, Edmimd A 634 

Kennedy, President . . . 615,621,638,639,643,647,648 

Plimpton, Francis T. P 649 

Reischauer, Edwin O 653 

Rice, John S 653 

Rusk, Secretary 623, 624, 640 

Stockdale, Edward G 653 

Young, Kenneth Todd 653 

the J 

United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 






This 36-page pamphlet gives a clear-cut presentation of the existing 
situation in Cuba and its hemispheric implications. Its contents in- 
clude : The Betrayal of the Cuban Kevolution ; The Establishment of 
the Communist Bridgehead; The Delivery of the Revolution to the 
Sino-Soviet Bloc ; and The Assault on the Western Hemisphere. 

In its concluding section the pamphlet states, in part, 

". . . The United States, along with other nations of the 
hemisphere, expresses a profound determination to assure future 
democratic governments in Cuba full and positive support in 
tlieir efforts to help the Cuban people achieve freedom, democracy, 
and social justice. 

"We call once again on the Castro regime to sever its links with 
the international Communist movement, to return to the original 
purposes which brought so many gallant men together in the 
Sierra Maestra, and to restore the integrity of the Cuban 

Publication 7171 

20 cents 

Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Enclosed find: 

{cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Does.) 

Please send me copies of CUBA. 


Street Address : 

City, Zone, and State: 

•the department of state 







Vol. XLIV, NoAll41 ~v <? • / May 8, 1961 

THE LESSON OF CUBA • Address by President Kennedy . 659 



PLAINT • Statements by Ambassador AdUii E. 
Stevenson and Texts of Resolutions 667 


APRIL 17 686 


AMERICAS • Statements by Secretary of the Treas- 
ury Douglas Dillon 693 

For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLIV, No. 1141 • Publication 7181 
May 8, 1961 

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The Lesson of Cuba 

Address hy President Kennedy ^ 

The President of a great democracy such as ours, 
and the editors of great newspapers such as yours, 
owe a common obligation to the people: an obli- 
gation to present the facts, to present them with 
candor, and to present them in perspective. It is 
with that obligation in mind that I have decided 
in the last 24 hours to discuss briefly at this time 
the recent events in Cuba. 

On that unhappy island, as in so many other 
areas of the contest for freedom, the news has 
grown worse instead of better. I have emphasized 
before that this was a struggle of Cuban patriots 
against a Cuban dictator. Wliile we could not be 
expected to hide our sympathies, we made it re- 
peatedly clear that the armed forces of this coun- 
try would not intervene in any way. 

Any unilateral American intervention, in the 
absence of an external attack upon ourselves or an 
ally, would have been contrary to our traditions 
and to our international obligations. But let the 
record show that our restraint is not inexhaustible. 
Should it ever appear that the inter-American 
doctrine of noninterference merely conceals or ex- 
cuses a policy of nonaction — if the nations of this 
hemisphere should fail to meet their commitments 
against outside Communist penetration — then I 
want it clearly understood that this Government 
will not hesitate in meeting its primary obliga- 
tions, which are to the security of our Nation. 

Should that time ever come, we do not intend to 
be lectured on "intervention" by those whose char- 
acter was stamped for all time on the bloody streets 
of Budapest. Nor would we expect or accept the 
same outcome which tliis small band of gallant 

^ Made before the American Society of Newspaper Edi- 
tors at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 20 (White House press 
release; as-delivered text). 

Cuban refugees must have known that they were 
chancing, determined as they were against heavy 
odds to pursue their courageous attempts to regain 
their island's freedom. 

But Cuba is not an island unto itself; and our 
concern is not ended by mere expressions of non- 
intervention or regret. This is not the first time 
in either ancient or recent history that a small 
band of freedom fighters has engaged the armor 
of totalitarianism. 

It is not the first time that Communist tanks 
have rolled over gallant men and women fighting 
to redeem the independence of their homeland. 
Nor is it by any means the final episode in the 
eternal struggle of liberty against tyranny, any- 
where on the face of the globe, including Cuba 

Mr. Castro has said that these were mercenaries. 
According to press reports, the final message to 
be relayed from the refugee forces on the beach 
came from the rebel commander when asked if he 
wished to be evacuated. His answer was : "I will 
never leave this country." That is not the reply 
of a mercenary. He has gone now to join in the 
mountains countless other guerrilla fighters, who 
are equally determined that the dedication of those 
who gave their lives shall not be forgotten and that 
Cuba must not be abandoned to the Communists. 
And we do not intend to abandon it either. 

The Cuban people have not yet spoken their final 
piece, and I have no doubt that they and their 
Kevolutionary Council, led by Dr. Miro Car- 
dona — and members of the families of the Revolu- 
tionary Council, I am infonned by the Doctor 
yesterday, are involved themselves in the islands — 
will continue to speak up for a free and independ- 
ent Cuba. 

Meanwhile we will not accept Mr. Castro's at- 
tempts to blame this Nation for the hatred with 

May 8, I96I 


which his onetime supporters now regard his re- 
pression. But there are from this sobering epi- 
sode useful lessons for all to learn. Some may be 
still obscure and await further information. 
Some are clear today. 

First, it is clear that the forces of communism 
are not to be underestimated, in Cuba or anywhere 
else in the world. The advantages of a police 
state — its use of mass terror and arrests to prevent 
the spread of free dissent — cannot be overlooked 
by those who expect the fall of every fanatic tyrant. 
If the self-discipline of the free cannot match the 
iron discipline of the mailed fist — in economic, 
political, scientific, and all the other kinds of 
struggles as well as the military — then the peril 
to freedom will continue to rise. 

Secondly, it is clear that this Nation, in concert 
with all the free nations of this hemisphere, must 
take an even closer and more realistic look at the 
menace of external Communist intervention and 
domination in Cuba. Tlie American people are 
not complacent about Iron Curtain tanks and 
planes less than 90 miles from our shores. But a 
nation of Cuba's size is less a threat to our survival 
than it is a base for subverting the survival of 
other free nations throughout the hemisphere. It 
is not primarily our interest or our security but 
theirs which is now, today, in the greater peril. 
It is for their sake as well as our own that we must 
show our will. 

The evidence is clear — and the hour is late. We 
and our Latin friends will have to face the fact 
that we cannot postpone any longer the real issue 
of the survival of freedom in this hemisphere 
itself. On that issue, unlike perhaps some others, 
there can be no middle ground. Together we must 
build a hemisphere where freedom can flourish 
and where any free nation under outside attack 
of any kind can be assured that all of our re- 
sources stand ready to respond to any request for 

Third, and finally, it is clearer than ever that 
we face a relentless struggle in every corner of the 
globe that goes far beyond the clash of armies or 
even nuclear armaments. The armies are there, 
and in large number. The nuclear armaments are 
there. But they serve primarily as the shield be- 
hind which subversion, infiltration, and a host of 
other tactics steadily advance, picking off vulner- 
able areas one by one in situations which do not 
permit our own armed intervention. 

Power is the hallmark of this offensive — power 
and discipline and deceit. The legitimate dis- 
content of yearning peoples is exploited. The 
legitimate trappings of self-determination are 
employed. But once in power, all talk of discon- 
tent is repressed — all self-determination disap- 
pear — and the promise of a revolution of hope is 
betrayed, as in Cuba, into a reign of terror. Those 
who staged automatic "riots" in the streets of 
free nations over the effort of a small group of 
yomig Cubans to regam their freedom should re- 
call the long rollcall of refugees who cannot now 
go back — to Hungary, to north Korea, to north 
Viet-Nam, to East Germany, or to Poland, or to 
any of the other lands from which a steady 
stream of refugees pours forth, in eloquent testi- 
mony to the cruel oppression now holding sway 
in their homelands. 

We dare not fail to see the insidious nature of 
this new and deeper struggle. We dare not fail 
to grasp the new concepts, the new tools, the new 
sense of urgency we will need to combat it — 
whether in Cuba or south Viet-Nam. And we 
dare not fail to realize that this struggle is taking 
place every day, without fanfare, in thousands of 
villages and markets — day and night — and in 
classrooms all over the globe. 

The message of Cuba, of Laos, of the rising din 
of Communist voices in Asia and Latin America — 
tliese messages are all the same. The complacent, 
the self-indulgent, the soft societies are about to 
be swept away with the debris of history. Only 
the strong, only the industrious, only the deter- 
mined, only the courageous, only the visionary 
who determine the real nature of our struggle can 
possibly survive. 

No greater task faces this Nation or this ad- 
ministration. No other challenge is more deserv- 
ing of our every effort and energy. Too long we 
have fixed our eyes on traditional military needs, 
on armies prepared to cross borders or missiles 
poised for flight. Now it should be clear that this 
is no longer enough — that our security may be lost 
piece by piece, country by coimtry, without the 
firing of a single missile or the crossing of a single 

We intend to profit from this lesson. We intend 
to reexamine and reorient our forces of all kinds — 
our tactics and other institutions here in this com- 
munity. We intend to intensify our efforts for a 
struggle in many ways more difficult than war, 


Department of State Bulletin 

where disappointment will often accompany us. 
For I am convinced that we in this country and 
in the free world jjossess the necessary resources, 
and all the skill, and the added strength that 
comes from a belief in the freedom of man. And 
I am equally convmced that history will record 

the fact that this bitter struggle reached its cli- 
max in the late 1950's and early 1960's. Let me 
then make clear as the President of the United 
States that I am determined upon our system's 
survival and success, regardless of the cost and 
regardless of the peril. 

United States and Soviet Union Excliange Messages in Regard to Events in Cuba 

On April 18 the Soviet Government released 
the text of a message to President Kennedy in re- 
gard to events in Cuba ^ from Nikita S. Khni- 
shchev. Chairman of tlie Council of Ministers of 
tlie U.S.S.E., together with a Soviet Government 
statement on the subject. President Kennedy re- 
plied to the message from Chairman Khrushchev 
on the same day, and Mr. Khruslichev sent a sec- 
ond message to the President on April 22. Fol- 
lowing are texts of the three messages, the Soviet 
Government statement, and a statement released 
hy the Department of State on April 22 following 
receipt of the second Soviet message. 


White House press release dated April 18 

April 18, 1961 
Mr. Chairman: You are under a serious mis- 
apprehension in regard to events in Cuba. For 
months there has been evident and growing re- 
sistance to the Castro dictatorship. More than 
100,000 refugees have recently fled from Cuba into 
neighboring countries. Their urgent hope is nat- 
urally to assist their fellow Cubans in their strug- 
gle for freedom. Many of these refugees fought 
alongside Dr. Castro against the Batista dictator- 
ship; among them are prominent leaders of his 
own original movement and government. 

These are unmistakable signs that Cubans find 
intolerable the denial of democratic liberties and 
the subversion of the 26th of July Movement by 
an alien-dominated regime. It cannot be surpris- 

ing that, as resistance withm Cuba grows, refu- 
gees have been using whatever means are available 
to return and support their countrymen in the con- 
tinuing struggle for freedom. Wliere people are 
denied the right of choice, recourse to such strug- 
gle is the only means of achieving their liberties. 

I have previously stated,^ and I repeat now, that 
the United States intends no military interven- 
tion in Cuba. In the event of any military inter- 
vention by outside force we will immediately honor 
our obligations under the inter-American system 
to protect this hemisphere against external ag- 
gi-ession. While refraining from military inter- 
vention in Cuba, the people of the United States 
do not conceal their admiration for Cuban patriots 
who wish to see a democratic system in an inde- 
pendent Cuba. The United States govermnent 
can take no action to stifle the spirit of liberty. 

I have taken careful note of your statement that 
the events in Cuba might affect peace in all parts 
of the world. I trust that this does not mean that 
the Soviet government, using tlie situation in Cuba 
as a pretext, is planning to inflame other areas of 
the world. I would like to think that your gov- 
ernment has too great a sense of responsibility to 
embark upon any enteqirise so dangerous to gen- 
eral peace. 

I agree with you as to the desirability of steps 

' For background, see also pp. 659 and 667. 
May 8, 1967 

" At his news conference on Apr. 12 President Kennedy 
stated that "there will not under any conditions be . . . 
an intervention in Cuba by United States armed forces. 
This Government will do everything it possibly can — and 
I think it can meet its responsibilities — to make sure that 
there are no Americans involved in any actions inside 


to improve the international atmosphere. I con- 
tinue to hope that you will cooperate in oppor- 
tunities now available to this end. A prompt 
cease-fire and jDeacef ul settlement of the dangerous 
situation in Laos, cooperation with the United 
Nations in the Congo and a speedy conclusion of 
an acce^jtable treaty for the banning of nuclear 
tests would be constructive steps in this direction. 
The regime in Cuba could make a similar con- 
tribution by permitting the Cuban people freely 
to determine their own future by democratic 
processes and freely to cooi^erate with their Latin 
American neighbors. 

I believe, Mr. Chairman, that you should recog- 
nize that free peoples in all parts of the world do 
not accept the claim of historical inevitability for 
Communist revolution. l^Tiat your government 
believes is its own business; what it does in the 
world is the world's business. The great revolu- 
tion in the history of man, past, present and fu- 
ture, is the revolution of those determined to be 

John F. Kennedy 


Dnofflcial translation 

April 18, 1961 

Mr. President : I address this message to you at an 
alarming hour which is fraught with danger against 
universal peace. An armed aggression has been started 
against Cuba. It is an open secret that the armed bands 
which have invaded that country have been prepared, 
equipped, and armed in the United States. The planes 
which bomb Cuban towns belong to the United States of 
America, the bombs which they drop have been put at 
their disposal by the American Government. 

All this arouses in the Soviet Union, the Soviet Govern- 
ment, and the Soviet people an understandable feeling 
of indignation. Only recently, exchanging views through 
our representatives, we tallied with you about the mutual 
wish of the parties to exert joint efforts directed toward 
the improvement of relations between our countries and 
the prevention of a danger of war. Your statement a 
few days ago to the effect that the United States of 
America would not participate in military actions against 
Cuba created an impression that the leading authorities 
of the United States are aware of the consequences \vhich 
aggression against Cuba could have for the whole world 
and the United States of America itself. 

How are we to understand what is really being done 
by the United States now that the attack on Cuba has 
become a fact? 

It is yet not too late to prevent the irreparable. The 
Government of the U.S. can still prevent the flames of 
war kindled by the interventionists on Cuba from spread- 

ing into a conflagration which it will be impossible to 
cope with. I earnestly appeal to you, Mr. President, 
to call a halt to the aggression against the Republic of 
Cuba. The military techniques and the world political 
situation now are such that any so-called "small war" 
can produce a chain reaction in all parts of the world. 

As for the U.S.S.R., there must be no mistake about our 
position. We will extend to the Cuban people and its 
Government all the necessary aid for the repulse of the 
armed attack on Cuba. We are sincerely interested in 
the relaxation of international tension, but if others go 
in for its aggravation, then we will answer them In full 
measure. In general it is impossible to carry on affairs 
in such a way that in one area the situation is settled and 
the fire is put out, and in another area a new fire is lit. 

I hope that the U.S. Government will take into con- 
sideration these reasons, dictated only by concern that 
steps should not be permitted which might lead the world 
to a catastrophe of war. 

Chairman of the V.S.S.R. Council of Ministers 


Unofficial translation 

The Government of the Republic of Cuba has an- 
nounced that in the morning of 15 April airplanes of 
the U.S. B-26 bomber type subjected separate districts 
of the capital of Cuba — Havana — and a number of other 
inhabited localities to barbarous bombing. There were 
many killed and injured among the inhabitants of the 

Following the bombing, early in the morning of 17 
April armed forces of the interventionists landed at 
various places on the Cuban coast. The landing took 
place under the cover of U.S. aircraft and warships. 

Cuban Government troops and the People's Militia are 
engaged in fighting the invading gangs. 

In connection with the invasion of Cuba the Govern- 
ment of the Soviet Union states : 

The attack on Cuba is an open challenge to all freedom- 
loving peoples, a dangerous provocation against peace 
in the area of the Caribbean Sea, against universal peace. 
There can be no justification of this criminal invasion. 
The organizers of the aggression against Cuba are en- 
croaching on the inalienable right of the Cuban people 
to live freely and independentl.v. They are trampling 
underfoot the elementary norms of international rela- 
tions, the principles of peaceful coexistence of states. 

The Cuban nation has not threatened and is not threat- 
ening anyone. Having overthrown the tyranny of the 
bloody despot Batista, lackey of the big U.S. monopolies, 
the Cuban nation has embarked upon the pursuit of an 
independent policy, of raising its economy, and imijroving 
its life. It demands to be left in peace, to be left to 
build its life in conformity with its national ideals. 

Can small Cuba with its population of 6 million 
threaten anyone — and such a big state as the United 
States at that? Of course not. Yet since the first days 
of the victory of the national revolution in Cuba the 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

United States became the center where the counter- 
revolutionary elements thrown out from Cuba gathered, 
where they were formed into gangs and armed for 
struggle against the popular government of Fidel Castro. 
Recent events show that the present U.S. Government, 
which declared itself heir to Roosevelt's policy, is in 
«ssence pursuing the reactionary imperialist policy of 
Dulles and Eisenhower so condemned by the nations. 

The U.S. Government declared through President 
Kennedy that the basic controversial question on Cuba is 
not a matter of a quarrel between the United States and 
Cuba but concerns the Cubans alone. The President said 
that he advocated a free and independent Cuba. In fact, 
however, everything was done on the territory of the 
United States and the countries dependent on it to pre- 
pare an aggressive attack on Cuba. But for the open 
aggressive policy of the United States towards Cuba 
would the counterrevolutionary gangs of the hirelings of 
U.S. capital have been able to create the so-called Cuban 
Government on U.S. territory? What territory served 
as a starting point for the piratical attack on Cuba? 

It was the territory of the United States and that of 
the neighboring countries which are under Its control. 
Whose are the arms with which the counterrevolutionary 
gangs are equipped? They are U.S. arms. With whose 
funds have they been supported and are they being main- 
tained? With funds appropriated by the United States. 

It is clear from this that it Is precisely the United 
States which is the Insplrer and organizer of the present 
bandit-like attack on Cuba. Why did the United States 
organize this criminal attack on the Cuban Republic? 
Because, after the overthrow of the tyranny of Batista, 
the Cuban people were finished with the plunder and 
exploitation of their homeland by foreign monopolies. 
These monopolies do not wish to concede anything to the 
I)eople of Cuba, the peoples of Latin America. They fear 
that Cuba, building its independent life, will become an 
example for other countries of Latin America. With the 
hands of base mercenaries they want to take from the 
Ouban people their right to determine their own fate, as 
they did with Guatemala. 

But every nation has the right to live as it wishes, and 
no one, no state has the right to impose its own way of 
life on other nations. The Cuban nation has passed 
through a long, harsh, and difficult school of struggle for 
its freedom and independence against foreign oppressors 
and their accomplices, and it will not be brought to its 
knees, will not permit the yoke of foreign enslavers to 
be placed upon its shoulders. All progressive mankind, 
all upright people are on the side of Cuba. 

The Government of the Soviet Union states that the 
Soviet Union, as other peace-loving countries, will not 
abandon the Cuban people in their trouble nor will it 
refuse it all necessary aid and support In the just struggle 
for the freedom and independence of Cuba. 

The Soviet Government, at this crucial moment, for 
the sake of preserving universal peace, appeals to the 
Government of the United States to take measures to 
stop the aggression against Cuba and intervention in 
Cuba's Internal affairs. Protection of and aid to the 
counterrevolutionary bands must be stopped immediately. 

The Soviet Government hopes that It will be under- 
stood in the United States that aggression goes against 
the interests of the American people and is capable of 
jeopardizing the peaceful life of the population of the 
United States Itself. 

The Soviet Government demands urgent study by the 
U.N. General A.s.sembly of the question of aggressive ac- 
tions of the United States, which has prepared and 
unleashed armed intervention against Cuba. 

The Government of the U.S.S.R. appeals to the gov- 
ernments of all member states of the United Nations to 
take all necessary measures for the lumiedlate cessation 
of aggressive actions against Cuba, the continuation of 
which may give rise to the most serious consequences for 
universal peace. 

In this hour, when the sovereignty and independence of 
Cuba, a sovereign member of the United Nations, are in 
danger, the duty of all countries members of the United 
Nations is to render It all necessary aid and support. 

The Soviet Government reserves the right, If armed 
intervention in the affairs of the Cuban people Is not 
stopped, to take all measures with other countries to 
render the necessary assistance to the Republic of Cuba. 


The President has received a long polemical 
letter from Chairman Klirushchev relating to 

The United States Government's views and at- 
titudes toward the situation in Cuba and toward 
Soviet activities there have been set forth clearly 
and in detail in the President's letter, in his speech 
of April 20 before the American Society of News- 
paper Editors/ and in his press conference of 
April 21. The President will not be drawn into 
an extended public debate with the Chairman on 
the basis of this latest exposition of the Commu- 
nist distortion of the basic concepts of the rights 
of man. 

Mr. Khrushchev's letter asks, "Wliat freedom 
do you mean ?" Our answer is simple. This Na- 
tion was committed at its birth to the proposition 
that the people of all comitries should have the 
right freely to determine their own future by 
democratic processes and freely to cooperate with 
their neighbors. The people of the United States 
believe that the right of self-determination is fun- 
damental and should apply throughout the world. 
We reject the right of any narrow political group- 

^ Read to news correspondents by Lincoln White, Di- 
rector of the Office of News. 
* For text, see p. 659. 

May 8, 1961 


ing or any country to arrogate to itself the power 
to determine "the real will of the people." 

People must be free to express their views, free 
to organize to make their views effective, free to 
publish and disseminate their views, and free to 
vote in secret for those whom they would choose 
to direct their affairs. Wliere these freedoms are 
absent, the "will of the people" is an empty phrase. 

History records no single case where commu- 
nism has been installed in any country by the free 
vote of its people. 

Throughout the world everyone knows that, in 
countries where Communist minorities have taken 
power, these freedoms have ceased to exist and 
those who would assert them are mercilessly re- 
pressed. Cuba is a tragic example. 

The political history of the world has been a 
long struggle to assert the fundamental rights of 
the human being and to establish political insti- 
tutions which make possible the true expression of 
the popular will. To attain and maintain these 
goals requires endless creative struggle. That 
struggle goes forward day by day in every quarter 
of the globe. 


Dnoffici.ll translation 

April 22, 1961 

Mb. President : I received your reply of 18 Api-il. You 
write that the United States does not intend to carry out 
a military intervention in Cuba. Hovrever, numerous 
facts known to the entire world, and certainly known bet- 
ter by the Government of the United States of America 
than anybody else — present a different story. However 
much the opposite is assured, it is now indisputably as- 
certained that the preparations for the intervention, the 
financing of armament, and the transfer of hired gangs 
which have invaded the territory of Cuba were indeed 
carried out by the United States. 

The armed forces of the United States of America have 
directly participated in implementing the piratic assault 
on Cuba. American bombers and fighter planes supported 
the operation of the hirelings who have entered Cuban 
territory and participated in the military acts against the 
armed forces of the lawful government and people of 

Such are the facts. They illustrate the direct partici- 
pation of the United States of America in the armed ag- 
gression against Cuba. 

In your message you took the stand of justification and 
even eulogy of the assault on Cuba, this crime which has 
shocked the whole world. 

The organization of military aggression against Cuba — 
only because the way of life chosen by its people does not 

correspond to the tastes of the leading circles in the 
United States and the North American monopolies acting 
in Latin America — you seek to justify by reasoning about 
the devotion of the U.S. Government to the ideals of "free- 
dom." I take the liberty to ask : What freedom do you 

The freedom to strangle the Cuban people with the 
bony hand of starvation by means of economic blockade? 
Is this freedom? The freedom to send military planes over 
the territory of Cuba, to expose to barbaric bombardment 
peaceful Cuban cities, to set fire to sugar cane plantations? 
Is this freedom? 

History knows numerous examples when, under the 
excuse of the defense of freedom, bloody reprisals were 
carried out against the people, colonial wars were waged, 
and one country after the other was taken by the throat. 

Apparently, in the case given, you mean the aspiration 
of the U.S. Government to reestablish in Cuba this kind 
of "freedom" under which the country would dance to the 
tune of a stronger neighbor, and the foreign monopolies 
again could plunder the national riches of Cuba and 
make profit out of the blood and sweat of the Cuban 
people. But the Cuban people made their revolution 
against exactly this kind of "freedom," driving out Batista 
who, perhaps, faithfully served the interests of his foreign 
masters but who was a foreign element in the body of the 
Cuban nation. 

Thus you, Mr. President, express solicitude about a 
band of enemies chased out by their nation, who have 
found refuge under the wing of those who try to hold 
Cuba under the muzzle of the arms of their cruisers and 
minesweepers. But why are you not moved by the destiny 
of the 6-million-strong Cuban nation? Why do you not 
wish to reckon with its inalienable right to freedom and 
independent life, with its right to arrange its internal 
affairs as it thinks fit? Where is the code of international 
law, or, finally, of human morality, with the aid of which 
* such a position could be justified? In short, they do 
not exist. 

The Cuban people have expressed their will once again 
with a degree of clarity which could not leave a single 
doubt even with those who prefer to close their eyes to 
reality. They have shown that they not only know their 
interests best, but know also how to defend them. Cuba 
today is, of course, not the Cuba which you identified 
with the band of traitors who fought against their own 
nation. This is the Cuba of workers, peasants, and In- 
telligentsia. This is a nation which has rallied closely 
round its revolutionary government headed by the na- 
tional hero, Fidel Castro. And this nation, judging by 
all things, has met the interventionists in a worthy man- 
ner. Surely this is true evidence of the real will of the 
people of Cuba. I think this is convincing. And if this 
is so, then surely the time is ripe to draw sober conclu- 
sions from it. 

As for the Soviet Union, I have said many times and 
I aflSrm again : Our Government does not seek any advan- 
tages or privileges in Cuba. We have no bases in Cuba 
and do not intend to establish any. This is well known 
to you, and to your generals and admirals. If, despite 
this, they still insist on scaring people with inventions 


Department of State Bulletin 

about "Soviet bases" in Cuba, they do it for the benefit 

of simpletons. However, the number of such simpletons 

is ever diminishing, including, I hope, in the United States. 

I would like to take this opportunity, Mr. President, to 

/^xjiress my opinion as to your declarations, and the decla- 

» rations of some other U.S. statesmen, that rockets and 

other armaments might be placed on Cuban territory and 

used against the United States. 

From this a conclusion is drawn as if the United States 
had a right to attack Cuba — either directly or through the 
/enemies of the Cuban people whom you arm with your 
/ weapons, train on your territory, maintain with the money 
of U.S. taxpayers, transport by the transport units of your 
armed forces, at the same time striving to mask the fact 
that they are fighting the Cuban people and its legal 

You also refer to some duty of the United States "to 

/defend the Western Hemisphere against external aggres- 
sion." But what kind of duty can it be in this case? 
No one has a duty to defend rebels against the legal 
government in a sovereign state, which Cuba is. 

Mr. President, you are taking a very dangerous path. 
Think about it. Xou speak about your rights and obliga- 
/tions. Certainly, everyone can have pretensions to these 
rights or those rights, but then you must also permit 
other states to base their acts in analogous instances on 
the same kind of reasons and considerations. 

You declare that Cuba is allegedly able to use its terri- 
tory for acts against the United States. This is your 
/assumption, and it is not based on any facts. We, how- 
ever, on our side, are able now to refer to concrete facts 
and not to assumptions : In some countries bordering 
directly on the Soviet Union by land and by sea there are 
now governments which conduct a far from wise policy, 
governments which have concluded military agreements 
with the United States and have put their territory at its 
disposal to accommodate American military bases there. 

In addition, your military people openly declare that 
these bases are directed toward the Soviet Union. Even 
so, this is clear to all : If you consider yourself to be in 
the right to implement such measures against Cuba which 
have lately been taken by the United States of America, 
you must admit that other countries, also, do not have 
lesser reason to act in a similar manner in relation to 
states on whose territories preparations are actually 
being made which represent a threat against the security 
of the Soviet Union. If you do not wish to sin against 
elementary logic, you evidently must admit such a right 
to other states. We, on our side, do not adhere to such 

We consider that the reasonings voiced on this subject 
in the United States are not only a highly free inter- 
pretation of international law, but, speaking frankly, a 
blunt preaching of perfidious policy. 

Certainly, a strong state always can, if it wishes, find 
an excuse to attack a weaker country and then ju-stify 
. .the attack, alleging that this country was a potential 
threat. But is this the morality of the 20th century? 
This is the morality of colonizers and brigands who were 
conducting precisely this policy some time ago. Now, in 
the second half of the 20th century, it is impossible to 

follow the piratic morality of colonizers anymore. All of 
us are now witnesses to the fact of how the colonial 
system falls to the ground and fades away. The Soviet 
Union, for its part, does its best to contribute to this, 
and we are proud of it. 

Or let us consider U.S. activities in regard to China. 
In reference to what legal norms can one justify these 
activities? It is known to all that Taiwan is an integral 
part of China. This has also been recognized by the U.S. 
Government, whose signature was put on the Cairo 
Declaration of 1943. However, later on the United States 
seized Taiwan or, actually, entered on the path of rob- 
bery. The Chinese People's Republic declared its natural 
aspiration to reunite the territory of Taiwan with the 
rest of the Chinese territory. But what was the United 
States reaction to this? It declared that armed force 
would be used to prevent the reunion of this seized 
Chinese territory with the rest of China. It threatens 
war in case China takes steps aiming at the reimiflcation 
of Taiwan. And this from a country which has officially 
recognized Taiwan as belonging to China ! Is this not 
perfidy in international policy? 

If such methods prevailed in relations between states 
then there would be no room for law, and instead of it 
lawlessness and arbitrariness would take its place. 

Thus, Mr. President, your sympathies are one thing, 
and actions against the security and independence of 
other nations, undertaken on the strength of those sym- 
pathies, is quite another matter. Naturally you can ex- 
press your sympathies toward the imperialist and colonial- 
ist countries and this does not astonish anyone. You, 
for instance, cast your vote with them in the United Na- 
tions. This is a question of your morality. But what 
was done against Cuba — this is not morality. This is 
warlike action. 

I wish to stress that if the United Nations is destined to 
attain true strength and fulfill the functions for which it 
was created — at the present time this Organization, un- 
fortunately, represents an organism that is contaminated 
with the germs of colonialism and imperialism — then the 
United Nations must resolutely condemn the warlike ac- 
tions against Cuba. 

The question here is not only one of condemning the 
United States. It is important that the condemnation of 
aggression should become a precedent, a lesson which 
should also be learned by other countries with a view to 
stopping the repetition of aggression. Because if one 
starts to approve, or even to condone, the morality of ag- 
gressors, this can be taken as a guide by other states, and 
this will inevitably lead to war confiicts, any one of which 
may suddenly lead to World War III. 

The statement which you made in your last speech to 
the press representatives must greatly alarm the whole 
world, for, in essence, you speak openly about some right 
of yours to use military force when you consider it neces- 
sary, and to suppress other nations each time you your- 
self decide that the expression of will by those nations 
represents "communism." What right do you have, or 
what right has anyone, to deprive a nation of the pos- 
sibility of deciding according to its own desire to choose 
its own social system? 

May 8, 1961 


Have you ever thought that other countries could pre- 
sent you with similar demands, and could say that you, in 
the United States, have a system which gives rise to wars, 
pursues imperialistic policies, policies of threats and at- 
tacks on other states? There are all grounds for such 
accusations. And Lf we assume the premises which you 
yourself proclaim now, then, obviously, we can require 
the change of the system in the United States. 

We, as you know, are not embarking on this road. We 
support peaceful coexistence among all states and nonin- 
terference in the internal affairs of other countries. 

You hint at Budapest, but we can tell you straight, 
without hints, that it is you, the United States, which 
crushed the independence of Guatemala by sending your 
hirelings there, as you are trying to do in the case of 
Cuba as well. It is the United States, indeed, and not 
any other country which has so far been mercilessly ex- 
ploiting and keeping in economic dependence the Latin 
American countries and many other countries of the 
world. Everyone is aware of that. And according to your 
logic, Mr. President, obviously, actions could also be or- 
ganized against your country from without, which would 
put an end once and for all to this imperialist policy, the 
policy of threats, and the policy of reprisals against 
freedom-loving peoples. 

As to your anxiety about emigrants, expelled by the 
Cuban people, I would say the following in this 
connection : 

You, of course, know that in many countries there 
are emigrants who are not satisfied with the regime pre- 
vailing in those countries from which they fled. If such 
abnormal practices are introduced in the relations be- 
tween states as for such emigrants to be armed and used 
against the countries from which they have fled, then 
we can surely say that this will inevitably lead to con- 
flicts and wars. And, therefore, one should refrain from 
such unwise activities because this is a slippery and 
dangerous road which might lead to world war. 

In your answer you considered it to be appropriate to 
touch on problems not related to the theme of my mes- 
sage — among them, in your interi>retation, the problem 
of the historical inevitability of the Communist 

I am only able to evaluate it as a tendency to divert 
from the main question — the question of the aggression 
against Cuba. Under suitable conditions we are also 
ready to exchange views on the question regarding the 
ways and means for the development of human society, 
although such a question is not being solved by disputes 
between groups or individual persons, regardless of the 
high position they may occupy in the state. The fact of 
whose system will turn out to be the better will be 
solved by the peoples. 

You, Mr. President, have spoken frequently and much 
about your wish to see Cuba liberated. But all acts of 
the United States In regard to this small country con- 
tradict this. I do not even mention the last armed as- 
sault on Cuba, which was organized with the aim of 
changing its inner structure by force. 

It was no one but the United States, indeed, which 
thrust on Cuba the cabalistic condition of the Havana 
agreement almost 60 years ago and created on its territory 

its Guantanamo military base. But the United States of 
America is the most powerful country in the Western 
Hemisphere, and no one in this hemisphere is able to 
threaten you with military invasion. It follows, there- 
fore, that if you continue to maintain your military base 
on the territory of Cuba against the clearly expressed 
wish of the Cuban people and government, this base serves 
not for defense from aggression by any foreign powers, 
but has the aim of suppressing the will of the Latin 
American peoples. It has been created for the imple- 
mentation of gendarmery functions and for keeping the 
Latin American peoples in political and economic 

The Government of the United States is now thundering 
against Cuba. But this only shows one thing — your lack 
of confidence in your own system, in the policy carried 
out by the United States. And this is understandable 
since this is a policy of exploitation, the policy of en- 
slaving underdeveloped countries. You have no faith in 
your system, and this is why you are afraid that the 
example of Cuba might infect other countries. 

But aggressive, bandit acts cannot save your system. 
In the historical process of developing mankind, every 
nation has been, and will be, deciding its own destiny on 
its own. As for the U.S.S.R., the peoples of our country- 
solved this problem over 43 years ago definitely and 

We are a socialist state and our social system is the 
most just of all that have existed to date because by us 
he who labors is also the master of all means of pro- 
duction. This is indeed an infectious example, and the 
sooner the necessity for transition to such a system is 
understood, the sooner all mankind will have a truly 
just community. At the same time, also, wars will be 
ended once and for all. 

You did not like it, Mr. President, when I said in my 
previous message that there could be no firm peace in the 
entire world if the flame of war was raging anywhere. 
But this is precisely so. Peace is indivisible — whether 
anyone likes it or not. And I can only affirm what I said : 
Things cannot be done in such a way that in one region 
the situation is made easier and the conflagration 
dampened, and in another one a new conflagration is 

The Soviet Government has always consequently de- 
fended the freedom and independence of all nations. It 
is obvious, then, that we cannot recognize any U.S. rights 
to decide the fate of other countries, including the Latin 
American countries. We regard any interference by one 
government in the affairs of another — and armed inter- 
ference, especially — as a breach of all international laws, 
and of the principles of peaceful coexistence which the 
Soviet Union has been unfailingly advocating since the 
first days of its establishment. If it is a duty of all 
states and their leaders, in our times more than ever 
before, to refrain from acts which might threaten uni- 
versal peace, it concerns even more the leaders of great 
powers. This is my appeal to you, Mr. President. 

The Soviet Government's position in international 
affairs remains unchanged. We wish to build up our re- 
lations with the United States in such a manner that 
the Soviet Union and the United States, as the two 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

most powerful states in the world, would stop sabre- 
rattliug and bringing forward their military or economic 
advantage, because this will not result in improvement 
of the international situation, but in its deterioration. 
We sincerely wish to reach an agreement with you and 
other countries of the world on disarmament, as well as 
other problems the solution of which would facilitate 
peaceful coexistence, recognition of the people's right to 
the social and political system which they themselves 

have established in their countries, and would also facil- 
itate true respect for the people's will and noninterfer- 
ence in their internal affairs. 

Only under such conditions is it actually possible to 
speak about coexistence, as coexistence is only possible 
if states with different .social systems submit to interna- 
tional law, and recognize as their highest aim the insur- 
ing of peace in the entire world. Only under such cir- 
cumstances will peace rest on a sound basis. 

U.N. General Assembly Debates Cuban Complaint 

Following is a series of statements made in Com- 
mittee I {Political and Security) of the V.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly by U.S. Representative Adlai E. 
Stevenson during debate on the Cvban complaint, 
together with the texts of ttoo resolutions. 


U.S. delegation press release 3697 

I am glad to see that Dr. [Raul] Roa [Cuban 
representative] has suddenly recovered from his 
illness. This has been my first opportunity to 
listen to Dr. Roa on the sins of the United States 
and on the virtues of Castro's Cuba, and I must say 
that it is quite an experience. We have heard a 
number of charges by Dr. Roa, and now, if I may, 
I should like to impose on the committee long 
enough to report a few facts. 

Prime Minister Castro's Air Force chief and his 
private pilot have asked for political asylum in the 
United States. The Air Force chief, Roberto 
Verdaguer, and his brother Guillermo landed a 
Cubana Airlines cargo plane at Jacksonville, 
Florida, on Friday of tliis week. These men will 
be given a hearing in Miami on Monday by immi- 
gration officials, and their request for political 
asylum will be considered in accordance with the 
usual procedures and practices. 

There is also the matter of the bombing and 
rocket attacks which, according to reports, were 
made this morning on airports in Habana and 
Santiago and on Cuban Air Force headquarters at 
San Antonio de los Baiios and to which Dr. Roa 
has referred. 

Dr. Roa has made a number of charges that are 

without any foundation. I reject them categori- 
cally, and I should like to make several points 
quite clear to the committee. 

First, as the President of the United States said 
a few days ago,^ there will not be under any con- 
ditions — and I repeat, any conditions — any inter- 
vention in Cuba by the United States armed 

Secondly, the United States will do everything 
it possibly can to make sure that no Americans 
participate in any actions against Cuba. 

Thirdly, regarding the events which have re- 
portedly occurred this morning and yesterday, the 
United States will consider, in accordance with its 
usual practices, the request for political asylum. 
This principle has long been enshrined as one of 
the fundamental principles of the Americas and, 
indeed, of the world. Those who believe in free- 
dom and seek asylum from tyranny and oppres- 
sion will always receive sympathetic understand- 
ing and consideration by the American people and 
the United States Government. 

Fourthly, regarding the two aircraft which 
landed in Florida today, they were piloted by 
Cuban Air Force pilots. These pilots and certain 
other crew members have apparently defected 
from Castro's tyranny. No United States person- 
nel participated. No United States Government 
airplanes of any kind participated. These two 
planes to the best of our knowledge were Castro's 
own Air Force planes, and, according to the pilots, 
they took off from Castro's own Air Force fields. 

I have here a picture of one of these planes. It 

^ See footnote 2, p. 661. 

May 8, 796/ 


has the markings of Castro's Air Force right on 
the tail, which everyone can see for himself. The 
Cuban star and the initials FAR — Fuerza Aerea 
Revolucionaria — are clearly visible. I should be 
happy to exhibit it to any members of the com- 
mittee following my remarks. 

As it is well known, the United States has long 
had under careful surveillance United States air- 
fields in the southeastern part of tliis country in 
order to prevent alleged takeoffs from our shores 
to Cuba. AVe will continue to keep these airfields 
under perpetual surveillance. 

Now, let me read the statement which has just 
arrived over the wire from the pilot who landed 
in Miami. He said, 

I am one of the twelve B-26 pilots who remained in the 
Castro Air Force after the defection of Diaz Lanz and 
the purges that followed. Three of ray fellow pilots and 
I have planned for months how we could escape from 
Castro's Cuba. Day before yesterday, I heard that one 
of the three, Lieutenant Alvaro Gallo, who is the pilot 
of the B-26, No. FAR-915, had been seen talking to an 
agent of Ramiro Valdes, the G-2 chief. I alerted the 
other two and we decided that probably Alvaro Gallo, 
who had always acted somewhat of a coward, had be- 
trayed us. We decided to take action at once. Yesterday 
morning I was assigned the routine patrol from my base 
San Antonio de los Bauos over a section of Pinar del Rio 
and around the Isle of Pines. I told my friends at Campo 
Libertad, and they agreed that we must act at once. One 
of them was to fly to Santiago. The other made the ex- 
cuse that he wished to check out his altimeter, and they 
were to take off from Campo Libertad at 6 a.m. I was air- 
borne at 6 :0.5. Because of Alvaro Gallo's treachery we 
had agreed to give him a lesson, so I flew back over San 
Antonio where his plane is stationed and made two 
strafing runs at his plane and three others parked nearby. 
On the way out, I was hit by some small-arms fire and 
took evasive action. My comrades had broken off earlier 
to hit airfields which we agreed they would strike. Then 
because I was low on gas I had to go on into Miami because 
I could not reach our agreed destination. It may be that 
they went on to strafe another field before leaving, such 
as Playa Baracoa, where Fidel keeps his helicopter. 

Now, I should like members of this committee to 
know that steps have been taken to impound the 
Cuban planes which have landed in Florida and 
they will not be permitted to take off for Cuba. 

Let me make one concluding observation of a 
general character prior to our more extensive dis- 
cussion of this matter on Monday. As President 
Kennedy said just a few days ago,^ the basic issue 
in Cuba is not between the United States and 
Cuba ; it is between the Cubans themselves. Any- 

one familiar with the history of Cuba, however, 
knows one thing in particular — the history of 
Cuba has been a history of fighting for freedom. 
Regardless of what happens, the Cubans will fight 
for freedom. The activities of the last 24 hours 
are an eloquent confirmation of this historic fact. 


U.S. delegation press release 3699 

Dr. Roa, speaking for Cuba, has just charged 
the United States with aggression against Cuba 
and invasion coming from Florida. These 
charges are totally false, and I deny them cate- 
gorically. The United States has committed no 
aggression against Cuba, and no offensive has 
been launched from Florida or from any other 
part of the United States. 

We sympathize with the desire of the people 
of Cuba — including those in exile who do not 
stop being Cubans merely because they could no 
longer stand to live in today's Cuba — we sym- 
pathize with their desire to seek Cuban independ- 
ence and freedom. We hope that the Cuban 
people will succeed in doing what Castro's revo- 
lution never really tried to do: that is, to bring 
democratic processes to Cuba. 

But as President Kennedy has already said, 

. . . there will not under any conditions be ... an 
intervention in Cuba by United States armed forces. 
This Government will do everything it possibly can — 
and I think it can meet its responsibilities — to make sure 
that there are no Americans involved in any actions 
inside Cuba. 

I wish to make clear also that we would be op- 
posed to the use of our territory for mounting an 
offensive against any foreign government. 

Dr. Roa has also charged my country — which 
fought for Cuban independence — with literally 
everything else, including releasing hounds 
against children and keeping slavery alive and 
crucifying the mandates of man and God. I must 
say, if such lurid oratory is a fair example of 
Dr. Roa's literature, that I shall read more for 
entertainment if not for enlightenment. 

We have heard Dr. Roa's colorful challenges 
and his denunciation of the United States pajDer 
on Cuba ^ as the most low and astigmatic litera- 

' News conference of Apr. 12, 1961. 

" Department of State publication 7171 ; for sale by 
the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. ; price, 20 cents. 


Department of Sfate Bulletin 

ture he has ever seen. Well, when it comes to 
astigmatism, I would remind Dr. Roa what the 
gospel says in the Book of Matthew, "And why 
beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brother's 
eye, but considerest not the beam that is in thine 
own eye?" 

It is my privilege now to discuss some of the 
beams in Cuba's eyes about the United States. 

But first let me say that on Saturday Dr. Roa 
paid me the compliment of saying that he was 
familiar with my books and writings and was 
therefore surprised by my attitude about events 
in Cuba. He said there must be two Stevensons. 

Well, I confess that I am flattered that Dr. Roa 
lias read some of my writings, but I am not sure 
that I equally appreciate his suggestion that I 
am so versatile that there are two of me. Dr. Roa 
will find that on the siibject of tyranny — be it of 
the right or the left— be it of the minority or the 
majority — be it over the mind, or spirit, or body 
of man — that I have only one view — unalterable 
opposition. That he evidently has not read what 
I think on that subject very carefully does not 
surprise me. 

Dr. Roa's Two Views on Hungarian Revolution 

But if there are not two Stevensons, I suggest 
that on the subject of uprisings and communism 
Dr. Roa seems to have two views. Perhaps there 
are two Roas. In his book entitled En Pie, pub- 
lished in 1959, Dr. Roa included an essay on the 
Hungarian revolution and its suppi'ession by the 
Soviet Army. I should like to quote, if I could, 
certain brief portions of Dr. Roa's essay, in an 
English translation which, although it may not do 
justice to the eloquence of the original language, 
nevertheless indicates Dr. Roa's views at that time. 
At that time he wrote: 

The brutal methods employed by the Soviet Army to 
suppress the patriotic uprising of the Hungarian people 
have given rise to the strongest feelings of repulsion on 
the part of the free world, and the repercussions of these 
feelings in the intellectual areas subject to the Kremlin 
are breaking up the dogmatic unity of the Communist 
movement on the cultural level. The crimes, excesses 
and outrages perpetrated by the invaders have evoked 
strong censure and numerous desertions among the trained 
seals and charlatan lackeys of Moscow. The implacable 
brainwashing and systematic hardening of the sensi- 
bilities to which the heralds and palfreys of Marxist 
dichotomist doctrine are subject seem to have failed in 
this case. 

Dr. Roa then cited what he called "representa- 
tive opinions, judgments and pronomicements" of 
intellectuals in many countries of many political 
creeds, including the Communist, in condemna- 
tion of "Soviet infamies and depredations in Hun- 
gary," to use his own words. His essay concluded 
with this smnmation: 

In Belgium, Holland, Norway, Sweden, England, Den- 
mark and the United States of America, the most elevated 
men of science and the most eminent writers have closed 
ranks with the Hungarian patriots. The free voice of our 
America has already let itself be heard in a ringing 
document which I had the honor of signing. And also 
that of the Asiatic an<? African peoples who are fighting 
for the advent of a world wherein will reign justice, 
equality and respect for human rights. 

If valor is not always accompanied by good fortune, 
nevertheless, the battles fought on behalf of liberty and 
culture against despotism and barbarism are never lost. 
The case of Hungary once more corroborates the patent 
validity of this statement. 

Now, though it may seem paradoxical, Mr. 
Chairman and gentlemen, I must tell you that I 
am in entire agreement with the judgments in 
Dr. Roa's essay of 1959. 

But in October 1960 the Cuban Foreign Min- 
istry, under Dr. Roa's direction, gave an orienta- 
tion lecture to its employees in which the Hun- 
garian revolution was characterized as follows: 

The Himgarian counterrevolution of 1956 was directed 
by North American imperialism to divert world attention 
from the Suez aggression : participating in the counter- 
revolution were fascist elements of the former Nagy gov- 
ernment of Hungary, war criminals from West Germany 
and other foreign countries, leaders of the Roman 
Catholic Church who had lost lands and political power, 
and members of the Hungarian labor party, intellectuals 
and students who desired the restoration of capitalism ; 
Soviet troops entered Hungary at the request of the legiti- 
mate government, and the U.S.S.R. also gave economic aid. 

Well, gentlemen, for flexibility and agility I 
am afraid I would have to concede that even two 
Stevensons are no match for one Roa. 

In reading these conflicting characterizations of 
the Hungary revolution, one by Dr. Roa and the 
other by his Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I was 
reminded of certain other parallels between Hun- 
gary and Cuba. The Castro regime and its for- 
eign collaborators are using the same methods 
now to suppress the patriotic uprising of the Cu- 
ban people as were used in 1956 to suppress the 
Hungarian people. Cuban patriots are now called 
traitors, mercenaries, criminals, and tools of im- 
perialism in the same way as the patriotic Him- 

May 8, 1961 


gai'ian workers of 1956 were then and are still 
being slandered by such false allegations. 

Patriots become traitors and mercenaries evi- 
dently very quickly in the idiom of Dr. Koa. My 
recollection is that Batista said the same things, 
using tlie same, identical words to describe Dr. 
Castro, Dr. Roa, and their countless associates who 
had fled from the tyranny in Cuba. 

No, Dr. Eoa, our gi-eat champions of human 
freedom, Jefferson and Lincoln, will not have to be 
reburied because of our sympathy for today's 
freedom fighters, wherever they are. 

Castro's Program of Betrayal 

Dr. Roa's description of the detailed reports in 
the United States papers and magazines about the 
activities of the Cuban refugees illustrates some- 
thing that I hope no member here will overlook. 
It illustrates how fi-ee the press is in this country. 
We don't have to wonder what would happen if a 
newspaper in Habana exercised the same freedom. 
We don't have to wonder, because it has already 
happened; the free press of Cuba has long since 
been crushed. 

I want to remind the committee that there was 
great sympathy in the United States for the pro- 
claimed goals of the Cuban revolution when it 
took place ; that as soon as the Castro regime came 
to power the United States accorded it prompt 
recognition ; that in the spring of 1959 the United 
States stood ready to supply the Castro govern- 
ment with economic assistance; that the hope of 
my fellow citizens has always been that Dr. Castro 
would live up to the pledges of freedom and de- 
mocracy that he uttered from Sierra Maestra to 
the Cuban people. Instead, Dr. Castro chose to 
embark on a systematic betrayal of these pledges. 
He has presided over a methodical and shameless 
corruption of his own revolution. To conceal his 
program of betrayal, he has followed the classical 
course of all tyrants: He has raised the specter of 
a foreign enemy whose alleged malevolence can 
serve as an excuse for tightening the screws of 
tyranny at home. And so, in the course of 1959, 
he began the anti-United States campaign that in 
recent months has risen to so strident a crescendo. 
He closed his door to the American Ambassador in 
Habana. He conjured up the ghost of a Yanqui 
imperialism. By demanding that the American 
Embassy in Habana be reduced to a handful of 
persons, he eventually forced our Government to 

break diplomatic and consular relations with his 

Wliat is even more important. Dr. Castro has 
accompanied his attack on my country by an ever- 
widening assault on the entire hemisphere. We 
must not forget that Dr. Roa has described Presi- 
dent [Arturo] Frondizi of Argentina in terms so 
revolting that I will not repeat them. The official 
Cuban radio has poured shrill invective on the 
goveiTunents and on the leaders throughout the 
hemisphere; and the more democratic and pro- 
gressive the government, the more the Castro re- 
gime recognizes it as a mortal enemy and the more 
savage becomes its abuse. 

In time his assault has expanded to include the 
whole conception of the inter- American system 
and the Organization of American States. Dr. 
Castro has repeatedly proclaimed his purpose, to 
quote his own words, "to convert the Cordillera 
of the Andes into the Sierra Maestra of the 
hemisphere." He has avowed his ambition to 
overthrow the free governments of the Americas 
and to replace them by regimes modeled in his 
own tyrannical image. If Dr. Castro stands to- 
day an outlaw in the hemisphere, it is through his 
own desire, his own determination, his own deci- 
sion to establish a new tyranny in Cuba. If the 
Castro regime is iDerishing, it is from self-inflicted 

Fears of the Castro Regime 

Wliat Dr. Roa seeks from us today is the pro- 
tection of the Castro regime from the natural 
wrath of the Cuban people. We have all read 
the recent newspaper stories about these activities 
whicli he has described with such lurid oratory — 
of men who hope to return to Cuba for the pur- 
pose of establishing a free government in their 
homeland. At least some members of such groups 
have been captured or imprisoned or executed by 
Cuban firing squads. We have given asylum to 
tens of thousands of Cuban citizens who have 
been forced to flee from their homeland to these 
shores. These exiles nurse a natural, burning 
desire to bring freedom to Cuba, and toward that 
end they work with the dedicated concentration 
which Jose Marti and other Cuban exiles in the 
United States have sliown in the tradition which 
is now nearly 100 years old. 

But what does the present Cuban regime have 

* For background, see Bulmtin of Jan. 23, 1061, p. 103. 


Department of State Bulletin 

to fear from these gi'oups? What accounts for 
Dr. Koa's agitation? Is Dr. Roa demanding that 
the Cuban exiles throughout the Americas be 
suppressed and controlled in the same ruthless 
manner as the people within Cuba today ? 

It cannot be that he fears the armed might of 
small armed bands of resistance fightere. His 
Prime Minister has often boasted of the armed 
strength of Cuba. Cuba has by far the lai'gest 
ground forces of any country in Latin America, 
possessed, by Dr. Castro's own admission, with 
ample supplies of automatic rifles, machineguns, 
artillery, grenades, tanks, and other modem 
armament obtained from his new friends. Well 
over 30,000 tons of Soviet equipment has arrived 
in the last few months. This includes at least 
15 Soviet 50-ton tanks, 19 Soviet assault gims, 
15 Soviet 35-ton tanks, 78 Soviet 76-millimeter 
field guns, 4 Soviet 122-millimeter field guns, and 
over 100 Soviet heavy machineguns. Over 200 
Soviet and Czechoslovak military advisers are in 
Cuba, and over 150 Cuban military personnel have 
been sent to the bloc for training. 

In view of all of this, we must look for the 
answer to Castro's fears somewhere else: in the 
internal situation in Cuba and in Prime Minister 
Castro's own experience with the difficidties which 
small dissident groups can cause for a dictator 
who has betrayed his own revolution, as in the 
case of Batista. 

If the Cuban Government is so deeply con- 
cerned about a few isolated groups, it must be be- 
cause Dr. Castro has lost confidence in his own 
people. He evidently really believes that small 
armed groups are likely to find support enough 
to become dangerous. If this is the case, it seems 
a remarkable confession of doubt as to whether 
his own people approve his regime and its prac- 
tices, and Dr. Castro is surely right to be afraid. 
Even with full government control of the press, 
the radio, television, all forms of communication, 
every evidence, including the daily defections of 
his close associates and supporters, suggests that 
the people of Cuba are rejecting this regime./ 

Challenge to the Hemisphere 

Let me make it clear that we do not regard the 
Cuban problem as a problem between Cuba and 
the United States. The challenge is not to the 
United States but to the hemisphere and its duly 
constituted body, the Organization of American 

States. The Castro regime has betrayed the 
Cuban revolution. It is now collaborating in 
organized attempts by means of pi-opaganda, 
agitation, and subversion to bring about the over- 
throw of existing governments by force and re- 
place them with regimes subsei-vient to an extra- 
continental power. These events help to explain 
why the Cuban Government continues to bypass 
the Organization of American States, even if they 
do not explain why Cuba, which is thus in open 
violation of its obligations under inter- American 
treaties and agreements, continues to charge the 
United States with violations of these same 

Soon after tlie Castro government assumed 
power, it launched a program looking to the ex- 
port of its system to other countries of the hemi- 
sphere, particularly in the Caribbean area. The 
intervention of Cuban diplomatic personnel in the 
internal affairs of other nations of the hemisphere 
has become flagrant. Cuban diplomatic and 
consular establishments are used as distribution 
points for propaganda material calling on the 
peoples of Latin America to follow Cuba's 
example. Even Cuban diplomatic pouches des- 
tined for various Latin American countries have 
been found to contain inflammatory and sub- 
versive propaganda directed against friendly 

In public support of these activities Prime Min- 
ister Castro, President [Osvaldo] Dorticos, Dr. 
Roa himself, and many other high-ranking mem- 
bers of the revolutionary government have openly 
stated that "the peoples of Latin America should 
follow Cuba's example." They have frankly de- 
clared that the Cuban system is for export. On 
August 30, 1960, Prime Minister Castro said: 
"^Vliat happened in Cuba will someday happen in 
America, and if for saying this we are accused of 
being continental revolutionaries, let them accuse 
us." But in case that was not clear enough it was 
followed 2 days later by Mr. Roa's statement that 
the Cuban revolution "will act as a springboard 
for all the popular forces in Latin America follow- 
ing a destiny identical to Cuba." 

And as late as March 4th of this year, last 
month, President Dorticos did not hesitate to urge 
a group of Latin American agricultural workers 
meeting in Habana to "initiate similar move- 
ments in their own countries" when they returned 
home. He promised them the "solidarity of a 

May 8, J96I 


people "who have already won their victory and 
are ready to help other people achieve theirs." 

In spite of all of this, Dr. Roa now tells us that 
the revolutionary government wants only to live 
in peace, that it does not threaten its neighbors, 
that it has not attempted nor intends to export its 

Statements of Soviet Russian and Chinese Com- 
munist leaders indicate that, by Dr. Castro's own 
actions, the Cuban revolution has become an in- 
strument of the foreign policies of these extra- 
continental powers. The increasingly intimate 
relationship between Cuba and the Soviet Union, 
the People's Republic of China, and other coun- 
tries associated with them, in conjunction with the 
huge shipments of arms, munitions, and other 
equipment from the Sino-Soviet bloc, must there- 
fore be matters of deep concern to independent 
governments everywhere. 

The Castro regime has mercilessly destroyed the 
hope of freedom the Cuban people had briefly 
glimpsed at the beginning of 1959. Cuba has 
never witnessed such political persecution as exists 
today. The arrests, the prisons bulging with po- 
litical prisoners, and the firing squads testify to 
this. Since the Castro regime came to power, 
more than 600 persons have been executed, with a 
shocking disregard of the standards of due process 
of law and fair trial generally accepted and prac- 
ticed in the civilized community of nations. The 
Government has even threatened to replace its 
slogan for this year — "the year of education" — 
with a new slogan — "the year of the execution 

There is no democratic participation of the 
Cuban people in the determination of their des- 
tiny. Staged rallies, at which small percentages 
of the population are harangued and asked to ex- 
press approval of policies by shouts or show of 
hands, represent the procedure of a totalitarian 
demagog and not free and democratic expression 
of opinion through the secret ballot. 

The Cuban farm worker who was promised his 
own plot of land finds that he is an employee of 
the state working on collective or state-run farms. 
The independent labor movement, once one of the 
strongest in the hemisphere, is today in chains. 
Freely elected Cuban labor leaders, who as late 
as the end of 1960 protested the destruction of 
workers' rights, were imprisoned for their pains. 

or took asylum in foreign embassies, or fled the 
country to escape imprisonment. 

When in addition the people are confronted, 
despite aid from the Sino-Soviet bloc, with a dras- 
tic reduction in their standard of living, it is not 
surprising opposition to their present master 

Roster of the Disillusioned 

Such conditions have led to a steady stream of 
defections and escapes — ^not by members of the 
previous government but by Castro's own officials. 

In his speech on Saturday afternoon. Dr. Roa 
referred to those Cubans fighting to free their 
homeland from tyranny as "traitors and mer- 
cenaries." The Soviet representative, in support- 
ing Dr. Roa, embellished the characterization by 
calling these freedom fighters "human beings who 
are capable of selling tlieir own father and their 
mother for a consideration." Now, Dr. Roa well 
knows that the men of whom he speaks ai'e not 
traitors or mercenaries. He is familiar with their 
contribution to the revolution. The reasons for 
their defection are no mystery to him. Many of 
them are his friends and associates of long stand- 
ing, both in government service and at the Univer- 
sity of Habana. Mr. [Valerian A.] Zorin 
[Soviet representative], on the other hand, 
might be excused perhaps for not being familiar 
with the revolutionary background of some of 
these Cuban patriots. 

I think it might be instructive for him and for 
the members of the committee to laiow who some 
of these people are. They make an impressive 
list : the first provisional president of the Revolu- 
tionary Government, Dr. Manuel Urrutia, who 
had asserted m defiance of Batista and in defense 
of Castro the right of Cubans to resort to arms to 
overthrow an unconstitutional government; the 
first Prime Minister, Dr. Jose Miro Cardona, who 
is chairman of the Revolutionary Council, which 
seeks the rescue of the betrayed revolution; and 
the first President of the Supreme Court, Dr. 
Emilio Menendez. 

It also includes nearly two-thirds of Castro's 
first Cabinet, such as Minister of Foreign AlTairs 
Roberto Agramonte, Minister of the Treasury 
Rufo Lopez Fresquet, Minister of Labor Manuel 
Fernandez, Minister of Agriculture Humberto 
Sori Marin, and Minister of Public Works IManuel 


Departm&nf of State Bulletin 

Kay. In otlier fields a similar compilation can be 
made: companions in arms of Fidel Castro such 
as Sierra Maestra commanders Huber Mates, 
Nino Diaz, and Jorge Sotus; and rebel Air Force 
leaders such as Pedro Diaz Lauz and the 
Verdaguer brothers; labor leaders such as David 
Salvador and Amaury Fraginals; editors and 
commentators such as Bohemia director Miguel 
Angel Quevedo, Luis Conte Agiiero, and the 
notoriously anti-American Jose Pardo Llada; and 
even such confidants as Juan Orta, the head of the 
Prime Minister's own offices. 

The roster of disillusioned, persecuted, im- 
prisoned, exiled, and executed men and vromen 
Tvho originally supported Dr. Castro — and who are 
now labeled as "traitors and mercenaries" by Dr. 
Eoa because they tried to make the Castro regime 
live up to its own promises — is long and getting 
longer. These are the men who are now leading 
the struggle to restore the Cuban revolution to its 
original premises. 

In his letter of February 23, circulated in docu- 
ment A/4701, Dr. Roa claims that it is the policy 
of the United States "to punish the Cuban people 
on account of their legitimate aspirations for the 
political freedom, economic development and 
social advancement of the under-developed or 
dependent peoples of Latin America, Africa, Asia 
and Oceania."' Such a ludicrous charge deserves 
no serious reply. But I should remind Dr. Castro 
that he had many friends in the United States at 
the time he took power in Cuba. The ideals which 
he then expressed of establishing honest and 
efficient government, perfecting democratic proc- 
esses, and creating higher standards of living, full 
employment, and land reform were welcomed 
warmly both in the United States and in other 
parts of the Western Hemisphere. I sincerely 
wish that was still the case. 

Problem Created by Cuban Revolution 

The problem created in the Western Hemisphere 
by the Cuban revolution is not one of revolution. 
As President Kennedy said on March 13,° 

. . . xxslitical freedom must be accompanied by social 
change. For unless necessary social reforms, Including 
land and tax reform, are freely made, unless we broaden 
the opportunity of all of our people, unless the great mass 
of Americans share in Increasing prosperity, then our al- 

' md., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

liance, our revolution, our dream, and our freedom will 
fail. But we call for social change by free men — change 
in the spirit of Washington and Jefferson, of Bolivar and 
San Martfn and Marti — not change which seeks to imjwse 
on men tyrannies which we cast out a century and a half 
ago. Our raotto is what it has always been — progress yes, 
tyranny no. . . . 

No, the problem is not social change, which is 
both inevitable and just. The problem is that 
every efl'ort is being made to use Cuba as a base 
to force totalitarian ideology into other parts of 
the Americas. 

The Cuban Government has disparaged the 
plans of the American states to pool their re- 
sources to accelerate social and economic develop- 
ment in the Americas. At the Bogota meeting 
of the Committee of 21 in September 1960 the 
Cuban delegation missed few opportunities to in- 
sult the rejjresentatives of other American states 
and to play an obstructionist role. They refused 
to sign the Act of Bogota and thereby to take part 
in the hemisphere- wide cooperative effort of social 
reform to accompany programs of economic de- 
velopment. The Cuban official reaction to Presi- 
dent Kennedy's Alliance for Progress program for 
the Americas was in a similar vein. In a speech 
on March 12, 1961, Dr. Castro denounced the pro- 
gram, portraying it as a program of "alms" using 
"usurious dollars" to buy the economic independ- 
ence and national dignity of the countries which 
participate in the program. This is insulting to 
the countries which participate in the program. 
But equally important, he chose to ignore the 
underlying premise of the program: a vast co- 
operative effort to satisfy the basic needs of the 
American peoples and thereby to demonstrate to 
the entire world that man's unsatisfied aspiration 
for economic progress and social justice can best 
be achieved by free men working within a frame- 
work of democratic institutions. The hostility 
of the Castro regime to these constructive efforts 
for social and economic progress in the Americas — 
and even the language — recalls the similar hos- 
tility of the U.S.S.R. to the Marshall plan in 

Dr. Castro has carefully and purposefully de- 
stroyed the great hope the hemisphere invested in 
him when he came to power 2 years ago. No one 
in his senses could have expected to embark on 
such a course as this with impunity. No sane 
man would suppose that he could speak Dr. 

May 8, 1967 

592231—61 3 


Castro's words, proclaim his aggressive intentions, 
carry out his policies of intervention and subver- 
sion — and at the same time retain the friendship, 
the respect, and the confidence of Cuba's sister re- 
publics in the Americas. He sowed the wind and 
reaps the whirlwind. 

It is not the United States which is the cause 
of Dr. Castro's trouble : It is Dr. Castro himself. 
It is not Washington which has tui'ned so many 
thousands of his fellow countrymen against his 
regime — men who fought beside him in the Cuban 
hills, men who risked their lives for him in the 
underground movements in Cuban cities, men who 
lined Cuban streets to hail him as the liberator 
from tyranny, men who occupied the most promi- 
nent places in the first government of the Cuban 
re\-olution. It is these men who constitute the 
threat — if threat there is — to Dr. Castro's hope of 
consolidating his power and intensifying his 

It is Dr. Castro's own policy which has deprived 
tliese men of the hope of influencing his regime by 
democratic methods of free elections and repre- 
sentative government. It is Dr. Castro who, by 
denying Cuban citizens constitutional recoui-se, 
lias driven them toward the desperate alternative 
of resistance — just as Batista once did. 

Let us be absolutely clear in our minds who these 
men are. They are not supporters of Batista; 
they fought as passionately and bravely against 
Batista as Dr. Castro himself. They are not 
champions of the old order in Cuba ; they labored 
day and night as long as they could to realize the 
promises of the Cuban revolution. They will not 
turn the clock back, either to the tyranny of Batista 
or to the tyraimy of Castro. They stand for a new 
and brighter Cuba which will genuinely realize 
the pledge which Dr. Castro has so fanatically 
betrayed — the pledge of bread with freedom. 

U.S. Attitude Toward Castro Regime 

The problem which the United States confronts 
today is our attitude toward such men as these. 
Three years ago many American citizens looked 
with sympathy on the cause espoused by Castro 
and offered hospitality to his followers in their 
battle against the tyranny of Batista. We cannot 
expect Americans today to look with less sympathy 
on those Cubans who, out of love for their country 
and for liberty, now struggle against the tyranny 
of Castro. 

If the Castro regime has hostility to fear, it is 
the hostility of Cubans, not of Americans. If to- 
day Castro's militia are limiting down guerrillas 
in the hills where Castro himself once fought, they 
are hunting down Cubans, not Americans. If the 
Castro regime is overthrown, it will be overthrown 
by Cubans, not by Americans. 

I do not see that it is the obligation of the United 
States to protect Dr. Castro from the consequences 
of his treason to the promises of the Cuban revolu- 
tion, to the hopes of the Cuban people, and to 
the democratic asjDirations of the Western 

It is because Dr. Castro has turned his back on 
the inter -American system that this debate marks 
so tragic a moment for all citizens of tlie Western 
Hemisphere. It is tragic to watch the historic as- 
pirations of the Cuban people once again thwarted 
by tyramiy. It is tragic to see bitterness rise with- 
in a family of nations united by so many bonds of 
coimnon memory and common hope. It is tragic 
to watch a despotic regime drive its own people 
toward violence and bloodshed. The United 
States looks with distress and anxiety on such 
melancholy events. 

Our only hope is that the Cuban tragedy may 
awaken the people and governments of the Ameri- 
cas to a profound resolve — a resolve to concert 
every resource and energy to advance the cause of 
economic growth and social progress throughout 
the hemisphere, but to do so under conditions of 
human freedom and political democracy. This 
cause represents the real revolution of the Ameri- 
cas. To this struggle to expand freedom and 
abundance and education and culture for all the 
citizens of the New World the free states of the 
hemisphere summon all the peoples in nations 
where freedom and independence are in temporary 
eclipse. We confidently expect that Cuba will be 
restored to the American community and will take 
a leading role to win social reform and economic 
opportunity, human dignity and democratic gov- 
ernment, not just for the people of Cuba but for 
all the people of the hemisphere. 

[In a further intervention Ambassador Stevenson said:] 

I will detain you only a moment because I agree 
with Mr. Zorin's suggestion that we adjourn imtil 
this afternoon. 

But I must intervene long enough to say that, 
while I was not here at the United Nations at that 
time, I recall no such complaints of aggression 


Department of State Bulletin 

against a small country from Mr. Zorin when Cas- 
tro's followei-s were organizing their revolt against 
Batista on the shores of the United States. Wliy 
is it that the distinguished representative of the 
Soviet Union is so concerned about a revolt against 
Dr. Castro ? Cuba is no smaller today than it was 
then and far more defensible — thanks to the 


U.S. delegation press release 3701 

I have listened with much interest to the mes- 
sages from the Soviet Union just received " and 
expect to be able to read to the committee the 
President's reply in the course of the day. 

Let me add for myself that I agree with the 
Soviet protest in at least one respect : Tlie United 
States is not endangered by Cuba. But what the 
Soviet statement disregards is that many Cubans 
are themselves endangered by the regime in Cuba. 

I am also glad to hear the representative of the 
Soviet Union say that his Government believes 
that no people has the right to enforce upon an- 
other its way of life. With that we emphatically 


U.S. delegation press release 3704 

I am grateful to the distinguished representa- 
tive of Mexico for his thoughtful, scholarly, and 
temperate address, as I am to others who have at- 
tempted to make constructive contributions to this 

This morning I said that I would read to the 
committee the message of the President of the 
United States in reply to Mr. Khrushchev's mes- 
sage, which Mr. Zorin read to us this morning. 
The message was handed to the Soviet Ambassa- 
dor in Washington at 7 o'clock this evening and 
was immediately released to the press. I would 
have delivered it to you before, but this is the 
first opportunity I have had to speak. The mes- 
sage reads: 

[At this point Ambassador Stevenson read the text of Presi- 
dent Kennedy's message to N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the 
Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. For text, see page 661.] 

I am afraid that the time has now come for me 

' For texts, see p. 662. 

to comment on and correct some of the innuendoes, 
the half-truths, the falsehoods about the Cuban 
affair which the committee has heard for many 
hours. I said yesterday : 

Dr. Roa . . . has .iust charged the United States with 
aggression against Cuba and invasion coming from Flor- 
ida. These charges are totally false, and I deny them 
categorically. The United States has committed no ag- 
gression against Cuba, and no offensive has been launched 
from Florida or from any other part of the United States. 

We sympathize with the desire of the people of Cuba- 
including those in exile who do not stop being Cubans 
merely because they could no longer stand to live in to- 
day's Cuba — we sympathize with their desire to seek 
Cuban independence and freedom. 

But we hope, as I have also said, that the Cuban 
people will succeed in doing what Dr. Castro 
promised to do: to bring to Cuba social reform, 
free institutions, and honest democratic govern- 
ment. We in the United States regret that Dr. 
Castro's promises are forgotten and that he is con- 
verting that beautiful, rich island into an outpost 
of the new imperialism. With its history of gal- 
lant struggle for freedom, what has happened in 
Cuba is all the more tragic. 

I have listened here to every kind of epithet and 
abuse of my country. All of the familiar Com- 
munist words have been poured in a torrent on a 
nation that has fought in two world wars to de- 
feat the designs of tyrants and protect your free- 
dom as well as ours ; a nation that bore the greatest 
burden of the fir-st great battle for collective secu- 
rity in Korea and the protection of a small country 
from cynical and unprovoked attack by its neigh- 
bor; a nation that has poured out its treasure to 
aid the reconstruction and rehabilitation, the de- 
fense and prosperity, of friends and foes alike, 
with a magnanimity without historical precedents. 
And for our pains the words that reverberate in 
this chamber are too often "greedy monopolists," 
"mercenaries," "economic imperialists," "ex- 
ploiters," "pirates," "aggressors," and all the fa- 
miliar Communist jargon, including the worst 
of all — "counterrevolutionary" — which of course 
means anti-Communist. And I must say that after 
listening to this I welcome the healthy and whole- 
some suggestion of the representative of Ecuador 
that we declare a moratorium on epithets and 
poison in our discussion. 

Not content with calling us all the names in the 
glossary of epithets and abuse, not content with 
confiscating all of our properties, with closing our 

May 8, 1961 


Embassy, with persecuting our citizens, I have 
heard the United States denounced over and over 
for not buying our assailant's sugar — and at a 
price above the world market. I am reminded of 
the little boy who killed his mother and his father 
and then pleaded for clemency on the ground that 
he was an orphan. 

But I assure you that Cuba is no orphan. Cuba 
has a new and powerful friend, just like Little Red 
Riding Hood in the fable. And now that their 
imperialist invasion of Cuba has succeeded and the 
Cuban revolution has been conformed to their pat- 
tern, we hear them deny the right of revolution to 
another people — the Cubans. I heard no such 
bitter protests when Mr. Castro was establishing 
his foothold in the Cuban mountains after return- 
ing from abroad with his followers. 

Invalidity of Cuba's Charges 

But let me comment on the many accusations 
about activities in the United States. I repeat 
again what I said yesterday : No invasion has taken 
place from Florida or any other part of the United 
States, and we are opposed to the use of our terri- 
tory for launching a military attack against any 
foreign country. Dr. Roa has alleged, and others 
have faithfully repeated, countless instances of 
United States intervention in Cuba through air 
actions, arms, supplies, ships, and so forth. A 
careful examination of his speech will show, how- 
ever, not one bit of evidence of United States in- 
volvement. But the facts, or the want of them, 
are evidently no deterrent to lurid rhetoric and 
accusation by some among us. 

The whole world knows and no one denies that, 
since Dr. Castro betrayed his revolution, there has 
been a rising tide of discontent and resistance by 
Cubans both inside and outside of Cuba ; sabotage, 
violence, and guerrilla fighting within Cuba have 
been daily news for many months. But it is not 
true, as the representative of Rumania claimed 
yesterday, that this has been caused by aircraft 
proceeding from United States territory and "pi- 
loted by Americans," to quote his words. 

It is not true any more than it is true, as Dr. Roa 
and others have repeated, that an invasion has been 
launched from Florida. 

A few other examples of the invalidity of Dr. 
Roa's charges against the United States Govern- 
ment may be of interest to the committee in the 
consideration of this matter. First Dr. Roa asked 

a series of questions about particular types of arm- 
aments, some of which he displayed in photo- 
graphs. It is true, as Dr. Roa implied, that most 
of this armament is used by United States armed 
forces. It is also true, which he did not imply, that 
most of these types of arms, including 57-milli- 
meter antitank guns, are widely distributed 
throughout the armies of Latin America, Europe, 
and other parts of the world. Most, if not all, of 
these arms, including those which are only sold 
originally on a government-to-government basis, 
are freely available on private arms markets. 
Every one of the weapons has been accessible to 
many nations on a licensed basis, including Cuba 
and other Latin American nations. The Castro 
army itself, furthermore, has stocks of many, if 
not all, of them. 

Secondly, Dr. Roa also repeated charges about 
pirate flights of United States planes from Florida 
over Cuba, which he says now number 50. I con- 
clude that the story grows in tellmg, like the fish 
story. A report that a plane flying over Cuba 
came from a northerly direction is apparently Dr. 
Castro's only evidence that it came from the United 

The Cuban Government, I am sure, knows that 
the United States has established the most vigor- 
ous and elaborate system of controls in peacetime 
history to prevent the unauthorized flight of air- 
craft from the United States over Cuba. Wliere 
specific evidence has been brought to our attention, 
we have attempted to investigate, as is clearly set 
forth in document A/4537. Some of these investi- 
gations have demonstrated that some flights did 
originate in the United States. It was because 
of this that the United States established this 
elaborate control system. But the investigations 
have also demonstrated the hypocrisy and deceit 
of the Cuban Government. In at least one of these 
flights— in March 1960— the pilot, William Sher- 
galis, admitted that he was an agent of Castro and 
had been directed to make the flight in order to 
fabricate evidence of an alleged United States 
provocation. Since admitting this he has been 
held constantly in jail in Cuba. The Shergalis 
operation was organized through the head of 
Prime Minister Castro's own offices, Juan Orta, 
who only last week defected and sought asylum in 
a Latin American embassy in Habana. 

The latest flight of which Dr. Roa complains 
was the one on 24 March which, he tells us, the 


Department of State BuUetin 

Castro government forced down at Jose Marti 
Airport. This case is similarly instructive. 
Wliat Dr. Roa did not say was that this plane was 
on its way to Nicaragua, that it had received flight 
clearance from the Cuban authorities, that clear- 
ance was revoked — but not until after the plane 
was already on its way — that it was carrying spare 
tractor parts and a banana pulping machine, and 
that the Cuban Government has since released the 

Thirdly, another example of Dr. Roa's charges 
is that a ship named the Western Union was ap- 
prehended on 31 March in Cuban waters and that 
it had on board 180,000 gallons of high-octane gas- 
oline, that planes flew over the Cuban Coast Guard 
vessel involved and dropped tear gas, and finally 
that the ship was engaged in anti-Cuban activities. 

The circumstances in this case have been care- 
fully investigated, and I am able to report the 
facts. The Weste?^ Union had no relation to any 
United States Government operation; it was en- 
gaged in a cable repair job wliich had no relation 
to Cuba. The burden of Dr. Roa's charge that 
the Western Union carried 180,000 gallons of high- 
octane gasoline is also untrue. It was carrying no 
gasoline except its own fuel. The Western Union 
is a 90-ton schooner. One hundred and eighty 
thousand gallons of high-octane gasoline weighs 
540 tons. Need I say any more ? 

The Western Union was not within Cuban terri- 
torial waters. It was fully 6 miles from tlie Cuban 
shore when it was intercepted and illegally forced 
within Cuban coastal waters. American air- 
craft, which were dispatched in reply to its signals 
of distress, limited their activities to observation. 
No tear gas was used. 

In the fourth place, Dr. Roa has also alleged 
that, before the regime of Fidel Castro, Cuba's 
economic dependence upon the United States was 
such as to make it a kind of colony of the United 
States. He cited the Cuban sugar quota in the 
United States market as an illustration or proof 
of his charge. In fact the relationship between 
Cuba, as the privileged foreign supplier of sugar 
to this country, and the United States, as the prin- 
cipal market for Cuban sugar, has been of con- 
sidei-able mutual advantage to Cuba and the 
United States. In return for the assurance which 
Cuba gave of a secure and close source of supply 
of sugar, Cuba received a quota — a preferential 
tariff at any rate — and a United States market 

price which was normally higher than the world 
market price. Under this agreement Cuba sup- 
plied about 71 percent of tl^e United States sugar 
imports and earned in 1959 alone — the fii'st year 
of Dr. Castro's regime — $350 million from sugar 
exports to the United States. 

The Castro regime denounced this quota ar- 
rangement as "economic bondage," to quote their 
words. Yet when the United States after long 
delay finally and reluctantly terminated the ar- 
rangement because of Cuban economic policies, its 
action was attacked as economic aggression. The 
Castro government cannot have it both ways. If 
the arrangement was economic bondage, its ter- 
mination could hardly be economic aggression. 

Record of Promises Made by Castro 

In the fiftli place. Dr. Roa said yesterday that 
the United States was trying to force Cuba back 
to the Constitution of 1940, which he described as 
a political expression of colonial economic struc- 
ture. I should like to dwell on this charge for 
a moment. Dr. Roa implies that there was some 
evil nature in that Constitution; but Dr. Castro 
liimself made the restoration of the Constitution 
of 1940 a cornerstone of the program he prom- 
ised the Cuban people after he assumed power. 

In 1953 m his celebrated speech entitled "His- 
tory Will Absolve Me," delivered at his trial fol- 
lowing the attack on Cuartel Moncada, Dr. 
Castro described the program of his revolutionary 
movement. The first part of his speech read as 
follows : 

The first revoUitionary law would have returned power 
to the people aud would have proclaimed the Constitu- 
tion of 1940 the supreme law of the land in order to effect 
its implementation aud punish those who had violated 

Later in the speech he said : 

Recently there has been a violent controversy concern- 
ing the validity of the Constitution of 1940. The Court 
of Social and Constitutional Rights ruled against it in 
favor of the laws. Nevertheless, honorable magistrates 
I maintain that the 1940 Constitution is still in power. 

This was the attitude Dr. Castro held at least 
once about the 1940 Constitution. I say this only 
to set the record straight. But I also wish to say 
equally directly that what happens constitution- 
ally in Cuba is a Cuban question. We hold no 
brief for any constitutional solution, 1940 or any 
other, and this is up to the Cubans, of course. It 

May 8, 1967 


may also interest the conxmittee to know in con- 
nection with tliis question that at that time Dr. 
Castro also made the following statement : 

You are well aware that resistance to despots is legiti- 
mate. This is a universally recognized principle and our 
Constitution of 1940 expressly makes it a sacred right, 
in the second paragraph of article 40: "It is legitimate 
to use adequate resistance to protect previously granted 
individual rights." 

I ask the committee, then, to ponder the signifi- 
cance of that statement of Dr. Castro in the light 
of what is happening between Cubans today. 

Let us look at the record of promises made by 
Dr. Castro prior to the fall of Batista and how 
lie has betrayed the Cuban people themselves, for 
in this lies the reason for the revolution of today. 
Dr. Roa claimed that Castro is fulfilling, not 
denying, his revolution. Yesterday Dr. Roa asked 
why do we in the United States say "betrayed," 
and then he answers his question by saying, "be- 
cause we have been true to the revolution." Well, 
let us see. 

The Declaration of Sierra Maestra of July 12, 
1957, was the promise held out to the Cuban 
people. Its principal pledges were, and I quote 
them for the enliglitenment of the committee: 

Immediate freedom for all political prisoners, civil 
and military. 

Absolute guarantee of freedom of information, both of 
newspapers and radio, and of all the individual and polit- 
ical rights guaranteed by the Constitution. 

Democratization of union politics, holding free elec- 
tions in all unions and industrial federations. 

Immediate beginning of an intensive campaign against 
illiteracy and of civic education, emphasizing the duties 
and rights which the citizen has both in the society and 
the fatherland. 

Establi.shment of an organization for agrarian reform 
to promote the distribution of barren lands and the eon- 
version into proprietors of all lessee-planters, partners 
and squatters who possess small parcels of land, be it 
property of the state or of private persons, with prior in- 
demnification to the former owners. 

And now let us see what has happened accord- 
ing- to the record of what I have called "betrayal." 

On political prisoners whom he promised to 
free, the Castro regime now holds a conservatively 
estimated 15,000 political prisoners. The national 
prisons, such as the Isle of Pines prison, tlie Ca- 
baiia, and El Principe, are overflowing, as are the 
smaller provisional prisons, local jails, and places 
of confinement. Concentration camps have been 
built. Some 2,000 political j^risoners, for exam- 

ple, are being held incommmiicado in a special 
camp at Minas del Frio in the Sierra Maestra 
mountains. Perhaps some of you have read in the 
press this morning that the prisoners now include 
the distinguished Roman Catholic prelate, Aux- 
iliary Bishop of Habana Monsignor Eduardo 
Boza Masvidal. The news story says that he is 
accused of the "counterrevolutionary" crime of 
having United States currency in his possession 
and lionrding medicine. Monsignor Masvidal was 
originally a strong supporter of the social reforms 
of the revolution. 

Freedom of Press Obliterated 

And now, on the subject of freedom of informa- 
tion, for which Dr. Castro promised an absolute 
guarantee. Freedom of the press, as we know, has 
been completely obliterated. Not a single inde- 
pendent newspaper remains in Cuba. And those 
Cuban newsmen who tried to uphold the princi- 
I^les of freedom have either been dismissed, im- 
l^risoned, driven into exile, or silenced in some 
other way. 

The Castro regime began its campaign against 
a free press at an early date. Five newspapers 
were confiscated by the Government on 1 January 
1959. Two sections of the Code of Special Defense 
gave tlie Cuban Government power to act against 
those who criticized the Government in the press or 
on the radio or on television. 

El Pais and Excelsior became insolvent in Feb- 
ruary 1960 and on March 15, 1960, were incorpo- 
rated into a Government printing establishment. 
Avance and El Mundo were intervened by the 
Government in January and February 1960. 
Dlario de la Marina and Prensa Libre were taken 
over by force in May of 1960 by a small handful of 
armed pro-Castro employees. Other papers in 
Habana and in other parts of the island have met 
tlie same fate. By August 1960, Infornweioii. re- 
mained as the only daily not in Government hands 
and, together with a few periodicals of the Catho- 
lic Church, constituted the entire free press in 
Cuba. In December 1960 Injormacion^ under 
economic pressure exerted by the Government, was 
forced to close. In the same month the Govern- 
ment closed down the few remaining Catholic 
publications. Freedom of the press was dead. 

Cuba's radio and television stations have also 
come under Government control. Not one inde- 
pendent station remains. The last to be taken was 


Deparfmenl of State Bulletin 

the extensive and popular CMQ complex — radio 
chain, television channels 6 and 7, and the news sta- 
tion Radio Reloj — which was not formally inter- 
vened until 12 September 1960. With the 
Government in control of all radio and television 
stations, the only voice heard in Cuba today is the 
propaganda of the Castro regime. 

Suppression of Civil Liberties 

Now let me turn to individual rights, which 
were also guaranteed. Civil liberties in Cuba have 
been suppressed. The process has been steady and 
thorough. It has been accomplished through the 
standard guise of suppressing so-called "counter- 
revolutionary" action. When the revolutionary 
govermnent assumed power on January 1, 1959, 
it immediately instituted a policy of "social pro- 
phylaxis" against elements of the Batista regime. 
Law number 1 of 21 February 1959 fonned the 
basis for a new system of military justice. Close to 
550 so-called "war ci'iminals" were summarily 
tried and shot, and some 2,000 were sentenced to 
long prison terms during the first 6 months under 
tliis law. Originally the "revolutionary justice" 
system applied only to military personnel and 
civilians in the service of tyranny, that is, the Ba- 
tista regime. Gradually, however, the revolution- 
ary government enlarged the area of competence 
of the militaiy courts, and on July 8, 1959, an 
amendment to the fundamental law made "those 
guilty of counterrevolutionary crimes and those 
who injure the national economy or the public 
treasui-y liable to the death penalty." 

The concept of what constitutes a counterrev- 
olutionai-y crime was not, and has never been, 
defined. Further amendments and enlargements 
were made in the law in 1959. 

On November 13, 1959, the civil courts were 
ruled incompetent to receive and judge counter- 
revolutionary cases. The granting of provisional 
freedom to those accused of counterrevolutionary 
crimes was denied where there exists "reasonable 
evidence of culpability." 

The record since then is one of steady expansion 
of the system of summary military justice based 
on undefined counterrevolutionary crimes and at 
the expense of civilian courts. 

The suppression of guarantees for civil liberties 
has also been accomplished through the destruc- 
tion of the independence of the judiciary. That 
campaign began early in 1960 with the attacks on 

the courts by members of the regime who did not 
like some of the decisions dealing with agrarian 
reform matters. In July 1960 the Bar Association 
came under fire. The Habana Bar Association 
was forcibly taken over by the militia on July 5. 
The National Bar Association was prevented by a 
mob from holding its assembly on July 23. Inter- 
ference with the independence of the judiciary 
came to a head during November and December 
1960. On November 14, 1960, the President of the 
Supreme Court, Dr. Emilio Menendez, resigiied 
and took asyliun. In a letter addressed to the 
President of the Republic, Dr. Dorticos, giving 
his reasons, he stated : 

The government over which you preside has deviated 
from that initial and salutary root and with the passage 
of each day it becomes increasingly evident that the 
executive is absorbing the general functions of govern- 
ment, thereby taking away from the judicial branch the 
inherent and indispensable functions for the fulfillment 
of its broad tasks and transcendental mission. 

A month later the regime began the purge of 
the judicial branch. On December 20 the Castro 
regime put through a decree reducing the nimiber 
of Supreme Court, magistrates from 32 to 15, sus- 
pending all tenure rights throughout the judicial 
branch, giving the Government a free hand to dis- 
miss, transfer, or demote personnel without re- 
striction, and providing for other changes in the 
Supreme Court. With this measure the last 
vestiges of an independent judiciary vanished 
from Cuba. 

These are the ways in which civil liberties have 
been guaranteed by the Castro regime. 

Castro has converted the Cuban Confederation 
of Workers from an independent labor organiza- 
tion for promoting the welfare of the laboring 
classes to a mechanism of the state for disciplin- 
ing, indoctrination, and propaganda. Between 
that time and December 1960, over 200 principal 
officers of national federations who had been 
elected during the spring of 1959 from candidates 
proposed by Castro's own July 26th Movement 
were deposed under the pretext of being counter- 
revolutionaries. One of these was the Secretary 
General of the Cuban Federation of Workers, 
David Salvador, who went imderground to form 
an opposition group known as the Movement of 
November 30th. He now languishes in a Castro 
prison. While the anti-Communist leadership of 
the CTC was being purged, the basic fmiction of 
the labor organization was being transformed. 

May 8, 1967 


In August 1960 the Minister of Labor was em- 
powered to determine wage rates in state-owned 
and mixed entei-prises and to establish production 
norms or minima which the worker is obliged to 
meet. This completed the centralization of au- 
thority in the Ministry over promotion, hiring 
and firing of workers, all collective bargaming, 
and all labor disputes. 

Machinery of Indoctrination 

On education, where Castro promised an inten- 
sive campaign against illiteracy and of civic edu- 
cation, what has happened? The revolutionary 
government is turning the machinery of enlight- 
enment into machineiy of indoctrination. Only 
doctrines and ideas which agree with the "Castro 
philosophy" can now be taught, and only teachers 
who are politically acceptable to the regime can 
teach them. 

University autonomy, a concept respected by 
even the worst of Cuba's past tyrants, has now 
been abolished. By January 1961 over 75 percent 
of the faculty had either been purged or had 
resigned and fled. At the secondary and primary 
school levels the Castro regime has also intro- 
duced strict control over teachers and subject 
matter taught. Textbooks have been rewritten 
to fit the pi-opaganda line of the Government and 
teachers given the choice of either accepting the 
new orientation or being ousted. The regime is 
moving ahead with its plans to establish large 
communal school-cities where thousands of chil- 
dren will be taken away from their home envii-on- 
ment for concentrated education and indoctrina- 

In the field of illiteracy Castro has made much 
of his campaign to teach all Cubans to read and 
write by the end of 1961. In fact this campaign 
is being used as an instrument for indoctrination. 
A teaching manual prepared by the Cuban Min- 
istry of Education for guidance of teachers con- 
tains a chapter entitled "Friends and Enemies." 
Let me quote just one paragraph : 

We consider as our friends those countries who have 
already succeeded in obtaining absolute liberty, and who 
help honestly and disinterestedly the nations who fight 
against the colonialist yolie imposed by the imperialists. 
Those countries are the Soviet Union, Communist China 
and the other socialist states. 

This is the type of civic education which is being 
given to the Cuban people under this regime. 

Finally, Dr. Castro promised in his agrarian 
reform to make shareholders and squatters into 
proprietors of their land and to compensate the 
former owners. This promise was intended to 
break up large landlioldings and to distribute 
them among individual farmers. This promise 
was to answer the aspirations of Cuban farmers 
who wanted to own and till their own land. It 
has not been carried out. On the contraiy, many 
small holdings have been consolidated into larger 
farms. The large farms have not been parceled 
out but have been converted into cooperatives and 
state farms. Landholding in Cuba is now more 
consolidated than it was before the Castro-led 
revolution. The overwhelming percentage of 
Cuba's 14.5 million acres of tillable land is owned 
or administered by the Cuban Government. The 
National Agrarian Reform Institute has become 
the sole latifundista in Cuba. 

With respect to indemnification for seized 
property, I am not aware that any compensation 
has been paid to either Cuban or foreign owners. 

These are the ways in which this revolution has 
been betrayed. The regime has seized land 
promised to the people. It has turned an educa- 
cational system promised for the people into a 
system of indoctrination for the state. It has 
destroyed the free labor movement. It has denied 
both civil and political rights, purging the 
judiciary and substituting vague comiterrevolu- 
tionary crimes under summary military courts for 
civilian justice. It has abolished the once lively 
free press of the Cuban people. These are the 
reasons why Cubans today are seeking to restore 
the revolution to its original premises. These 
are the reasons why it is a Cuban and a liemi- 
splieric, and not a United States, problem. 

What the Republic of Cuba is seeking from us 
today is the protection of the Castro regime from 
the wrath of these people. Dr. Castro has the 
largest land army in Latin America. It is well 
equipped with large quantities of modem arms 
from Eastern Europe. It has himdreds of Soviet 
and Czech advisers. If, as Dr. Roa claims, the 
regime has the backing of tlie people of Cuba, it 
is difficult to explain Cuban attitudes toward the 
rest of the Americas for the last 18 months. 

The problem which Cuba has created is not one 
of revolution or of social change. And the 
leaders of the present opposition to Castro, leaders 
who were once Dr. Castro's closest suppoi-ters — 


Department of State Bulletin 

his first President, his first Prime Minister, his 
first Chief Justice, the head of Castro's own 
oiEce, two-thirds of his first Cabinet, companions- 
in arms in the Sien-a Maestras — they do not want 
to tuna back the clock to a Batista dictatorsliip 
but to restore tlie revokition to its original ideals. 
Because these people truly desire social justice 
with freedom, they are now called mercenaries 
and traitors. 

Cuban People's Uprising Against Oppression 

The current uprising in Cuba is the product of 
the progressively more violent opposition of the 
Cuban people to the policies and practices of this 
regime. Let us not forget that there have been 
hundreds of freedom fighters in the mountains of 
central Cuba for almost a year; that during the 
last 6 months skirmishes with the Castro police, 
attacks upon individual members of his armed 
forces, nightly acts of sabotage by the revolution- 
aries, have been increasing in number and inten- 
sity. Protest demonstrations have taken place by 
workers whose trade-imion rights have been be- 
trayed, by Catholics wliose fi'eedom of expression 
and worship has been circumscribed, by profes- 
sional men whose right to free association has 
been violated. The response of the Castro regime 
has been repression, arrests without warrant, trial 
without constitutional guarantees, imprisonment 
without term and without mercy, and, finally, the 
execution wall. 

Let me be absolutely clear: that the present 
events are the uprising of the Cuban people 
against an oppressive regime which has never 
given them the opportunity in peace and by demo- 
cratic process to approve or to reject the domestic 
and foreign policies which it has followed. 

For our part, our attitude is clear. Many Amer- 
icans looked with sympathy, as I have said, on the 
cause espoused by Dr. Castro when he came to 
power. They look with the same sympathy on 
the men who today seek to bring freedom and jus- 
tice to Cuba — not for foreign monopolies, not for 
the economic or political interests of the United 
States or any foreign power, but for Cuba and for 
the Cuban people. 

It is hostility of Cubans, not Americans, that Dr. 
Castro has to fear. It is not our obligation to 
protect him from the consequences of his treason 
to the revolution, to the hopes of the Cuban people. 

and to the democratic aspirations of the hemi- 

The United States sincerely hopes that any dif- 
ficulties which we or other American countries 
may have with Cuba will be settled peacefully. 
We have committed no aggression against Cuba. 
We have no aggressive purposes against Cuba. 
We intend no military intervention in Cuba. We 
seek to see a restoration of the friendly relations 
which once prevailed between Cuba and the United 
States. We hope that the Cuban people will 
settle their own problems in their own interests 
and in a manner which will assure social justice, 
true independence, and political liberty to the 
Cuban people. 

[In a further intervention Ambassador Stevenson said:] 

Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to say a word to 
make sure that the United States was not trem- 
bling with fear after Mr. Zorin's attack. 

Mr. Zorin said he camiot understand why I am 
interested in the internal affairs of Cuba. He said 
it was ridiculous. Well, perhaps I could help my 
distinguished colleague from the Soviet Union. 
I am interested because it is internal matters in 
Cuba that are the reason for the external problems 
about Cuba. The distinguished delegate of the 
Soviet Union even challenged my right to speak 
here about Cuba — how I deemed it possible. Well, 
I deem it possible because truth is always germane 
and we have heard a great deal that is untrue. 


U.S. delegation press release 3706 

Although I am loathe to speak as often or as 
long as the representative of the Soviet Union, 
this is, after all, an item that involves the United 
States and not the U.S.S.R. So I have some 
fuial words that I should like to say in this debate. 
I am grateful to those of my colleagues who have 
expressed respect for my country and for the 
honesty of its spokesmen here and in Washington. 

First let me say that we don't deny that the 
exiles from Cuba have received the sympathy of 
many people inside and outside the United 
States — even as Dr. Castro had the sympathy of 
many in the United States, Mexico, and elsewhere. 
But the extent to which so many speakers have 
deliberately confused this with intervention and 

May 8, 1961 


aggression by the United States Government has 
exceeded all bounds of fact or fancy. 

Obviously the incessant reiDetition of such 
charges as though they had been proved reveals 
a greater anxiety to mislead and to corrupt world 
opinion than to keep the discussion on the tracks. 

Let me commence where I started a couple of 
days ago. I said at the outset of this debate about 

"The United States sincerely hopes that any 
difSculties which we or other American countries 
may have with Cuba will be settled peacefully. 
We have committed no aggression against Cuba. 
We have no aggressive purposes against Cuba. 
We intend no military intervention in Cuba." I 
repeat, no military intervention in Cuba. "We 
seek to see a restoration of the friendly relations 
which once prevailed between Cuba and the 
United States. We hope that the Cuban people 
will settle their own problems in their o\vn in- 
terests and in a maimer which will assure social 
justice, tnie independence, and political liberty 
to the Cuban people." 

Since I said those words, I have heard a tor- 
rent — a deluge — of ugly words from Communist 
speakers here accusing the United States of ag- 
gression and invasion against Cuba. I will resist 
the temptation to invite attention to the record 
of aggression of the countries represented by 
some of those speakers — or to inquii'e as to which 
country has really intervened in Cuba, which 
country has perverted the Cuban revolution, and 
why these same speakers are so emotional about 
the revolt of the Cuban refugees against the new 
tyranny in Cuba and the new imperialism in the 

Let me just ask — if this was a United States 
military operation, do you think it would succeed 
or fail? How long do you think Cuba could re- 
sist the military power of the United States? 
Perhaps the best evidence of the falsity of the 
shrill charges of American aggression in Cuba is 
the melancholy fact that this blow for freedom 
has not yet succeeded. And if the United States 
had been in charge I submit that fighting would 
hardly have broken out on the day debate was to 
start in this committee. 

Aside from these loud charges of aggression, 
I have also heard the Communists echo over and 
over like parrots the old theme that the United 

States is trying to impose economic slavery — this 
time on Cuba. 

Some of tliese speakers are evidently miaware — 
or perhaps they don't care — about the fact that I 
have written and talked about the need for eco- 
nomic and social reform and political democracy 
throughout Latin America for years. I would 
also remind these cold warriors that President 
Kennedy has recently proposed a large and 
thoughtful program of social reforms and eco- 
nomic assistance to Latin America.' 

But I confess I have no hope that the Com- 
munist speakers will be any more interested in the 
truth tomorrow than they were yesterday or today. 

There are those who will say that m the last 48 
hours the Cuban people have spoken. 

Who can doubt the outcome if the events of the 
last few days had given the Cuban people the 
opportunity to choose between tyranny and 
freedom ? 

The Cuban people have not spoken. 

Their yearning to be free of Castro's execu- 
tions, of his betrayal of the revolution, of his con- 
trolled press, and of his yoke and rule by mailed 
fist has not been extinguished. The more than 
100,000 refugees from his tyranny are undeniable 
proof of the historic aspirations of the Cuban peo- 
ple for freedom. The Cubans will continue to 
look forward to the day when thej' can determine 
their own future by democratic processes and 
through free institutions. 

And what are the lessons to be learned? For 
those Cuban patriots who gave their lives, the 
lesson is one of tragic finality. But what of those 
who live on and will shape the future? The 
events of the last few days are indelible reminders 
to all of us in the Western Hemisphere. The 
penetration of force from outside our hemisphere, 
dominating a puppet government and providing 
it with arms, tanks, and fighter aircraft, is already 
dangerously strong and deep. It is now demon- 
strably stronger, deeper, and more dangerous to 
all of us who value freedom than most Americans^ 
and most of our neighbors in the Western Hemi- 
sphere — have been willing to think. 

If there is hope in the events of the last few 
days it is that it will awaken all of us in the 
Americas to a renewed determination to mobilize 
every resource and energy to advance the cause of 

' Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 


Department of State Bulletin 

economic growth and social progress throughout 
the hemispliere — to foster conditions of freedom 
and political democracy. They summon all of us 
to expand freedom and abundance with education 
of all peoi^les. If we dedicate ourselves with 
renewed resolve to bringing greater social reform, 
greater economic opportunity, greater human 
dignity, the sacrifices of tlie last few days will not 
have been m vain. 

A Problem for the World Community 

The world community is also faced with a prob- 
lem in Cuba. 

Tlie United Nations Organization is designed to 
preserve and defend the teri'itorial integrity and 
political independence of its members. Perhaps 
we have learned in the 15 years of our life to deal 
reasonably well with the problems of maintaining 
"territorial integrity," that is, with the problem 
of preventing armies from marching across 
borders. But what of "political independence"? 
Here is the challenge of Cuba, of Laos, of the 
Congo — and, I fear, of other crises yet to come. 
The free nations of the world cannot permit 
political conquest any more than they can tolerate 
military aggression. My Government, for its 
part, is unwilling to accept such a pattern of inter- 
national life. And I humbly suggest that new and 
small states everywhere should seriously ponder 
this lesson of the Cuban episode. 

As the President of the United States said this 
afternoon,' the message of Cuba, of Laos, of the 
rising din of Commimist voices in Asia and Latin 
America — these messages are all the same. I hope 
that the lessons which these developments teach 
us are not lost on all of us here. There are many 
small coimtries whose institutions may not yet be 
so firmly secured that they can be impervious to 
the insidious type of subversion of which we are 
speaking. Tliis internal battle is frequently si- 
lent but deadly. Can we ignore what is happen- 
ing in a small country like Viet-Nam, whose free- 
dom is in danger by guerrilla forces operating 
under Communist direction from the north and 
seeking to overthrow the freely elected govern- 
ment of that country ? In 1960 alone Communist 
guerrillas killed, wounded, or captured within 
south Viet-Nam thousands of Vietnamese soldiers 

and civilians. I say to you with deep humility 
and firm resolve that whether infiltrations are in 
Viet-Nam, in Cuba, or in Laos, each such en- 
croachment on the freedom of these people is a 
threat to the freedom of all peoples. The new 
states of Africa in particular, with their newly 
won freedom, can profit by the example of Cuba. 
Political independence which they cherish can be 
impaired and lost by subversion. Let aU those 
who value liberty stand guard. The test of free- 
dom is the right to choose — not once but again 
and again. When this right is lost, freedom is lost, 
as Castro's Qiba so tragically shows. 

The United States then will vote for the resolu- 
tion introduced by the seven coimtries of Latin 

We will vote against the Soviet and Kumanian 

We also find that the Mexican resolution ^^ is 
unacceptable, particularly because it makes no ref- 
erence to the Organization of American States or 
to cooperation in the Western Hemisphere. 

On the other hand, we find, as I have said, the 
seven-power Latin American resolution an appro- 
priate decision of this matter. 

I end by paying my respects to the Cuban exiles 
and to the patriots within Cuba. They have had 
one aim in view — not to restore the past, not to 
frustrate Cuba's social revolution, but to prevent 
its further perversion. They have fought for the 
revolution they thought they made when they 
ousted Batista — a revolution based not only on so- 
cial justice but on personal freedom, civil liberties, 
and due process of law. They have fought to end 
the rule of arbitrary arrest, the packed tribunal, 
and the firing squad. Freedom is the issue, free- 
dom from an alien, imported despotism. It is for 
this that countless patriots have died for countless 

As we know from the past, the fortresses of 
tyranny may not fall at the first blow, least of all 
when the dictator has piled up arms and vastly 
expanded his military strength. Even Cuban 
courage is not enough to counter such brute 
strength. Not all the passionate desire of French- 
men to be free, not all the coldblooded courage of 

' See p. 659. 

' U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.276. 

'° U.N. docs. A/C.1/L.277 and L.274. 

" U.N. doe. A/C.1/L.275. 

May 8, 1961 


the French underground, could roll back the Nazis. 
Not all the gallantry of Hungary's workers and 
students, not all the drive and resources of its 
freedom fighters, could withstand the onslaught of 
Russia's armed divisions. But their struggle for 
freedom was not the less authentic because the 
Russians wiped it out. And so long as any Cuban 
longs for freedom, Castro's tyranny is not secure. 
The longing will not cease. Of this we can be 
sure. A hundred thousand Cubans have escaped 
already. Thousands more will follow. To them 
we say that the door is open and that the Uiiited 
States respects and upholds their right of asylum 
as one of the most fundamental of the rights of 

Right of Asylum 

How much freedom would any of us have today 
if the right of asylum had been wiped out? 
Throughout the 19th century's struggle for free- 
dom and national independence, great leaders of 
the emergent peoples were sustained and succored 
by the liberal powers of Europe when the fortunes 
of politics turned against them. Italy's Garibaldi 
was a hero in London. So was Hungary's 

In this century, it was in America that the father 
of Czechoslovakia, Thomas Masaryk, not only 
found asylum but set up the state which for 20 
years between the wars enjoyed the freedom of 
true democracy. 

How would France have recovered its splendid 
sense of identity and history if General de Gaulle 
had found no refuge from the Nazis in embattled 

Indeed, even those who now mock at the con- 
ceptions of human dignity inherent in the right 
of asylum were saved from disaster by this same 
right. It was to London that Marx fled from the 
police. It was in London that Lenin studied out 
of reach of Czarist autocracy, and such past and 
contemporary heroes of the Americas as Francisco 
Miranda, Jose Marti, and Eomulo Betancourt, 
who all sought and received asylum in the United 
States. And where did Fidel Castro seek aid and 

So long as Americans remain a free people, just 
so long will they uphold the right of asylum as a 
fimdamental human right. This will not change. 
Nor, I profoundly believe, will the pressure to be 
free stop. I do not deny that since the war the 

area of tyranny has widened in some parts of the 
world. In these areas people cannot protest their 
position publicly or make clear their profound 
desire for liberty. But it remains a fact that tliou- 
sands upon thousands have registered their protest 
in the only way open to them. They have escaped. 

Castro's refugees are but a page in this unhappy 
history. In Korea a great majority, not only of 
north Korean prisoners but of Chinese prisoners 
as well, opted not to return to Communist 
tyranny. Tibetans have streamed across India's 
frontiers to escape Chinese oppression. Tens of 
thousands fled from Hungary and now live in 
many lands here represented. Most revealing of 
all, over 3 million Germans have escaped from 
East Germany — "voting with their feet" against 
the regime. Gentlemen, there is no stream in the 
opposite sense. People fly to freedom, not away 
from it. 

I would urge you not to be deafened by violent 
words designed to paint the Cuban freedom fight- 
ers as "running dogs of imperialism," "capitalist 
lackeys," "mercenaries," and all the other familiar 
and repellent jargon of the Communist world. 
This evening I am informed that three of the six 
members of the Cuban Revolutionaiy Council had 
sons engaged in this enterprise. Juan Verona had 
a son, a nephew, and two brothers ; Miro Cardona 
had a son : Hevia his only son. And yet I hear 
these speakers call this "an adventure of American 
mercenaries." The Cuban refugees are but a part 
of a great multitude of men who have left their 
homes, who have lost their all, who have risked 
death and disaster sooner than live in chains. 

Wliy? Because they long for security against 
unpredictable arrest, against the midnight knock 
on the door. They long to be free from malevo- 
lence and informers and spite. They seek a society 
in which a man may speak his mind ; they want for 
themselves and their children a political system in 
which the law is a shield, not a trap, and in which 
the power of an omnipotent state does not exercise 
over them the terror of a nameless death. 

These are not small things. Cubans thought 
them worth dying for when with Fidel Castro they 
fought to overthrow Batista. They think so now, 
wlien they fight to overthrow the tyranny that 
Castro has set up in its place. And the struggle 
for freedom will continue — as it always has and 
always must. For these are rights so precious to 
the soul of man that the longing for them cannot 


Department of State Bulletin 

be quenched. I believe that men will continue to 
be ready to die for them — as the Cuban freedom 
fighters have done this week. 

And I believe that no despot will ever finally 
have quiet sleep because of the human heart's un- 
slumbering desire to be free. 

This is our faith. This is the faith of the free 
society in wliich we live. And I believe this is and 
will ultimately be the faith of all mankind. 

Mexican Draft Resolution '^ 

The General Assembli/, 

Having heard the statements made by the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs of Cuba, by the representative of the 
United States of America and by other representatives, 

Deeply concerned over the situation described therein, 
the continuation of which is liliely to endanger peace, 

Considering that it is a permanent aim of the United 
Nations to develop friendly relations based on respect for 
the principle of equal rights and self-determination of 

Firmly believing that the principle of non-intervention 
in the internal affairs of any State imposes an obligation 
on Members of the United Nations to refrain from en- 
couraging or promoting civil strife in other States, 

Mindful that it is the duty of all States, under Article 
33 of the Charter, to seek the pacific settlement of disputes 
by the means enumerated therein, 

1. Makes an urgent appeal to all States to ensure that 
their territories and resources are not used to promote a 
civil war in Cuba ; 

2. Urges them to put an immediate end to any activity 
that might result in further bloodshed ; 

3. Requests them to co-operate, in keeping with the 
spirit of the Charter, in the search for a peaceful solution 
to the present situation. 

Seven-Power Resolution >3 

The General Assembly, 

Having heard the statements made by the Minister for 
External Relations of Cuba, the representative of the 
United States of America and other representatives. 

Deeply concerned over the situation disclosed therein, 
which is disturbing world public opinion and the contin- 
uation of which could endanger world peace. 

Recalling the last two paragraphs of the Security 
Council resolution of 19 July 1960" and the peaceful 
means of settlement established at the Seventh Meeting 
of Consultation of Foreign Ministers of the American 

Considering that the States Members of the United 
Nations are under an obligation to settle their disputes 
by negotiations and other peaceful means in such a 
manner that international peace and security, and justice, 
are not endangered. 

Exhorts all Member States to take such peaceful action 
as is open to them to remove existing tension. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee- 
public of Dahomey, Louis Ignacio- Pinto, pre- 
sented his credentials to President Kennedy on 
April 17. For texts of the Ambassador's remarks 
and the President's reply, see Department of 
State press release 222 dated April 17. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee- 
public of Indonesia, Zairin Zain, presented his 
credentials to President Kennedy on April 17. 
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State press 
release 225 dated April 17. 

Upper Volta 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee- 
public of Upper Volta, Frederic Guirma, pre- 
sented his credentials to President Kennedy on 
April 17. For texts of the Ambassador's remarks 
and the President's reply, see Department of 
State press release 224 dated April 17. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee- 
public of Niger, Issoufou Saidou Djermakoye, 
presented his credentials to President Kennedy 
on April 17. For texts of the Ambassador's re- 
marks and the President's reply, see Department 
of State press release 223 dated April 17. 

"^U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.275; adopted in Committee I on 
Apr. 21 by a vote of 42 to 31 (Including U.S.), with 25 
abstentions. The vote in plenary session on the same day 
was 41 to 35, with 20 abstentions ; the resolution therefore 
failed of adoption because it lacked the necessary two- 
thirds majority. 

"U.N. doc. A/RES/1616(XV) (A/C.1/L.276, as amend- 
ed) ; adopted in plenary session on Apr. 21 by a vote of 
59 (including U.S.) to 13, with 24 abstentions. The draft 
resolution as adopted in Committee I contained an oper- 
ative paragraph 1 which read as follows: "Exhorts those 
Member States which belong to the Organization of Amer- 
ican States to lend their assistance with a view to achiev- 
ing a settlement by peaceful means in accordance with 
the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United 
Nations and of the charter of the Organization of Ameri- 
can States, and to report to the United Nations, as soon 
as possible, within the present year, the measures they 
have taken to achieve settlement by peaceful means." On 
a separate vote this paragraph failed of adoption by a 
vote of 56 (including U.S.) to 32, with 8 abstentions. 

" For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 8, 1960, p. 204. 

May 8, 796J 


Secretary Rusk's News Conference of April 17 

Press release 227 dated April 17 

Secretary Rusk : I shall be leaving here shortly 
to meet Prime Minister Caramanlis of Greece and 
his official party. Although we have had a num- 
ber of Prime Ministers and other distinguished 
foreign statesmen in this country on informal or 
so-called working visits, this is the first official 
visit in the technical sense which we are having. 
Mr. Caramanlis will be 8 days in the United States, 
and we are looking forward very much to his 

Situation in Laos 

The Soviet reply to the British proposals [on 
Laos] was received here in the middle of the night. 
There are several documents involved and we are 
giving them careful study, but it should be recog- 
nized that this is a reply to the British and not 
to the United States. We have not yet heard from 
our own Embassy about any comments which 
might have been made there. 

Our first impression, however, is that, while it 
retains most of the constructive elements of the 
Soviet reply of April 1,^ the present answer does 
not fully clarify the key point of the timing of the 
cease-fire and the mechanisms for this verification. 
This, of course, is a very critical matter in terms 
of the possibility of bringing the situation to a 
peaceful and satisfactory conclusion. 

We are, of course, concerned with the situation 
on the ground because what happens in Laos has a 
great deal to do with the possibilities of a peaceful 
settlement in that country, and we shall follow the 
events in that country very closely where we, of 
course, have means for determining what might be 
in the minds of those on the other side. 

Tiie Issue in Cuba 

The question of Cuba is being debated today in 
the General Assembly of the United Nations.^ 
There have been many reports of further disorders 
in Cuba and additional landings on the Cuban 
coast. These are being made the subject of inflam- 
matory charges against the United States by the 
Castro regime. Since this debate cannot easily go 
on in two places simultaneously, I do not wish to 
pursue it in detail here, but I do wish to make a 
few observations. 

The issue in Cuba is not between Cuba and the 
United States but between the Castro dictatorship 
and the Cuban people. This is not the first time 
that dictators have attempted to blame their trou- 
bles with their own people on foreigners. Nor is 
it the first time that refugees from tyranny have 
attempted to join their own countrymen to chal- 
lenge a dictatorial regime. Dr. Castro himself 
was such a refugee who attracted much sympathy 
and practical support, both inside and outside 
Cuba, when it appeared that he was fighting tyr- 
anny instead of practicing it. 

There is no secret about the sympathy of the 
American people for those who wish to be free, 
whether in distant parts of the world or in our 
own neighborliood. We are not indifferent to 
intrusion into tliis hemisphere by the Communist 
conspiracy which, as recently as December 1960, 
declared its intentions to destroy free institutions 
in all parts of the world. We shall work together 
with other governments of tliis hemisphere to meet 
efforts by tliis conspiracy to extend its penetration. 
The present struggle in Cuba, however, is a strug- 
gle by Cubans for their own freedom. There is 
not and will not be any intervention there by 

' For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 545. 

' See p. 667. 


Department of State Bulletin 

United States forces. The President has made 
this clear as well as our determination to do all we 
possibly can to insure that Americans do not par- 
ticipate in these actions in Cuba.^ 

We do not have full information on what is hap- 
pening on that island. Much of what we have 
comes from the Castro i-egime itself and indicates 
that serious imrest and disorders are to be found 
in all parts of the country. I am not able, there- 
foi'e, to answer detailed questions about what is 
a confused scene. The American people are en- 
titled to know whether we are intervening in Cuba 
or intend to do so in the future. The answer to 
that question is no. What happens in Cuba is for 
the Cuban people themselves to decide. 

Now, gentlemen, I shall try to take a few of your 

Q. Mr. Secretary, does your categorical state- 
ment that loe are not going to intervene in Cuba, 
■period, mean that this administration is abandon- 
ing the traditional reservation that loe reserve tlie 
right to intervene to protect American lives? 

A. That particular question is one for the fu- 
ture, and I would not wish to relate it particularly 
to Cuba because of the debate now going on in the 
United Nations at this very moment. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in the past the Soviet Union^- 
indeed Premier Khrushchev — has said that the 
Soviets luould go to the aid of Cuba. I believe at 
one point Premier Khrushchev said '■^rockets will 
-fly.'''' What would our attitude be in the event of 
intervention by the Soviets to help the Castro 

A. I would not wish to answer a hypothetical 
question of that sort this morning. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us what contact 
our Government is maintaining, if any, with tlie 
so-called Revolutionary Council in New York, 
toliose representatives came doivn and called on 
you a few days ago, and would you tell us \ohen the 
last contact with that group %oas? 

A. I am very sorry not to answer questions on 
Cuba, but I must stand on the statement I have 
just made. 

Q. Mr. Secretary , can you ansioer questions 
about the U.S. Immigration Service? 

' See footnote 2, p. 661. 

A. Why don't you ask it, and I will see. 

Q. Well, there is a very puzzling case of this 
pilot who landed in Miami, after saying he had de- 
fected from the Cuban Air Force. The Immigra- 
tion Service, although his picture was printed — 
Castro has challenged us to produce him to verify 
the story that he told. Why do toe not allow tlie 
press to see this man? Is the Immigration Serv- 
ice making policy for the State Department? 

A. I think this is a question which started as one 
on the Immigration Service and became one on 
Cuba, and I would not wish to answer that this 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there is another question tliat 
arises. If the rebels succeed in establishing a solid 
foothold in Cuba, ivould loe be prepared to con- 
sider or to grant diplomatic recognition? 

A. That is a question for the future, into which 
I can't go this morning. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I will get off Cuba — 

A. Thank you. (Laughter.) 

Q. With respect to the situation in Laos — and 
you have already explained what the diplomatic- 
note situation is — more practically than that, do 
you believe that there is an element of stalling 
in the Russian handling of this matter in order 
to enable the pro-Communist elements to consoli- 
date their position there? 

A. Well, there is of course a close connection 
between the pace of diplomatic discussion and 
what happens on the ground in Laos. We feel 
that the situation in Laos is dangerous and that 
the diplomatic discussion ought to move promptly 
in order to bring that dangerous situation under 
control. The question of stalling is one which 
turns upon how discussions relate to what is hap- 
pening, and we are of course watching that very 
closely. I would not want to characterize that 
particular point at the time, but it is obviously 
a very critical point. 

Role of Prince Souvanna Phouma 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you say what role 
you loould expect Prince Souvanna Phouma to 
play in any broadened government in Laos? I 
believe he is arriving here tom,orrow. 

May 8, 1967 


A. We ourselves have no special role for 
Souvanna Pliouma in mind. The constitution of 
a government in Laos is for the Laotian leaders 
themselves. This is not a matter which can be 
easily negotiated out internationally because the 
constitution of a government is essentially a do- 
mestic matter and, since government personalities 
change, it does not lend itself to international 
agreement very easily. Incidentally, we under- 
stand that Prince Souvanna Phouma, because of 
the necessity of going down to the Black Sea to 
see Mr. Khrushchev, may delay his arrival here 
for a day.* 

Q. Mr. SecretaT'y, Mr. Khrushchev said in an 
interview this morning that, lohile there are 
neutral nations, there are no neutral men. He 
loas talking about the tripartitism, I think, that 
they are trying to fractice noiv. In the light of 
that, hoio would you characterize Souvanna 

A. Well, I wouldn't wish to characterize Sou- 
vanna Phouma in terms of that declaration of 
Soviet policy. As you know, that policy is under 
study itself in a great variety of ways these days — • 
in the attack on the Secretary-General in the 
United Nations, in the so-called tripartite pro- 
posals for t\\& control machinery in the nuclear 
test talks, and in other respects. We believe that 
on the issues raised by the manifesto put out by 
the Communist siunmit last December there are 
very far-reaching issues in which those who wisli 
to be free must be concerned. I think this idea 
that no one, that no individual, can be neutral 
strikes at the heart of the possibilities of inter- 
national organization ; it strikes at the heart of the 
peaceful processes of adjudication, mediation, and 
would set the world back a very long way indeed 
in settling disputes by peaceful means. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, at the risk of receiving a 
"no", sir, could you tell me whether this Govern- 
ment is sympathetic toward those who are fighting 

A. I have indicated so in my statement earlier. 

* On Apr. 18 the Department of State was informed 
that Prince Souvanna Phouma on that day had notified 
the American Embassy at Moscow, through his secretary, 
that he had canceled his plans to visit Washington in 
order to return to Laos on schedule. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, wJiafs your latest informa- 
tion on the situation on the ground in Laos? Are 
the pro-Communist rebels advancing? 

A. There seemed to be in the most recent day 
or two some troop movements of minor sorts which 
may be indicative, and the Soviet supply, of course, 
is continuing. And we are watching both of those 
very closely. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, without going into the spe- 
cifics of the Cuban physical action, could you 
amplify for us the United States position on ma- 
terial aid to the Cuban forces opposing Castro 
in relation to our commitments under the OAS 
[Organization of American States'] agreements? 

A. I would not wish to get into tliat question 
in the middle of debate in New York this morning. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on Cuba, did we have any 
advance word that any such attack or invasion 
was coming this morning? 

A. Again I would prefer not to get into that 

Question of Cease-Fire in Laos 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in regard to Laos, can you 
tell us how you feel the situation m,ay develop in 
the next few days? Is there very much time to 
continue to wait before you decide what to do? 

A. I think the most immediate step is to clarify 
immediately this question of a cease-fire and the 
means to be taken to insure that a genuine cease- 
fire is in effect. We have no problems about the 
meeting, about the calling of an international con- 
trol commission. As far as we are concerned, we 
have no problems about a conference to try to 
find a peaceful settlement of this question. But 
we do have problems about a prolonged delay in 
establishing a cease-fire which would open the 
way for the negotiations which might bring this 
situation to a settlement. 

Q. Can you say whether the latest Soviet reply 
on this subject has advanced the prospect for a 
cease-fire or simply left it up in the air? 

A. I think, pending clarification, it would be 
difficult to be precise on tliis point, quite frankly. 
This is a matter which we are studying now and 
on which we will be in touch with other govem- 


Depatim&nt of State Bulletin 

ments again and presumably again with the 
Soviet Union. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., there has ieen some criticism 
in Congress that the policy you are pursuing in 
Laos, that is, the international confer'ence and the 
establishment of neutralism there, would lead to 
the introduction of Communists into the govern- 
ment who could then subvert that government and 
it would quickly go behind the Iron Curtain. 
What assurance can you give on that point? 

A. Well, a government which is capable of sub- 
verting the country to communism is, of course, 
not a government which can sustain a country in 
a neutral, independent position. I have had a 
chance to discuss these matters with a number of 
the congressional leaders and congressional com- 
mittees, and this is something, of course, which is 
much involved in discussions that lie ahead of us. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, tvould you tell us tohether 
we invited Prince Phouma to visit Washington? 

A. Yes, we indicated to him that if he could 
arrange a schedule to come here we should be very 
happy to see him. He comes here, of course, as a 
private citizen, not as an alleged official of the 
Laotian Government. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you spoJce of keeping a close 
watch on the situation on the ground in Laos. 
How does that relate to the way in which things 
were left after the SEATO conference? ^ If the 
situation on the ground in Laos reaches a certain 
point, do these appropriate steps that were re- 
ferred to in the communique automatically go in- 
to effect? 

A. The SEATO governments are among those 
who are keeping a close watch on the situation in 
Laos, and this obviously is something which they 
all had in mind when they issued their statement 
at the SEATO conference. I would not suppose 
that in matters of this sort there is anything con- 
tmgent ahead of us, that is, that could possibly 
be called automatic when governments are dealing 

'^ For text of a communique issued after the seventh 
annual Ministerial Meeting of the Southeast Asia Treaty 
Organization, together with statements by Secretary 
Rusk, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 547. 

' Ibid., Apr. 24, 1061, p. 579. 

' I hid., May 1, 1961, p. 621. 

with as complicated and difficult situations as this 

Strengthening the NATO Alliance 

Q. Mr. Secretary, noio that the visits of Prime 
Minister MacmiUan'^ and Chancellor Adenauer'' 
are over, could you give us some indication of your 
thinking, the administration'' s thinking, on 
methods, prospects, for improving the cohesion of 
the North Atlantic Alliance? 

A. There are a number of ways in which we 
hope to move, and these will be, of course, dis- 
cussed among other governments members of 
NATO and of the Atlantic Community, particu- 
larly at the forthcoming Oslo conference. For 
example, we believe that a good deal can be ac- 
complished by a greater amount of consultation 
among the members on important issues that are 
before the member governments and before the 
Atlantic Community. "We feel there is a great 
deal of informal and, indeed, active cooperation 
among the members of the Atlantic Commmiity 
in the economic field which will be dealt with 
mider the OECD [Organization for Economic Co- 
operation and Development]. AVe think that 
there are a variety of ways in which this great al- 
liance can be strengthened, and we shall be dis- 
cussing those fully with other members between 
now and the Oslo meeting and continuing from 
that point on for a considerable period. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in that connection, how 
loould you assess then the actions and statements 
of President de Gaulle regarding NATO and the 
position of the French Government regarding the 
payment for the Congo action? 

A. These are questions which we shall, of 
course, be discussing with the French Govern- 
ment. As you know, the President is going over 
to visit with General de Gaulle a little later. 
France is a very important member of the At- 
lantic Commimity and of the Western Alliance, 
and these are matters which Avill, of course, be 
fully discussed with them. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, according to our best infor- 
mation, is there a full-scale invasion of Cuba 
under way, or is this merely a landing of guer- 
rilla forces? 

May 8, 1961 


A. I would not have supposed from the press 
reports tliat I have heard that anything is hap- 
pening that could be called a full-scale invasion. 
There have been a lot of incidents and a lot of 
groups active in that situation over the months 
since the large-scale defections from the Castro 
regime occurred. But I have seen nothing that 
would lead me to characterize it as a large-scale 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is there an American policy 
on the use of American soil, or on forbidding the 
use of American soil, to train, equip, or other- 
wise get together for Cuban forces against Castro? 
Do %oe have a policy one way or another that 
you can state? 

A. What is going on in Cuba is not taking 
place from Amex'ican soil. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, at your last press confer- 
ence,^ you indicated that something might be done 
regarding Guhan imports into the United States — 
that it was imminent. Can you throw any more 
light on that? 

A. Yes, that has been reserved for somewhat 
further study because of some technical ques- 
tions that were encountered. This has not been 
brought to a final answer as yet. 

Q. When you say '■'■technical,^^ do you mean 
treaties here or abroad, or just what? 

A. There were some technical and legal ques- 
tions about the kinds of control that we had in 
mind that we had to study further. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, has the Department been in 
touch with the Amalgamated Clothing Workers'' 
Union in an effort to delay the boycott that they 
are threatening to impose on the first of May on 
Japanese imported tooolen suits? 

A. Officials have been in touch with them. I 
am not personally immediately sure whether 
from the Department of State or from other 

Q. Returning to Laos, Mr. Secretary, in view of 
the Commmjmist advances and strengthening of 
position in Laos, do you believe that Russia is 
truly interested in a genuine cease-fire? 

A. This is what we are now in the process of 
finding out. In the discussions that have gone on 
the Soviets have indicated that they believe that 

' Ihid., Mar. 27, 1961, p. 433. 

Laos should be an Austrian-type neutral — inde- 
pendent Laos. We think that that is a satisfac- 
toi-y answer in Laos. Now the problem is whether 
both sides mean the same things by that kind of 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in order to clarify further a 
point which has been asked before: You said in 
your statement that we sympathize with the groups 
which seek to overthrow tyranny, and I think Mr. 
[Charles] Shutt asked specifically whether we 
were sympathetic toward the anti-Castro groups 
which are specifically trying to overthrow the 
Castro reginne at this moment. Would you answer 
to that point? 

A. Well, I think I indicated in my statement 
that there is no doubt we are sympathetic to those 
who are fighting for freedom. 

Q. Mr Secretary, is the United States Navy 
now, or is it prepared to stop armaments moving 
to Castro? 

A. The President has indicated that there will 
be no intervention by U.S. forces in Cuba. 

Q. What ahout the Russian arms and things 
of that nature? 

A. I will leave those answers unless and until 
the question arises in another way. 

Geneva Nuclear Test Talks 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us how you see 
the progress in the nuclear test-ban talks in 


A. There has been little to add in the most 
recent days about the negotiations there. The 
discussions now will try to fill out the subjects 
that will be necessary to discuss in concluding a 
treaty. Some very serious questions have already 
arisen. I mentioned the one, for example, on the 
tripartite control of the inspection mechanism. 
But we do want to find out exactly which are the 
central and key issues by further discussion, and 
I have nothing in detail to report on that this 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in that connection, in vieio of 
the Walter Lippmann interview with Mr. Khru- 
shchev this morning, wouldn't you suppose — do 
you still have any hope that any kind of an agree- 
ment could be reached? He seemed to slam the 
door pretty hard, didnH he? 

Department of Stale Bulletin 

A. They have indicated that they feel very 
strongly about this matter of the tripartite thesis 
and international organizations. But we would 
like to find out what their attitude is on the entire 
range of important issues in the nuclear test ban 
to see whether we can't resolve these questions. 
But there is obvious difficulty in that this tri- 
partite problem remains. 

Thank you, gentlemen. 

The Press: Thank you. 

President Kennedy Salutes Korea 
on Anniversary of Revolution 

Statement ty President Kennedy 

White House press release dated April 18 

Today the Korean Government and people are 
celebrating the first anniversary of the April 19 
Revolution in the Republic of Korea. I should 
like to salute the Korean Government and people 
on this important occasion and express the respect 
and admiration which tlie American people have 
in their hearts for the Korean people, who have 
so courageously demonstrated their devotion to the 
cause of political democracy and social progress. 

On this significant anniversary I should like to 
affirm to the Korean people once again that the 
United States shares their hopes and ideals and 
that my Government intends to continue to assist 
the Korean Government in every possible and ap- 
propriate way in its efforts to lead the Korean 
people toward the better life they so greatly desire 
and deserve. 

U.S. To Give Additional $15 Million 
To Aid Korean Economy 

Press release 233 dated AprU 17 

Secretary Rusk announced on April 17 that the 
United States will contribute an additional $15 
million to aid in the reconstruction, I'ehabilitation, 
and growth of the Korean economy. Five million 
dollars of tliis grant will be given in regular aid, 
and $10 million will be given in agricultural 

This action illustrates the continuing desire of 

the United States to assist the Korean people in 
their progress toward the establishment of a self- 
supporting economy in Korea. 

President Bourguiba of Tunisia 
Visits United States, May 3 13 

The Department of State announced on April 21 
(press release 247) that arrangements were being 
completed for the state visit of Habib Bourguiba, 
President of the Tunisian Republic, to the United 
States this spring at the invitation of President 

The President and !Mrs. Bourguiba will arrive 
at Washington from Canada on May 3. The 
party will leave AVashington on May 6 on a trip 
that will include stops at Knoxville, Tenn., Dallas, 
Tex., and New York City. They will depart for 
Ireland on May 13. 

Fund To Settle Persecutee Claims 
Established by Austria 

Press release 235 dated April 18 

The Department of State has been inf onned that 
on April 14, 1961, the Austrian Parliament com- 
pleted legislative action which established a Fund 
for the Settlement of Certain Property Losses of 
Political Persecutees {Fond zur Ahgeltung geiois- 
ser Vermoegensverluste poUtisch Verfolgter). 

The fund, established pursuant to an agreement 
between the United States and Austria in May 
1959,^ in implementation of article 26 of the Aus- 
trian State Treaty, will have a capital in the 
equivalent amount of $6 million for the settlement 
of claims of persons who were subject to racial, re- 
ligious, or political persecution in Austria from 
March 13, 1938, to May 8, 1945, and whose bank 
accounts, securities, mortgages, or money were the 
subject of forced transfers or were confiscated by 
Nazi authorities. The fund will also settle claims 
of persecutees as defined above for their payments 
of the discriminatoiy taxes known as Reichsflucht- 
steuer and Suehneleistvmg der Juden (JUVA). 
The fund will be exempt from Austrian taxes, and 
payments from the fund will not constitute income 

^ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 4253. 

May 8, 1961 


on which the recipients are liable for Austrian 

All persecutees who sustained losses in the 
above-enumerated categories are entitled to file 
claims regardless of their present residence. 
Claim fonus will be available in the near future at 
the Austrian Embassy, 2343 Massachusetts Ave., 
Washington, D. C, or at the nearest Austrian con- 
sulate. Austrian consulates are located in New 
York, Chicago, Detroit, Portland (Oreg.), San 
Francisco, Los Angeles, Dallas, Miami, Atlanta, 
Cleveland, Boston, and Seattle, and inquiries for 
further information should be directed to Aus- 
trian representatives. 

It is estimated that there are some 12,000 resi- 
dents of the United States who emigrated from 
Austria and who suffered some form of persecu- 
tion during the Nazi period. Many of these in- 
dividuals will be in a position to claim benefits 
under the new fund. 

Volume XI in German War Documents 
Series Released by Department 

Press release 236 dated April 19, for release April 24 

A further volume of documents on German 
foreign policy was released on April 24 by the 
Department of State. This is the 14th such 
volume of the cooperative project of the United 
States, Great Britain, and France, publishing au- 
thoritative texts of documents from the archives 
of the former German Foreign OiRce captured 
by Allied forces at the close of World War II. 

The volume begins on September 1, 1940, fol- 
lowing the Vienna Award, which established the 
wartime boundaries of Hungary and Rumania, 
and it terminates at the end of January 1941. 

The 738 documents of this volume are presented 
in chronological order, but the analytical list of 
papers presents them by topic, enabling the reader 
easily to follow any main subject. 

As is customary in this series, the selection of 
documents has been made jointly by the British, 
French, and U.S. editors, who share responsibility 
for the selections made. Under a reciprocal ar- 
rangement some of the volumes are edited and 
printed by the British and some by the U.S. Gov- 
ernment. This volume has been edited by the 
U.S. editors and printed at the U.S. Government 
Printmg Office. A British edition bound from 

flat sheets printed at the Government Printing 
Office is being released simultaneously with the 
U.S. edition. 

Copies of the volume. Department of State 
publication 7083, can be obtained from the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print- 
ing Office, Wasliington 25, D.C., for $4.75 each. 

Fingerprinting Regulations Amended 
for Certain Nonimmigrant Aliens 

Press release 249 dated April 22 

The Federal Register on April 22 published 
regulations ^ of the U.S. Immigration and Nat- 
uralization Service amending the requirements 
for fingerprinting nonimmigrant aliens who re- 
main in this country longer than 1 year. Under 
these regulations nonimmigrant aliens who are na- 
tionals of countries that fingerprint U.S. citizens 
in like circumstances will be required to be finger- 
printed when they have been here 1 year. Finger- 
printing is waived for other nonimmigrant aliens, 
regardless of the length of their stay here, pro- 
vided they maintain their legal status as nonimmi- 

The new regulations are based on an agreement 
of April 5, 1961, between the Secretary of State 
and the Attorney General for the implementation 
of section 8 of the act of September 11, 1957, which 
authorized the waiver of the fingerprinting re- 
quirement. The agreement of April 5, 1961, re- 
places one dated October 9, 1957,^ under which 
fingerprinting was waived for all nonimmigrant 
aliens during the first year of their stay in this 
comiti-y. Under both agreements fingerprinting 
is waived on a reciprocal basis for all nonimmi- 
grant visa applicants. 

According to available information, the follow- 
ing countries apply a fuigerprinting requirement 
to nonimmigrant U.S. nationals staying in their 
territory : 

Bolivia Monaco 

Brazil Nicaragua 

Cbile Peru 

Colombia Philippines 

Ethiopia Portugal 

Hong Kong Spain 

Malaya Venezuela 

'26 Fed. Reg. 3563. 

" For background, see Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1957, p. 682. 


Department of State Bulletin 


Economic and Social Progress in the Americas 

The Board of Governors of the Inter- American 
Development Bank held its second annual meeting 
at Rio de Janeiro, April lO-H. Following are 
statements made hy Douglas Dillon, Secretary of 
the Treasury, who is the U.S. Governor of the 


I am delighted to find myself, at long last, in 
your wonderful city of Rio de Janeiro. 

You must be aware that the Brazilian people 
have a special place m the hearts of my country- 
men. Together we have shared decades of friend- 
ly relations, in good times and bad, which date 
back to the days of your empire. We remember 
our comradeship in arms during World War II, 
when Brazilians and Americans fought and died 
side by side. We recall with admiration the in- 
numerable occasions where the statesmen of 
Brazil have forthrightly taken the lead in defend- 
ing the democratic ideals, in promoting solidarity 
among the American Republics, and in furthering 
the progress of free men everywhere. We know 
that the friendship between our two peoples will 
continue to flourish in the critical months and 
years ahead. We wish you well in your efforts 
to realize the great promise of this vast land, and 
we pledge our full cooperation in helping to meet 
the social and economic aspirations of the Bra- 
zilian people. 

The second annual meeting of the Board of 
Governors of the new Inter- American Develop- 
ment Bank, which is taking place here in Rio 
de Janeiro, is a welcome opportunity for me to 
join with representatives of the other Americas 
in discussing the vital social and economic prob- 

lems we are all determined to solve through co- 
operative action. During the first few months of 
its operations, the Bank has shown that it is 
destined to be a dynamic force for growth and 
progress. I hope that this meeting will reinforce 
the confidence of the people of Brazil and of the 
hemisphere in this important institution. 

During the past 3 weeks in Washington Ambas- 
sador [Walther] Moreira Salles and I have been 
discussing the ways in which the United States, 
along with other governments and the interna- 
tional institutions, can work with the Government 
of Brazil in carrying forward its important new 
program to achieve steady economic growth under 
conditions of financial stability. I look forward 
to conversations with your Finance Minister, Dr. 
Clemente Mariani, during my stay here, and I 
hope that he will find it possible to visit Wash- 
ington soon to continue the discussions initiated 
by Ambassador Moreira Salles. 

Before leaving Brazil I hope to visit your ex- 
citing new capital, Brasilia, which has captured 
the imagination of the entire world. 


It is a special pleasure for me to meet with 
you in my new capacity as a Governor of the 
Inter-American Development Bank. The con- 
cept of the Bank as a vital instrument of inter- 
American cooperation has been close to my heart 
since 1958, when I had the high privilege of 
mforming the Inter-American Economic and 
Social Council of United States support for this 
new and long dreamed-of joint venture.^ 

' BtTLLETiN of Sept. 1, 1958, p. 347. 

May 8, 1967 


We are all grateful to the Government and the 
people of Brazil for inviting us to this gracious 
and hospitable city of Rio de Janeiro. The fame 
of Eio as a world metropolis is too well established 
for us to enrich it further by our remarks. But 
we can and do extend our warm thanks to the 
friendly people of this lovely city for making our 
stay so very pleasant. 

I also cannot fail to congratulate our chairman, 
the distinguished Minister of Finance of Brazil, 
for tlie inspiration which he has given to our 
deliberations by the wisdom of his words. It is 
fitting that the first birthday of the Bank is be- 
ing celebrated here in Brazil, whose genius gave 
us the noble concept of Operagdo Panamericana? 
Operation Pan America, born of onrushing social 
change and the awakening aspirations of the peo- 
ple, speaks to the hearts of the men and women 
of the Americas. It is a spiritual call to action, 
action to raise the living standards of the many 
millions who now stiiiggle in poverty and to give 
their lives real meaning in terms of personal 
freedom and individual dignity. 

More than a century ago democracy raised its 
voice throughout Latin America in a revolution- 
ary grito for liberty. Operation Pan America 
is the grito of the 20th century, an insistent and 
inexorable demand for liberation from the liuman 
misery created by crushing economic and social 
conditions. The governments and the peoples of 
the hemisphere are responding to the call. At 
San Salvador, a year ago, we joined in inaugu- 
rating the Inter-American Bank.^ At Bogota, 
last fall, we joined in launching an unprecedented 
social development program for Latin America, 
a program which substantially enlarged the re- 
sponsibilities of the Bank.^ The stage is now 
set for us to join together again in a vast, ex- 
panded effort to achieve our goals through prac- 
tical and concrete measures affecting all aspects of 
economic and social life. 

President Janio Quadros in his message last 
month to the National Congress stated : 

As was recognized by the Act of Bogota, in which the 
major practical and theoretical points of Operation Pan 
America were consecrated, the solution of the problems 

= For background, see ibid., June 30, 1958, p. 1090, and 
Oct. 13, 19.58, p. 574. 

" Ihid., Feb. 15, 1960, p. 263. 
* lUd., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 533. 


which afflict the Continent will depend substantially on 
economic progress. That economic progress will not be 
stimulated until the Governments of America decide to 
pass from the plane of theoretical formulations to the 
terrain of the practical execution of adequate measures. 

To "pass from the plane of theoretical formula- 
tions to the terrain of the practical execution of 
adequate measures" — and to do so on a compre- 
hensive scale — this is the veiy purpose of the 
Alianza fara el Progreso proposed by President 
Kennedy.^ In President Kennedy's words: 

If we are to meet a problem so staggering in ita 
dimensions, our approach must itself be equally bold, an 
approach consistent with the majestic concept of Opera- 
tion Pan America. Therefore I have called on all the 
people of the hemisphere to join in a new Alliance for 
Progress ... a vast cooperative effort, unparalleled in 
magnitude and nobility of purpose, to satisfy the basic 
needs of the American people for homes, worli and land, 
health and schools — techo, trahajo y tierra, salud y 

"What are the economic and social goals we must 
pursue in carrying forward an alliance for 
progress ? 

I think these goals can be defined as growth, 
stability, and social equity for the individual. 
These three goals go hand in hand. They are not 
isolated objectives. Indeed, if they are to serve 
the people — and in our hemisphere the well-being 
of the people is the supreme purpose of govern- 
ment — they must form an indissoluble trinity. 

Stability and Economic Growth 

Economic stability is not an end in itself. It 
is a means to promote steady and widely shared 
economic growth. To induce an adequate rate of 
savings, to channel investment into truly produc- 
tive undertakings, to strengthen popular confi- 
dence in democratic processes, to attract foreign 
enterprise, in short to promote a balanced develop- 
ment of the economy, there must be reasonable 
price stability. This in turn requires effective 
budget management and tax administration. 
Credit policies should be designed to foster 
growth. They should also be designed to avoid 
speculative excess. Foreign exchange policies 
should realistically relate internal prices and cost 
to world markets. These views, I believe, are now 
well settled in the thinking of those responsible for 
economic and financial policy in the developing 

= /f)i(i., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

Department of State Bulletin 

countries. The heavy loiijinin costs of severe in- 
flation have been widely recognized. The illusion 
that such inflation can provide a quick and easy 
way to better living standards has been dispelled. 
Of course economic stability by itself will not 
guarantee economic growth. This is especially 
true in the developing countries, where bold and 
positive efi'orts must be made in both the govern- 
mental and private sectors to help create the con- 
ditions for growth. 

I have heard it said that some Latin Americans 
believe the TTnited States is concerned only with 
financial stabilization progi-ams in Latin America. 
If there are any doubts on this score let me dispel 
them here and now: The United States is con- 
cerned, and deeply concerned, with much more 
than stability. We do not accept economic stag- 
nation as a tolerable condition for the Americas. 
Development, growth, progress, broadly based and 
widely shared — these must be our primary objec- 
tives. Stabilization and growth are not alterna- 
tives in conflict with each other. 

On the contrary they are mutually reinforcing 
objectives which, when pursued simultaneously, 
promote improvement in living standards at the 
most rapid and continuous rate possible. Social 
equity for the individual, our third goal, is in 
many ways the most important. Development 
will not produce true economic progress if its 
benefits are restricted to the privileged few and 
denied to the many who today are sadly under- 
privileged. Social equity for the individual must 
be a prime target of our endeavor. Our spiritual 
traditions demand no less. Moreover, people are 
the single most powerful factor in economic de- 
velopment. Without social equity for the indi- 
vidual, democracy will languish and free govern- 
ment will disappear. The move rapidly toward 
these interrelated goals — the Alliance for Prog- 
ress proposed by President Kennedy — calls for a 
concerted maximum effort over the next decade. 
This would involve the fonnulation by each Latin 
American country of its own long-term plans for 
development, as well as the establishment of spe- 
cific targets and priorities. These plans would 
not only inspire surging national efforts; they 
would also provide solid foundations for the ef- 
fective use of external assistance — from the Inter- 
American Bank, from the United States and other 
industrialized comitries, and from the interna- 
tional institutions of the free world. 

May 8, 7967 

Inter-American Development Bank 
Publishes First Annual Report 

The Inter-American Development Bank an- 
nounced on April 11 that it had on that day pub- 
lished its first annual report summarizing its ac- 
tivities during 1960. The report was presented to 
the second annual meeting of the Bank's Board of 
Governors at Rio de Janeiro on April 12 by Felipe 
Herrera, President of the Bank. 

The report describes the Bank's organization and 
policies and contains financial statements on ordi- 
nary capital resources and the fund for special 
operations. It also discusses economic and social 
problems of Latin America today, including popula- 
tion growth, raw-materials prices, and balance of 

By September 30, 1960, according to the report, 
member countries had paid in 99.6 percent of first 
installments due This amounted to the equivalent 
of $75,769,000 in ordinary capital resources and 
$72,882,500 in resources of the fund for special 
operations. By the end of 1960, the Bank had 
received 194 applications for loans and 174 inquir- 
ies, dealing with industrial, social, agricultural, 
mining, transportation, electric power, and other 
projects. Three-fourths of these applications came 
from private agencies or individuals and one-fourth 
from public agencies. At the end of the year the 
Bank had 91 applications on an active status, in- 
volving about $200 million in loan requests. 

Copies of the report are available upon request 
from the Office of Information, Inter-American 
Development Bank, Washington 25, D.C. 

Social Development Program 

The new social development progi-am embodied 
in the Act of Bogota will be an important part 
of the Alliance for Progress. We are confident 
that this program can be started quickly, with the 
Inter- American Bank taking a leading role. As 
you know. President Kennedy has proposed to our 
Congress " that, of the $500 million to be provided 
as a first stejj in implementing social development 
vmder the Act of Bogota, $394 million be admin- 
istered by the Bank and $6 million by the Organ- 
ization of American States. In the normal course 
of our legislative process these funds should be- 
come available within the next 2 months. Social 
development, we are all agi'eed, must be accom- 
panied by economic development. 

' For text of the President's message, see ibid., p. 474. 


Planning and resources, both national and inter- 
national, must be devoted to the expansion of 
industry, agriculture and mining, transport and 
power, and commercial enterprise. The United 
States is, therefore, prepared to devote substan- 
tial resources, over and above the present flow of 
public and private capital, to basic economic de- 
velopment as a part of the Alliance for Progress. 
President Kennedy has submitted to the Congress 
a new overall program of foreign economic assist- 
ance' to assure the availability of United States 
public capital for these purposes in Latin Amer- 
ica, as well as in other developing countries. This 
assistance will be available, on a long-range basis, 
both for specific projects and for general economic 
support of well-conceived development programs. 
Terms of repayment are to be adjusted to national 
ability to repay and will include the use of long- 
term, interest-free loans. 

We also hope that the Alliance for Progress 
will lead to an increase in development assistance 
to Latin America from the other industrialized 
countries of tlie free world. Two weeks ago, in 
London, the members of the Development Assist- 
ance Group agreed upon a significant declaration 
of policy.^ They called for an expansion of the 
aggregate volume of the resources presently flow- 
ing to the developing countries, for aid on an as- 
sured and continuing basis, and for greater assist- 
ance in the form of grants and loans on favorable 
terms. A larger supply of external public capital 
and its more systematic application for develop- 
ment programs should bring about a greater flow 
of foreign private investment, particularly invest- 
ment in the production and distribution of goods 
and services for expanding domestic markets. 
Wlien the new Organization for Economic Coop- 
eration and Development is established sometime 
later this year,° the Development Assistance 
Group will become a subsidiary body of the 

Through the Organization of American States, 
Latin America should have a close working re- 
lationship with tlie OECD. The United States 
will strive to bring this about. We do not foresee 

any difEculty, for I understand that Mr. Thorkil 
Kristensen, the distinguished European states- 
man, who will be the Secretary General of the 

' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507. 

* For texts of a communique and resolutions, see ibid., 
Apr. 17, 1061, p. 553. 

'For background, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8; Mar. 6, 
1961, p. 326 ; and Apr. 10, 1961, p. 514. 

OECD, shares this view. 

Long-Range Programing and Planning 

I have spoken of the need for self-help and 
effective national plaiming in carrying forward 
the Alliance for Progress. The phrase "self- 
help" should not be interpreted to mean condi- 
tions imposed upon a country as the price of 
external assistance. Quite the contrary, self-help 
is the key to the entire development process. 
Without it, outside assistance would be totally in- 
effective. The great bulk of resources for devel- 
opment, human and material, must come from 
within the developing countries. External as- 
sistance can be a critically important supplement 
to their own efforts. But it can be effective only 
when the developing coimtries make full use of 
their own resources on their own behalf. 

It is for this reason that long-range planning 
and programing for economic and social develop- 
ment are so important to the concept of the Alli- 
ance for Progress. 

As we see it, development planning does not 
imply regimentation of economies through gov- 
ernmental controls. It does mean consistent pro- 
graming of public investment aimed at broad 
development targets — programing supplemented 
by economic and social policies designed to acti- 
vate a nation's energies and resources, including 
the indispensable private sector. It means good 
monetary management. It means the mobiliza- 
tion of each country's resources in a manner best 
calculated to bring into the common endeavor the 
savings and earnings of all the people. It means 
the encouragement of private enterprise through 
tax and other policies. It means the building of 
roads and dams. It means the extension of mar- 
keting, distribution, and banking systems. It 
means the opening up of agricultural lands and 
the reformation of outdated systems of land 

Let us not deceive ourselves. The adoption and 
execution of well-planned programs based upon 
self-help will call for discipline and sacrifice. 
These burdens will bear most heavily upon the 
more favored classes of society. Great as these 
sacrifices may be, I am confident that they will be 


Departm&nt of State Bulletin 

made. For tlie challenge which the Americas face 
is clear and unmistakable. We cannot, we dare 
not, let it go unanswered. 

Using Inter-American Economic Machinery 

The vast effort required in plamiing, in self- 
help, and in the chamieling of external resources 
into development makes it mandatory that we 
make full use of our inter- American machinery. 
The Bank, the Inter-American Economic and 
Social Coimcil, and the Economic Commission 
for Latin America — each must play its part. An 
excellent beginning has already been made with 
the creation of the new Committee on Coopera- 
tion by our President, Senor Felipe Herrera, and 
his colleagues. Dr. Eaul Prebisch of ECLA and 
Dr. Jose Mora of the OAS [Organization of 
American States]. The opportunity to organize 
in concrete terms the new substantive programs 
envisaged in the Alliance for Progress will be 
provided by the forthcoming special ministerial 
meeting of lA-ECOSOC. The United States 
will have specific suggestions to present at that 
meeting, and we will warmly welcome the sug- 
gestions of others. 

Meanwhile I should like to outline some of our 
thinking : 

It may, for example, be desirable to make use 
of a limited number of special working groups in 
areas where individual country experience can 
be beneficially exchanged or where multilateral 
considtations may be needed, as in the formulation 
of methods for employing surplus food in social 
development projects. 

We attach great importance to the annual re- 
view of economic and social problems and prog- 
ress as envisaged by the Act of Bogota. These 
reviews should provide both a continuing sense of 
direction and a stimulus for even greater efforts. 
The all-important thing is that there be contin- 
uous and productive work from which the mem- 
ber nations can really benefit. Surveys and 
reports serve no useful purpose unless they pro- 
duce concrete results. We are also convinced that 
the staff of lA-ECOSOC must be built into an 
outstandingly competent and creative secre- 
tariat — a goal which we are happy to note is well 
on its way to fulfillment under the able leader- 
ship of Sr. Jorge Sol. The Inter- American Bank 
is destined to play a vital role in both the eco- 

nomic and social development sectors of this great 
new effort, not only as a lender of funds but also 
as a provider of technical assistance, as a policy 
coordinator with other international agencies, and 
as a source of information and assistance to the 
United States in the operation of its foreign aid 

The Inter- American Bank has been chosen by 
our governments to carry the principal respon- 
sibility for administering the fund for social de- 
velopment. We believe in the multilateral, 
cooperative concept which inspired its organiza- 
tion. The distinguished President of the Bank, 
Felipe Herrera, whose eloquent speech we have 
just heard, was ideally chosen to direct the Bank's 
efforts in fulfilling this responsibility. He, to- 
gether with the Executive Directors and the pro- 
fessional staff, are men of broad experience, 
intellectual stamina, objectivity, and personal in- 
tegrity — men well deserving of the trust reposed 
in them. 

Our trust has been sustained by the Bank's per- 
formance. In the short period of its existence 
the Bank has already approved $50 million in 
loans to private and public enterprises in eight 
Latin American countries : six loans for $23,750,- 
000 from its ordinary capital resources and four 
loans for $26,500,000 from its funds for special 
operations. It has also provided technical assist- 
ance to several countries through its wide-ranging 
missions. Its record of accomplishment is out- 
standing. It has given high priority to providing 
urgently needed funds for the economic develop- 
ment of small- and middle-size private enterprises. 
Two of its loans met a need which is basic in many 
Latin American countries : increased supplies of 
potable water and expanded sanitation. These 
loans provide graphic examples of how economic 
and social progress can be combined in sound 

As testimony to the soundness of the Bank's 
operations 15 private financial institutions of my 
coimtry have participated with the Bank in its 
operations. This, too, is something of a record 
for an international bank still in its infancy. The 
Bank has also moved quickly into areas where 
economic frustration has retarded the march of 
progress. It has faced up to hard problems. 
Loans to break the grip of stagnation have been 
extended to Bolivia, Haiti, Paraguay, and to the 
northeast region of our host comitry, Brazil. 

May 8, 7961 


There is a quality in the Bank's growth which 
has a special significance — the pervading spirit of 
unanimity and brotherhood in what the Bank 
does after tlioroughgoing examination and dis- 
cussion of complex issues. The management and 
directors have not once failed to arrive at a de- 
cision which all could consider a wise and forward 

This is a happy augury for the future success of 
our Alliance for Progress. Earlier in my remarks 
I said that we of the United States do not accept 
economic stagnation as a tolerable condition for 
the Americas. We regard both economic stagna- 
tion and social injustice as totally intolerable. To 
us, therefore, economic and social progiess in the 
hemisphere is not merely a dream ; it is an essential 
step in the attainment of the possible. We have 
the essential instruments in our grasp. Let us 
here resolve to use them wisely and well. 


Current Actions 


with annexes. Done at 
Entered into force March 

Automotive Traffic 

Oonvention on road traffic, 
Geneva September 19, 1949. 
26, 1952. TIAS 2487. 

Acknowledged rights and obligations of Belgium: Congo 
(Leopoldville), March 6, 1961. 


Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e), and 61 of the 
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 1591) 
by providing that sessions of the Assembly of tlie Inter- 
national Civil Aviation Organization shall be held not 
less than once in 3 years instead of annually. Done at 
Montreal June 14, 19.54. Entered Into force December 
12, 1956. TIAS 3756. 
Ratification deposited: Ivory Coast, March 20, 1961. 


Con.stitution of the World Health Organization 
for signature at New York July 22, 1946 
force April 7, 1948. TIAS 1808. 
Acceptance deposited: Mauritania, March 7, 1961. 

Law of tlie Sea 

Convention on the territorial sea and contiguous zone; 
Convention on the high seas ; ' 

Entered into 

Convention on the continental shelf.' 
Done at Geneva April 29, 1958. 
Ratification deposited: United States, April 12, 1961. 

Convention on fishing and conservation of the living re- 
sources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29, 

Ratification deposited: United States (with an under- 
standing), April 12, 1961. 


International telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961.^ 

Ratifications deposited: Viet-Nam, March 3, 1961 ; Paki- 
stan (with a reservation), March 11, 1961; Union of 
South Africa and Territory of South-West Africa, 
March 15, 1961. 


Convention of the World Meteorological Organization. 
Done at Washington October 11, 1947. Entered into 
force March 23, 1950. TIAS 2052. 
Accession deposited: Dahomey, April 14, 1961. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), 
with exchange of notes. Signed at La Paz April 7, 1961. 
Entered into force April 7, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the furnishing of military equip- 
ment, materials, and services by the United States to 
Colombia. Effected by exchange of notes at Bogotfi 
April 3, 1961. Entered into force April 3, 1961. 


Amendment to the agreement of June 19, 19.56 (TIAS 
3689), for cooperation concerning the civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington September 30, 
Entered into force: April 14, 1961. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of July 26, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4.544, 4592, 
and 4598). Effected by exchange of notes at Washing- 
ton April 10 and 17, 1961. Entered into force April 17, 

United Kingdom 

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation 
of a space-vehicle tracking and communications station 
on Canton Island. Effected by exchange of notes at 
London April 6, 1961. Entered into force April 6, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the exchange of official publica- 
tions. Effected by exchange of notes at Saigon April 4, 
1961. Entered into force April 4, 1961. 

' Not in force. 

" Not in force for the United States. 


Department of State Bulletin 

May 8, 1961 

Vol. XLIV, No. 1141 


American Republics 

Economic and Social Progress in the Americas 

(Dillon) 693 

Inter-American Development Bank Publishes First 

Annual Report 695 

Austria. Fund To Settle Persecutee Claims Estab- 
lished by Austria 691 

Claims and Property. Fund To Settle Persecutee 

Claims Established by Austria 691 


The Lesson of Cuba (Kennedy) 659 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of April 17 . . 686 
U.N. General Assembly Debates on Cuban Com- 
plaint (Stevenson, texts of resolutions) . . . 667 
United States and Soviet Union Exchange Mes- 
sages in Regard to Events in Cuba (Kennedy, 
Khrushchev, Soviet statement, Department state- 
ment) 661 

Dahomey. Letters of Credence (Ignacio-Pinto) . 685 

Economic Affairs 

Economic and Social Progress in the Americas 

(Dillon) 693 

Inter-American Development Bank Publishes First 

Annual Report 695 

Germany. Volume XI in German War Documents 

Series Released by Department 692 

Immigration and Naturalization. Fingerprinting 
Regulations Amended for Certain Nonimmigrant 

Aliens 692 

Indonesia. Letters of Credence (Zain) .... 685 
International Organizations and Conferences 
Economic and Social Progress in the Americas 

(Dillon) 693 

Inter-American Development Bank Publishes First 

Annual Report 695 


President Kennedy Salutes Korea on Anniversary 

of Revolution 691 

U.S. To Give Additional $15 Million To Aid Korean 

Economy 691 

Laos. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 
April 17 686 

Mutual Security. U.S. To Give Additional $15 

Million To Aid Korean Economy 691 

Niger. Letters of Credence (Djermakoye) . . . 685 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary 

Rusk's News Conference of April 17 686 

Presidential Documents 

The Lesson of Cuba 659 

President Kennedy Salutes Korea on Anniversary 

of Revolution 691 

United States and Soviet Union Exchange Messages 

in Regard to Events in Cuba 661 

Publications. Volume XI in German War Docu- 
ments Series Released by Department .... 692 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 698 

Tunisia. President Bourguiba of Tunisia Visits 

United States, May 3-13 691 

U.S.S.R. United States and Soviet Union Exchange 
Messages in Regard to Events in Cuba (Kennedy, 
Khrushchev, Soviet statement. Department state- 
ment) 661 

United Nations. U.N. General Assembly Debates 
Cuban Complaint (Stevenson, texts of resolu- 
tions) 667 

Upper Volta. Letters of Credence (Guirma) . . 685 

Name Indew 

Dillon, Douglas 693 

Djermakoye, Issoufou Saidou 685 

Guirma, Frederic 685 

Ignacio-Pinto, Louis 685 

Kennedy, President 659,661,691 

Khrushchev, Nikita S 661 

Rusk, Secretary 686 

Stevenson, Adlai E 667 

Zain, Zairin 685 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: April 17-23 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 


Dahomey credentials (rewrite). 

Niger credentials (rewrite). 

Upper Volta credentials (rewrite). 

Indonesia credentials (rewrite). 

U.S. participation in international con- 

Rusk : news conference. 

Mrs. Chanlett appointment. 

Rusk-Caramanlis : exchange of greet- 

Foster resigns as IAEA representative 
(biographic details). 

Cultural exchange (U.S.S.R.). 

Satterthwaite sworn in as Ambassador 
to Union of South Africa (biographic 

Aid to Korean economy. 

Telles sworn in as Ambassador to 
Costa Rica (biographic details). 

Austrian fund for persecutee claims. 

New volume on German war docu- 

Williams: Patriots' Day celebration. 

Visit of Greek Prime Minister (re- 

Study on Communist takeover in north 
Korea published (rewrite). 

U.S. delegation to Sierra Leone inde- 
pendence day ceremonies. 

The Conference of Berlin {The Pots- 
dam Conference), 1945 published. 

Talbot sworn in as Assistant Secretary 
for Near Eastern and South Asian 
Affairs (biographic details). 

Delegation to CENTO meeting. 

Nolting sworn in as Ambassador to 
Viet-Xam (biographic details). 

Maun sworn in as Ambassador to Mex- 
ico (biographic details). 

Visit of President of Indonesia (re- 

Visit of President of Tunisia (rewrite) . 

FingerpriDting of nonimmigrant aliens. 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 









































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North Korea: 

a case study in the 
techniques of takeover 


This 121-page report represents the findings of a State Depart- 
ment research mission sent to Korea on October 28, 1950, to con- 
duct a survey of the north Korean regime as it operated before 
the outbreak of hostilities on June 25, 1950. Its findings are 
based on information obtained from interrogations both of former 
officials and people who lived under the north Korean regime, 
extensive north Korean and Russian documents captured by the 
United Nations forces, and data previously available in Depart- 
mental files. 

Publication 7118 

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Please send me copies of — 

North Korea: A Case Study in the Techniques of Takeover. 


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Boston Public Library 

oupermtendent of Documents 

JUN 2 2 1961 

Vol. XLIV, No. 1142 May 15, 1961 



SIXTIES • by Acting Secretary Bowles 703 


NATIONS e by Under Secretary Ball 714 


LAOS • Department Statement and Texts of U.K.- 
U.S.S.R. Proposals 710 

DITION • by Assistant Secretary Williams 730 

MENTS (map) 722 


• Article by Richard S. Patterson 728 

For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLIV, No. 1142 • Publication 7189 
May 15, 1961 

Tot sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.2S 

Single cop7i 22 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1901). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or Stats BtrLL£TiN ai the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government icith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as xcell as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
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tvhich the United States is or may 
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Publications of the Department, 
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Foreign Aid: The Great Decision of the Sixties 

iy Acting Secretary Bowles ^ 

Anyone who has studied the spectacular head- 
lines of the past few weeks Imows that we Ameri- 
cans are standing at a crossroads in our relations 
throughout the world. Last week President 
Kennedy outlined the crisis we face in the fol- 
lowing words : ^ 

The message of Cuba, of Laos, of the rising din of 
Communist voices in Asia and Latin America — these 
messages are all the same. The complacent, the self- 
indulgent, the soft societies are about to be swept away 
with the debris of history. Only the strong, only the 
industrious, only the courageous, only the visionary who 
determine the real nature of our struggle can possibly 

In the same statement President Kennedy de- 
clared that we intend to profit from our lessons. 
This, he said, calls for a hard look at ourselves, 
our objectives, and the means by which we seek 
to fulfill them. 

In our years of experience with foreign affairs, 
I believe we have learned several basic truths. 
We know that military strength is imperative, 
and our Government is determined that our mili- 
tary capabilities shall become more effective and 
more versatile. However, we have also learned 
that military strength by itself is not enough. If 
guns and tanks are placed in the hands of people 
who do not have anything which they feel worth 
defending, such weapons are utterly futile. 

We also know the tremendous importance of 
economic and social growth in the imderdeveloped 
areas of the world. At the same time, we have 
learned that, unless this growth provides tangible 
benefits for the many as well as for the few, it 
will not produce an orderly or happy society. 

' Address made before the Methodist National Con- 
vocation on Christian Social Concerns at Washington, D.C., 
on Apr. 26 (press release 262). 

' Bulletin of May 8, 1961, p. 659. 

The world struggle in which we are involved 
will not be won by gmis or money alone. Indeed, 
in the long run, ideas and people are likely to 
represent the decisive element of power. 

Against this backgroimd, I want to speak with 
you today about one of the most fundamental 
elements of American foreign policy — our pro- 
gram for the development of physical and human 
resources in other lands. This has been popu- 
larly known as our "foreign aid" program. 

This program is not new. For approximately 
13 years it has developed in a piecemeal and 
somewhat haphazard fashion, as a response to 
special crises and changing circumstances. 

As we enter the decade of the 1960's the Ameri- 
can people and the American Congress face a 
critical decision concerning the future of this 
vitally important effort. I believe that our 
decision will affect our national destiny and the 
destiny of other nations for generations to come. 

In our generation America has been confronted 
by three historic economic decisions. Twice we 
responded with boldness and imagination and 
thereby changed the course of history. The third 
challenge lies just ahead. The question before 
us now is whether or not we will meet this chal- 
lenge with the same vigor and realism which en- 
abled us to surmount similar obstacles in the past 
and to write stirring new chapters in the history 
of our country. 

Two Historic Challenges 

The first great challenge came in the winter of 
1941. Hitler's Stukas and Panzer divisions had 
conquered virtually all of continental Western 
Europe. The Nazis were exploiting the human 
and industrial resources of this area to build a 
war machine with the capacity to dominate the 

May 15, 1961 


entire world. Britain was struggling for its very 
life, against odds which many people considered 

It was at this point that President Franklin 
Delano Eoosevelt proposed the lend-lease 

Most people believed that these proposals faced 
inevitable defeat. The American people, they 
said, were indifferent to tlie fate of Britain and 
Europe. The United States was self-sufficient. 
"VVliy should we be concerned about events abroad ? 
Others said that the United States economy with 
nearly 8 million unemployed could not afford 
the cost of helping the British. Still others con- 
tended that the British cause was already lost and 
that we would be pouring money down a rathole. 
But a great many Americans, including the Presi- 
dent, understood that America's own freedom 
could not survive indefinitely with the European 
Continent under Nazi domination. 

Franklin Roosevelt took the case to the people, 
and the people responded. With an outpouring 
of public support, the Congress approved the lend- 
lease program. Britain was saved and Western 
civilization was given a new chance. Four years 
later Nazi tyranny had been totally defeated. 

Our second great challenge occurred shortly 
after the end of World War II. Europe stood on 
the brink of collapse. Cities and factories had 
been bombed out of existence, mines were closed 
down, and many farms lay fallow. There was 
vast unemployment and runaway inflation. A 
large part of Eastern Europe had already been 
conquered by Soviet arms, and nearly 200 Soviet 
Army divisions stood on the borders of these 
countries. Throughout Western Europe Com- 
munist agents were taking full advantage of the 
economic distress to sow confusion and chaos and 
to pave the road for the seizure of absolute power. 
After having fought a costly and bloody war 
to avoid the domination of Europe by forces hos- 
tile to the United States, we faced a strong pos- 
sibility that a new tyranny might quickly result 
from chaotic political and economic forces. 

The American people, however, were concerned 
with problems nearer at hand. Taxes were high, 
our Government divided between a Democratic 
President and a Republican Congress. We were 
in the midst of the greatest peacetime inflation in 
history. Every piece of machinery and can of 
food sent abroad added to our own inflation. 

We had helped save Em-ope from the Nazis. 
Wliy couldn't they handle their own problems and 
let us alone ? Wliy should we make a second, and 
perhaps equally fruitless, attempt to save Europe? 

But once again America found leaders who 
understood the nature of the crisis and its impact 
upon America's future. In the State Department 
we had Secretary Marshall and Dean Acheson, 
men of great intelligence and responsibility. In 
Harry Truman we had a President who was pre- 
pared to exercise leadership under difficult politi- 
cal conditions. And there were also men of vision 
and toughness in the Congress, on both sides of the 
aisle. I refer to such individuals as Vandenberg 
of Michigan, Herter of Massachusetts, Russell of 
Georgia, and Fulbright of Arkansas. 

And so once again the American people re- 
sponded to direct, honest explanations. And a 
bold new program was devised to meet this new 
and unpi-ecedented challenge. The Greek- 
Turkish aid program, the Marshall plan, and then 
NATO combined to halt the Communist aggres- 
sion against Greece, forestall the threat of ag- 
gression against Turkey, and lay the foundations 
for the economic recoveiy of Western Europe. 

It is noteworthy that, in the 13 years since the 
Marshall plan got under way, Western Europe 
has achieved a measure of political stability and 
economic prosperity unparalleled in its history. 
Since that time there have been no military hos- 
tilities anywhere in Europe nor have there been 
any Communist territorial gains anywhere on the 
European Continent. 

Economic Challenge for America in the 1960's 

Today we face the third great economic chal- 
lenge of the past quarter century. This challenge 
involves the future of more than half of the 
world's peoples, who live in non-Communist Asia, 
Africa, and Latin America. 

These peoples are now engaged in the most 
gigantic revolution of history, a revolution even 
more fundamental and much more far-reaching 
than the Industrial Revolution in the West during 
the 18th and lOtli centuries. This revolution was 
not created by the Coimnunists or Socialists ; it is 
a revolution that springs directly from the needs 
and aspirations of the people and has produced its 
own dynamics. Its basic objectives are increasing 
freedom, economic progress, and human dignity. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The mainspring of this world revolution was 
our own American Revolution. We were the first 
colonial nation that sought and won independence. 
We were the first to experiment with popular 
democracy and to undertake a system of vmiversal 

Since 1945 more than 30 nations containing 
about 800 million people, formerly colonies, have 
gained independence. These new nations are 
now engaged in building the elementary institu- 
tions of nationhood. 

And yet the revolution of which I speak is far 
more than a revolution against colonial rule. It 
is a revolt by hundi-eds of millions of human 
beings against poverty, injustice, disease, ig- 
norance, and oppression. 

These conditions are not new. In many lands 
peoples have suffered for centuries. What is new 
is the knowledge that the technical means are now 
available to end this privation and suffering. 
What is new is a fierce detei-mination to end them 
once and for all — to bring about new conditions 
of life which offer justice, progress, and oppor- 
tunity to all peoples. 

And the peoples involved in this revolution are 
in a great huriy. They will not agree to wait a 
little longer, to have patience, to permit events to 
take their natural course. The better life they 
need has been slow in coming. Now they want it 
right away. 

Yet the goals which the emerging peoples of 
Asia, Africa, and Latin America have set for 
themselves cannot be reached imder conditions of 
freedom unless capital and technical assistance 
are provided from abroad. If this assistance is 
not forthcoming, there can be only one outcome: 
an effort to squeeze the necessary savings for de- 
velopment out of their already impoverished peo- 
ple by totalitarian methods. 

U.S. Objectives in Extending Aid 

This, then, is the global economic challenge 
confronting America in the 1960's. 

Are we able and willing to help the lesser de- 
veloped nations achieve their economic goals 
imder conditions of freedom? Or will our in- 
difference and ineptness leave them no alternative 
but to accept totalitarian shortcuts? 

As in 1941, during the lend-lease debate, and in 
1947 and 1948, during the debate on the Marshall 

plan, we again hear the voices of the critics and 
the skeptics. Many Americans say that the fate 
of the lesser developed peoples is no concern of 
ours. Others say that the task is hopeless. Still 
more ask why the United States, which is itself 
suffering from depressed areas, unemployment, 
and other economic problems of its own, should 
concern itself about economic and social condi- 
tions in other parts of the world. 

These questions and criticisms require us to ask 
some tough-minded questions about the real pur- 
poses and methods of our foreign assistance pro- 
grams. What for instance are we trying to 
achieve ? 

Is our purpose charity ? 

Concern for the welfare of others is a pai-t of 
our Christian tradition. Long before our Gov- 
ernment instituted foreign aid programs, a great 
many individual Americans contributed from their 
own pockets to send missionaries, doctors, tech- 
nicians, and teachers to foreign lands. But gen- 
erosity is not the basic motive for foreign aid. 

Is our aim to create markets for American 
business ? 

Obviously foreign assistance is a stimulus to the 
American economy. It produces business and 
jobs and permits other peoples to build thriving 
economies which offer long-term advantages to 
our own economic life. 

Nevertheless, we are not giving this assistance 
primarily for the purpose of imderpinning 
American prosperity. Nor are we trying to buy 
allies or friends or to purchase votes in the 
LTnited Nations. Such things are not for sale. 
Nor are we simply reacting to the economic pi"es- 
sures of the world Communist movement. The 
Communist nations have undertaken a substantial 
economic program of their own, designed to pene- 
trate and subvert free nations. Although this 
challenge must be met our own long-range pur- 
poses are more positive and more fimdamental. 

Wliat then is the reason for large-scale Amer- 
ican overseas economic assistance committed over 
a period of years ? 

It is no secret that we are engaged in a titanic 
world striiggle unparalleled in history. The 
Communist system now embraces approximately 
one-third of the human race. It has vast human 
and material resources. Its science and industry 
are galloping forward. The Communist leaders 
have openly proclaimed their determination that