Department of State bulletin

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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

-FICIAL
EEKLY RECORD

<ITED STATES
)REIGN POLICY

AprU 3, 1961

A LI AN Z A PARA PROGRESO • Address by President

Kennedy and Text of Message to Congress 471

DEPARTMENT SUPPORTS TREATY ON COLUMBIA

RIVER DEVELOPMENT • Statement by Ivan B. White . 492

U.S. SUPPORTS AFRO-ASIAN RESOLUTION ON

ANGOLA • Statement by Ambassador Stevenson and Text

of Draft Resolution 497

THE DECISIVE DECADE • by Under Secretary Bowles . . 480

Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents

i^AY 15 1961

DEPOSITORY

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1136 • Publication 7162
April 3, 1961

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Alianza para Progreso

Follotoing is an address made hy President
Kennedy on March 13 at a White House reception
for Latin American diplomats and Members of
Congress and their loives, together with the text
of a tnessage to Congress on the subject of social
progress in Latin America.

ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release dated March 13 ; as-delivered text

It is a great pleasure for Mrs. Kennedy and for
nie, for the Vice President and Mrs. Johnson, and
for the Members of Congress, to welcome the am-
bassadorial corps of the hemisphere, our long-
time friends, to the "Wliite House today. One
hundred and thirty-nine years ago tliis week the
United States, stirred by the heroic struggles of
its fellow Americans, urged the independence and
recognition of tlie new Latin American Republics.
It was then, at the dawn of freedom throughout
this hemisphere, that Bolivar spoke of his desire
to see the Americas fashioned into the gi-eatest
region in the world, "greatest," he said, "not so
much by virtue of her area and her wealth, as
by her freedom and her glory."

Never, in the long history of our hemisphere,
has this dream been nearer to fulfilhnent, and
never has it been in greater danger.

The genius of our scientists has given us the
tools to bring abundance to our land, strength to
our industry, and knowledge to our people. For
the first time we have the capacity to strike off
the remaining bonds of poverty and ignorance — •
to free our people for the spiritual and intellect-
ual fulfillment which has always been the goal
of our civilization.

Yet at this very moment of maximum oppor-
tunity, we confront the same forces which have
imperiled America throughout its history — the
alien forces which once again seek to impose the

despotisms of the Old World on the people of
the New.

I have asked you to come here today so that
I might discuss these challenges and these dangers.

Common Ties Uniting the Republics

We meet together as firm and ancient friends,
united by history and experience and by our de-
termination to advance the values of American
civilization. For this new world of ours is not
merely an accident of geography. Our contin-
ents are bomid together by a common history —
the endless exploration of new frontiers. Our
nations are the product of a common struggle —
the revolt from colonial rule. And our people
share a common heritage — the quest for the dig-
nity and the freedom of man.

The revolutions which gave us birth ignited, in
the words of Thomas Paine, "a spark never to be
extinguished." And across vast, turbulent con-
tinents these American ideals still stir man's
struggle for national independence and individual
freedom. But as we welcome the spread of the
American Revolution to other lands, we must also
remember that our own struggle — the revolution
which began in Philadelphia in 1776 and in Ca-
racas in 1811 — is not yet finished. Our hemi-
sphere's mission is not yet completed. For our
unfulflled task is to detnonstrate to the entire
world that man!s unsatisfied aspiration for eco-
nomic progress and social justice can hest he
achieved hy free men working within a framework
of democratic institutions. If we can do this in
our own hemisphere, and for our own people, we
may yet realize the prophecy of the great Mexican
patriot, Benito Juarez, that "democracy is the
destiny of future humanity."

As a citizen of the United States let me be the
first to admit that we North Americans have not
always grasped the significance of this common
mission, just as it is also true that many in your

AprW 3, 1961

471

own countries have not fully understood the ur-
gency of the need to lift people from poverty and
ignorance and despair. But we must turn from
these mistakes — from the failures and the mis-
understandings of the past — to a future full of
peril but bright with hope.

Throughout Latin America — a continent rich in
resources and in the spiritual and cultural acliieve-
ments of its people — millions of men and women
suffer the daily degradations of hunger and
poverty. They lack decent shelter or protection
from disease. Their children are deprived of the
education or the jobs which are the gateway to a
better life. And each day the problems grow more
urgent. Population growth is outpacing eco-
nomic growth, low living standards are even fur-
ther endangered, and discontent — the discontent
of a people who know that abundance and the tools
of progress are at last within their reach — that
discontent is growing. In the words of Jose
Figueres, "once dormant peoples are struggling
upward toward the smi, toward a better life."

If we are to meet a problem so staggering m its
dimensions, our approach must itself be equally
bold, an approach consistent with the majestic
concept of Operation Pan America.^ Therefore I
have called on all the people of the hemisphere to
join in a new Alliance for Progress ^ — Alianza
para Progreso — a vast cooperative effort, impar-
alleled in magnitude and nobility of purpose, to
satisfy the basic needs of the American people for
homes, work and land, health and schools — techo,
trabajo y tierra, salud y esciiela.

Ten- Year Plan for the Americas

First, I propose that the American Eepublics
begin on a vast new 10-year plan for the Americas,
a plan to transform the 1960's into an historic
decade of democratic progress. These 10 years
will be the yeai's of maximum progress, maximum
effort — the years when the greatest obstacles must
be overcome, the years when the need for assist-
ance will be the greatest.

And if we are successful, if our effort is bold
enough and determined enough, then the close of
this decade will mark the beginning of a new era
in the American experience. The living standards
of every American family will be on the rise, basic

' For background, see Btjlletin of June 30, 1958, p.
1090, and Oct. 13, 1958, p. 574.
»76i(?., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.

education will be available to all, hmiger will be
a forgotten experience, the need for massive out-
side help will have passed, most nations will have
entered a period of self-sustaining growth, and,
although there will be still much to do, every
American Eepublic will be the master of its own
revolution and its own hope and progress.

Let me stress that only the most determined
efforts of the American nations themselves can
bring success to this effort. They, and they alone,
can mobilize their resources, enlist the energies
of their people, and modify their social patterns
so that all, and not just a privileged few, share
in the fruits of growth. If this effort is made,
then outside assistance will give a vital impetus
to progress; without it, no amount of help will
advance the welfare of the people.

Thus if the countries of Latin America are
ready to do their part — and I am sure they are —
then I believe the United States, for its part,
should help provide resources of a scope and mag-
nitude sufficient to make this bold development
plan a success, just as we helped to provide,
against nearly equal odds, the resources adequate
to help rebuild the economies of Western Europe.
For only an effort of towering dimensions can
insure fulfillment of our plan for a decade of
progress.

Secondly, I will shortly request a ministerial
meeting of the Inter-American Economic and
Social Council, a meeting at which we can begin
the massive planning effort which will be at the
heart of the Alliance for Progress.

For if our alliance is to succeed, each Latin na-
tion must formulate long-range plans for its own
development — plans which establish targets and
priorities, insure monetary stability, establish the
machinery for vital social change, stimulate pri-
vate activity and initiative, and provide for a
maximum national effort. These plans will be the
foundation of our development effort and the basis
for the allocation of outside resources.

A greatly strengthened lA-ECOSOC, work-
ing with the Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Inter-American Development
Bank, can assemble the leading economists and ex-
perts of the hemisphere to help each counti"y de-
velop its own development plan and provide a
continuing review of economic progress in this
hemisphere.

Third, I have this evening signed a request to

472

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

the Congress for $500 million as a first step in
fulfilling the Act of Bogota.^ This is the first
large-scale inter-American effort — instituted by
my predecessor President Eisenhower ^ — to attack
the social barriers which block economic progress.
The money will be used to combat illiteracy, im-
prove the productivity and use of their land, wipe
out disease, attack archaic tax and land-tenure
structures, provide educational opportunities, and
offer a broad range of projects designed to make
the benefits of increasing abundance available to
all. We will begin to commit these funds as
soon as they are appropriated.

Fourth, we must support all economic integra-
tion which is a genuine stejD toward larger mar-
kets and greater competitive opportunity. The
fragmentation of Latin American economies is a
serious barrier to industrial growth. Projects
such as the Central American common market
and free-trade areas in South America can help
to remove these obstacles.

Fifth, the United States is ready to cooperate
in serious, case-by-case examinations of commod-
ity market jDroblems. Frequent violent changes
in commodity prices seriously injure the economies
of many Latin American countries, draining their
resources and stultifying their growth. Together
we must find practical methods of bringing an
end to this pattern.

Sixth, we will immediately step up our food-
for-peace emergency program, help to establish
food reserves in areas of recurrent drought, and
help provide school lunches for children and offer
feed grains for use in rural development. For
hungry men and women cannot wait for economic
discussions or diplomatic meetings; their need is
urgent, and their hunger rests heavily on the con-
science of their fellow men.

Seventh, all the people of the hemisphere must
be allowed to share in the expanding wonders of
science — wonders which have captured man's im-
agination, challenged the powers of his mind, and
given him the tools for rapid progress. I invite
Latin American scientists to work with us in new
projects in fields such as medicine and agi'iculture,
physics and astronomy, and desalinization, and to
help plan for regional research laboratories in
these and other fields, and to strengthen coopera-

' For text of the Act of Bogota, see ibid., Oct. 3, 1960,
p. 537.
* ma., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 166, and Aug. 29, 1960, p. 314.

tion between American universities and labora-
tories.

We also intend to expand our science-teacher
training programs to include Latin American
instructors, to assist in establishing such programs
in other American countries, and translate and
make available revolutionary new teaching mate-
rials in physics, chemistry, biology, and mathe-
matics so that the young of all nations may con-
tribute their skills to the advance of science.

Eighth, we must rapidly expand the training of
those needed to man the economies of rapidly
developing countries. This means expanded tech-
nical training programs, for which the Peace
Corps,= for example, will be available when
needed. It also means assistance to Latin Amer-
ican universities, graduate schools, and research
institutes.

We welcome proposals in Central America for
intimate cooperation in higher education, coop-
eration which can achieve a regional effort of
increased effectiveness and excellence. We are
ready to help fill the gap in trained manpower,
realizing that our ultimate goal must be a basic
education for all who wish to learn.

Ninth, we reaffirm our pledge to come to the
defense of any American nation whose independ-
ence is endangered. As confidence in the col-
lective security system of the OAS [Organization
of American States] spreads, it will be possible
to devote to constructive use a major share of those
resources now spent on the instruments of war.
Even now, as the Government of Chile has said,
the time has come to take the first steps toward
sensible limitations of arms. And the new gen-
eration of military leaders has shown an increas-
ing awareness that armies can not only defend
their countries — they can, as we have learned
through our own Corps of Engineers, help to
build them.

Tenth, we invite our friends in Latin America
to contribute to the enrichment of life and culture
in the United States. We need teachers of your
literature and history and tradition, opportunities
for our young people to study in your imiversities,
access to your music, your art, and the thought
of your great philosophers. For we know we
have much to learn.

In this- way you can help bring a fuller spiritual

' Ihld., Mar. 20, 1961, p. 400.

April 3, 1 96 1

473

and intellectual life to the people of the United
States and contribute to understanding and mu-
tual respect among the nations of tlie hemisphere.
I With steps such as these we propose to complete
the revolution of the Americas, to build a hemi-
sphere where all men can hope for a suitable
standard of living and all can live out their lives
in dignity and in freedom.

Political Freedom and Social Progress

To achieve this goal political freedom must
accompany material progress. Our Alliance for
Progress is an alliance of free governments — and
it must work to eliminate tyranny from a hemi-
sphere in which it has no rightful place. There-
fore let us express our special friendship to the
people of Cuba and the Dominican Republic —
and the hope they will soon rejoin the society of
free men, uniting with us in our common effort.

This political freedom must be accompanied by
social change. For unless necessary social re-
forms, including land and tax reform, are freely
made, unless we broaden the opportunity of all
of our people, unless the great mass of Americans
share in increasing prosperity, then our alliance,
our revolution, our dream, and our freedom will
fail. But we call for social change by free men — -
change in the spirit of Washington and Jefferson,
of Bolivar and San Martin and Marti — not change
which seeks to impose on men tyrannies which we
cast out a century and a half ago. Our motto is
what it has always been — progress yes, tyranny
no — progrcso si, tirania no!

But our gi-eatest challenge comes from within — ■
the task of creating an American civilization where
spiritual and cultural values are strengthened by
an ever-broadening base of material advance,
where, within the rich divereity of its own tradi-
tions, each nation is free to follow its own path
toward progress.

The completion of our task will, of course, re-
quire the efforts of all the govermnents of our
hemisphere. But the efforts of governments alone
will never be enough. In the end the people must
choose and the people must help themselves.

And so I say to the men and women of the
Americas — to the campesino in the fields, to the
obrero in the cities, to the estudiante in the
schools — prepare your mind and heart for the
task ahead, call forth your strength, and let each

devote his energies to the betterment of all so that
your children and our children in this hemisphere
can find an ever richer and a freer life.

Let us once again transform the American Con-
tinent into a vast crucible of revolutionary ideas
and efforts, a tribute to the power of the creative
energies of free men and women, an example to all
the world that liberty and progress walk hand in
hand. Let us once again awaken our American
revolution until it guides the struggles of people
evei-ywhere — not with an imperialism of force or
fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope
for the future of man.

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS'

To the Congress of the United States:

On September 8, 1960, at the request of the ad-
ministration, the Congress authorized the sum of
$500 million for the Inter-American Fund for
Social Progi-ess. On the basis of this authoriza-
tion the United States, on September 12, 1960, sub-
scribed to the Act of Bogota along with 18 other
American Republics.

In the same bill the Congress authorized $100
million for the long-term reconstruction and re-
habilitation of those areas of southern Chile re-
cently devastated by fire and earthquake.

I now request that Congress appropriate the
full amoimt of $600 million.

The x\ct of Bogota marks an historic turning
point in the evolution of the Western Hemisphere.
For the first time the American nations have
agreed to join in a massive cooperative effort to
strengthen democratic institutions through a pro-
gram of economic development and social
progress.

Such a program is long overdue. Throughout
Latin America millions of people are struggling
to free themselves from the bonds of poverty and
hunger and ignorance. To the north and east
they see the abundance which modern science can
bring. They know the tools of progress are with-
in their reach. And they are determined to have
a better life for themselves and their children.

The people of Latin America are the inheritors
of a deep belief in political democracy and the

" H. Doc. 105, 87tli Cong., 1st sess.

474

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

freedom of man — a sincere faith that the best road
to progress is freedom's road. But if the Act of
Bogota becomes just another empty declaration — •
if we are unwilling to commit our resources and
energy to the task of social progress and economic
development — then we face a grave and imminent
danger that desperate peoples will turn to com-
munism or other forms of tyranny as their only
hope for change. Well-organized, skillful, and
strongly financed forces are constantly urging
them to take this course.

A few statistics will illustrate the depth of the
problems of Latin America. This is the fastest
growing area in the world. Its current popula-
tion of 195 million represents an increase of about
30 percent over the past 10 years, and by the 1980's
the continent will have to support more than 400
million people. At the same time the average per
capita annual product is only $280, less than one-
ninth that of the United States — and in large
areas, inhabited by millions of people, it is less
than $70. Thus it is a difficult task merely to
keep living standards from falling further as pop-
ulation grows.

Such poverty inevitably talces its toll in hmnan
life. The average American can expect to live
70 years, but life expectancy in Latin America is
only 46, dropping to about 35 in some Central
American countries. And while our rate of in-
fant mortality is less than 30 per thousand, it is
more than 110 per thousand in Latin America.

Perhaps the greatest stimulus to our own de-
velopment was the establishment of universal basic
education. But for most of the children of Latin
America education is a remote and unattainable
dream. Illiteracy extends to almost half the
adults, reaching 90 percent in one country. And
approximately 50 percent of school-age children
have no schools to attend.

In one major Latin American capital a third
of the total population is living in filthy and im-
bearable slums. In another country 80 jjercent of
the entire population is housed in makeshift
shacks and barracks, lacking the privacy of sep-
arate rooms for families.

It was to meet these shocking and urgent con-
ditions that the Act of Bogota was signed. This
act, building on the concept of Ojjeration Pan
America initiated by Brazil in 1958, introduced
two important new elements to the effort to im-
prove living standards in South America.

First, the nations of Latin America have rec-
ognized the need for an intensive program of self-
help — mobilizing their own domestic resources,
and undertaking basic reforms in tax structure,
in land ownership and use, and in education,
health, and housing.

Second, it launches a major inter-American
program for the social progress which is an in-
disi>ensable condition to growth — a program for
improved land use, education, health, and housing.
This program — supported by the special fund
which I am asking Congress to appropriate — will
be administered primarily through the Inter-
American [Development] Bank, and guided by
greatly strengthened regional institutions.

The $500 million Inter- American Fund for So-
cial Progress is only the first move toward carry-
ing out the declarations of the Act of Bogota;
and the act itself is only a single step in our
program for the development of the hemisphere —
a program I have termed the Alliance for
Progress — Alianza para Progreso. In addition
to the social fmid, hemispheric development will
require substantial outside resources for economic
development, a major self-help effort by the Latin
American nations themselves, inter- American co-
operation to deal with the problems of economic
integration and commodity markets and other
measures designed to speed economic growth and
improve understanding among the American
nations.

Social Progress and Economic Development

The fund which I am requesting today will be
devoted to social progress. Social progress is not
a substitute for economic development. It is an
effort to create a social framework within which
all the people of a nation can share in the benefits
of prosperity, and participate in the process of
growth. Economic growth without social progress
lets the great majority of the people remain in
poverty, while a privileged few reap the benefits
of rising abundance. In addition, the process of
growth largely depends on the existence of bene-
ficial social conditions. Our own experience is
witness to this. For much of our own gi-eat pro-
ductivity and industrial development is based on
our system of universal public education.

April 3, 7 96 J

475

Thus the purpose of our special effort for social
progress is to overcome the barriers of geographi-
cal and social isolation, illiteracy and lack of
educational opportunities, archaic tax and land
tenure structures, and other institutional obstacles
to broad participation in economic gi'owth.

Self-Help and Internal Reform

It is clear that the Bogota program cannot have
any significant impact if its funds are used merely
for tlie temporary relief of conditions of distress.
Its effectiveness depends on the willingness of
each recipient nation to imjirove its own institu-
tions, make necessary modifications in its own
social iDatterns, and mobilize its own domestic
resources for a program of development.

Even at the start svich measures will be a condi-
tion of assistance from the social fund. Priorities
will depend not merely on need, but on the demon-
strated readiness of each government to make the
institutional improvements which promise lasting
social progress. The criteria for administration
of the funds by the Inter- American Development
Bank and the ICA will explicitly reflect these
principles.

For example: The uneven distribution of land
is one of the gravest social i>roblems in many
Latin American countries. In some nations 2
percent of the farms account for three- foui'ths of
the total farm area. And in one Central American
country, 40 percent of the privately owned acre-
age is held in one-fifth of 1 percent of the number
of farms. It is clear that when land ownership
is so heavily concentrated, efforts to increase agri-
cultural productivity will only benefit a very
small percentage of the population. Thus if fimds
for improving land usage are to be used effectively
they should go only to those nations in which the
benefits will accrue to the great mass of rural
workers.

In housing, for example, much can be done for
middle income groups through improved credit
mechanisms. But, since the great majority of
family incomes are only $10 to $50 a month, until
income levels as a whole are increased, tlie most
promising means of improving mass housing is
through aided self-help projects — projects in
which the low-income worker is provided with low-
cost materials, land, and some technical guidance;
and then builds the house with his own labor,
repaying the costs of materials with a long-term
mortgage.

Education is another field where self-help efforts
can effectively broaden educational opportuni-
ties— and a variety of techniques, from self-help
school construction where the entire village con-
tributes labor, to the use of local people as part-
time teachers can be used.

In the field of land use there is no sharp de-
marcation between economic and social develop-
ment. Improved land use and iniral living
conditions were rightly given top place in the Act
of Bogota. Most of the Latin American peoples
live and work on the land. Yet agricultural out-
put and productivity have lagged far behind both
industrial development and urgent needs for con- -
sumption and export. |

As a result poverty, illiteracy, hopelessness, and
a sense of injustice — the conditions wliich breed
political and social unrest — are almost universal
in the Latin American countryside.

Thus, there is an immediate need for higher and
more diversified agricultural production, better
distribution of wealth and income, and wider
sharing in the process of development. This can
be partly accomplished through establishing super-
vised rural credit facilities, helping to finance re-
settlement in new lands, constructing access roads
to new settlement sites, conducting agricultural
surveys and research, and introducing agricultural
extension services.

Examples of Potential Areas of Progress

When each nation demonstrates its willingness
to abide by these general principles, then outside
resources will be focused on projects which have
the greatest multiplying effect in mobilizing
domestic resources, contributing to institutional
reform, and in reducing the major obstacles to a
development in which all can share.

Administration of the Inter-American Fund for
Social Progress

It is fundamental to the success of this coopera-
tive effort that the Latin American nations them-
selves play an important role in the administra-
tion of the social fund.

Therefore, the major share of the funds will be
administered by the Inter- American Development

476

Department of State Bulletin

Bank (IDB) — an organization to which nearly all
the American Republics belong.

Of the total of $500 million, $394 million will
be assigned to the IDB, to be administered under
a special trust agreement with the United States.
The IDB will apply most of these funds on a loan
basis with flexible terms, including low interest
rates or repayment in local currency. The IDB's
major fields of activity will be land settlement and
improved land use, housing, water supply and
sanitation, and technical assistance related to tlie
mobilizing of domestic financial resources.

In order to promote progress in activities wliich
generally are not self-liquidating and therefore
not appropriate for loan financing, the sum of
$100 million will be administered by the Interna-
tional Cooperation Administration (ICA). Tliese
funds will be applied mainly on a grant basis for
education and training, public health projects, and
the strengthening of general governmental serv-
ices in fields related to economic and social devel-
opment. Funds administered by the ICA will also
be available to assist projects for social progress
in dependent territories which are becoming in-
dependent, but are not yet members of the IDB.

Up to $6 million more is to be used to help
strengthen the Organization of American States
( OAS ) . To reinforce the movement toward ade-
quate self-help and institutional improvement, the
Inter-American Economic and Social Council
(lA-ECOSOC) of the OAS is strengthening its
secretariat and its staflp. It is also working out
cooperative arrangements with the United Na-
tions Economic Commission for Latin America
(ECUA) and tlie IDB. These three regional
agencies will work together in making region-
wide studies, and in sponsoring conferences di-
rected toward bringing about tax reform, im-
proved land use, educational modernization, and
sound national development programing.

Many of the nations of the Americas have al-
ready responded to the action taken at Bogota by
directing attention to their most pressing social
problems. In the brief period since the meeting
at Bogota, U.S. embassies and operations missions,
after consultation with Latin American govern-
ments, have already reported proposals for social
development projects calling for external assist-
ance totaling about $1,225 million. A preliminary
selection from this list shows some $800 million

worth of projects which are worthy of early de-
tailed examination by the Bank and the ICA.

In the Bank's area of activity these selected
projects total $611 million, including $309 million
for land use and improved rural living condi-
tions, $136 million in the field of housing, and $146
million for water supply and sanitation.

Selected proposals in fields to be administered
by the ICA total $187 million ; of which $136 mil-
lion are for education and training, $36 million
for public health, and $15 million for public ad-
ministration and other assigned responsibilities.

So that each recipient nation will live up to
the principles of self-help and domestic reform
outlined above, funds will not be allocated until
the operating agency receives assurances that the
country being aided will take those measui-es nec-
essary to insure that the particular project brings
the maximiun social progress. For the same rea-
son we can make no firm forecast of the rate at
which the funds will be committed. Thus, if they
are to be used most efficiently and economically,
they must be made available for obligation with-
out limitation as to time.

Urgency of the Need

LTnder ideal conditions projects for social prog-
ress would be undertaken only after the prepara-
tion of integrated country plans for economic and
social development. Many nations, however, do
not possess even the most basic information on
their own resources or land ownership. Revolu-
tionary new social institutions and patterns cannot
be designed overnight. Yet, at the same time,
Latin America is seething with discontent and
unrest. We must act to relieve large-scale distress
iimnediately if free institutions are to be given a
cliance to work out long-term solutions. Both the
Bank and the ICA are ready to begin operation
immediately. But they must have the funds in
hand if they are to develop detailed projects, and
stimulate vital measures of self-help and institu-
tional improvement.

The Bogota Conference created a new sense of
resolve — a new determination to deal with the
causes of the social unrest which afflicts much of
the hemisphere. If this momentum is lost,
through failure of the United States to act
promptly and fully, we may not have another
chance.

April 3, 1 96 1

477

The Role of Private Organizations

Inter-American cooperation for economic and
social progress is not limited to the actions of gov-
ernment. Private foundations and miiversities
have played a pioneering role in identifying criti-
cal deficiencies and pointing the way toward con-
structive remedies. We hope they will redouble
their efforts in the years to come.

United States business concerns have also played
a significant part, in Latin American economic de-
velopment. They can play an even greater role
in the future. Tlieir work is especially important
in manufacturing goods and providing services
for Latin American markets. Technical expert-
ness and management skills in these fields can be
effectively transferred to local enterprises by pri-
vate investment in a great variety of forms — rang-
ing from licensing through joint ventures to own-
ership.

Private enterprise's most important future role
will be to assist in the development of healthy and
responsible private enterprise within the Latin
American nations. The initiation, in recent years,
of strikingly successful new private investment
houses, mutual investment funds, savings and loan
associations, and other financial institutions are
an example of what can be done. Stimulating
the growth of local suppliers of components for
complex consumer durable goods is another ex-
ample of the way in which domestic business can
be strengthened.

A major forward thrust in Latin American de-
velopment will create heavy new demands for
technical personnel and specialized knowledge —
demands which private organizations can help to
fill. And, of course, the continued inflow of pri-
vate capital will continue to serve as an important
stimulus to development.

Chilean Reconstruction and Rehabilitation

Last May more than 5,000 Chileans were killed
■when fire and earthquake devastated the southern
part of that Republic. Several of the American
Republics, including the United States, provided
emergency supplies of food, medicine, and cloth-
ing to the victims of this disaster. Our country
provided almost $35 million in emergency grants
and loans.

However, these emergency efforts did not meet
the desperate need to rebuild the economy of an

area which had suffered almost $400 million worth
of damage. In recognition of this need. Congress
authorized $100 million for long-term reconstruc-
tion and rehabilitation. Since then the people of
Chile have been patiently rebuilding their shat-
tered homes and communications facilities. But
reconstruction is severely hampered by lack of
funds. Therefore, I am asking the Congress to
appropriate the $100 million so that the task of
rebuilding the economy of southern Chile can
proceed without delay.

John F. Kennedy.

The WnrrE House, March H, 1961.

President Hopes for Successful
Conclusion of Nuclear Test Talks

STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release dated March 14

Ambassador Arthur H. Dean leaves on
Wednesday [March 15] for Geneva to head the
United States delegation to the Conference on the
Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests, wliere
on March 21 negotiations among the United
States, the United Kingdom, and the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics will be resumed.

Our Nation is indeed fortunate to have the
services of Ambassador Dean at this decisive stage
of the sessions. He has accumidated extensive
experience in international negotiation of difficult
and complex issues. I know that he will present
the American point of view with tlie greatest
clarity and skill.

Ambassador Dean and the United States dele-
gation will be engaged in an enterprise which
could not only contribute to halting the prolifera-
tion of nuclear weapons but also have important
implications for the future of disannament and
arms limitation negotiations and the future peace
and security of the world.

The United States Government is determined
to do all that is possible to conclude a safeguarded
agreement on a sound and equitable basis.

The United States and Britisli delegations have
labored for 2i/^ years at the Conference to reach
agreement with the U.S.S.R. on a treaty under

478

Department of Slate Bulletin

which nuclear weapon tests would be prohibited
and an adequate control system established.^
While much groundwork for a treaty has been
laid, critical issues remain to be resolved.

In recent weeks tlie United States has under-
taken a thorough review of the technical and
political problems still outstanding. As a result
tlie United States delegation will return to the
conference table with proposals which could con-
stitute the basis for a treaty fair to all contracting
parties. It is my hope that the proposals will be
accepted and that the negotiators will be able to
proceed with all appropriate speed toward the
conclusion of the first international arms control
agreement in the nuclear age.

U.S. DELEGATION

Press release 133 dated March 14

Tlie Conference on the Discontinuance of Nu-
clear Weapon Tests will resume its sessions at
Geneva on March 21, 1961. Following are the
members of the U.S. delegation to the Conference:

U.S. Representative

Arthur H. Dean

Deputy U.S. Representatives

Charles C. Stelle, Minister, U.S. Mission to the European

Office of the United Nations, Geneva
David H. Popper, U.S. Mission to the European OflBce of

the United Nations, Geneva

Advisers

F. Richard Ford III, Department of Defense

James E. Goodby, Department of State

Warren E. Hewitt, Department of State

Dr. Byron P. Leonard, Aerospace Corp., El Segundo,

Calif.
David Mark, Department of State
Charles F. Marsh, Department of State
Nedville Nordness, United States Information Agency
Doyle L. Northrup, Department of Defense
Charles H. Owsley, U.S. Mission to the European Office

of the United Nations, Geneva
Col. Fred Rhea, Department of Defense
Carl Romney, Department of Defense
Carl Walske, Atomic Energy Commission
Olin S. Whittemore, Department of State
Ernest G. Wiener, United States Information Agency

Secretary of Delegation

Virgil h. Moore, U.S. Mission to the European Office of
the United Nations, Geneva

Secretary Rusk Meets With Soviet
Foreign Minister Gromyko

Folloioing is the text of an agreed statement
made 'public folloioing a m,eetvng hetioeen Secre-
tary Rush and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A.
Gromyko at Washington on March 18.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.K.
Andrei A. Gromyko and Secretary of State Rusk,
together with their advisers, had a general dis-
cussion of international questions of interest to
both countries.

The discussion took place at a limch in the State
Department today, March 18, and lasted from 1 :00
until 6 :00 p.m. The choice of today's date was
determined by the fact that Foreign Minister
Gromyko is currently at New York for the re-
sumed session of the United Nations General
Assembly and that Secretary of State Rusk is de-
parting the United States shortly for a journey of
several days' duration.

The Foreign Minister and Secretary of State
had an open and frank discussion on a variety of
subjects of mutual interest. It is hoped that the
discussion will lead to a better mutual under-
standing of the positions and attitudes of both
Governments and may facilitate the consideration
of outstanding problems.

President Ends Program Intercepting
Communist Propaganda From Abroad

White House press release dateil March 17

President Kennedy, following consultation with
the Secretary of State Dean Rusk, the Postmaster
General J. Edward Day, the Secretary of the
Treasury Douglas Dillon, and the Attorney Gen-
eral Robert F. Kennedy, on March 17 ordered dis-
continuation immediately of the program inter-
cepting Communist propaganda from abroad.

A review by the four departments has disclosed
that the program serves no useful intelligence
function at the present time.

Discontinuance of the program was unani-
mously recommended by an ad hoc committee of
the Planning Board of the National Security
Council in a report ^ of June 29, 1960. The Plan-

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 2G, 1960, p. 482.

' Not printed.

April 3, 7967

479

ning Board iinanimously concurred in the recom-
mendation of the committee, but the recommenda-
tion was not carried forward.

Since 1948 varying degrees of control have been
exercised by tlie Bureau of Customs and the Post
Office Dejiartment concerning the importation of
Communist political propaganda. Since 1951 the

program has been extended to a spot check or
censorship of all mail, except first-class mail.

Not only has the intelligence value of the pro-
gram been found to be of no usefulness, but the
program also has been of concern to the Secretary
of State in comiection with efforts to improve cul-
tural exchanges with Communist countries.

The Decisive Decade

hy Under Secretary Bowles '■

Twenty-five years ago, Franklin D. Roosevelt
said: "This generation of Americans has a ren-
dezvous with destiny." The generation to whom
he spoke has grown older, and a new generation
has risen to manhood. Yet his words continue to
liave an even deeper meaning for us today. We
still have our date with destiny.

What I have to say today will be blunt and to
the point.

There are still some millions of Americans whose
lives are so comfortable, so normal, and so dis-
engaged from 20th-century world realities that
they will dismiss what I say as "alarmist." For-
tunately there are millions of others who are al-
ready caught up in the sense of historical urgency
which the world situation requires of us.

Yet I have all Americans in mind, of whatever
degi'ee of disengagement or understanding, when
I say that the quality of the fundamental decisions
which will be made in the months and years ahead
will reflect the basic quality of our national life.

Each age faces its own challenges. However,
the challenge which confronts us Americans as we
enter the 1960's is far greater in terms of its long-
term consequences than anything mankind has
ever known before. The world is moving rapidly
toward a historic watershed which may determine

' Address made before the 59th annual convention of the
National Farmers Union at Washington, D.C., on Mar. 14
(press release 130 dated Mar. 13).

the shape of human society for generations and
even centuries to come.

We are required to steer a course between the
Scylla of universal annihilation and the Charybdis
of universal enslavement. If we fail, we will
witness the deterioration of most of the institutions
and values which down through the centuries have
given life purpose and meaning: our religious
principles, our belief in human dignity, our dedi-
cation to personal freedom, to spiritual progress,
and to justice under law.

At the same time wise policies, sensitive under-
standing, and the capacity for courageous action
may enable us to move gradually toward an
orderly and peaceful world society that offers
infinite opportunity for human betterment.

For the first time in history we possess the
technical means to produce more meaningful and
prosperous life for every human being on the
planet. Also, for the first time in history we have
the technical means to destroy virtually every
human being on the planet.

We Americans in partnership with like-minded
peoples in Asia, Latin America, Europe, and
Africa must successfully respond to this challenge
and this danger. Our success or failure will be
determined by our ability to understand the un-
precedented forces with which we must contend
and the capacity of our Government to organize
our strengths and to bring them to bear on the
task at hand.

480

Department of State Bulletin

A Fresh Perspective on the State of the World

Our lirst responsibility, therefore, is to gain a
fresh perspective on the state of the world and
our position in it. Let us briefly review what we
are up against.

1. Since the Second World War ended more
than 15 years ago, we have lived in an atmos-
phere of turmoil and crisis. There have been
bold initiatives and heartening successes such as
the Marshall plan, NATO, and point 4. And
there have been dangerous failures as well.

Although history will not forgive us our fail-
ures, it will record that no nation has been com-
pelled to undergo so rapid and profound a
metamorphosis. In a few crisis-ridden years we
have been asked to abandon the protective shell
of our historic isolation and to assume a position
of world responsibility which we did not seek or
even fully miderstand.

2. We live in a world in which key nations have
developed the techniques of force to a point ap-
proaching the absolute. As the world is now
organized, nations cannot survive without arms,
but neither can they use their arms on a broad
scale without inviting annihilation.

3. During the last decade the militaiy balance
of power has shifted to oiu- general disadvantage.
Ten years ago the United States and its allies
possessed an overwhelming superiority in total
military power.

Seen in its best light, we now have a peace
based precariously on mutual terror. In its worst
light, we face the grave danger of a mnaway arma-
ments race with the ever-present possibility of
nuclear war brought about by a tragic miscalcula-
tion on the part of ambitious rulers or even by a
technical error.

4. The political and economic balance of power
has also changed to our disadvantage.

The reasons for this shift are numerous and
complex. Political and social conditions in many
parts of the world have become increasingly
favorable for Communist penetration.

At the same time the rulers of the Soviet Union
and Communist Cliina have become more skillful
in conducting their political and economic rela-
tions witli the lesser developed nations. Instead
of engaging in a futile effort to oppose the tide of
nationalism, they have learned to exploit it,
while we in many instances have seemed to be
bewildered by it.

The Soviet economy in the meantime has grown
at a rate substantially greater than our own.
Wishful thinkers in America and elsewhere, wlio
a few years ago scoffed at Soviet scientific and
industrial capacity, have been rudely awakened.

Moreover, because of its monolithic structure
and political regimentation, the Soviet Govern-
ment has been able to harness Soviet resources and
energies directly to its political objectives. As
a result the Soviet Union has become an increas-
ingly powerful force in world affairs.

5. Coimnunist China has emerged from a gen-
eration of bloody civil war to become a major
world power. With a ruthless disregard for per-
sonal freedom and human rights. Communist
China is developing a significant industrial
establishment.

Although it has enormous resources with which
to expand its power, lack of several key assets,
notably land and oil, may create dangerous pres-
sure for expansion into neighboring states where
these assets are readily available.

6. These developments are taking place against
a background of miprecedented political, eco-
nomic, and social revolution that affects more than
one-half of the world's peoples and which is with-
out precedent in history.

This revolution in itself is neither dangerous
nor undesirable. Indeed it arises from the desire
for the very things which generations of Ameri-
cans have sought since the birth of the American
Republic: independence from foreign rule, a
greater measure of human dignity, social justice,
and faster economic development broadly shared.

Yet if these demands go too long unanswered,
the people of the developing nations will first
become frustrated. Their frustration will then
erupt into turmoil and violence, and out of this
resulting chaos new leaders will emerge who are
committed to new forms of tyramiy.

7. Our own rate of economic growth has slowed
down. Three recessions in 10 years have cost us
heavily in goods and services that we might have
produced but didn't, in embittered political di-
visions at home, and in missed oppoxtimities
abroad.

Although the facts I have cited are not calcu-
lated to give thoughtful and responsible Amer-
icans a good night's sleep, their meaning is clear :
We are engaged in a titanic competitive struggle
which will affect our destiny far into the distant

April 3, 7 96 J

481

future. And in recent years we have been losing
groiuid.

The tide cannot be reversed by public-relations
gimmicks, or by diplomatic manipulation, or by
glittering pronouncements, or by angrily rattling
our rockets. What is required is a new, tough-
minded understanding of the forces that are shap-
ing the world, an increased sense of humility,
harder work, greater coui'age, and added patience.

Clarifying Our Objectives

Now let me suggest some of the key elements
of a fresh appi-oach to world relations.

1. We must clarify our objectives. The world
must be persuaded that we not only seek peace
for ourselves but that we are ready to work with
others in building the kind of world in which
peace can endure.

The cold war is not of our making. We have
no territorial ambitions. We have no wish to
dominate other nations politically, economically,
or culturally.

We have no quarrel with the people of the
Soviet Union or Communist China. We have no
desire to remake them in our own image.

Wliat we want for others is essentially what they
want for themselves. And because we believe that
in our fast-shrinking world freedom and justice
are indivisible, we must be prepared to accept cer-
tain risks and sacrifices in order to permit other
nations to choose their own destinies.

It is folly to allow ourselves to become linked
with the forces of reaction and stagnation. We
are a revolutionary people, the political descend-
ants of Jefferson and Lincoln, and our own society
is an evolving society. In our efforts to strengthen
our democracy we have never been afraid
of constructive change. Now it is our task to
participate in encouraging such an orderly re-
f onn in other parts of the world.

2. We must make it clear to the Soviet leaders
and to the entire world tliat we are prepared at
all times to negotiate any issue or difference that
arises between us, provided there is a genuine
possibility for real progress. Although we are not
prepared to make the security and rights of other
people the subject of bilateral bargaining, we will
respond wholeheartedly to any measure of rea-
sonableness by the Soviets or Chinese Communists.

Let me add, however, that it would be a mistake
for the American people to become overly opti-

mistic about the immediate results of negotiations
with the Soviet Union. Our international inter-
ests are incompatible with the global long-range
objectives of Soviet strategy, and until those ob-
jectives are modified the resulting cleavage will
continue to produce issues which are not easy to
resolve by compromise and conciliation.

Yet there are certain concrete areas, such as
outer-space exploration, where cooperation may
be advantageous to both countries. There are
also areas where we and the Soviet Union face
common dangers.

Both governments, I believe, understand the
catastrophic nature of modern war and the need
to prevent our differences and disputes from erupt-
ing into military hostilities anywhere in the world.
Wlien great nations commit their prestige, small
wars can quickly grow into large wars.

3. We must take a positive and realistic ap-
proach to the complex problems of both arma-
ment and disarmament.

In one sense, these problems represent two sides
of the same coin. We must be prepared to explore
the possibilities of disarmament thoroughly and
imaginatively, taking a new look at all political,
military, and teclmical factors.

We cannot afford to pass up any reasonable
opportunity to bring a halt to the arms race, to
achieve practical limitations on annaments, and,
as political factors permit, to move step by step
toward general disarmament with full inspection
and control.

We cannot afford, however, to seek disarmament
for its own sake. Our objective is peace, and
peace cannot be assured by phony agreements that
leave us largely defenseless. Until a genuine,
controlled disarmament system is established, it
is vitally important that the United States and its
allies remain strong enougli to discourage attacks
or blackmail. To fall behind in the rapid pace
of military tecluiology would be as fruitless as
to place all our hopes upon it.

We must possess the means and the will to deal
with all types of military aggression, against
ourselves or against others, under the defense
commitments of our regional alliances or the U.N.
Charter.

We must distinguish, however, between strength
and belligerence. To flex our military muscles
and to take a militai-y posture which appears
threatening is dangerous and unnecessary. Nor

482

Department of State Bulletin

can we condone policies or actions on the part of
nations allied to us and armed by us which may
give legitimate concern to their neighbors.

U.S. Foreign Economic Programs

4. We need a fresh, bold approach to the prob-
lems of economic and political development in
Latin America, Asia, and Africa.

The awakening of the peoples of the developing
nations has been dramatic and explosive. The
resulting pressures for long-postponed political,
economic, and social advancement must be met if
we are to have any prospect of building the kind
of world in which peace can survive and freedom
flourish.

During the months ahead the Congress will be
required to make critical decisions in regard to
our Nation's foreign economic programs. These
decisions will involve dimension, organization,
timing, emphasis, and basic concept.

I earnestly hope that the American people will
understand the utterly critical nature of these
decisions.

The need for a thoughtful, fully adequate, long-
range, integrated foreign economic program is as
urgent now as was Lend-Lease in the winter of
1941 and the Marshall plan in 1947. On those
two occasions our Government, on a largely bi-
partisan basis, boldly faced up to the requirements
and carried its case to the American people and its
Congress.

As a result, Britain was able to survive in the
face of all the militaiy power which Hitler could
summon. Around 7 years later, through the Mar-
shall plan, Europe was saved from communism,
helped to rebuild her cities and factories, and
encouraged to breathe new life and confidence into
the old societies from which we Americans draw
our heritage.

On each of these two previous occasions timid
people argued that the political realities were un-
favorable, that the American people could not be
made to understand, that Congress would not
grant the necessai"y long-range authority and
funds, and that we were helpless to do what ob-
viously needed to be done.

Now for the third time in a generation we face
a similar challenge which decisively affects our
relations with the billion and one-half people of
non-Communist Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

And the isolationists, the timid, and the faint-
hearted are still with us.

Again the central question is : Can the American
people rise to the occasion ?

The lend-lease program and the Marshall plan
were historic watersheds in American history, in
which America's power resources and influence
were boldly thrown onto the scales on the side of
freedom.

Are we now prepared to do it again?

In the lesser developed countries of the world
the problems of education, sanitation, health, in-
dustrialization, and land reform are very old
problems. What is new is the turbulent, throb-
bing political and social climate in which these
problems are now being considered. After gen-
erations of exploitation and apathy, the people
of the developing nations are awake and reach-
ing for a new fuller life that offers a greater
measure of justice to them and their children.

These goals cannot be reached under conditions
of freedom unless capital and technical assistance
are provided from abroad. If this aid is not
available, there is only one answer for the govern-
ments concerned: a ruthless attempt to squeeze
the necessary development resources out of their
already impoverished people by totalitarian
methods.

The need is acute for adequate money, re-
sources, organization, and food— firmly committed
over a period of yeare to those who are prepared
to help themselves.

But no less important are the motivations and
objectives that surround our efforts.

A wise and enlightened America will not look
on these essential efforts as charity handouts.

It will not react negatively to the pressures of
commmiism, however real these pressures may be.

It will not attempt to purchase allies, or to buy
votes in the U.N., or to obtain special privileges
for American interests.

Our true national objective is to create a work-
ing partnership with other non-Communist na-
tions, a partnership in which we are jjrepared to
make mutual sacrifices in order to build a world
security system in which the universal values
common to all the great religions can survive and
evolve.

Let me stress again that our objective is not
charity. We want to help those who have not
only the desire but also the will to help them-

April 3, J 96 J

483

selves, so that they can have the freedom to choose
their own form of government consistent with the
cultural and religious goals of their own society.

5. In such a task human understanding is fully
as important as money. Unless the men and
women who represent America in dealing with
other nations imderstand the complex revolution-
ai-y forces at large in the world today, our efforts
will surely fail.

It is equally important that they understand
America's own dynamic liberal traditions and com-
prehend the real meaning of the continuing Amer-
ican revolution.

The aspirations of the emerging people can
never be realized through the rigid and material-
istic economic philosophy promulgated by Marx
and practiced by Stalin and Khrushchev. For the
long haul they can only be realized through the dy-
namic, democratic philosophy of Jefferson and
Jackson. The emerging peoples want both bread
and dignity. They will not be satisfied by one
without the other.

Creating a New Non-Communist World Society

6. At the same time we must maintain and
strengthen our relationships with our traditional
allies, including those of Western Europe and
Latin America.

In particular, we must use our influence and
persuasion to assist the peoples of Western Europe
to raise their vision to a new and more construc-
tive relationship with the emerging peoples of
Asia and Africa. There are some who argue that
the United States must "choose" between Europe
and Africa or between Europe and Asia. No
such choice is possible or desirable. The three
great continents urgently need one another.

Despite our intricate political, economic, and
military relationship with the nations of Western
Europe, the American people have never condoned
the principles of colonialism, which some of these
nations inherited from the past. We have per-
sistently sought to promote self-determination of
peoples in all lands.

The old Western European colonial empires
have now largely disappeared. Our common task
is to raise something constructive and enduring
m its place.

The European economy sorely needs ready ac-
cess to the resources and markets of Africa and

Asia. In the same way the emerging nations of
Africa and Asia need European capital and Euro-
pean technical skills. Americans must help create
a new relationship based upon the voluntary co-
operation of independent nations.

Since the war most of the industrial nations of
Western Europe have been preoccupied with the
reconstruction of Europe itself, and this preoc-
cupation has sometimes caused them to underesti-
mate the political and social forces developing in
other parts of the world.

Today Western Europe's reconstruction is
largely complete. It now possesses a concentra-
tion of industry, scientific potential, and skilled
manpower substantially greater than that of the
Soviet Union. The nations of Western Europe
now have the capacity to work with us in helping
the peoples of Africa and Asia to achieve real
progress under freedom. Europeans can now come
to Africa and Asia, not as rulers but as partners
in a common cause.

It is our responsibility to persuade the Euro-
peans and the emerging peoples alike of the
tremendous value to be gained from a freely
chosen interdependence.

Our common task is to create a new non-Com-
munist world society that offers all of its members
security, opportunity, and increasing justice and
dignity. Together we must be equally prepared
to resist aggression or, if the Soviets will meet
us halfway, to negotiate a step-by-step arms con-
trol agreement.

Tliis association can flourish only if it is based
on a true spirit of participation among equals.
The defense and peaceful development of the non-
Coimnunist world is the common task.

This common objective cannot successfully be
met if we allow ourselves to be pressured into
paying others for the right to defend them against
aggression or permit others to place a curb on our
efforts to build bridges between the new nations
and the old.

Soothsayers of Doom

By now one fact at least should be self-evident :
The task that lies ahead is neither simple nor easy.
The basic question moreover cannot be ignored or
sidestepped: Does our generation of Americans
have the capacity to understand what is required
of us?

484

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

Do we have the vigor and courage to rise to the
challenge of today's world as other generations
of Americans have risen to other challenges in
the past ?

Today, as always, we have our own soothsayers
of doom, who shake their heads sadly as they ex-
plain why the job cannot be done.

The Spartans, they assert, will always defeat
the Athenians; the organized and disciplined
totalitarians will always prove superior in a power
struggle to those who place their faith in human
values.

More specifically they say that the American
people are too fat, too rich, too conservative, and
too insensitive to human needs to assume the
leadership of a world in revolution.

They say that Congress and the American
people are too tired of taxes, too weary of foreign
aid, and too fearful of commitment and involve-
ment to support the urgently essential effort that
must be made overseas.

They say that the ills which have slowed down
our economy are permanent ills which will con-
tinue to handicap our efforts to do what is required
in world affairs.

They say that our long and divisive struggle
against racial discrimination makes it impossible
for America to deal effectively with the two-thirds
of the world which is colored and that the slow
pace of integration here in America is a handicap
greater than we can ever overcome.

They say that our long years of material suc-
cess have deprived us of the humility and sensi-
tivity necessary to accept true partnership with
distant peasants living in mud villages, whose cul-
tures and problems are radically different from
our own.

And finally they say that our free society lacks
the capacity to compete effectively with the mon-
olithic organization of a dictatorial system.

Making the Necessary Possible

Similar prophets of doom have always been
with us, and usually they have been wrong. How-
ever, in this complex and dangerous world no
thoughtful man will lightly brush aside the fore-
bodings of our current crop of pessimists, nor will
he suggest that the road ahead will be smooth.

If we think that the challenge can successfully
be met by a few speeches, a few new policies, a few

new governmental officials, while we sit back and
clip the coupons of destiny, we delude ourselves.
Yet I have a profound faith that we will succeed
in the task which we have set for ourselves.

Contrary to Karl Marx, there are no inevitable
laws of liistory. The essential test of success or
failure depends upon the willpower of individual
human beings.

To be sure, history has marked the decline and
fall of many highly developed civilizations. But
it has also been a graveyard of tyrants.

The potential power of the American economy
and the American tradition of freedom is wait-
ing to be unleashed.

Our farms and factories and our skilled man-
agers and workers have the capacity to produce
some $60 billion more goods and services than are
being produced today.

We have the wisdom and the social instruments
to bring a more perfect economic and social justice
to our own people and to make our concepts of
freedom meaningful to peoples in all lands.

We have accumulated the essential experience
in the painful responsibilities of leadership.

Politics, both national and international, has
been rightly described as the "art of the possible."
But a great people is that which determines what
is necessary and then sets out to make it possible.

Positive initiative by the United States, with
long-term commitments of resources, energy, and
leadership supported by other free nations, has
now become an absolute historic necessity.

We cannot escape reality, and we cannot retreat
from responsibility. Most of all, we cannot af-
ford to procrastinate. We are being fmidamen-
tally tested, and the testing period is reaching the
decisive point.

For us Americans, as for the generation of
which Shakespeare wrote,

There is a tide in the affairs of men,

Which, talien at the flood, leads ou to fortune ;

Omitted, all the voyage of their life

Is bound in shallows and in miseries.

On such a full sea are we now afloat. . . .

The American people have the capacity to suc-
ceed. Throughout the course of our national
history we have never failed in a period of crisis
to respond to a bold and decisive leadership.

In President Kennedy we now have such leader-
ship— a leadership acutely sensitive to the reali-

April 3, 1961

587905 — 61 3

485

ties of today's turbulent but infinitely promising
world — a leadership determined to recall the
American people to greatness.

As Lord Castlereagh said at the Congress of
Vienna in 1815: "Our task is not to collect tro-
phies, but to return the world to peaceful habits."
And, may I add, to a future of increasing dignity
and justice for all men.

President Joins in Commemorating
UniHcation of Italy

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY'

Many of us who are here today are not Italian
by blood or by birth, but I think that we all have a
moi-e than passing intei-est in this anniversary.
All of us, in a large sense, are beneficiaries of the
Italian experience.

It is an extraordinary fact in history that so
much of what we are and so much of what we be-
lieve had its origin in this rather small spear of
land stretching into the Mediterranean. All in a
great sense that we fight to preserve today had its
origins in Italy, and earlier than that in Greece.
So that it is an honor as President of the United
States to participate in tliis most important oc-
casion in the life of a friendly country, the Re-
public of Italy.

In addition it is one of the strange facts of his-
tory that this country of ours, which is important
to Western civilization, was opened up first by a
daring feat of navigation of an Italian, Christo-
pher Columbus. And yet this country was nearly
a century old when modern Italy began.

So we have the old and the new bound together
and inextricably linked — Italy and the United
States, past, present, and, we believe, future.

The risorgimento which gave birth to modern
Italy, like the American Revolution, which led to
the birth of our coimtry, was the reawakening of
the most deeply held ideals of Western civiliza-

' Made at the centennial celebration of the 100th an-
niversary of Italian unification held in the Department of
State auditorium on Mar. 10 (White House press release).

tion : the desire for freedom, for protection of the
rights of the individual.

As the Doctor [Gaetano Martino, Italian repre-
sentative to the United Nations] said, the state
exists for the protection of those rights and those
rights do not come to us because of the generosity
of the state. This concept, which originated in
Greece and in Italy, I think has been a most im-
portant factor in the development of our own
counti-y here in the United States.

And it is a source of satisfaction to us that those
who built modem Italy received part of their in-
spiration from our experience here in the United
States, as we had earlier received part of our in-
spiration from an older Italy. For although mod-
em Italy is only a century old, the culture and the
history of the Italian peninsula stretches back over
two millenia. From the banks of the Tiber rose
Western civilization as we know it, a civilization
whose traditions and spiritual values gave great
significance to Western life as we find it in West-
ern Europe and in the Atlantic Community.

And to this historic role of Italian civilization
has been added the strengthening in the life of this
country of millions of Italians who came here to
build their homes and who have been valued citi-
zens— and many of their most distinguished citi-
zens sit on this platform today.

These ancient ties between the people of Italy
and the people of the United States have never
been stronger than they are today and have never
been in greater peril. The story of postwar Italy
is a story of determination and of courage in the
face of a huge and difficult task. The Italian
people have rebuilt a war-torn economy and na-
tion and played a vital part in developing the
economic integration of Western Europe.

Surely the most inspiring experience of the
postwar era: Italy has advanced the welfare of >
her own people, bringing tJiem hope for a better
life, and she has played a significant role in the
defense of the West.

As we come to this great anniversary in 1961, we
realize that once again new and powerful forces
have arisen which challenge the concepts upon
wliich Italy and the United States have been
founded. If we are to meet this new challenge,
we — Italy and the United States — must demon-
strate to our own people and to a watching world,
as we sit on a most conspicuous stage, that men

486

Department of State Bulletin

acting in the tradition of Mazzini and Cavour and
Garibaldi and Lincoln and Washington can best
bring man a richer and fuller life.

This is the task of the new risorghnento, a new
reawakening of man's ancient aspirations for free-
dom and for progress, until the torch lit in ancient
Torino one century ago guides the straggle of men
everywhere — in Italy, in the United States, in the
world around us.

TEXT OF PROCLAMATION'

Wheeeas the centennial of the unitication of Italy,
which occurs in 1961, commemorates a great event in the
history of nations ; and

Whereas, in observance of the centennial, there will
be many celebrations in Italy, in the United States, and
in many other countries as events of a century ago are
relived ; and

Whereas we in America are confident that the people
of Italy, in the celebrations reenacting the events and
experiences associated with their struggle for unification
a century ago, will find renewed strength to further their
vital contributions to the cause of freedom ; and

Whereas it is the sense of the Congress, expressed by
House Concurrent Resolution 225, agreed to July 2, 1060,
that the President extend official greetings from the
United States to the people of Italy on the occasion of
the centennial of the unification of Italy :

Now, THEEEFOKE, I, JoHN F. KENNEDY, President of the
United States of America, do hereby extend greetings
and felicitations from the i)eople of the United States to
the people of Italy on the occasion of the centennial of
the unification of Italy, in recognition of the progress and
achievements of the Italian people during the past cen-
tury and the bonds of friendship between our two nations.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this eighth day of

March in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred

[seal] and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the

United States of America the one hundred and

eighty-fifth.

//C^/Xu^^

By the President:
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee
Meets at Wasliington

ANNOUNCEMENT OF MEETING

Press release 123 dated March 9

The sixth annual meeting of the joint United
States-Canadian Committee on Trade and Eco-
nomic Affairs will be held in Washington March
13 and 14. The meeting was announced by Presi-
dent John F. Kemiedy and Prime Minister John
G. Diefenbaker during the latter's visit to Wash-
ington February 20.^

Canada will be represented by the Honorable
Donald M. Fleming, Minister of Finance; the
Honorable George Hees, Minister of Trade and
Commerce; the Honorable George C. Nowlan,
Minister of National Eevenue ; and the Honorable
Francis A. G. Hamilton, Minister of Agriculture.

The United States will be represented by the
Honorable Dean Eusk, Secretary of State; the
Honorable George W. Ball, Under Secretary of
State for Economic Afl'aii-s; the Honorable C.
Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury; the
Honorable Stewart L. Udall, Secretary of the
Interior; the Honorable Orville L. Freeman, Sec-
retary of Agriculture; and the Honorable Luther
H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce.

The annual meeting of the Joint Committee
provides an opportunity for officials at the Cabi-
net level to review recent economic and trade de-
velopments of interest to the United States and
Canada. The meetings have been valuable over
the years in furthering understanding between the
two governments on questions affecting their eco-
nomic relations. The last meeting was held in
Washington February 16-17, 1960.^

TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE

Press release 135 dated March 14

1. The sixth meeting of the Joint United States-
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs was held at the Department of State,
Washington, March 13 and 14.

' No. 3398 : 26 Fed. Reg. 2105.

' Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 371.

^ For text of a joint commtinique issued at the close of
the meeting, see ibid.. Mar. 7, 1960, p. 365.

April 3, 1 96 1

487

2. Canada was represented at the meeting by
the Honorable Donald M. Fleming, Minister of
Finance; the Honorable George Hees, Minister
of Trade and Commerce; the Honorable George
C. Nowlan, Minister of National Eevenue; and
the Honorable Alvin Hamilton, Minister of Agri-
culture. The Canadian delegation included the
Under Secretary of State for External Affairs,
Mr. N. A. Robertson, and the Canadian Ambas-
sador to the United States, Mr. A. D. P. Heeney.

3. The United States was represented by the
Honorable Dean Kusk, Secretary of State; the
Honorable George W. Ball, Under Secretary of
State for Economic Affaire; the Honorable
Douglas Dillon, Secretaiy of the Treasui-y; the
Honorable Henry H. Fowler, Under Secretary
of the Treasury; the Honorable Luther H.
Hodges, Secretary of Commerce; the Honorable
Stewart L. Udall, Secretary of tlie Interior; and
the Honorable Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of
Agriculture. The United States delegation also
included the Honorable George C. McGovern,
Food for Peace Coordinator.

4. Inasmuch as this was the first meeting of
this Committee since the new United States Ad-
ministration took office, there was a comprehensive
review of basic economic relationships between
the two countries as well as recent major eco-
nomic developments.

5. The Committee noted the positive steps taken
by both governments to stimulate the two econo-
mies and to meet the miemployment problem, and
expressed belief that these measures and market
forces would lead to an expansion of economic
growth in the United States and Canada.

6. The Committee reviewed the balance of pay-
ments situation of each country including its ef-
fect on their mutual trade relations. Attention
was also given to developments in the world pay-
ments position during the past year. The United
States delegation pointed to the major significance
of short term capital movements in 1960 and de-
scribed the recent improvement in the U.S. posi-
tion in this regard, while stressing that its basic
imbalance nevertheless remains. The Committee
recognized the need for continued progress toward
international balance through reduction in basic
deficits and basic surpluses ; and it was agreed that
the events of the past year emphasize the need
for continued and improved consultation and co-
operation in international financial and economic
policies.

488

7. The Committee noted with satisfaction the
recent signing of the convention of the Organiza-
tion for Economic Cooperation and Development
by the United States, Canada, and the members of
the Organization for European Economic Cooper-
ation.^ The Committee expressed confidence that
the OECD could strengthen the ties among Can-
ada, United States and countries of Western
Europe, and could prove to be a most useful forum
for close consultation on the economic policies of
member countries with a view to increasing eco-
nomic growth and to expanding assistance to the
less-developed countries.

8. The Committee noted certain international
economic developments of mutual interest, includ-
ing the rapid economic growth of Western
European countries. Recent developments in both
the European Economic Community and the
European Free Trade Association were reviewed.
Both delegations reaffirmed the support of their
governments for European efforts to reduce trade
barriers and expressed hope that the development
of the regional groupings would conform with the
requirements and objectives of the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade and would avoid dis-
crimination against the exports of the United
States and Canada.

9. The Committee discussed the progress to date
of the GATT tariff negotiations with the European
Economic Commmiity at Geneva. Noting the in-
terest of both countries in the expansion of world
trade, the Committee stressed the need for an early
settlement which would mamtain for both coun-
tries undiminished access to the EEC market in
all sectore of trade, including agriculture, and
the opportunity to share in its growth. In addi-
tion, the Committee looked forward to the second
phase of the current tariff conference when there
will be negotiations for reciprocal exchanges of
tariff concessions among the participating coun-
tries with a view to providing further opportuni-
ties for trade expansion.

10. The Committee expressed satisfaction with
the progress made by various countries in the past
year in removing discriminatory restrictions
against dollar goods and expressed the hope that
forthcoming discussions imder the GATT with
certain countries still retaining restrictions would
result in elimination of discrimination and re-

' Ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8.

Department of State BuHetin

duction of the remaining quantitative import re-
strictions affecting United States and Canadian
products. The Committee noted that substantial
discrimination remains in the field of agricul-
tural products and urged that countries concerned
liberalize trade in these products.

11. The United States delegation outlined the
new Food for Peace Program,"* emphasizing the
conviction of the United States that agricultural
abundance essentially is not a problem but an
asset which may be eifectively employed to improve
nutrition and enhance economic development
throughout the world. The United States dele-
gation pointed out that it would continue to be
the United States policy to avoid disrupting agri-
cultural markets to the disadvantage of other
comitries' commercial exports of agricultural
products. The Canadian delegation supported
the humanitarian objective of the Food for Peace
Program and noted that this development would
be compatible with Canadian proposals to estab-
lish a World Food Bank on a multilateral basis.
The Committee agreed that there should be a con-
tinuation of the close consultation between the
two governments on concessional exports of agri-
cultural commodities through existing bilateral
arrangements and in the Wheat Utilization
Committee.

12. In its comprehensive review the Committee
discussed other important matters directly af-
fecting trade and economic relations between the
two countries. It was reaffirmed that where prob-
lems existed direct exchanges of views at the
Cabinet level should contribute substantially to
their solution.

Mr. Ball Holds Economic Talks
With European Officials

The Department of State annomiced on
March 16 (press release 140) that Under Secre-
tary George W. Ball would depart for Europe on
March 18. He will meet with German officials at
Bomi March 20-22 and with French and Organi-
zation for European Economic Cooperation offi-
cials at Paris March 23-26, and will represent the
United States at the meeting of the Development
Assistance Group at London March 27-29. He
will return to the United States April 1.

*/6M., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 216.
April 3, 7967

Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE
Delegates in India, Visits Pakistan

MEETING WITH ECAFE DELEGATES

Press release 132 dated March 13, for release March 14

The Department of State announced on March
14 that Ambassador W. Averell Harriman will
extend his present trip to enable him to meet in-
formally with economic leaders of more than 20
Asian countries now gathered at New Delhi at-
tending the l7th session of the U.N. Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East.

The Secretary of State has requested Ambassa-
dor Harriman to visit New Delhi at this time in
order to take advantage of the opportunity af-
forded by this important gathering to meet rank-
ing economic leaders of nearly all the countries
of Asia and of Australia and New Zealand. Am-
bassador Harriman has been asked to convey to
the representatives of these countries the special
interest of the President in the work of ECAFE
and in the contribution it can make to the eco-
nomic progress of the region.

The Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East is one of four such regional commis-
sions of the United Nations. It is a forum in
which some of the most important economic
issues confronting the underdeveloped comitries
of Asia and the Far East are being considered
with a view to stimulating international action
toward solutions of such problems.

A dinner is being arranged by the American
Ambassador to India at which Ambassador Harri-
man will speak. Ambassador Harriman hopes
to have the opportunity to meet mformally with
many of the representatives.

VISIT TO PAKISTAN

Press release 143 dated March 17, for release March 18

The Department of State announced on March
18 that Ambassador at Large W. Averell Harri-
man had accepted an invitation from the Govern-
ment of Pakistan to meet President Ayub in
Karachi on March 20 and fly with him to the
provisional capital of Kawalpindi that day. The
Ambassador will return to New Delhi on Jkfarch
21.

489

The Ambassador's visit will afford an oppor-
tunity for a friendly exchange of views with re-
gard to matters of mutual interest to the two
countries.

Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement
Between U.S. and Saudi Arabia

Press release 141 dated March 16

The Department of State issued the following
statement on March 16 following the announce-
ment hy the Royal Government of Saudi Arabia
that its agreement with the United States for the
operation of the Dhahran airfield ^ would not be
renewed when it expires April i, 1962.

Discussions have been proceeding for some time
with His Highness former Prime Minister Faisal,
.and more recently with Foreign Minister Suway-
jil, under the direction of His Majesty King
Saud, looking toward the nonrenewal of the
Dhahran airfield agreement of 1957, which expires
in April 1962.

The history of Dhahran airfield dates back to
the days of World War II, when His Majesty the
late King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud approved plans
for the construction of the airfield with the as-
sistance of the United States. The late King's de-
cision was based on a desire to make an effective
contribution logistically to the Allied war effort
and also to prepare for Saudi Arabia to partici-
pate significantly in the postwar world of aviation.

Today the Saudi Arabian Government has at
Dhahran an airfield which is a major international
aviation center with modern facilities. It has
been serving as a training and operations center
for the Royal Saudi Air Force. It has also be-
come a center not only for Saudi Arabian but also
for international civil air routes. In assisting the
Saudi Arabian Government in the transformation
of Dhahran into an international civil air ter-
minal, the Government of the United States is con-
structing a modern civil air terminal building, the
completion of which should occur within a year.

Always recognizing and respecting the Saudi
ownership and character of Dhahran airfield, the

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3790.

United States Air Force has assisted in developing
Saudi military aviation. It has also enjoyed cer-
tain use of the facilities at the Dhahran airfield
under agreement with the Saudi Arabian Gov-
ernment and, at the request of the Saudi Arabian
Government, has aided in the operation of the
services of the airport.

The United States Government expects that its
close and friendly cooperation with Saudi Arabia
in various fields will continue.

U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars

The White House 07i March 17 made public the
follotoing exchange of letters between President
Kennedy and Abraham Ribicoff, Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare.

PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO SECRETARY RiBICOFF

March 17, 1961
Dear Secretary Ribicoff: I have studied and
am in full accord with your recommendations of
tangible assistance for Cuban scholars and profes-
sional leaders who have temporarily fled their
country and are now living here in the United
States. Immediate action should be taken on be-
half of your proposals, and every possible per-
sonal encouragement given to this courageous and
remarkable group.

I want to make unmistakably clear that we
believe in a free Cuba. The presence in this coun-
try of two-tliirds of the faculty of the University
of Havana, as well as many more educational and
professional leaders from the island, attests that
an essential part of a free Cuba is now here with
us. In community with them, we know that "only
the mind cannot be sent into exile."

I will appreciate receiving by July 1 a report on
the progi'ess made in this program and the opjDor-
tunities it opens up in teacliing, medicine, eco-
nomic development work, and other fields for the
benefit of all of the Western Hemisphere.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedt

Honorable Abraham Ribicoff

Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare
Washington 25, B.C.

490

Department of State Bulletin

SECRETARY RIBICOFFTO PRESIDENT KENNEDY

March 14, 1961
Dear Mr. President: As you directed on Febru-
ary 3, 1961/ I have had an intensive study made
by the Department on how best to assist those
Cuban scholars and professionally trained persons
who have left their homeland because of political
oppressions there, and who now live in the United
States.

To insure maximum use of these scholars, I
recommend a grant be made to the University of
Miami for the following purposes:

1. The creation of research and teaching oppor-
tunities for exiled scholai-s, to insure that their
ample talents and backgrounds are devoted to con-
structive professional work during their stay in
the United States. Research fellowships will per-
mit some of them to devote their full time and
energies to the study of those problems that in-
evitably will confront the Cuban people upon the
return of democracy to their nation. Others will
lecture on Cuban and Latin American affairs and
professional subjects to their fellow exiles and to
U.S. students and scholars.

2. The provision of specialized programs for ex-
iled doctors, lawyers, and judges, including inten-
sive instruction in the English language, to assist
them in their desire to make use of their skills
during their absence from Cuba. The University
of Miami already has launched such programs
and their success thus far warrants additional
support.

3. Compilation and maintenance of a roster of
academically trained persons who came to the
United States as political refugees from Cuba.
This infoi-mation should be useful to U.S. colleges
and universities seeking additions to their facul-
ties on Latin American affairs, and to Federal
agencies such as the International Cooperation
Administration and the United States Informa-
tion Agency in need of assistance on Latin Ameri-
can projects.

These steps will, I believe, serve several highly
constructive purposes. They will permit certain
Cuban exiles to give up employment that falls
pitiably short of using their abilities. They will
encourage the creation of a bilingual community
of scholars, growing out of the bonds established

between the faculties of the Universities of
Havana and Miami, and others who may be at-
tracted there. These steps will also create
conditions for experiment in the problems of edu-
cation across the barriers of language toward
discovery and study of common interests. In ad-
dition, we will gain experience for evaluation of
longer range educational needs of our hemisphere.

Finally, I want to emphasize that the proposed
program would be temporary. Wlien Cuba again
becomes free, its scholars now in Miami will be
needed urgently to provide expanded facilities for
higher education and to serve the Cuban people.
For this reason, the simi of $75,000 required for
the above program is intended for expenditure
during the next six months. During this time,
we shall reassess the situation and make such fur-
ther recommendations as may be appropriate.

The University of Miami would be encouraged
to seek additional financial support for the pro-
gram from foundations, industry, volunteer agen-
cies, interested individuals and other sources. Out
of broad support such as this, we believe there
might grow an even more extensive program of
inter- American cultural exchange possibly includ-
ing the use of Cuban exiles on the staffs of the
Univei-sities throughout the hemisphere. What
we undertake on behalf of our Latin neighbor in
the spirit of humanitarianism can, if properly con-
ceived and suppoi'ted by the American people,
serve to provide enlightenment to all. The imder-
taking with the University of liliami should be
based upon our historic belief in the power of
knowledge and be completely divorced from polit-
ical purposes. This same spirit should, of course,
permeate any longer range activities in the field
of Pan American Education.

As I have indicated previously, I am personally
still most interested in the possible establisliment
of a permanent center of learning to which schol-
ars from throughout Latin and North America
might go to exchange views, pureue research, and
explore their common problems. Your recent ex-
change of letters ^ with the Secretary General of
the Organization of American States and your
authorization of a grant of $25,000 to the OAS
is a tangible start toward preparing for a more
permanent program. The prompt and affirmative
reply of Dr. Jose Mora, Secretary General of
OAS, is a most encouraging beginning in such a

' Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 309.
April 3, 7967

'Not printed here.

491

joint venture on behalf of all in the Western Hem-
isphere. The OAS will be able to assess the needs
of the Americas in the objective spirit that I
believe should characterize our educational activi-
ties in this area.

Faithfully yours,

Abraham Eibicoff
Secretary

The PREsroENT
The White House

Funds Needed for Continuation
of Disaster Relief in Cliile

White House press release dated March 14

The President asked Congress on March 14 for
a supplemental appropriation of $100 million for
the fiscal year 1961 for I'econstruction and re-
habilitation of earthquake and flood damage in
Chile.^ This amount was authorized by the last
session of Congress, along with the inter-Ameri-
can program for social progress.

Rehabilitation efforts have already been started
by the Government of Chile, and U.S. assistance is
now needed to continue these efforts through this
fiscal year and next and to permit Chile to adhere
to its program of economic stabilization.

The International Cooperation Administration
will administer the aid progi-am.

Soon after the earthquake last May, the Export-
Import Bank gave an emergency credit of $10
million to Chile. To cover interim needs a $20
million grant from mutual security contingency
funds was made available to Chile in October. An
agreement was made last November to ship surplus
agricvdtural commodities valued at $29 million to
Chile under the Agi-icultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480) .

Medical Assistance Sent to Niger
To Combat Meningitis Epidemic

Press release 134 dated March 14

The Government of Niger has requested medi-
cal assistance from the U.S., German, and Frencli
Governments to combat an epidemic of meningitis.

Tliis Government lias airfreighted penicillin
(6,000 vials) and sulfadyazine (225 kilograms)
which is scheduled to arrive in Niamey on
March 16.

The Niger Ministry of Health reports 2,000
active cases of meningitis, with fatalities nearing
400. The area of infection has hit six new dis-
tricts and is reported approaching Niamey.

The U.S. Government has coordinated its relief
efforts with the German and Frencli Govern-
ments. In this connection the French Govern-
ment has flown in a medical team consisting of a
doctor and six assistants and, in addition, has
authorized their use of Frencli Army ambulances
and jeeps. The German Government is providing
65,000 German marks for the purchase of needed
medicines. U.S. relief was granted on an emer-
gency basis from ICA funds.

U.S. medical assistance was also given for a
meningitis epidemic in the Republic of Upper
Volta in Januai"y. In the latter case some 8,000
vials of penicillin and 300 kilograms of sulfa-
dyazine were airlifted to the Republic of Upper
Volta.

CONGRESS

Department Supports Treaty
on Columbia River Development

Statement hy Ivan B. White *

My name is Ivan B. White, Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for European Affairs. I ap-
preciate having this opportunity to appear here
in support of a treaty which I am convinced is in
the best interests of our country and of our rela-
tions with Canada.

I believe it would be appropriate to present
briefly the origin and the background of this
treaty, which was signed at Washington on Janu-
ary 17, 1961,^ and submitted on the same date by

' See p. 478.

^ Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on Mar. 8 (press release 117). Mr. White is Deputy
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs.

° S. Ex. C, 87th Cong., 1st sess. ; for background and text
of treaty, see also Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 227.

492

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

President Eisenhower to the Senate with a view
to receiving its advice and consent to ratification.
In President Kennedy's special message on nat-
ural resources, sent to the Congress on Febru-
ary 23,=* he said: "I urge the Senate to approve
this Treaty [Columbia Eiver Joint Development
Treaty "With Canada] at the earliest possible time,
to permit an immediate start on the immense ef-
forts that can be jointly undertaken in power
production and river control in that Basin." I
will also summarize the basic objectives of the
United States delegation which negotiated the
treaty, the extent to which those objectives ap-
pear to have been achieved, and some of the other
considerations involved.

An analysis of the various articles of the treaty
is contained in the letters from the President and
the Secretary of State which accompanied the
submission of the treaty for your consideration.
In addition, Lieutenant General [Emerson C]
Itschner, Chief of Engineers, United States Army,
will discuss the flood-control aspects of the treaty,
and Secretary [Stewart L.] Udall and other rep-
resentatives of the Department of the Interior
will explain the nature and effects of those pro-
visions pertaining to hydroelectric power. The
Assistant Legal Adviser for European Affairs of
the Department of State [Eichard D. Kearney]
is available to answer questions regarding the
provisions for settlement of disputes and for the
termination of the treaty, as well as other legal
aspects.

Origin of the Treaty

The genesis of the situation which led to this
treaty is the fact that the Columbia Eiver Basin
lies in both Canada and the United States. As
may be seen from the map, Columbia Lake in the
Eocky Mountains in British Columbia is the
source of the Columbia Eiver, which in Canada
flows northwest for over 180 miles and then turns
south to flow through the Arrow Lakes and cross
the border into the United States near the town
of Trail, British Columbia. The river then flows
through the States of Washington and Oregon
before reaching the Pacific Ocean at Portland.
One of the Columbia's principal tributaries is the
Kootenay Eiver, which rises to the east of Colum-
bia Lake in Canada, flows south across the border

' H. Doe. 94, 87th Cong., 1st sess.

through the States of Montana and Idaho, and
loops back into Canada near the outlet of the
Arrow Lakes.

The origin of this treaty, however, does not
rest solely with the simple geographic fact that
one of the greatest rivers in North America flows
through two countries for 1,200 miles and, in so
doing, drops a total of 2,650 feet. There is also
the important factor of a veiy considerable varia-
tion in the flow of the river during the year and
from year to year. These seasonal and cyclical
variations have a direct effect on the output of
the hydroelectric plants on the lower stem of the
Columbia in the United States, particularly be-
cause electric power cannot be stored. The regu-
lation of the upper Columbia through storage
reservoirs in Canada can therefore permit more
efficient use of generating machinery and an in-
crease in the output of power. Moreover, the
Columbia Eiver system is highly suited to a co-
operative type of development because the best
remaining sites for storage dams are in Canada,
while the existing, and much of the potential,
generating capacity is located in the United
States. Thus both countries are bound to gain
far more by an arrangement under which they co-
operate for mutual benefit than by pursuing two
separate national programs unilaterally executed
on a common resource.

One of the characteristics of the treatymaking
process in this case has been the stimulus and
leadership provided by Members of the Congi-ess,
particularly the Senators from our four north-
western States. I well recall during our 1959
discussions of the preliminary work of the Inter-
national Joint Commission that the Subcommittee
of the Senate Committee on Interior and In-
sular Affairs, headed by the late Senator Eichard
Neuberger, placed great emphasis on the advan-
tages to the United States of both Canadian
storage and the Libby Project. During the 1960
period of actual negotiations we received period-
ically the advice, guidance, and, most important,
the encouragement of the three members of the
Senate Foreign Eelations Committee from the
Pacific Northwest, Senators [Mike] Mansfield,
[Wayne] Morse, and [Frank] Church. Further-
more, the American members of the U.S.-Cana-
dian Interparliamentary Group, headed by Sen-
ator [George D.] Aiken as cochairman, on several

April 3, J 96 J

493

occasions have discussed the Cohimbia Eiver
project with their Canadian colleagues.

By the end of 1959 the Canadian and United
States Governments had at their disposal :

1. Valuable technical data provided by a report
of the International Columbia River Engineering
Board, and

2. Helpful guidelines established by the Inter-
national Joint Commission.

Equipped with tliis essential information, the two
Governments began formal negotiations in early
1960. The chairman of the United States dele-
gation was Mr. Elmer F. Bennett, then Under
Secretary of the Department of the Interior. Tlie
other two members were Emerson C. Itsclmer,
Chief of Engineers of the United States Army,
and myself. The Canadian delegation was
headed by the Minister of Justice, E. Davie Ful-
ton, as chairman.

On September 28, 1960, the negotiators were
able to submit a joint progress repoi-t to the two
Governments setting forth "the basic terms which
in their opinion should be included in an agree-
ment for the cooperative development of the water
resources of the Columbia River Basin that will
operate to the mutual advantage of both coun-
tries." The progress report further recommended
that the agreement should be in the form of a
treaty. On October 19, 1960, by an exchange of
notes the Governments accepted the recommen-
dations in the progress report as the basis for the
drafting of a treaty.^ The drafting of the treaty
then took place, and this process was completed
on January 17, 1961, with signature of the treaty
at the Wliite House on that date.

Benefits for Both Countries

From the outset of the discussions it was ap-
parent that, if agreement were to be reached, the
resultant treaty would have to be beneficial to
both countries. Accordingly it was necessary for
the negotiators to strive for objectivity and flexi-
bility in seeking to arrive at a mutually beneficial
arrangement of a matter inherently complex,
highly technical, and involving diverse interests
in both countries. Fortimately both the United
States and the Canadian delegations were con-

' For a statement by President Eisenhower and a White
House announcement, see Bulletin of Nov. 28, 1960, p.
831.

scious of the fact that in reaching an arrangement
of such far-reaching significance it was not pos-
sible for either side to adopt rigid, nationalistic,
or partisan positions. Consequently it was pos-
sible to reach in this treaty accommodations with
regard to differing views which have achieved
the result that the interests of both coimtries will
be greatly advanced without the sacrifice of any
basic interest of either country. From the finan-
cial viewpoint alone, the overall cost of the vast
enterprises envisaged under the treaty will be
substantially less than if similar developments
were to be attempted independently by the two
coimtries.

In this connection I should like to point out that
the negotiators did not attempt, either in the
treaty or otherwise, to prejudge the necessary
internal decisions in each country which must be
made in cari-ying out the works and programs to
implement the treaty. Thus, for example, the
treaty leaves open the question as to what agen-
cies in the United States would act as the operat-
ing entities for the purposes of the treaty or the
manner in which non-Federal projects would par-
ticipate in the cooperative midertaking. Sim-
ilarly the Canadian delegation did not seek agree-
ment on certain implementing decisions which
properly lie within the jurisdiction of governmen-
tal authorities in Canada. Had such an attitude
not been adopted on the part of the negotiators,
their task would have been immensely more com-
plicated and the result at best uncertain. Never-
theless I believe the committee is already aware
that the appropriate departments of our Govern-
ment are conscious of the desirability of making
suitable arrangements relating to the non-Federal
hydroelectric projects well before the cooperation
regulation of the Columbia River is put into
effect. I make only passing reference to this mat-
ter because it is not essentially a topic for the
Department of State and will be dealt with by the
other witnesses from the executive branch.

Objectives of U.S. Delegation

One of the primary and basic objectives of the
United States delegation was to obtain for our
country a large inci'ease in the quantity of de-
pendable hydroelectric power in the Pacific
Northwest. Behind this objective was realiza-
tion of the stimulation to the Pacific Northwest
economy which low-cost hydroelectric power had

494

Department of State Bulletin

produced. It was hoped to make available an-
other large bloc of low-cost power which would
not only meet the demands of the Pacific North-
west in the years immediately ahead but also
would have a potentiality for further increases
in the long-range future to meet and promote the
economic development of this region. You will
have noted from the President's letter transmit-
ting tliis treaty for your consideration that the
initial power benefits realizable in the United
States from Canadian storage under the treaty are
comparable to another Grand Coulee Dam, the
largest hydroelectric project now in operation in
the United States. Clearance for the United
States, if it chooses, to construct Libby Dam on the
Kootenai River in northern Montana presents
the opportunity to gain an additional bloc of
power substantially greater than the output of
Bonneville Dam. The total initial result, includ-
ing both Libby and Canadian storage, is a gain
to the United States of over 1,686,000 kilowatts
of low-cost prime power. Over the longer term
the Canadian storage will greatly increase the
feasibility of expanding the present capacity of
the Columbia River Basin hydroelectric system
in the United States from 11.6 million to 20 mil-
lion kilowatts of installed capacity.

As a correlative objective the United States
delegation had in mind the need to make arrange-
ments which woidd help to keep the costs of Fed-
eral power in the Pacific Northwest within the
framework of the rate structure of the Bonne-
ville Power Administration. Department of the
Interior witnesses will comment more fully on the
power arrangements and their rate significance
under the treaty.

Another principal aim of the negotiators was
to assure that the people of the Lower Columbia
River in Oregon and Washington and those in
the Bonner's Ferry area of Idaho, on the Kootenai
River, would be relieved of the recurring flood
damage which has plagued them since the settle-
ment of the Pacific Northwest. The importance
of this aim may be judged by the fact that the
Colmnbia River flood of 1948, which was by no
means of the magnitude of those of 1876 and
1894, caused total damages estimated at $100 mil-
lion; inundated nearly 600,000 acres; destroyed
Vanport, Oregon, a war housing project on the
outskirts of Portland with a population of
18,000; and cost the lives of 41 persons in the

Columbia River Basin. The impoi-tance of the
flood-control aspects of the treaty may also be
judged by the fact that the flood-control objec-
tives of the United States for tlie Ivower Columbia
River in Oregon and Washington, which have
been greatly needed for many years, would be
substantially realized within less than a decade.
Additionally the Libby Dam project would re-
solve the critical flood-control problem in the
Bonner's Ferry area of Idaho, where jieriodic
floods have been both hazardous and expensive.

Still another ad^-antage of this treaty is the
fact that, because of the location of the Canadian
storage, there will be no interference with the
cycle for salmon and other anadromous fish,
which constitute such an important economic and
recreational asset for the people of the Pacific
Northwest.

Finally, one of the most important objectives of
the United States delegation was to remove the
possibility, no matter how remote, that Canada,
in the absence of an agreement for cooperative
development of the Colmnbia River, might decide
to divert the waters of the Columbia River into
the Fraser Ri%'er basin, which empties into the
sea at Vancouver. This objective has been
achieved for at least the next 60 years.

In summary, we believe that the treaty protects
the basic interests of the United States and, at
the same time, provides an equitable and mutually
beneficial solution to a difficult problem. The
treaty which has been recommended to you is an
important step in achieving optimum develop-
ment of the water resources of the Columbia
River Basin as a whole, from which the United
States and Canada will each receive benefits mate-
rially larger than either could obtain independ-
ently. The United States will secure a large bloc
of power at low cost, substantial flood-control
benefits, and additional incidental benefits for
irrigation, navigation, pollution abatement, and
other uses resulting from controlled storage, as
well as the removal of the possibility of any
substantial diversion of the Columbia. Canada
will also receive a large bloc of power at a low
cost, as well as flood-control and other benefits
resulting from the control of water flow. Finally,
the treaty and its implementation will provide a
further illustration of the cooperation between
Canada and the United States in the development
of a common resource for a common good.

April 3, 196 J

495

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Scheduled April 1 Through June 30, 1961

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 31st Session New York Apr. 4-

lAEA Board of Governors: 21st Session Vienna Apr. 5-

FAO Intergovernmental Advisory Committee on the Utilization of Rome Apr. 5-

Food Surpluses.

IMCO Assembly: 2d Session London Apr. 5-

IDB Board of Governors: 2d Meeting Rio de Janeiro Apr. 10-

FAO Group on Cocoa: 4th Session Accra Apr. 10-

FAO Program Committee: 5th Session Rome Apr. 10-

ILO Regional Conference of American States Members: 7th Session . Buenos Aires Apr. 10-

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 16th Session Geneva Apr. 11-

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology; 1st Session . . . Washington Apr. 12-

South Pacific Commission: 2d Technical Meeting on Cooperatives . Noumea Apr. 13-

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law Brussels Apr. 17-

GATT Balance-of- Payments Consultations Geneva Apr. 17-

U.N. Committee on Information From Non-Self-Governing Terri- New Yorii Apr. 17-

tories.

U.N. ECOSOC Social Commission: 13th Session New York Apr. 17-

Inter- American Commission of Women: Extraordinary Assembly . . Washington Apr. 17-

ICAO Panel on Origin-and-Destination Statistics: 3d Meeting . . . Paris Apr. 18-

FAO Ad Hoc Meeting on Jute Rome Apr. 19-

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: Committee on Illicit Geneva Apr. 20-

Traffic.

ITU Administrative Council: 16th Session Geneva Apr. 22-

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 16th Session . . . Geneva Apr. 24-

5th ICAO Meeting on Personnel Licensing/Aviation Medicine . . . Montreal Apr. 25-

U.N. Commission on Sovereignty Over Natural Wealth and Resources: New York Apr. 25-

3d Session.

CENTO Ministerial Council: 9th Meeting Ankara Apr. 27-

IMCO Council: 5th Session London April

G ATT Contracting Parties: 18th Session Geneva May 1-

U.N. Economic Commission foi Latin America: 9th Session .... Caracas May 1-

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: 9th Session. . . New York May 1-

14th International Cannes Film Festival Cannes May 3-

ICEM Executive Committee: 17th Se.ssion Geneva May 3-

UPU Executive and Liaison Committee Bern May 4-

FAO/UNICEF Joint PoHcy Committee: 3d Session Rome May 8-

ILO Inland Transport Committee: 7th Session Geneva May 8-

NATO Ministerial Council Oslo May 8-

Inter-American Nuclear Energv Commission: 3d Meeting Washington May 9-

WMO Executive Committee: 1 3th Session Geneva May 11-

ICEM Council: 14th Session Geneva May 11-

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 20th Plenary Meeting . Tokyo May 15-

PAHO Executive Committee: 43d Meeting Washington May 15-

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 2d Session. Rome May 18-

FAO Group on Grains: 6th Session Rome May 18-

FAO European Forestry Commission: 11th Session Rome May 22-

11th Inter-American Conference Quito May 24-

Exeeutive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commissioner Geneva May 25-

for Refugees: 5th Session.

UNESCO Executive Board: 59th Session Paris May 25-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Mar. 16, 1961. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following
is a list of abbreviations: CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC,
Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade;
IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovern-
mental Committee for European Migration; IDB, Inter- American Development Bank; ILO, International Labor Organi-
zation; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union;
NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OIE, International Office of Epizootics; PAHO, Pan American Health
Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization;
UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WMO, World Meteorological Organization.

496 Department of State Bulletin

ITU European VHF/UHF Broadcasting Conference

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries:
Scientific Committee.

ILO Governing Body: 149th Session (and its committees)

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 34th Session

International Rubber Study Group: Enlarged Management Com-
mittee.

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on
Abstention Reports.

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party
on Preparation of Scientific Reports.

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 11th
Annual Meeting.

International Labor Conference: 45th Session

8th International Electronic, Nuclear, and Motion Picture Exposition .

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 21st Session

FAO Council: 35th Session

FAO/OIE Meeting on Emerging Diseases of Animals

International Whaling Commission: 13th Meeting

11th International Berlin Film Festival

7th International Congress on Large Dams

IAEA Board of Governors: 22d Session

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 27th Session

Stockholm May 26-

Woods Hole, Mass May 29-

Geneva May 29-*

Rome May 30-

London May

Tokyo May or June

Tokyo May or June

Washington June 5-

Geneva June 7-

Rome June 12-

Geneva June 12-

Rome June 19-

Rome June 19-

London June 19-

Berlin June 25-

Rome June 26-

Vienna June

New York June

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola

Following is a statement made hy Adlal E.
Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the United
Nations, in the Security Council on March 15, to-
gether with the text of a draft resolution cosf on-
sored hy Ceylon, Liberia, and the United Arab
Repuhlic which failed of adoption.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON

U.S. /U.N. press release 3668

When he first raised the question of Angola in
the Security Council, the distinguished representa-
tive of Liberia, Ambassador [George A.] Pad-
more, recognized that the recent disturbance in
Angola was not of itself an immediate tin-eat to
the maintenance of international peace and
security. At that time he said,

I believe that there is still time for us to help build in
Angola a future of which neither the Portuguese nor
the Africans need be afraid. But we no longer have
centuries or even decades in which to accomplish what
should be a simple and humanitarian task.

He emphasized several problems with which the
United Nations must concern itself: the urgency
in this era of rapid communication of acting with

dispatch, the recognition of iVjigola's problem be-
ing a part of the larger African scene, and the
desirability of Portugal availing itself of United
Nations cooperation and help in the development
of its territories in Africa.

It was clear from his remarks that Ambassador
Padmore was anticipating conditions which, if
unchanged, might endanger the peace and security
of Africa, if not of the world.

It is in a sjairit of seeking a constructive elim-
ination of not just the symptoms but the sources
of friction that the United States approaches this
problem. I regret to find myself in disagreement
with the distinguished representative of China
and other members of this Council, who present
their position with such logic and force. We rec-
ognize full well that, while Angola and the condi-
tions therein do not today endanger international
peace and security, we believe they may, if not
alleviated, lead to more disorders with many un-
fortunate and dangerous consequences.

We in the United States deplore the violence
which occurred in Luanda and the tragic loss of
life involving all elements of the community.
Nothing we can do here will restore these people

April 3, 1 96 1

A9T

United States Replies to inquiries
Concerning Vote on Angoia issue

U.S./D.N. press release 3669

In response to inquiries regarding the U.S. vote
on the Angola issue in the Security Council, Francis
W. Carpenter, U.S. delegation spokesman, issued
the following statetnent to neics correspondents on
March 11.

The United States decision to vote for the resolu-
tion was made only after thorough consultation be-
tween Governor Stevenson and officers of the De-
partment and after approval by the Secretary of
State and the President. The policy decisions be-
hind the vote, which were all reflected in Governor
Stevenson's speech before the Security Council, had
been carefully considered. Our allies were in-
formed in advance. We have a deep and continu-
ing common interest with them. The; difficulty and
complexity of African questions are, however, such
that there are and may continue to be differences
in approach on some of them.

to life, but perhaps we can discourage further vio-
lence, which can only make constructive eiforts
toward the solution of basic problems more
difficult.

It is only prudent to view the disorder in Luanda
in the context of dramatic changes which have
taken place in so much of Africa in the past few
years. Angola is but a part of the overall picture
of evolution on the African Continent.

The views of the United States have not changed
since Jefferson wrote,

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are
Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to
secure these rights, Governments are instituted among
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed.

These words reflect, we believe, the basic prin-
ciples which all governments would do well to
observe and to implement with all of the energy
at their command.

It is no secret that the General Assembly has
been interested for years in conditions within
Portugal's African territories. There can be no
doubt that the people of Angola are entitled to all
of the rights guaranteed them by the charter, the
right of unfettered opportunity to develop their
full economic, political, and cultural potentialities.

I am sure that Portugal recognizes that it has a
solemn obligation to midertake a systematic and
rapid improvement of the conditions of the peo-
ples of its territories, an evolution which is con-
templated by the charter.

The United States would be remiss in its duties
as a friend of Portugal if it failed to express
honestly its conviction that step-by-step planning
within Portuguese territories and its acceleration
is now imperative for the successful political and
economic and social advancement of all inhabi-
tants under Portuguese administration — advance-
ment, in brief, toward full self-determination.

The practical difficulties facing Portugal in the
immediate future are formidable. If the people
of Angola are not given reason to believe that they
too may hope to participate in determining their
own future, the tension which exists today will
grow and may well result in disorders which will
indeed pose a threat to international peace and
security.

On the other liand, we all know, and know all
too well, the tragic events which have occurred in
the Congo, that huge, unhappy state which lies
just to the north of Angola. I do not think I
would be straining the truth to conclude that much
of the Congo's problems result from the fact that
the pressure of nationalism rapidly overtook the
preparation of the necessary foundation essential
to the peaceful and effective exercise of sovereign
self-government. The important thing for us,
then, is to insure that similar conditions do not
exist for the Angola of tomorrow. We believe
that a beginning should be made promptly within
that territory to foster that educational, social,
and economic development of which political de-
velopment is an integral part, and to insure the
rapid attainment of political maturity within this
area. As we know, political maturity is the cry-
ing need everywhere.

Last fall by Kesolution 1542 the General As-
sembly considered that a number of Portuguese
territories were non-self-governing within the
meaning of chapter XI of the charter. The As-
sembly spoke of an obligation wliich exists on the
part of Portugal to transmit information under
chapter XI of the cliarter concerning these terri-
tories. The Assembly further invited the Gov-
ernment of Portugal to participate in the work
of the Committee on Information from Non-Self-
Governing Territories.

498

Department of State Bulletin

I mention this because, in the view of my Gov-
ernment, the best course of action for Portugal
and the best course of action to promote the inter-
ests of the people of Portuguese territories seems
to be through cooperation with the United Na-
tions. In our view the resolution to which I have
just referred was an invitation to Portugal to
work witb members of this Oi'ganization to insure
tlie more rapid progress of the peoples in Portu-
guese territories. I stress, gentlemen, the words
"work with." The United States does not read
any dark dangers into this resolution. This is a
gesture of concern, a gesture of good will, and,
beyond that, an effort toward genuine coopera-
tion in achievement of goals which are shared by
all of us and which are recognized in the charter
of this Organization.

Hence we hope that Portugal will proceed in
accordance with the resolution ^ now before the
Council. In doing so, it would, in the words of
the charter, work "to develop self-government, to
take due account of the political aspirations of
the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive
development of their free political institutions,
according to the particvilar circumstances of each
territory and its peoples and their varying stages
of advancement."

I hope that what I have said will be taken in
the spirit in which it is intended: to encourage
the peaceful evolution of a society in Angola in
which men of all races can live together in har-
mony, with mutual respect for the different
cultures and ways of life which now exist there.

AFRO-ASIAN DRAFT RESOLUTION'

The Security Council,

Taking note of the recent disturbances and conflicts in
Angola resulting in loss of life of the Inhabitants, the
continuance of which is likely to endanger the mainte-
nance of international peace and security,

Viewing icith concern the growing restiveness of de-
pendent peoples throughout the world for self-determina-
tion and independence,

Aicare that failure to act speedily, effectively and in
time for ameliorating the disabilities of the African peo-

*U.N. doc. S/4769. The resolution failed of adoption
on Mar. 15 by a vote of 5 (Ceylon, Liberia, U.S.S.R.,
United Arab Republic, and United States) to 0, with 6
abstentions (Chile, China, Ecuador, France, Turkey, and
United Kingdom).

pies of Angola is likely to endanger international peace
and security,

Recalling General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of
14 December I960,' by which the General Assembly de-
clared without dissent that the subjection of peoples to
alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes
a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the
Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to
the promotion of world peace and co-operation and asked
for immediate steps to be taken to transfer all powers
to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions
or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed
will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed
or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete inde-
pendence and freedom.

Recalling further General Assembly resolutions 1541
(XV) and l.>42 (XV) of 15 December 1960,

1. Calls upon the Government of Portugal to consider
urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in An-
gola for the purpose of the implementation of General
Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960,
with due respect for human rights and fundamental free-
doms and in accordance with the Charter ;

2. Decides to appoint a sub-committee consisting of . . .
and instructs this sub-committee to examine the state-
ments made before the Security Council concerning An-
gola, to receive further statements and documents and to
conduct such inquiries as it may deem necessary and to
report to the Security Council as soon as possible.

United States DeBegations
to International Conferences

U.N. Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation

The Department of State announced on March
14 (press release 136) the composition of the U.S.
delegation to the ninth session of the United Na-
tions Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radia-
tion, which convened at Geneva March 13.

Shields Warren, professor of pathology. Har-
vard University, who has been U.S. represent-
ative on this Committee since 1955, heads the
delegation. He is assisted by Austin M. Brues, Di-
rector, Division of Biological and Medical Re-
search, Argonne National Laboratory, Lemont,
111.

Other members of the delegation include :

Advisers

Charles L. Dunham, director. Division of Biology and

Medicine, Atomic Energy Commission
John H. Harley, Health and Safety Laboratory, New

York Operations Oflice, Atomic Energy Commission

' For background and text of resolution, see Bulletin
of Jan. 2, 1961, p. 21.

April 3, 1 96 1

499

Thomas F. O'Leary, Office of Special Projects, Atomic

Energy Commission
Charles H. Owsley, American consulate general, Geneva,

Switzerland
William L. Russell, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Oak

Ridge, Tenn.
Arthur Upton, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Oak

Ridge, Tenn.
Max R. Zelle, Division of Biology and Medicine, Atomic

Energy Commission

The 15-member Committee (Argentina, Aus-
tralia, Belgimn, Brazil, Canada, Czechoslovakia,
France, India, Japan, Mexico, Sweden, the
U.S.S.R., the United Arab Republic, the United
Kingdom, and the United States) was established
by the 10th session of the United Nations General
Assembly in 1955 at the suggestion of the United
States to study ionizing radiation and its effects
on human health and safety.

The Committee will continue its work in pre-
paring the final draft of its comprehensive report,
due to be released in 1962, to the General Assem-
bly. Among other questions it plans to take up the
problems of basic radiobiology and of human sur-
vey and somatic effects and will review various
sources of exposure of humans to radiation.

International Meeting on Fish Meal

The Department of State announced on March
17 (press release 142) that the following are the
members of the U.S. delegation to the Interna-
tional Meeting on Fish Meal, sponsored by the
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of
the United Nations, which will be held at Rome,
March 20-29.

Chairman

Clarence W. Nichols, Special Assistant to the Assistant
Secretary for Economic Affairs, Department of State

Vice Chairman

Donald L. MeKernan, Director, Bureau of Commercial
Fisheries, Department of the Interior

Advisers

Donald Y. Aska, chief, Branch of Marketing, Bureau of
Commercial Fisheries, Department of the Interior

Thomas A. Barber, J. Howard Smith, Inc., Port Mon-
mouth, N.J.

Michael P. Boerner, Office of International Trade, Depart-
ment of State

Charles Butler, acting chief, Division of Industrial Re-
search, Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, Department
of the Interior

Charles Carry, executive secretary, California Fish Can-
ners Association, Terminal Island, Calif.

W. M. Chapman, director, The Resources Committee, San
Diego, Calif.

Lawrence I. Clarke, president, Atlantic Processing Co.,
Amagansett, Long Island, N.T.

J. Steele Culbertson, director. Industrial Products Divi-
sion, National Fisheries Institute, Inc., Washington,
D.C.

Ursula H. DufCus, economic officer, American Embassy,
Rome

Amnion G. Dunton, chairman of the board, Reedville Oil
and Guano Company, Inc., White Stone, Va.

Allen W. Haynie, president, Reedville Oil and Guano Com-
pany, Inc., Baltimore, Md.

William 0. Herrington, Special Assistant for Fisheries
and Wildlife, Office of the Under Secretary of State

Frederick C. June, Jr., chief. Menhaden Investigations,
Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, Department of the
Interior, Beaufort, N.C.

Stanley W. Letson, president, Maine Marine Products,
Inc., Portland, Me. ,

John B. Lowry, menhaden vessel captain, Reedville, Va. I

John Franklin McCammon, Ralston Purina Co., St. Louis,
Mo.

Hary I. McGinnis, Wallace Menhaden Products, Inc.,
New Orleans, La.

George R. Wallace, president, Wallace Fisheries Co.,
Morehead City, N.C.

Clayton E. Whipple, agricultural attach^, American Em-
bassy, Rome J

The world's productive capacity for fish meal '
has risen rapidly during the last few years, but the
use being made of the product has not kept pace
with this expansion. As a result, stocks have ac-
cumulated, prices have fallen substantially, and
production has had to be reduced in a number of
countries. Therefore less than full use is being
made of this valuable material, which goes di-
rectly or indirectly into food, and the incomes of
fishermen and others involved in its production
are being seriously lowered.

The meeting will assess the world demand for
fish meal, consider ways and means of increasing
the effective demand by action on the part of
governments and of the industry, and explore
possibilities of insuring stable conditions in the
international market, particularly during the
transitory period before the hoped-for increase in
demand can take place, without resort to restric-
tive measures.

All member governments of FAO having an
interest in the matter are expected to send repre-
sentatives, accompanied by advisers and teclmical
experts, from the interested industries. Inter-
national organizations having an interest in the
subject matter of the meeting are also being asked
to be represented.

500

Department of State Bulletin

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

luternatioual air services transit agreement. Signed at
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for the
United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693.
Acceptance deposited: Senegal, March 8, 1961.

Safety at Sea

Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19, 1952.
TIAS 2495.
Acceptance deposited: Uruguay, February 15, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Protocol of rectification to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana March 24, 1948.
Entered into force March 24, 1948. TIAS 1761.

Protocol modifying certain provisions of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana
March 24. 1948. Entered into force April 15, 1948.
TIAS 1763.

Special protocol modifying article XIV of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana
March 24, 1948. Entered into force April 19, 1948.
TIAS 1764.

Special protocol relating to article XXIV of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana
March 24, 1918. Entered into force June 7, 1948. TIAS
1765.

Second protocol of rectifications to the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Geneva Sep-
tember 14, 1948. Entered into force September 14,
1948. TIAS 1888.

Protocol modifying part II and article XXVI of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered into force De-
cember 14, 1948. TIAS 1890.

Protocol modifying part I and article XXIX of the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered into force Sep-
tember 24, 1952. TIAS 2744.

Third protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 1949.
Entered into force October 21, 1951. TIAS 2393.
Acknowledged appUcahle rights and oMigations of the
United Kingdom: Nigeria, October 19, 1960.

Memorandum of understanding regarding the grant, sale,
and use of proceeds from the sale of 28,000 metric tons
of wheat. Signed at Nicosia December 8, 1960. En-
tered into force December 8, 1960.

Iceland

Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commod-
ities agreement of April 6, 1960 (TIAS 4468). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Reykjavik February 27,
1961. Entered into force February 27, 1961.

Indonesia

Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commodi-
ties agreement of November 5, 1960 (TIAS 4616). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Djakarta March 2, 1961.
Entered into force March 2, 1961.

Italy

Agreement supplementing the treaty of friendship, com-
merce and navigation of February 2, 1948 (TIAS 1965).
Signed at Washington September 26, 1951. Entered
into force March 2, 1961.
Proclaimed hy the President: March 8, 1961.

Panama

Agreement providing for the reciprocal recognition of
drivers' licenses issued in Panama and the Canal Zone.
Effected by exchange of notes at Panama, October 31,
1960.
Entered into force: November 1, 1960.

Peru

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of February 12, 1960 (TIAS 4430). Effected by
exchange of notes at Lima October 4 and December 27,
1960. Entered into force December 27, 1960.

Thailand

Agreement relating to the conversion of the SEATO
cholera research project in Thailand to a SEATO med-
ical research laboratory. Effected by exchange of notes
at Bangkok December 23, 1960. Entered into force
December 23, 1960.

United Kingdom

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation
of a space-vehicle tracking and communication station
in Bermuda (Project Mercury). Effected by exchange
of notes at Washington March 15, 1961. Entered into
force March 15, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

BILATERAL

China

Agreement amending the agreement relating to an edu-
cational exchange program of November 10, 1947, as
amended (TIAS 1687 and 3957). Effected by exchange
of notes at Taipei February 28, 1961. Entered into
force February 28, 1961.

Cyprus

Memorandum of understanding regarding the grant, de-
livery, and free distribution of 12,000 metric tons of
wheat and 10,000 metric tons of barley. Signed at
Nicosia December 8, 1960. Entered into force December
8, 1960.

Appointments

A. S. J. Carnahan as a consultant to the Bureau of
African Affairs, effective March 18. (For a Department
announcement, see press release 144 dated March 18.)

Designations

James C. Flint as International Cooperation Adminis-
tration Representative in Yemen, effective March 16.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 139 dated March 16.)

April 3, 7967

501

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale iy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free puUications, which jnay be ob-
tained from the Department of State.

U.S. Participation in the International Atomic Energy
Agency (Report by the President to Congress for the
Year 1959). Pub. 70G2. International Organization and
Conference Series 14. 38 pp. Limited distribution.
The third annual report, covering U.S. participation In
the International Atomic Energy Agency for the year 1959,
pursuant to the International Atomic Energy Agency
Participation Act.

World Refugee Year, July 1959-June 1960— Report on the
Participation of the United States Government. Pub.
7095. General Foreign Policy Series 158. 17 pp. 15^.
A publication which summarizes the background of the
World Refugee Year and describes the quest for solutions
to refugee problems.

Report to Congress on the Mutual Security Program For
the Fiscal Year 1960. Pub. 7099. General Foreign Policy
Series 159. 117 pp. Limited distribution.
The annual report on the operations of the Mutual Se-
curity Program for the period July 1, 1959, through June
30, 1960, submitted by the President to Congress. The
report was prepared under the direction of the Coordi-
nator of the Mutual Security Program by the Department
of State (including the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration), the Department of Defense, and the De-
velopment Loan Fund.

North Korea: A Case Study in the Techniques of Take-
over. Pub. 7118. Far Eastern Series 103. 121 pp. 60^.
This report represents the findings of a State Department
Research Mission sent to Korea on October 28, 19.50, to
conduct a survey of the north Korean regime as it oper-
ated before the outbreak of hostilities on June 25, 1950.

Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy. Pub.

7137. General Foreign Policy Series 161. 6 pp. Limited

distribution.

A pamphlet containing the text of President Kennedy's

inaugural address delivered at the Capitol on January 20,

1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4598. 3 pp.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Iran, amending the agreement of July 26, 1960, as
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tehran October
20, 1060. Entered into force October 20, 1960.

Mutual Defense Assistance — Sale of Certain Military
Equipment, Materials, and Services. TIAS 4599. 4 pp.
5(f.

Agreement between the United States of America and
the Federal Republic of Germany, amending the agree-
ment of October 8, 1956. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Washington June 15 and October 24, 1960. Entered into
force October 24, 1960.

Mutual Defense Assistance. TIAS 460O. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Luxembourg, amending annex B of the agreement of
January 27, 1950. Exchange of notes— Signed at Luxem-
bourg September 22 and October 5, 1960. Entered into
force October 5, 1960.

Economic Cooperation. TIAS 4601. 5 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Burma, supplementing the agreement of March 21, 1957,
as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Rangoon
June 29, 1960. Entered into force June 29, 1960.

Defense— Loan of Vessels to Peru. TIAS 4602. 4 pp. 5<f.

Agreement between the United States of America and j
Exchange of notes — Signed at Lima February 12 I

Peru.

and 26, 1960.

Entered into force February 26, 1960.

Economic, Technical, and Related Assistance. TIAS 4603.
8 pp. 10(}.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Guinea. Exchange of notes — Signed at Conakry Sep-
tember 30, 1960. Entered into force September 30, 1960.

Correction

The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call atten-
tion to the following printer's error :

Bulletin of March 20, 1961, p. 404 : The sentence
at the top of the right-hand column should begin
"Subject to detailed negotiations betweeu the two
Governments, projects contemplated under . . . ."

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: March 1319

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to March 13 which appear
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 117 of
March 8 and 123 of March 9.

No. Date

Subject

Bowles : National Farmers Union.

Harriman extends trip to include New
Delhi.

Delegation to Geneva nuclear talks.

Medical assistance to Niger.

U.S. -Canadian Committee on Trade
and Economic Affairs : communique.

Delegation to U.N. Committee on Ef-
fects of Atomic Radiation (rewrite).

Cleveland : American Society for Pub-
lic Administration.

Chayes : death of Benedict M. English.

Flint sworn in as ICA representative
in Yemen (biographic details).

Ball to visit Europe (rewrite).

Nonrenewal of airfield agreement be-
tween U.S. and Saudi Arabia.

Delegation to FAO International
Meeting on Fish Meal (rewrite).

Harriman to visit Pakistan.

Carnahan appointed consultant. Bu-
reau of African Affairs (rewrite).

♦Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

130
132

3/13
3/13

133
134
135

3/14
3/14
3/14

136

3/14

tl37

3/15

*13S
*139

3/15
3/16

140
141

3/16
3/16

142

3/17

143

144

3/17

3/18

502

Deparfmsnf of Sfate Bulletin

April 3, 1961

Ind

ex

Vol. XLIV, No. 1136

Africa. Carnahan appointed consultant to Bureau
of African Affairs 501

American Principles. The Decisive Decade

(Bowles) 480

American Republics. Alianza para Progreso (Ken-
nedy, message to Congress) 471

Angola

United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote
on Angola Issue (Carpenter) 498

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497

Atomic Energy

President Hopes for Successful Conclusion of Nu-
clear Test Talks (Kennedy, U.S. delegation) . . 478

U.N. Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation

(delegation) 499

Aviation. Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement Be-
tween U.S. and Saudi Arabia 490

Canada

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River

Development (White) 492

U.S. -Canadian Economic Committee Meets at Wash-
ington (text of communique) 487

Chile. Funds Needed for Continuation of Disaster

Relief in Chile 492

Communism

The Decisive Decade (Bowles) 480

President Ends Program Intercepting Communist

Propaganda From Abroad 479

Congress, The

Alianza para Progreso (Kennedy, message to Con-
gress) 471

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River

Development (White) 492

Cuba. U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars

(Kennedy, Ribicoff) 490

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Carnahan) 501

Designations (Flint) 501

Economic Affairs

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River
Development (White) 492

International Meeting on Fish Meal (delegation) . 500

Mr. Ball Holds Economic Talks With European
Officials 489

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee Meets at Wash-
ington (test of communique) 487

Europe. Mr. Ball Holds Economic Talks With Eu-
ropean Officials 489

India. Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE Dele-
gates in India, Visits Pakistan 489

International Information. President Ends Pro-
gram Intercepting Communist Propaganda From
Abroad 479

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 496

International Meeting on Fish Meal (delegation) . 500

Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE Delegates in

India, Visits Pakistan 489

President Hopes for Successful Conclusion of Nu-
clear Test Talks (Kennedy, U.S. delegation) . . 478

Italy. President Joins in Commemorating Unifica-
tion of Italy (Kennedy, text of proclamation) . 486

Mutual Security

The Decisive Decade (Bowles) 480

Flint designated ICA representative in Yemen . . 501
Funds Needed for Continuation of Disaster Relief

in Chile 492-

Medical Assistance Sent to Niger To Combat Men-
ingitis Epidemic 492'

U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars (Kennedy^
Ribicoff) 490,

Niger. Medical Assistance Sent to Niger To Combat

Meningitis Epidemic 492^

Non-Self-Governing Territories

United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote
on Angola Issue (Cari)enter) 498,

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497

Pakistan. Mr. Harriman Meets With ECAFE Dele-
gates in India, Visits Pakistan 489i

Portugal

United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote
on Angola Issue (Carpenter) 493,

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497

Presidential Documents

Alianza para Progreso 47J

President Hopes for Successful Conclusion of Nu-
clear Test Talks 478;

President Joins in Commemorating Unification of

Italy 4gg^

U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars . . '. '. 490
Publications. Recent Releases 502

Refugees. U.S. To Assist Refugee Cuban Scholars

(Kennedy, Ribicoff) 490

Saudi Arabia. Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement
Between U.S. and Saudi Arabia 490,

Treaty Information

Current Actions 50J

Department Supports Treaty on Columbia River

Development (White) 492

Nonrenewal of Airfield Agreement Between U.S.

and Saudi Arabia 490

U.S.S.R.

The Deci-sive Decade (Bowles) 430

Secretary Rusk Meets With Soviet Foreign Minister
Gromyko 4^9

United Nations

U.N. Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation

(delegation) 499

United States Replies to Inquiries Concerning Vote

on Angola Issue (Carpenter) 493

U.S. Supports Afro-Asian Resolution on Angola

(Stevenson, text of draft resolution) .... 497
Yemen. Flint designated ICA representative . . 501

Name Index

Bowles, Chester 480

Carnahan, A. S. J 501

Carpenter, Francis W 493

Flint, James C 591

Gromyko, Andrei A 479

Kennedy, President 471, 478, 486, 490

RibicofC, Abraham 491

Rusk, Secretary 479

Stevenson, Adlai E 497

White, Ivan B 492

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As was true with respect to the earlier volumes in the series, this
compilation for 1957, while making use primarily of official U.S.
source materials, includes some documents issued by other govern-
ments where the pronoimcements or settlements contained in them
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own policy.

The editorial devices employed to facilitate quick-reference use of
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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol, XLIV, No. 1137

AprU 10, 1961

ICIAL
EKLY RECORD

FOREIGN AID • Message of the President to the Congress . 507
CHARTER DAY ADDRESS • by Secretary Rusk ..... 515

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE AT

BERKELEY, MARCH 20 519

PROGRESS AND EXPECTATIONS IN AFRICA • by

Assistant Secretary Williams , 527

APPROACHING THE PROBLEM OF AFRICAN DE-
VELOPMENT • Statements by Ambassador Adlai E.
Stevenson 534

TED STATES
EIGN POLICY

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1137 • Publication 7167
April 10, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

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OF State Bdlletin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a toeehly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
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Foreign Aid

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE CONGRESS >

To the Congress of the United States :

This Nation must begin any discussion of "for-
eign aid" in 1961 with the recognition of three
facts :

1. Existing foreign aid programs and concepts
are largely unsatisfactory and unsuited for our
needs and for the needs of the imderdeveloped
world as it enters the sixties.

2. The economic collapse of those free but less-
developed nations which now stand poised be-
tween sustained growth and economic chaos would
be disastrous to our national security, harmful to
our comparative prosperity, and offensive to our
conscience.

3. There exists, in the 1960's, a historic oppor-
tunity for a major economic assistance effort by
the free industrialized nations to move more than
half the people of the less-developed nations into
self-sustained economic growth, while the rest
move substantially closer to the day when they,
too, will no longer have to depend on outside
assistance.

I

Foreign aid — America's unprecedented re-
sponse to world challenges — has not been the work
of one party or one administration. It has moved
forward under the leadership of two gi'eat Presi-
dents— Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower —
and drawn its support from forward-looldng
members of both political parties in the Congress
and throughout the Nation.

Our first major foreign aid effort was an emer-
gency program of relief — of food and clothing
and shelter — to areas devastated by World War II.
Next we embarked on the Marshall plan — a tower-

' H. Doe. 117, 87th Cong., 1st sess. ; transmitted on
Mar. 22.

ing and successful program to rebuild the econ-
omies of Western Europe and prevent a Com-
munist takeover. This was followed by point 4 —
an effort to make scientific and technological ad-
vances available to the people of developing na-
tions. And recently the concept of development
assistance, coupled with the OECD [Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development],
has opened the door to a united free world effort
to assist the economic and social development of
the less-developed areas of the world.

To achieve this new goal we will need to renew
the spirit of common effort which lay behind our
past efforts — we must also revise our foreign aid
organization, and our basic concepts of operation
to meet the new problems which now confront us.

For no objective supporter of foreign aid can
be satisfied with the existing program — actually
a multiplicity of programs. BureaucraticaUy
fragmented, awkward and slow, its administra-
tion is diffused over a haphazard and irrational
structure covering at least four departments and
several other agencies. The program is based on
a series of legislative measures and administrative
procedures conceived at different times and for
different purposes, many of them now obsolete,
inconsistent, and unduly rigid and thus unsuited
for our present needs and purposes. Its weak-
nesses have begun to undermine confidence in our
effort both here and abroad.

The program requires a highly professional
skilled service, attracting substantial numbers of
high-caliber men and women capable of sensitive
dealing with other governments, and witli a deep
understanding of the process of economic de-
velopment. However, uncertainty and declining
public prestige have all contributed to a fall in
the morale and efficiency of those employees in

April 10, 1967

507

the field who are repeatedly f inistrated by the de-
lays and confusions caused by overlapping agency
jurisdictions and unclear objectives. Only the
persistent efforts of those dedicated and hard-
working public servants, who have kept the pro-
gram going, managed to bring some success to
our efforts overseas.

In addition, uneven and undependable short-
term financing has weakened the incentive for the
long-term planning and self-help by the recipient
nations which are essential to serious economic
development. The lack of stability and continuity
in the program — the necessity to accommodate all
planning to a yearly deadline — when combined
with a confusing multiplicity of American aid
agencies within a single nation abroad — have re-
duced the effectiveness of our own assistance and
made more difficult the task of setting realistic
targets and sound standards. Piecemeal projects,
hastily designed to match the rliythm of the fiscal
year are no substitute for orderly long-term plan-
ning. The ability to make long-range commit-
ments has enabled the Soviet Union to use its aid
program to make developing nations economically
dependent on Russian support — thus advancing
the aims of world communism.

Although our aid programs have helped to
avoid economic chaos and collapse, and assisted
many nations to maintain their independence and
freedom — nevertheless, it is a fact that many of
the nations we are helping are not much nearer
sustained economic growth than they were when
our aid operation began. Money spent to meet
crisis situations or short-term political objectives
while helping to maintain national integrity and
independence has rarely moved the recipient na-
tion toward greater economic stability.

II

In the face of these weaknesses and inadequa-
cies— and with the beginning of a new decade of
new problems — it is proper that we draw back and
ask with candor a fundamental question: Is a
foreign aid program really necessary? Why
should we not lay down this burden which our
Nation has now carried for' some 15 years?

The answer is that there is no escaping our ob-
ligations : our moral obligations as a wise leader
and good neighbor in the interdependent com-
munity of free nations — our economic obligations
as the wealthiest people in a world of largely

508

poor people, as a nation no longer dependent upon
the loans from abroad that once helped us
develop our own economy — and our political
obligations as the single largest comiter to the
adversaries of freedom.

To fail to meet those obligations now would be
disastrous; and, in the long run, more expensive.
For widespread poverty and chaos lead to a col-
lapse of existing political and social structures
which would inevitably invite the advance of
totalitarianism into every weak and unstable area.
Thus our own security would be endangered and
our prosperity imperiled. A program of assist-
ance to the underdeveloped nations must continue
because the Nation's interest and the cause of po-
litical freedom require it.

"We live at a very special moment in history.
The whole southern half of the world — Latin
America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia — are
caught up in the adventures of asserting their in-
dependence and modernizing their old ways of life.
These new nations need aid in loans and technical
assistance just as we in the northern half of the
world drew successively on one another's capital
and know-how as we moved into industrialization
and regular growth.

But in our time these new nations need help for
a special reason. Without exception they are
under Communist pressure. In many cases, that
pressure is direct and military. In others, it takes
the form of intense subversive activity designed
to break down and supersede the new — and often
frail — modem institutions they have thus far built.

But the fundamental task of our foreign aid
program in the 1960's is not negatively to fight
communism : Its fundamental task is to help make
a historical demonstration that in the 20th cen-
tury, as in the 19th — in the southern half of the
globe as in the north — economic growth and politi-
cal democracy can develop hand in hand.

In short we have not only obligations to fulfill,
we have great opportunities to realize. We are,
I am convinced, on the threshold of a truly united
and major effort by the free industrialized nations
to assist the less-developed nations on a long-term
basis. Many of these less-developed nations are on
the threshold of achieving sufficient economic,
social, and political strength and self -sustained
growth to stand permanently on their own feet.
The 1960's can be — and must be — -the crucial "dec-
ade of development" — the period when many less-

Department of Slate Bulletin

developed nations make the transition into self-
sustained growth — the period in which an enlarged
community of free, stable, and self-reliant nations
can reduce world tensions and insecurity. This
goal is in our grasp if, and only if, the other in-
dustrialized nations now join us in developing with
the recipients a set of commonly agreed criteria,
a set of long-range goals, and a conmion undertak-
ing to meet those goals, in which each nation's
contribution is related to the contributions of
others and to the precise needs of each less-de-
veloped nation. Our job, in its largest sense, is to
create a new partnership between the northern
and southeni halves of the world, to which all
free nations can contribute, in which each free
nation must assume a responsibility proportional
to its means.

We must imite the free industrialized nations
in a common effort to help those nations within
reach of stable growth get underway. And the
foundation for this unity has already been laid by
the creation of the OECD under the leadership of
President Eisenhower. Such a unified effort will
help launch the economies of the newly developing
countries "into orbit" — bringing them to a stage
of self -sustained growth where extraordinary out-
side assistance is not required. If this can be
done — and I have every reason to hope it can be
done — then this decade will be a significant one
indeed in the Iiistory of freemen.

But our success in achieving these goals, in creat-
ing an environment in which the energies of strug-
gling peoples can be devoted to constructive pur-
poses in the world commimity — and our success in
enlisting a greater common effort toward this end
on the part of other industrialized nations — de-
pends to a large extent upon the scope and con-
tinuity of our own efforts. If we encourage re-
cipient countries to dramatize a series of short-
term crises as a basis for our aid — instead of de-
pending on a jilan for long-term goals — then we
will dissipate our funds, our good will and our
leadership. Nor will we be any nearer to either
our security goals or to the end of the foreign aid
burden.

In short, this Congress at this session must
make possible a dramatic turning point in the
troubled history of foreign aid to the under-
developed world. We must say to the less-de-
veloped nations, if they are willing to undertake

necessary internal refonn and self-help — and to
the other industrialized nations, if they are willing
to undertake a much greater effort on a much
broader scale — that we then intend during this
coming decade of development to achieve a de-
cisive turnaround in the fat© of the less-developed
world, looking toward the ultimate day when all
nations can be self-reliant and when foreign aid
will no longer be needed.

However, this will not be an easy task. The
magnitude of the problems is staggering. In
Latin America, for example, population growth
is already threatening to outpace economic
growth — and in some parts of the continent living
standards are actually declining. In 1945 the
population of our 20 sister American Republics
was 145 million. It is now greater than that of
the United States, and by the year 2000, less than
40 years away, Latin American population will
be 592 million, compared with 312 million for the
United States. Latin America will have to double
its real income in the next 30 years simply to
maintain already low standards of living. And
the problems are no less serious or demanding in
the other developing areas of tlie world. Thus t-o
bring real economic progress to Latin America
and to the rest of the less-developed world will
require a sustained and united effort on the part
of the Latin American Republics, the United
States, and our free world allies.

This will require leadership, by this country
in this year. And it will require a fresh ap-
proach— a more logical, efficient, and successful
long-term plan — for American foreign aid. I
strongly recommend to the Congress the enact-
ment of such a plan, as contained in a measure to
be sent shortly to the Congress and described
below.

Ill

If our foreign aid f imds are to be prudently and
effectively used, we need a whole new set of basic
concepts and principles:

1. Unified administration and operation — a
single agency in Washington and the field,
equipped with a flexible set of tools, in place of
several competing and confusing aid units.

2. Country plans — a carefully thought through
program tailored to meet the needs and the re-
source potential of each individual country, in-

April 10, 796/

509

stead of a series of individual, unrelated projects.
Frequently, in the jiast, our development goals
and projects have not been undertaken as integral
steps in a long-range economic development
program.

3. Long-term planning and financing — the only
way to make meaningful and economical
commitments.

4. Special emphasis on development loans re-
payable in dollars — more conducive to business-
like relations and mutual respect than sustaining
grants or loans repaid in local currencies, although
some instances of the latter are unavoidable.

5. Special attention to those nations most will-
ing and able to mobilize their own resources, make
necessary social and economic reforms, engage in
long-range planning, and make the other efforts
necessary if tliese are to reach the stage of self-
sustaining growth.

6. Multilateral approach — a program and level
of commitments designed to encourage and com-
I^lement an increased effort by other industrialized
nations.

7. A new agency with new personnel — drawing
upon the most competent and dedicated career
servants now in the field, and attracting the high-
est quality from every part of the Nation.

8. Separation from military assistance — our
program of aid to social and economic develop-
ment must be seen on its own merits, and judged
in the light of its vital and distinctive contribu-
tion to our basic security needs.

IV

I propose that our separate and often confusing
aid programs be mtegrated into a single admin-
istration embracing the present Washington and
field operations of —

A. The International Cooperation Administra-
tion (ICA) and all its technical assistance (point
4) and other programs;

B. The Development Loan Fund (DLF) ;

C. The food-for-peace program (Public Law
480) in its relations with other coiuitries, while
also recognizing its essential role in our farm
economy ;

D. The local currency lending activities of the
Export-Import Bank ;

E. The Peace Corps, recognizing its distinctive

contribution beyond the area of economic develop-
ment ;

F. The donation of nonagricultural surpluses
from other national stockpiles of excess com-
modities or equipment ;

G. All other related staff and program services
now provided by the Department of State as well
as ICA.

The fieldwork in all tliese operations will be
under the direction of a single mission chief in
each country reporting to the American ambas-
sador. This is intended to remove the difficulty
which the aided countries and our own field per-
sonnel sometimes encounter in finding the proper
channel of decision making. Similarly, central
direction and final responsibility in Washington
will be fixed in an administrator of a single
agency — reporting directly to the Secretary of
State and the President — working through Wash-
ington directors for each major geographical
area, and through the directors of the constituent
resource units whose functions are drawn together
in each national plan : a development lending or-
ganization, food-for-peace, the Peace Corps, and
a unit for teclmical and other assistance stressing
education and human resources — initiating a pro-
gram of research, development, and scientific
evaluation to increase the effectiveness of our aid
effort ; and, in addition, the Secretary of State will
coordinate with economic aid the military as-
sistance program administered by the Department
of Defense, the related operations of the Export-
Import Bank, and the role of the United States in
the Inter-American Fund for Social Progress,
and acti\aties of international organizations.

Under the jurisdiction of both the Secretary of
State in Washington and the ambassadors in the
field, foreign aid can more effectively play its part
as an effective instrument of our overall efforts for
world peace and security. The concentration of
responsibilities and increased status will both re-
quire and attract high-caliber personnel. Pro-
grams such as the Peace Corps and food-for-peace,
far from being submerged, will be used more ef-
fectively and their distinctive identity and appeal
preserved — and food-for-peace will continue to be
based on availabilities determined by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture.

But I am not proposing merely a reshuffling and
relabeling of old agencies and their personnel,

510

Department of Slate Bulletin

without regard to their competence. I am recom-
mending tlie replacement of these agencies with
a new one — a fresh start under new leadership.

But new organization is not enough. We need
a new working concept.

At the center of the new effort must bo national
development programs. It is essential that the de-
veloping nations set for themselves sensible tar-
gets; that these targets be based on balanced
programs for their own economic, educational, and
social growth — programs which use their own re-
sources to the maximum. If planning assistance is
required, our own aid organization will be pre-
pared to respond to requests for such assistance,
along with the International Bank for Reconstruc-
tion and Development and other international and
private institutions. Thus, the first requirement
is that each recipient government seriously un-
dertake to the best of its ability on its own those
efforts of resource mobilization, self-help, and in-
ternal reform — including land reform, tax reform,
and improved education and social justice — which
its own development requires and which would
increase its capacity to absorb external capital
productively.

These national development programs — and the
kind of assistance the free world provides — must
be tailored to the recipients' current stage of de-
velopment and their foreseeable potential. A
large infusion of development capital cannot now
be absorbed by many nations newly emerging
from a wholly underdeveloped condition. Their
primary need at first will be the development of
human resources, education, technical assistance,
and the groimdwork of basic facilities and institu-
tions necessary for further growth. Other coun-
tries may possess the necessary human and
material resources to move toward status as devel-
oping nations, but they need transitional assistance
from the outside to enable them to mobilize those
resources and move into the more advanced stage
of development where loans can put them on their
feet. Still others ali'eady have the capacity to
absorb and effectively utilize substantial invest-
ment capital.

Finally, it will be necessary, for the time being,
to provide grant assistance to those nations that
are hard pressed by external or internal pressure
so that they can meet those pressures and main-

tain their independence. In such cases it will be
our objective to help them, as soon as circum-
stances permit, make the transition from instabil-
ity and stagnation to growth; shifting our
assistance as rapidly as possible from a grant to a
development loan basis. For our new program
should not be based merely on reaction to Com-
munist threats or short-term crises. We have a
positive interest in helping less-developed nations
provide decent living standards for their people
and achieve sufficient strength, self-respect, and
independence to become self-reliant members of
the community of nations. And thus our aid
should be conditioned on the recipients' ability
and willingness to take the steps necessary to reach
that goal.

To meet the varied needs of many nations, the
new aid administration will have a flexible set of
tools, coordinated and shaped to fit each national
development program: the grant or sale (for
either local currency or dollars with special re-
payment terms) of surplus foods, equipment and
other items; technical assistance; skilled man-
power from the Peace Coi-ps ; development grants ;
transitional, sustaining, or emergency grants ; de-
velopment loans repayable in local currency ; and
development loans repayable in dollars, with spe-
cial terms of repayment that will meet the needs
of the recipient country. These tools will be co-
ordinated with the activities of the Export- Import
Bank, and with loan and investment guarantees
to private enterprise.

The instrument of primary emphasis — the
single most important tool — will be long-term de-
velopment loans at low or no rates of interest,
repayable in dollars, and designed to promote
growth in those less-developed nations which have
a real chance for ultimate self-reliance but which
lack the ability to service loans from normal lend-
ing institutions. The terms of repayment will
vary from as long as 50 years for those countries
just starting on the road to development, to a
much shorter period of time for those countries
that are nearing the stage of self-sufficient growth.

Such long-term loans are preferable to outright
grants, or "soft loans" repayable in local curren-
cies that are of little benefit to the American tax-
payer. The emphasis on law or interest-free
loans is not designed to undercut other institu-
tions. The objective is to rely on flexibility in the

April 70, 7967

511

repayment period and the requirement of ultimate
dollar repayment for insuring strict accountancy
while meeting individual needs in an area not met
by suppliers of capital on normal terms.

Lending on these terms is not normal banking
practice. We are banking on the emergence over
coming years and decades of a group of inde-
pendent, growing, self-reliant nations.

VI

A program based on long-range plans instead of
short-run crises cannot be financed on a short-
term basis. Long-term authorization, planning,
and financing are the key to the continuity and
efiiciency of the entire program. If we are un-
willing to make such a long-term commitment, we
cannot expect any increased response from other
potential donors or any realistic planning from
the recipient nations.

I recommend, therefore, an authorization for
the new aid agency of not less than 5 years, with
borrowing authority also for 5 years to commit
and make dollar repayable loans within the lim-
its spelled out below. No other step would be
such a clear signal of our intentions to all the
world. No other step would do more to eliminate
the restrictions and confusions which have ren-
dered the current foreign aid program so often
ineffective. No other step would do more to help
obtain the service of top-flight personnel. And in
no other way can we encourage the less-developed
nations to make a sustained national effort over a
long-term period.

For, if we are to have a program designed to
brighten the future, that program must have a
future. Experience has shown that long-range
needs cannot be met evenly and economically by a
series of 1-year programs. Close consultation and
cooperation with the Congress and its committees
will still be essential, including an annual review
of tlie program.

And we will still need annual appropriations of
those amounts needed to meet requirements for
which dollar repayable loans would be unsuitable.
These appropriations should be available until
spent in order to avoid any wasteful rush to obli-
gate funds at the end of a fiscal year.

The new continuity and flexibility this kind of
long-term authority will bring cannot help but
result in more productive criteria, a greater effort

on the part of the developing nations, greater con-
tributions from our more prosperous allies, more
solid results, and real longrun economy to the
taxpayers. The new emphasis on long-term plans
and realistic targets will give both the Congress
and the Executive a better basis for evaluating
the validity of our expenditures and progress.

VII

A long-term program and borrowing authority,
even though limited, will enable us to demonstrate
the seriousness of our intentions to other potential
donors and to the less-developed world. Over the
next 5 years, the economic program here proposed,
together with an expanded food-for-peace pro-
gram as recommended in my agi'icidtural mes-
sage,^ and project loans by the Export-Import
Bank, will constitute direct U.S. economic as-
sistance activity of considerable magnitude.

It will, however, take time to institute the new
concepts and practices which are proposed. Thus,
during this initial year, while we will need to
make the necessary long-term commitments for
development lending, it is unnecessary to ask the
Congress for any additional funds for this year's
program.

Consequently, while the funds requested by my
predecessor will be sharply shifted in terms of
their use and purpose, I am asking the Congi-ess
for a total foreign aid budget of new obligational
authority no greater than that requested in the
rockbottom budget previously submitted ($4
billion)^ despite the fact that the number of new
nations needing assistance is constantly increas-
ing; and, though increasing such authority for
nonmilitary aid while reducing military assist-
ance, this budget provides for a level of actual
expenditures on nonmilitary aid no greater than
reflected in the previous budget ($1.9 billion).
(These figures do not, of course, reflect Public
Law 480 operations.)

In deciding on this program, I have also care-
fully considered its impact on our balance of pay-
ments. We are now putting maximum emphasis,
in both our development lending and grant aid
programs, on the procurement of goods and serv-
ices of U.S. origin. As I pointed out in my

= H. Doc. 109, 87th Cong., 1st sess.
' H. Doc. 15, 87th Cong., 1st sess.

512

Department of State Bulletin

message on the balance of payments,* under
present procedures not more than 20 percent of
foreign economic aid expenditures will affect our
balance of payments. This means that approxi-
mately $2 billion out of the requested $2.4 billion
in economic aid will be spent directly for goods
and services benefiting the American economy.

This is important. For not only do we have
the highest gross national product, both total and
per capita, of any country in the world, thus
making clear both our obligations and our capac-
ity to do our full part, but we are currently
underutilizing our great economic capacity be-
cause of economic recession and slack. Less than
80 percent of our industrial capacity is now in
use, and nearly 7 percent of our labor force is
unemployed. Under these circumstances cut-
backs in the foreign aid program would be felt
not only in loss of economic progress and hope
abroad but in loss of markets and income for
business, labor, and agriculture at home.

In short, this program will not in whole or in
part unbalance the previous budget in any
fashion. Its impact on our balance of payments
will be marginal. And its benefits for our domes-
tic economy should not be overlooked.

The $4 billion previously requested for fiscal
year 1962 will be reallocated under this new pro-
gram as follows :

Military assistance will be reduced from the
$1.8 billion requested to $1.6 billion, as discussed
below.

Economic assistance, with a much greater por-
tion going to development loans, a small increase
in development grants, and a reduction in sustain-
ing grants, will total $2.4 billion.

Of this, $1.5 billion will be contained in the
usual annual appropriation of new obligational
authority to finance the part of the program that
is not suitable for dollar development loans : grants
for education, social progress and institutional
development, the Peace Corps, and sustaining aid.
Nine himdred million dollars will be available for
long-term low or iiiterest-free development loans
to be repaid in dollars, j&nanced through an au-
thorization of public debt borrowing authority
which would also provide no more than $1.6 billion
I for each of the succeeding 4 years. Also to be

* Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 287.
April 10, 7967

made available for such loans under the new sys-
tem of full coordination will be the unappropri-
ated dollar funds now coming in in repayment of
the principal and interest on certain previous loans
to foreign governments (United Kingdom, EGA
[Economic Cooperation Administration], GAR-
lOA [Government and Relief in Occupied Areas],
and others — but not the Export-Import Bank).

VIII

The economic programs I am recommending in
this message camiot succeed without peace and
order. A vital element toward such stability is as-
surance of military strength sufficient to protect
the integrity of these emerging nations while they
are advancing to higher and more adequate levels
of social and economic well-being.

I shall therefore request the Congress to pro-
vide at this time $1.6 billion for provision of mili-
tary assistance. This figure is the amount re-
quired to meet the U.S. share in maintaining forces
that already exist, and to honor firm existing
commitments for the future.

I am frank to say that we cannot now say with
precision whether this amount will meet the mini-
mum level of military aid which our basic security
policy might demand this year. The emergence
of new crises or new conflicts may require us to
make an even greater effort.

However, while I have mentioned in this mes-
sage the amoimt to be allocated to military assist-
ance, those funds, while coordinated with the
policies of the new agency, will not be administered
by it and should not be included in its appropria-
tion. In order to make clear the peaceful and posi-
tive purposes of this program, to emphasize the
new importance this administration places on
economic and social development quite apart from
security interests, and to make clear the relation
between the military assistance progi'am and those
interests, I shall propose a separate authorization
for military assistance with appropriations as
part of the defense budget. Moreover, to the ex-
tent that world security conditions permit, mili-
tary assistance will in the future more heavily em-
phasize the internal security, civil works, and eco-
nomic growth of the nations thus aided. By this
shift in emphasis, we mean no lessenmg of our de-
termination to oppose local aggression wherever it
may occur. We have demonstrated our will and

513

ability to protect free world nations — if they so
desire — from the type of external threat with
which many of them are still confronted. We will
not fall short on this.

IX

The levels on which this new program is based
are the minimum resulting from a hard reapprais-
al of each type of assistance and the needs of the
less-developed world. They demonstrate both to
the less-developed nations and to the other indus-
trialized nations that this countiy will meet its
fair share of effort necessary to accomplish the
desired objective, and their effort must be greater
as well. These are the rockbottom minimimi of
funds necessary to do the job. To provide less
would be wasteful, perhaps more wasteful, than
to provide more. Certainly it would be wasteful
to the security interest of the free world.

But I am hopeful that the Congress will not
provide less. Assistance to our fellow nations is
a responsibility which has been willingly assumed
and fashioned by two great Presidents in the
past, one from each party — and it has been sup-
ported by the leaders of both parties in both
Houses who recognized the importance of our
obligations.

I believe the program which I have outlined is
both a reasonable and sensible method of meeting
those obligations as economically and effectively
as possible. I strongly urge its enactment by the
Congress, in full awareness of the many eyes upon
us — the eyes of other industrialized nations, await-
ing our leadership for a stronger united effort —
the eyes of our adverearies, awaiting the weaken-
ing of our resolve in this new area of international
struggle — the eyes of the poorer peoples of the
world, looking for hope and help, and needing an
incentive to set realistic long-range goals — and,
finally, the eyes of the American people, who are
fully aware of their obligations to the sick, the
poor, and the hungry, wherever they may live.
Thus, without regard to party lines, we shall take
this step not as Eepublicans or as Democrats but
as leaders of the free world. It will both befit
and benefit us to take this step boldly. For we
are lamiching a decade of development on which
will depend, substantially, the kind of world in
which we and our children shall live.

John F. ICennedy.

The White House, March 22, 1961.

United States Ratifies
OECD Convention

White House press release dated March 23

Following is a statement made hy President
Kennedy on March 23 announcing the ratification
on that day of the convention of the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development.'^

In behalf of the United States I have ratified
the convention establishing the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development. I have
done so with great satisfaction and with expecta-
tions that the Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development will become one of the
princii^al institutions through which we pursue the
great aim of consolidating the Atlantic Commu-
nity. As I said in my inaugural address,^

United, there is little we cannot do in a host of coopera-
tive ventures. Divided, there is little we can do — for we
dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split
asunder.

In giving its advice and consent to this act of
ratification, the United States Senate has affirmed
the intention of the United States to enter upon
a new era of cooperative enterprise with our
Atlantic partners. We face a broad spectrum of
common economic problems. And OECD should
prove a useful fonmi in which the member states
can consider and act together on a number of the
vital questions.

Among these challenging problems, none is more
urgent than that of helping the less developed
countries in their quest for economic growth and
stability. The comitries represented in OECD
have a common interest and a common responsi-
bility in this task. For they are among those
fortunate enough to have earned the capital and
the skills required for such programs. And they
share with all humanity the hope and determina-
tion that the less developed peoples will succeed
in their valiant efforts to achieve sustained eco-
nomic progress.

Next week the Development Assistance Group,
which is soon to become the Development Assist-

' For background and text of convention, see Bulletin
of Jan. 2. 1961, p. 8 ; for statements by Under Secretary
of State Ball and Secretary of the Treasury Dillon, see
tb/rf., Mar. 6, 1961, p. 326.

^/6irf., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.

514

Department of State Bulletin

cance Committee of the OECD, will meet in
London. As an indication of the importance I
attach to all phases of the work of OECD, I have
instructed George W. Ball, our Under Secretary
of State for Economic Affairs, to represent the
United States at this meeting.
The subject matter of this meeting represents

one of the central tasks of OECD. I look for-
ward to the development of joint approaches, and
joint solutions, in whicli each of the member
countries will assume its fair share of our com-
mon responsibility. I am confident that this
meeting will represent a substantial forward step
in this eifort.

Charter Day Address

hy Secretary Rusk '■

It is a great privilege for me to take part in
the Charter Day exercises of the University of
California at Berkeley. I have done so before,
in between pitching pennies at the step of Boalt
Hall, and am one who has watched the university's
rise to the front ranks of world univei"sities with
pride and admiration. You have combined here
a passion for excellence, the strong support of
your governors and legislators, and the affection
of the people of this State to build a univereity
system which adds luster to California and draws
upon you the responsibilities which result from
your capacity to contribute. I could not be here
without a word of appreciation for the many
roles you are playing in strengthening our rela-
tions with the peoples of other lands and cultures.

Wlien I arrived in Washington to assume my
new responsibilities, I found that my colleagues in
the Department of State had thoughtfully pre-
pared a briefing book on the "major issues" in
foreign policy which the new administration
would face. It was 3 inches thick. A tour dUiorl-
zon of the world scene shows every continent
filled with complex situations engaging our na-
tional interest and attention; boredom is not to
be our problem.

At this great miiversity I have presumed to

' Made at the Charter Day exercises at the University
of California, Berkeley, Calif., on Mar. 20 (press release
146).

think that you might be interested in hearing what
seem to me to be some of the underlying questions
which throw light upon the specific situations that
fiJl the headlines. My purpose in these brief re-
marks will be not to describe the jungle but to try
to point to some trails through it, not to create new
headlines but to make a modest contribution to
imderstanding.

An Era of Change

One of the first of these questions is how we
shall relate ourselves to the far-reaching changes
which mark our period of history. I have com-
mented on this before and shall do so again and
again. For vast readjustments are taking place,
no less significant than was the explosion of
Europe into otlier continents in the 15th to 19th
centuries. The idea of national independence is
in crescendo and may not ran its course until
we have at least 120 sovereign states in the com-
munity of nations.

In the other direction national states are acting
together to reduce the meaning of their national
boundaries through international arrangements of
a regional or universal character to handle prob-
lems which cannot be solved by single states act-
ing alone. The sharper edges of sovereignty are
being blimted by voluntary action to meet practi-
cal necessity and gain reciprocal practical advan-
tage. Today, March 20, for example, there are

AptW 70, 1 96 1

515

more than 10 international conferences in progress
in some part of the world at which the United
States is officially represented. The same occurs
on every working day throughout the year.
There is emerging, steadily but largely unnoticed,
what a distinguished jurist has called the "com-
mon law of mankind."

In vast areas of the world peoples who have
lived in misery have discovered that hunger, dis-
ease, and ignorance are not a part of an inescap-
able environment but that something can be done
about, them. The so-called "revolution of rising
expectations" is real, and governments which do
not respond with vigorous effort cannot hope to
survive.

Reaching out for domination in the midst of
these changes is a Communist world which is
bringing large resources and renewed energy to
the extension of its controls in Latin America,
Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. It would be
a mistake for us to underestimate the formidable
contest in which we shall be engaged in the decade
of the sixties.

But the underlying forces prodvicing change
are familiar. To state them simply, they are a
quest for freedom — national and individual — a
groping for a nile of law, and a yearning for
economic and social improvement. So identified,
our relation to them becomes clear. They are
congenial forces, rooted in ideas upon which we
have built our own nation, a striving which has
been a part of our own struggle, aspirations which
we share with hiunan beings in all parts of the
world.

Our own role cannot be passive; nor can we
afford merely an active defense of the status quo.
The United States, indeed Western democracy,
must take the lead in building a world in which
men can be free under law and in which the human
spirit will not be subdued by hunger, disease, and
despair. We cannot stand aside from the revo-
lutionary forces which we ourselves helped to
nourish if we wish our own great experiment in
freedom to thrive.

Resolving Conflicts Through International Action

A second large question before us is whether
the conunimity of nations can forge the interna-
tional instruments we must have to resolve conflicts
and make cooperation more effective. I am skep-
tical when I hear that one or another crisis will

"decide the fate of the United Nations." Man's
hopes for peace will not be so lightly surrendered.
But there are times of testing when we learn
whether we are moving ahead or slipping back-
ward. The success of the United Nations effort
in the Congo is such a test. There the United
Nations has been asked to bring order out of chaos,
to assist tlie Congolese to get their house in good
array, to provide financial and administrative as-
sistance until the human and material resources
of the country are mobilizexJ, and to protect the
Congo from interferences from the outside which
would frustrate both the wishes of the Congolese
and the principles of the charter.

It is not my present purpose to enter into the
Congolese part of the problem but to draw your
attention to the effort to deal with it by interna-
tional action. The first requirement has been to
determine a United Nations policy. Executive
agents cannot act effectively miless they know
what they are expected to accomplish; armed
forces need to be clear about their mission. The
determination of policy is, of course, a political
process and involves the adjustment of diverse
views among those who come to the table. A clear
mandate cannot issue from the Security Council
or from the General Assembly unless members are
willing to agree upon a policy — to reduce the
variety of national policies to an understandable
and consistent policy for the United Nations itself.
The United States supported the most recent Se-
curity Council resolution on tlie Congo ^ not be-
cause we thought it was perfect but because we
believed it to be a useful improvement upon the
previous uncertain mandate.

A second requirement has been the furnisliing
of troops at the call of the Secretary-General on
behalf of the United Nations. In such situations
time is of the essence and a ready response is criti-
cal. Upon arrival such forces must come under
United Nations command and policy, for if the
several contingents should act upon national
directives utter confusion could result. If, for
reasons which seem sufficient to the governments
concerned, particular contingents have to be with-
drawn, the United Nations should be given con-
siderable discretion as to time and circumstances.
"Wliile we can be grateful to those countries who
furnished troops in full cooperation with the

^ For background and text of resolution, see Bulletin
of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359.

516

Department of State Bulletin

United Nations, experience in the Congo suggests
that we must turn once more to the possibility of
constituting a permanent United Nations Force,
specifically trained and equipped, held in readiness
for immediate use.

A United Nations responsibility in a country
like the Congo is an expensive operation; it re-
quires money, and in large amounts. The effort
cannot succeed imless member goveriunents put
aside their particular views and provide the re-
sources properly levied by the General Assembly.
These are admittedly burdensome, but conflict is
more so, and we are talking about the maintenance
of peace. If the United States has thus far as-
sumed more than its share of United Nations costs
in the Congo, it is because we believe that United
Nations presence and action in that country must
not fail because of the financial defaults of some
of its members; its failure would involve heavier
burdens more costly still.

Recent attacks upon the Secretary-General and
proposals to substitute a triumvirate for a single
executive agent must be looked upon as an attempt
to reduce the United Nations to ineffectiveness.
The United States cannot accept so serious an un-
dermining of the agreements and purposes of the
charter. We have committed ourselves to the
United Nations as an indispensable instrument of
peace. But if it is important to us, so it is to the
generality of its membership who must look to
it for their safety and for attention to their inter-
ests in a turbulent world. The United Nations
must accomplish its task in the Congo both be-
cause of the Congo and because it must ready itself
for other, as yet unidentified, crises in the years
ahead, where effective international action may be
the difference between war and peace.

Dealing With Cold-War Issues

A third of the larger questions before us is how
we are to deal with the issues commonly called the
cold war. The cold war was not invented in the
West; it was born in the assault upon freedom
which arose out of tlie ashes of World War II.
We might have hoped that the fires of that strug-
gle might have consumed ambitions to dominate
others and that, at long last, man might have
established his relations on the law of the charter.
But such has not been the case. The issues called
the cold war are real and cannot be merely wished
away. They must be faced and met. But how

we meet them makes a difference. They will not
be scolded away by invective nor frightened away
by bluster. They must be met with determination,
confidence, and sophistication. Uimecessary or
pointless irritations should be removed ; channels
of communication should be kept open to make it
the more possible to find points at which tension
might be relieved. Our discussion, public or pri-
vate, should be marked by civility ; our manners
should conform to our own dignity and power and
to our good repute throughout the world. But
our purposes and policy must be clearly expressed
to avoid miscalculation or an underestimation of
our determination to defend the cause of freedom.
Perhaps most important of all, we should keep
our eyes on the world beyond the cold war, the
world we see when men come to their senses, the
world which men have dreamed about for cen-
turies. For, in building that world, we shall have
friends in all parts of the earth, we shall find
strength in the very nature of man, we shall share
purposes which make natural allies of us all. If
defending freedom is to be called waging the
cold war, then wage it we must, but we would
prefer to bring it to an end. For we look forward
to a time when contest will be unnecessary because
the freedom of man will be firmly established.

The Problem of Disarmament

A fourth central question is whether we cannot
now move realistically toward disarmament. The
dismal history of man's attempts to lay down his
arms and to live in peace is not encouraging. I
suppose there is no subject to which I have given
more personal attention during my adult years
than to tliis. I sympathize with those who look
upon disarmament negotiations as an elaborate
minuet. But we dare not yield to cynicism or
despair. The burden of arms is staggering, and
the very nature of modern weapons adds to gen-
eral tension. We must try again, with imagina-
tion, prudence, and pei-sistence, to move from
endless discussion to practical steps — small steps
if necessary, large steps if possible.

Tomorrow the United States, the United King-
dom, and the Soviet Union will resume negotia-
tions at Geneva on a treaty to ban the testing of
nuclear weapons. President Kennedy has in-
structed our delegation, led by Mr. Arthur Dean,
to enter these talks with great seriousness of pur-

April 10, 1961

517

pose.^ A ti'eaty which succeeds in halting nuclear
tests under adequate inspection and control might
not in itself represent a major step in the reduc-
tion of arms, but it woiild be a first and a most
significant one. "We very much hope that all
others at the table will recognize the pregnant
meaning of success in this effort and bring to the
talks a resolve to reach a prompt and reasonable
conclusion.

Meanwhile our study of general disarmament
problems moves ahead under the leadership of
Mr. John J. McCloy and our Disarmament Ad-
ministration. There is no need to repeat here the
several proposals which various nations have con-
tributed to recent disarmament discussion. The
matter needs a fresh and imaginative review by
all concerned. There can be no doubt about the
readiness of the United States to work for a prac-
tical plan. Our history shows a democracy's deep
reluctance to bear arms in times of peace — to the
point where we have learned that weakness, too,
can be a danger. After World War 11, for exam-
ple, we demobilized until we had no division and
no air group ready for combat. Our defense
budget was one-fourth of its present level. The
rebuilding of our strength was a necessity under-
taken reluctantly, forced upon us by those who
would not join in building a peaceful world.

Disarmament would be simple in a world in
which the major political issues have been re-
solved. Since we camiot expect an early end to
rivalry and discord, and since an arms race adds
to tension, our present task is the far more difficult
one of finding measures which will safely permit
reductions in arms while a world of law and order
is coming into being. This is why effective inspec-
tion and control are required, why progressive
steps appear to be a prudent procedure, why the
constitutional structure for settling disputes must
be strengthened, and why effective international
police forces are needed to support the processes
of law. The purpose is a peaceful world — and in
a peaceful world large military establishments
would have no place ; the building of that world
puts us on the road to disarmament.

We should not suppose that the problem of dis-
armament is limited to the great powers or to
the Northern Hemisphere. The burden of arms

* For a statement by the President, see ihid., Apr. 3,
1961, p. 478.

can fall upon all nations, large and small. While
the so-called great powers are exploring the pos-
sibilities of major arms reductions, other nations
may find that they, too, can review their situations
and make a useful contribution. President Ken-
nedy has endorsed the suggestion made in Latin
America, for example, that "the time has come to
take the first steps toward sensible limitations of
arms."

There may be other nations, at some distance
from the great centers of military power, who may
find it to their advantage to undertake agreements
among themselves to limit their arms to internal
security purposes. Such agreements would help
to prevent a diversion of resources sorely needed
for economic and social development and would,
in addition, make it less likely that they would be
drawn into the larger arms race which we are try-
ing to end.

In signing the United Nations Charter we com-
mitted ourselves to disarmament as a solemn pur-
pose; it has now become an imperative goal. The
path toward disarmament is tortuous and full of
pitfalls. There are risks along that path, but
there are more frightful risks if we do not try
once more, with the combination of deep purpose
and clear thought we shall require.

Among the jjervasive questions wliich affect our
foreign relations are some which concern us pri-
marily here at home. President Kennedy has
moved promptly to invigorate the executive
branch to see that action is taken when it is re-
quired. We can no longer afford merely to knock
the tail feathers out of our problems as they pass
us by. Delay or inaction should be intentional,
not caused by neglect or entrenched bureaucratic
habit. As the pace of events accelerates, cumber-
some machinery must be simplified. Responsibil-
ities are being assigned to known individuals, in
specified departments, rather than to faceless com-
mittees. Ideas are being given a chance to grow
into policy, not strangled at birth by procedural
entanglements. Coordination becomes a respon-
sibility of the action agency, not a device to spread
hidden vetoes around the city of Washington.

A similarly realistic view is being taken of the
use of available resources for the tasks at hand.
With regard to foreign aid, for example, we are
moving to simplify organization and to assign
greater responsibilities to those in charge of coun-
try programs abroad. We shall need a basis for

518

Department of State Bulletin

long-range planning and commitment in foreign
aid, both to enable us to do first things first and
to permit us to work out with other countries the
eft'ort which they must undertake if our assistance
is to have practical results. The President is ask-
ing our own citizens for the resources we need
to contribute at critical points to economic and

social development abroad, but others must give
us something to support. Development cannot be
exported from one country to another; foreign
aid can only be the critical increment; develop-
ment comes out of the national effort of a people
stimulated by the promise of a new era, led by
governments dedicated to the task.

Secretary Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley, IVIarch^20

Secretary Rusk: First, I would like to say that
it is good to be in the Bay area again. I came be-
cause the univereity was good enough to ask me to
come out for the Charter Day exercises.^ I have
had many contacts with this area in the past. I
taught at Mills College for 6 years. My wife is a
Mills student. I attended Boalt Hall here on a
part-time basis for the better part of 4 years — my
degree was interrupted by World War II. I have
a son here at the university now. So this is a very
pleasant and quick visit to the West Coast; I am
expected back in my office in Washington tomor-
row morning.

I have no announcements to make. As you
can understand, there will be many questions on
your minds that I won't be able to go into in de-
tail. Some of these questions are complicated,
dealing with negotiations and discussions with
other governments, and will not be useful, and
premature — or anyway it would interfere with
the handling of some of these matters officially.

Now I would like to deal in response to some of
your questions. I hope you won't be too disap-
pointed if you don't get completed answers to all
of them. So who would like to lead off ?

Q. Mr. Secretary, I might give you an entree in
the light of what you said. Would you care to
cowment on the new note of caution and perhaps
quiet diplomacy which seems to characterize the
new administration?

'Held at the University of California, Berkeley, Calif,
(press release 148 dated March 21).

' For an address by Secretary Rusk, see p. 515.

A. We are trying to deal with a great many
questions and to talk over with other governments,
with other states, and this involves a great deal
of old-fashioned diplomacy. We do believe that
it is important to have effective channels of com-
munications that are open at all times, that it
should not be a major event for an ambassador to
call at the Foreign Office either in Washington or
any of the other principal capitals. So we hope
to make considerable use of diplomacy for the
purposes for which it was intended.

On the other hand, there will be times when we
shall have to use flexible procedures. My own
personal views as a private citizen about con-
ference diplomacy became rather well known last
year, but it is the official responsibility to keep
their eyes on the main purposes and to adopt the
techniques and the procedures which will best
get on with the achieving of the results in mind.

I am going out to Bangkok, for example, next
week — as a matter of fact at the end of this week —
for a meeting of the SEATO [Southeast Asia
Treaty Organization] Council. We don't want
to become dogmatic about procedure, but we do
want to make the maximum use of our diplomatic
channels.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is there any evidence that the
Red Chinese are participating directly in relation
with the arms huildup in Laos?

A. We have had little info on this point. As
you will recall the two stories written by two cor-
respondents during their recent visit, they them-
selves did not report Chinese being present. So

April TO, 7967

519

far as we can tell, the principal assistance there
has come from the Russian supply and perhaps
some help from across the border in northern
Viet-Nam.

Q. Sir, what significance would you attach to
the buildup iy the Russians?

A. I would not want to speculate on that one.

Nuclear Test Ban Negotiations

Q. Sir, President Kennedy said about the nu-
clear test ban negotiations that one real serious
effort, one more real serious effort, should be made
and then, if no agreement could be readied, that
we resume testing. In the light of that statement
is there any target time, any deadline, on how long
the Geneva conference now might continue?

A. I am not sure that you are accurate in quot-
ing the President on that particular point. Are
you referring to some discussion during the
campaign ?

Q. The campaign, yes, I believe.

A. The main business at hand now in these
negotiations — and they begin in Geneva tomor-
row— is to try to get a realistic treaty which would
impose a ban on the testing of nuclear weapons
with adequate inspection controls. We are going
into these negotiations with great seriousness of
purpose. It is obvious, when you think of the pur-
poses of negotiations, that such a treaty would
not be in itself a major step in disarmament but
would be a veiy useful and significant first step,
and we would like to see a reasonable treaty come
out of it. We think there is no reason why a
mutually acceptable treaty cannot be negotiated
thei'e if all parties come to the table with a real
interest in getting one. If these negotiations are
not successful, then the question of what we do
about nuclear testing will have to be taken up and
considered in the light of the circumstances exist-
ing at the time. I think it would not be helpful
to try to anticipate the decisions that will have to
be taken then because the present purpose is to
try to get this treaty negotiated.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been some reports
tliat the Kennedy administration is taking a soft
approach in a diplomatic outlook on a world sit-
uation today, rather than the hard approach of
the Republicans. What do you have to say to
that?

A. I don't think this is a question of hardness
or softness. I think the problem, of course, is
whether it is possible to find any basis for con-
structive agreements on any of these small or the
large problems in front of us. As you have all
observed, there is now at the present time a cer-
tain condition of civility in the exchange between
the two Governments, but we should not suppose
that this means that the great issues have been
resolved or that the major problems have dis-
appeared.

The present administration is fully alive to
American interests and to the interests of the free
world and expects to support them with diligence
and firmness.

Q. Is there anything to this report of a soft ap-
proach to the Communists?

A. Well, what would a soft approach mean?
I would think not. We are negotiating a number
of questions, discussing some of them with the
United Nations, one of them tomorrow in Geneva.
I discussed some the other day with Mr. Gromyko.'
I would not think softness and hardness relevant
adjectives for the situation.

We are deeply committed to the survival and
the future of freedom. We also are prepared to
maintain communications with other governments
to see if we can work out some of these problems.

The Disarmament Problem

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you think the fact that we
have not accomplished disarmament in the world
is due to the fact that the question is almost an
insoluble one or that negotiations have been con-
ducted in perhaps the wrong way?

A. Well, disarmament is in any event an ex-
tremely complicated question, because it affects
our relationships which are heavily involved with
gi-eat political issues. It will not be a simple and
easy problem to resolve. I am commenting on
that in my remarks this afternoon.

But we do believe that the great public inter-
est in disarmament all over the world is rooted
in a proper realization that an arms race is not
only burdensome but dangerous and that govem-

' For text of an agreed statement Issued on Mar. 18
after a meeting between Secretary Rusk and Soviet For-
eign Minister Andrei A. Gromylso, see Bulletin of Apr.
3, 1961, p. 479.

520

Department of Slate Bulletin

ments are to do their best to work out some rea-
sonable solutions in this field.

We are making our firet effort in the nuclear
test bans. "We will be working very hard in the
months immediately ahead on the broader ques-
tions of disarmament.

Obviously there has not been much progress in
the past many years in this field. If we and
other governments can take a fresh look at it,
perhaps we can come up with some approaches
that would allow us to take some steps along the
way, but I think it would be imprudent to try
to predict what steps can be taken at this stage.
We will be working on that very hard the next sev-
eral weeks and months.

Q. Mr. Secretary, concerning disarmament and
the nuclear discussions that loiU he held in Geneva,
do you, feel that the current administration has
changed its position in any way from the ■previous
administj'ation, tchether this be a minor change
or a major cJmnge?

A. Well, I think the objectives in these nuclear
test bans are the same. I tliink the general ap-
proach is along these same lines, because issues of
inspection and control are there — the same issues.

I don't think it would be advisable for me today,
before negotiations start, to indicate in any de-
tail what our negotiator will be proposing at the
table nor characterize it in any way. We think
we have a workable and realistic and satisfac-
tory proposal to make looking toward a treaty.
We hope very much that the others at the table
will find them reasonable and acceptable.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you go into any greater
detail on your meeting with Oromyho the other
day as to what took place?

A. No, sir.

Q. Mr. Secretary, just how much hope do you
Jiave for these negotiations in Geneva?

A. If you enter a negotiation on an important
matter of that sort, with a serious purpose, I
think the seriousness of your own purpose will
lead you to hope that an agreement can be reached.
But if you go beyond that and speculate on
whether you are optimistic about a conclusion, now
that turns on the attitude of the others at the table,
and we are in no position yet to know.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the New York Times says
April 10, 1961

5SS740— 61 3

this morning that both the United States and
British delegations are going into this meeting
tomorrow loith the realization there is not much
hope for general disarmament. Would you com-
ment on tlmt?

A. I don't know what the basis of that story
was. We should find out in the next several
days or weeks whether the story is accurate or not.

U.S. Vote on Angola Question

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you think last weeFs vote
in the United Nations on the Angola question
marks a clmnge in the United States^ policy? *

A. I think there has been some greater interest
on the part of the new achninistration in the great
forces which are producing changes in many parts
of the world. I am commenting on that in my
remarks later today.

We do believe that those who are responsible
for the administration of overseas territories need
to think hard about the development of those peo-
ples and those territories. The great instinctive,
traditional reaction of the American people on
such questions has been well demonstrated over
the years.

We hope very much these questions can be
worked out in a peaceful way without the violence
we have seen recently in Angola.

Q. Mr. Secretary, your speech this afternoon
suggests the United States will support pemm-
nent United Nations armed forces. Would you
comment on that?

A. This is a question which has come up in var-
ious forms over the years, beginning with the
efforts we made at the time or shortly after the
signing of the charter. You will recall that chap-
ter VII of the charter anticipated the provision
of armed forces at the call of the Security Coun-
cil, under the militai-y advice and direction of the
Military Staff' Committee, on which the principal
or, rather, permanent mem.bers of the Security
Council will be represented. Since those nego-
tiations more than 10 years ago failed to produce
any result, there have been other suggestions as
to how a United Nations Force might come into
being.

I think this is something we must turn our at-
tention back to to see if we can't devise some way

* For background, see ibkl., p. 497.

521

to give to the United Nations a readily available
force which can be used for kee^jing the peace
and a number of situations.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is our inilitary aid program
to Laos in any way linked or conditioned hy our
inenibership in the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization?

A. No. I think there is no direct organic re-
lation there. We have been interested in the
stability and the peace of all of these countries in
southeast Asia.

Military and economic assistance in Laos were
undertaken within the framework of the Geneva
accords ^ and in full cooperation with the sugges-
tion of the Laotian Government. That has not
been linked to the activities of the Southeast Asia
Treaty Organization.

Q. Would you say or suggest xoliether there
has been anything in our Government as to
whether we might suggest to the Southeast Asia,
Treaty Organization a defense command com-
-paraUe to NATO?

A. Those are questions I would not want to
comment on, particularly since I will be leaving
on this trip at the end of the week.

Oid-Fashioned Diplomacy

Q. Mr. Secretary, you called for a return to
what you said was old-fashioned diplomacy. Do
you mean old-fashioned diplomacy the way our
country used to practice, or do you mean old-fash-
ioned diplomacy the way some of the old countries
used to practice?

A. Well, I wouldn't want to insist upon that
difference. Diplomacy is a means of discussion be-
tween governments, and in most cases discussions
between governments is the best way to find out
whether there is any basis for agreement, how ir-
ritations might be reduced, how difficulties might
be resolved, how common purposes might be dis-
covered, how cooperation can be arranged.

Diplomacy is a very large business. As I earlier
called attention to the fact, the outgoing daily
traffic from the Department of State every day
is larger than the daily output of the Associated
Press and United Press International in Washing-
ton, D.C. In other words, this is a very intensive

"For text, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955:
Basic Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication
6446, p. 775.

process of commmiication among governments.
So it is the chaimel of communication that is
important.

Now, I might say that there is another aspect
of old-fashioned diplomacy tiiat is worth con-
sidering. Comments have been made about
throwing some stones upon the formalities of di-
plomacies, but these formalities have a purpose.
The purpose is to try to eliminate the accidents of
personality, the irrelevancies that might crop up
in informal discussion, so that the relations be-
tween states can be handled as just that — interstate
I'elations. Most of these old-fashioned rules of
formal protocol are designed to communicate with
each other under conditions of calmness and
sobriety and civility, so that the main business can
be the principal subject of conversation and irrele-
vancies kept out of it.

It should not make any difference, for example,
whether the particular negotiator happens to get
up in the morning with a headache ; if he is trained
in the discourse of diplomacy, this won't come
through, whereas if he were speaking from the
way in which he happened to feel that day, he
might express irritations or resentments that have
nothing to do with the main business at hand.

Strengthening the United Nations

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you see any hope in the
immediate future for an adoption — as you referred
to here in your speech — of a variety of national
j)olicies and an adoption of a consistent policy?

A. In the U.N. ?

Q. In the Congo and in the U.N.?

A. I think this is one of the problems that will
liave to be worked on very hard in the course of
the U.N. debate.

The very increase in membership to 99 under-
lines the importance of intensive regular consulta-
tion among the delegations at the United Nations.
We have tried to strengthen our delegation at the
United Nations to permit this kind of consultation.
If the resolutions of the United Nations turn out
to be simply a least common denominator, or if
they turn out to be resolutions which encompass
many divergent points of view, so that the reso-
lutions themselves are hard to interpret, hard to
understand, then the United Nations policy be-
comes ineffective and unclear. What we hope is
by the process of discussion, debate, consultation.

522

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

and by a pooling of national interest in terms of
;an effective United Nations policy interest, that
we can improve and strengthen the work of the
United Nations.

Q. But this is over a period of considerable
time?

A. This will take time and a great deal of dis-
cussion among governments.

Q. Would you say in months, ferhafs years?

A. This will be a gradual process m which
everyone will be working, we hope, straight
along. It will become easy on certam questions;
it will be far more difficult on others. But we hope
that some consensus can be produced through these
discussions up there that will make sense from the
point of view of the total world conomunity.
One of the efforts that we made shortly after
January 20th was to renew the discussion on the
Congo among govermnents by going to them and
talking about the problems there, and the role of
the United Nations, m the hope that a clearer
United Nations policy could be evolved. We think
that some improvement resulted from the United
Nations' policy about the Congo but that depends
upon the developments of consensus in the United
Nations itself, because in the absence of that con-
sensus the United Nations cannot possibly be
effective.

Q. Mr. Secretary, will we continue to oppose
the admission of Red China to the United Nations?

A. We have already commented on that ques-
tion earlier. The question of the Chinese seat in
the United Nations is very complicated from a
parliamentary point of view. We recognize and
support the membership of the Government of the
Kepublic of China and will continue to do so.
The authorities m Peiping have indicated that
they are not interested in relationships unless
Formosa is abandoned. It may be that the ques-
tion comes up as to whether they have any interest
in membership in the United Nations imder these
circumstances. We committed ourselves by treaty
and otherwise to the Government of the Republic
of Cliina, but I would not want to get into parlia-
mentary problems and the voting situation and
the negotiations that will have to take place in
the General Assembly.

Q. Mr. Secretary, if you were to compile a
priority list of the Tnajor prohlems facing the

United States in terms of the new administration,
how would you list those problems?

A. I really would not want to do that because
the United States is in a situation where we have
interests in all parts of the world ; there are prob-
lems for us and for others in all parts of the
world. Any list of priorities that we might put
together would not reflect priorities that anyone
else might give the same list of problems. There
are many of them; in trying to give you such a
list off the cuff I am sure that I would perhaps
omit many of these problems that are of vital im-
portance to somebody else.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the President outlined the
10-point program to Latin America.^ What has
been the reaction of the Latin American countries?

A. The reaction has been one of lively interest
and generally warm support throughout the
hemisphere. There is a lot of work ahead of us
to cari-y that progi'am forward with the full con-
sultation with our Latin American friends. We
will be going into a meeting of the Inter- American
Coimcil. The President indicated how their de-
velopment plans and our assistance might be best
related to make a major contribution to the de-
velopment of the hemisphere, but the reaction was
favorable and encouraging.

Peace Corps

Q. Does the President have any ideas, or has he
outlined any, to the extent he will use the Peace
Corps? ^

A. I am sure that the Peace Corps will be in-
volved in development programs in Latin America
as in other parts of the world. It has been very
interesting to see the response from around the
comitry to the Peace Corps proposal. One of our
problems in foreign aid over the years has been
that we must reciniit people for foreign aid on the
basis of voluntary recruitment. We can't as-
sign Americans to take on these jobs, a lot of them
in difficult and at times even dangerous situations.
The problem of finding the professional and
teclinical competence on the one side and the
willinoqiess to seiwe on the other has been a for-
midable one over the years. The idea of a Peace

' BuiiETiN of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

' For background, see ibid.. Mar. 20, 1961, p. 400.

April 10, 1961

523

Corps has brought forward a great many vohm-
teers, among them professionally trained people
who are going to be extremely helpful in our aid
programs abroad, and there will be a period of
experimentation in method. There will be dis-
cussions with a number of other governments as
to how such a Peace Corps might best contribute
under those situations. I think we will have a
great variety of activities imdertaken by those
who are accepted in the Peace Corps — some of
them as individuals, some of them as groups, some
of them through Government, some of them
through private organizations. There is going to
be a great deal of experimentation. It is a very
exciting thing.

Q. Mr. Secretary, since taking over as Secretary
of State, have you run into any froilems that
xoere unanticipated?

A. You always get some unearned dividends on
a job of this sox-t. We did not predict the Santa
Maria case, for example. Yes, you get a regular
flow of surprises of that sort, but that is part of
the business.

Q. Mr. Secretary, have there been any develop-
ments in recent weeks to indicate that there is a
lessening of the tension between Cuba and the
United States?

A. I think the present situation has come about
as you put it, is "No." We have seen no indication
of any change in that situation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, here about If. or 5 years ago,
I seem to recall, xohen still a m,ernber of the Senate,
President Kennedy was one of the few people to
see any merit and have any sympathy for Algerian
aspirations and independence. Do you think that
has played any role in the French sitting down
with the nationals for present negotiations?

A. I think the present situation has come about
largely through hope, both of General de Gaulle
and the leadere of the Arabs, that they could find
an agreement. Undoubtedly the attitude of tlie
United States and President Kennedy has been
part of this situation in the sense that we ourselves
hope that they can find agreement. This is a very
significant time in that problem, and General de
Gaulle has moved on his side with great courage.
We believe that with seriousness on both sides, as
we think there is at the present time, there is a
good chance for the settlement of this problem.

Q. Mr. Secretai'y, do you think that the French
attitude on the nuclear test bans will have any
effect on tlie negotiations in Geneva?

A. The negotiations in Geneva are among the
three — the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union,
and ourselves. The question of France's attitude
or relationship to any possible treaty is something
that we will have to take up in due course, but
we feel that the first step is to see if we can find
agreement among the three. Naturally the atti-
tude of other countries in the future will become ■
important, because the kind of treaty we are think- ^
ing about could not be an effective treaty unless
all those who might be involved with nuclear
weapons would be part of the international
system.

Q. Just one final question, Mr. Secretary, if you |
could sum up how we stand today, do you feel we
are in a better position today internationally than
we were, say, a year ago?

A. I think perhaps this kind of generalization
would be one for the commentators to tliink about.
Perhaps I am a little superstitious about making
a remark on that kind of subject. There are a lot
of problems in front of us. We have got a lot of
hard work to do.

There are a great deal of efforts being put into
finding solutions to some of our problems in build-
ing our relationships with other comitries, but this
comes out in the result, and I would not want to
comment generally. I am sorry.

Letters of Credence

Republic of Congo

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee-
public of Congo (Brazzaville), Emmanuel
Domongo Dadet, presented his credentials to
President Kennedy on March 21. For texts of the
Ambassador's remarks and the President's reply,
see Department of State press release 147 dated
INIarch 21.

Gabon

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Re-
public of Gabon, Joseph N'Goua, presented liis
credentials to President Kennedy on March 22.
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 151 dated March 22.

524

Department of State Bulletin

The Ethics of Mutual Involvement

Remarks iy Harlan Cleveland ^

We are used to the practice, if not yet to the
theory, of mutual international involvement. We
know that Americans are deeply involved in the
aifairs of dozens of nations through technical as-
sistance programs, military arrangements, busi-
ness enterprises, missionary work, and volimtary
agencies. We know that our cultural exports are
matched by cultural imports — most North Amer-
ican party goers think nothing of dancing for at
least half the evening to the samba, the cha-cha,
and other rhythms which give some of us a kind
of culture shock right on our own hometown dance
floors.

We know that our vigorous efforts to export mer-
chandise are matched by foreign competition in
our own market, competition wliich is sometimes
so painful that it erupts in our politics as argu-
ments about pottery, optical goods, garlic, small
cars, watch movements, bicycles, or something
else.

We know that our interest in other countries'
internal problems like land reform or budget ad-
ministration is matched by the concern of foreign
politicians with what we consider our "internal
affairs"; leaders in every continent now feel at
liberty to think out loud, within earshot of the
international press, about desegregation in south-
ern United States schools. When it comes to
people crossing borders, the exodus of Americans
has been matched by a flood of Europeans, Asians,
Africans, and Latin Americans into American
schools, colleges, universities, and industrial estab-
lishments.

At the level of information the $100 million a
year which the U.S. Information Agency has been
spending abroad is paralleled by vigorous efforts,
financed from overseas, to participate in the
processes by which we Americans make up our
minds, especially on foreign policy issues. They
range from the careful and effective work of or-
ganizations like the British Information Service
to the well-publicized histrionics of Mr. Khru-
shchev on a balcony at 68th Street and Park Ave-
nue in New York City.

' Made before the American Society for Public Adminis-
tration at Wasliington, D.C., on Mar. 15 (press release
137). Mr. Cleveland is Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organization Affairs.

We can understand from our own experience
that some forms of intervention are beyond the
pale. Wlien the president of a radio network sells
his supposedly objective news coverage for cash
to the leaders of a foreign countiy, most people
would say there was something unethical about
the arrangement, just as most people would con-
demn the suborning of a supposedly independent
witness in a court proceeding. Americans gen-
erally were persuaded that it was hardly appro-
priate for a foreign power to maintain on our soil
a political party whose allegiance was abroad ; and
so the Communist Party, U.S.A., had to go imder-
ground. If a foreign country were to establish
here a lobby for the unilateral abolition of nuclear
weapons, or an alien group were to set up a tech-
nical assistance project to help the American or-
ganizations that are fighting for desegregation of
public education in the South, even Americans
who agreed with the objective would feel that the
methods somehow went too far.

"Wlien the shoe is on the other foot and Ameri-
cans are working in other people's backyards, we
also feel that an ethical line has to be drawn. It
is all right to help set up an agricultural extension
service, but the visiting American expert would
probably be thrown out of the country if he started
makmg campaign speeches for or against politi-
cal candidates in a local election.

Some fonns of intervention, then, are beyond
the pale. But who decides the boundaries of the
pale, and on what criteria? We need an ethics of
mutual involvement. And I suggest that it will
be found, in fits and starts, by trial and error, in
the growing body of practice by international or-
ganizations.

For the trouble is, the traditional codes of ethics
and morality do not apply very well to the new
kinds of problems we now confront. The tradi-
tional fonns of intervention across cultural or
national boundaries have been ethically contained
not so much by consideration for the intervenee as
by respect for the imported ethics of the inter-
vener. The fact that the American pioneers put
the defeated American Indians on reservations
rather than in graves was not the result of the pio-
neer's perception of an American Indian morality ;
rather it reflected a European Christian concept
of restraint in the presence of human life. Until
quite recently, says John Plamenatz of Oxford
University, "the Europeans, in their behavior

April JO, 1961

525

toward other people, have been restrained almost
entirely by their own principles (whether shared
with others or peculiar to themselves) and very
little by respect for what was foreign to them."
The traditional ethics of mutual involvement has
been inner-directed, not other-directed.

Nowadays the pendulum is swinging, if any-
thing, too far the other way. In revulsion against
the notion that the outsider should make up his
own ethical restraints as he goes along, the idea
has become popular that the outsider should be
bound not by the criteria he finds in his own cul-
ture and tradition but by the ethics of the culture
which he is serving as technician or administrator.
Tlie intervener can jjresumably tell whether he is
overstepping those mysterious bounds by making
sure that whatever he does is done at the request
of tlie intervenes. Just as, in law, rape is not rape
if there is consent, so interference is not interfer-
ence if its objects accept it.

But this criterion, too, presents some difficulties
of administration. Who, for example, are "they" ?
The government? The people? ^Vliich people?
And even if this question is resolved by assuming
that every government effectively represents all
of the people over whom it has jurisdiction, a
fundamental problem remains. The fact is that
most of the less developed areas do not find in
their own traditions and cultures all the elements
of a code of ethics for handling the participation
in their affairs of willing and ambitious advisers
from the outside. The very reason for wanting
advisers is to achieve more "development" or "mod-
ernization." But development is not just a matter
of teclmiques and equipment; it requires also a
revised set of attitudes and institutions.

Thus the building of institutions in the less
developed areas is neither a matter of digging a
hole and transplanting Western (whether Rus-
sian, European, or American) institutions, nor
is it a matter of fashioning institutions wholly
from local cultural raw materials. It involves a
creative synthesis of the two, the development of
new institutions that reflect both the cultural and
technological necessities of the time and place,
modifying the technology to fit the prevailing atti-
tude but also modifying the local culture to make
room for the technology.

It is in these complex circumstances that the

international organizations of the U.N. system are
commg into their own. For a major power to put
twenty or twenty-five thousand troops into the
Congo, in the name of Congolese independence
and self-determination, would be almost incon-
ceivable in the world as it stands today. But the
Security Council last month greatly strengthened
the mandate of the United Nations to suppress
civil strife by force if necessary.- In some very
crucial situations, from Suez to the Indus Valley,
we have found that the World Bank can serve as
catalyst and financier for international projects
that could not be put together by a single nation
no matter how much good will it brought to the
task. In a hundred important fields, from weather
prediction to labor standards to food production
to the exploration of an Antarctica, we find the
nations coming together because they find they
can do more for their own interests that way than
by staying apart.

United States Sends Greetings
to All-African Peoples' Conference

Following is the text of a message from Assist-
ant Secretary Williams delivered on March 25
to the Secretariat of the AU-African Peofles' Con^
ference, meeting at Cairo.

Press release 164 dated March 25

March 23, 1961

On the occasion of the opening of the Third
AU-African Peoples' Conference, I send cordial
greetings and good wishes. It is my hope that
realization of all the ideals of peace, freedom and
social improvement, for which men of good will
strive everywhere, may be advanced by your con-
ference. The American people will observe the
proceedings and results of your conference with
great interest because they are concerned with the
welfare of the peoples of Africa.

G. IMennen Williams

Assistant Secretary of State

for African Affairs

' For background, see Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359.

526

Department of State Bulletin

Progress and Expectations in Africa

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

It is a pleasure to come before you today to
make a brief report on a trip through 16 of the
nations of Africa.'^ My mission on this trip was
twofold. First it was my pleasure and privilege
to bring personal greetings to African leaders
from President Kemiedy and Secretary Rusk and
to convey to them and to their peoples new as-
surances of the strong and positive friendship of
the United States. Second, and quite simply, I
went to learn.

We flew down over the great desert and stopped
first beside the Nile at Khartoum in the Sudan.
Next day we were at 8,000 feet in Addis Ababa,
capital of the oldest independent country in
Africa. Two days later we were sweltering be-
side the Indian Ocean in the Somali Republic, one
of the newest nations in the continent. And so it
went. British East Africa, including storied
Zanzibar, the two Congos, Cameroun, Nigeria,
Togo, the Ivory Coast, Liberia, Ghana, and my
favorite new frontier, the capital city of Ouaga-
dougou in Upper Volta. Our new embassy there
is safely in the hands of a pair of ex-Marines and
an experienced Foreign Service couple, and the
lady in question is a wandering constituent from
Marinesco, in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan.

During this long trip I met one of the last em-
perors in the world. I talked with presidents and
prime ministers, colonial administrators, tribal
chieftains, labor leaders, businessmen, students,

' Address made before the National Press Club at Wash-
ington, D.C., on Mar. 24 (press release 156).

' For an announcement of Mr. Williams' trip, see
Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 295 ; for an address made
before delegates to the third session of the U.N. Economic
Commission for Africa at Addis Ababa on Feb. 17, see
iUd., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 373.

and farmers, and fishermen. I have visited mis-
sion stations, factories, schools, hospitals, in jungle
villages and in sprawling cities where skyscrapers
push up beside thatched huts.

To three of my traveling companions I owe a
real debt of gratitude. I refer to Warren Unna
of the Washington Post, Judd Arnett of the De-
troit Free Press, and Alan IMorrison of Johnson
Publications. They have set a high standard in
getting a trip like this, and the image of Africa,
on the record.

In fact I did not lack for expert assistance in
this journey. Traveling with me were several
Foreign Service and .USIA officers who know
Africa well and who, in west Africa, stood ready
to rescue me when my command of the French
language was being put to the test. Perhaps the
best qualified, most vigorous, and eminently suc-
cessful expert of them all was one who bore the
simple but all important title "Mrs." — my wife
Nancy. Like many American women she is much
experienced in the world of schools, hospitals,
nursing, and the basis of all civilization — children
and mothers. Her keen perception gave us all in-
sights we might have missed, and her intense and
friendly interest delighted the Africans even
when she was lecturing them for having so few
girls in the schools.

Then, too, I had the help of the men and women
of our embassies, consulates, ICA [International
Cooperation Administration], and USIS [U.S.
Information Service], and permit me here to
throw another spadeful of earth on the dead
image of our Foreign Service people as striped-
pants, high-style bureaucrats ping-ponging from
one cocktail party to another. These are wash-
and-wear people, working with their sleeves rolled

April 10, 1961

527

up and working hard. And we learned much
from the dedicated American missionaries, busi-
nessmen, and educators who also represent Amer-
ica in Africa.

We were met evei-ywhere with the greatest
friendliness and warm hospitality, from govern-
ments and from people on the street and m
the countryside. The peoples of Africa miques-
tionably have a great reservoir of good will toward
America. Once in the Congo an overly eager
U.N. sergeant broke up what he apparently
thought was a riot but was only an impromptu
crowd gathering to say hello and shake hands
with us. The Africans place much trust in
America, even to the extent of being quite candid
about our shortcomings here at home and in our
responses to their needs and hopes.

Common African Aspirations

We found great contrasts in Africa and ob-
served many stages of political, economic, and
social development. Yet there are certain aspira-
tions held in common in the countries we visited.
Let me place them under nine headings :

1. The Africans want freedom from colonial-
ism, from any form of outside domination.

2. The Africans want and will insist on racial
equality in the world.

3. The Africans do not want to aline themselves
in a great-power struggle. They are for the most
part neutral in international politics, or perhaps
more accurately they are not ready to commit
their new independence elsewhere.

4. The Africans naturally want government in-
stitutions which fit the values of their own so-
cieties. This may sometimes mean a greater
reliance on some aspects of centralized au-
thority than in the advanced democracies of
the Western World, although democratic forces
will make themselves felt.

5. A good many African leaders feel they must
plan their economies for rapid development and
seem to favor a mixture of private and govern-
ment-owned enterprise. In part this is because of
a lack of local capital. Some call tliis a socialist
approach, but almost without exception it is far
from rigid or doctrinaire. Actually I thought I
was back in American State govermnent when I
visited western and eastern Nigeria and saw the
regional governments encouraging private indus-
try and investment. We saw this elsewhere too.

6. African leaders want economic development,
but many of them have yet to assess not only the
opportimities but the limitations which confront
them in the economic field. They are bound to
make some mistakes before they hit the stride
which their nations can maintain in a competitive
world.

7. There is a growing awareness of the need to
raise standards of health and vitality in Africa.
This means not only more medicines and doctors
and hospitals; it means a more adequate diet and
a lot more protein intake.

8. Agriculture is the main African occupation,
and a drive is beginning to raise yields and in-
come from farming. The importance of doing so
is indicated by the extremely low per capita in-
come figures.

9. Finally, and most commanding, is the need,
the burning desire, for education. The literacy
rate in Afi-ica is something less than 10 percent. I
repeat, 10 percent. The educational need is thus
felt not just at the top, in terms of college gradu-
ates, but in the primary and secondary school
levels. We learned that in many local communi-
ties the people were raising school buildings with
voluntai-y labor, as frontier communities did in
this country.

If we accept these nine points, we can begin to
look realistically at the problems of Africa. In
my own reckoning they lead to tliis first con-
clusion :

A Race Between Expectations and Performance

Africans are generally agreed on their goals and
aspirations and feel they must be achieved in the
relatively near future. As a result in tropical
African countries there is a race between the ris-
ing expectations of the people and what their
governments can deliver. This race is the basic
issue in Africa today, an issue which in fact is
critical for the world and for us here today.

The dangerous side of this race is not hard to
see. Africa's new leaders are faced with a situa-
tion which invites demagoguery and reckless op-
portunism. These forces, wholly apart from
commmiism, will seek to stimulate and exploit
any failure or discontent. This greatly increases
the challenge to responsible leadership, the chal-
lenge to build for genuine progi-ess. It was my
privilege to get to know many of these leaders,
and I have a great respect for their general level

528

Department of Stale Bulletin

of competence and devotion. I wish each of you
could have been with me to feel the intensity with
which one outstanding leader said to me: "Mr.
Williams, we have won our freedom; we have
a democratic society — now we need help." This
leader knows he must produce.

This can be better understood if we look briefly
at the historical setting. Tropical Africa was
long isolated from the rest of the world. Its
own special history is essentially one of minor
kingdoms and many tribes, of local wars and
scattered migrations. Unlike the peoples of other
continents the Africans ha^•e not been molded
through force of arms and cultural dominion into
one or a few broad cultures. The tribe is still
the underlying base of society, and the degree
of fragmentation is suggested by the fact that 800
to 1,000 languages are spoken in the continent.
The colonial imprint on Africa has been impor-
tant but incomplete.

Africa's journey in the greater world is thus of
very recent origin. But it has been gathering
momentum at a terrific pace. There were four
independent nations in all Africa in 1945. In
1959 there were 10. Today there are 27. This is
an absolutely unprecedented transfer of power,
and it has created an atmosphere of great expec-
tations, of great new beginnings. The aspirations
of the African peoples have been brought to the
fore by leaders determined to realize rapid ad-
vances in human dignity, physical well-being, and
national progress.

Keally we should try to put ourselves for a
moment in the position of one of the leaders of the
new Africa — let us say, of Dr. Azikiwe in Nigeria,
of Felix Houphouet-Boigny in the Ivory Coast,
of Julius Nyerere in Tanganyika. They have led
their peoples to independence or in the case of
Nyerere to the threshold of independence. But
the African peoples are only now beginning to
think in national terms. We hear much about
"African nationalism," but more correctly what
is meant is the immemorial urge — this time in
Africa — for freedom. African leaders and their
supporters have won freedom from something —
from colonial rule. Now they must give content
to the momentum that has carried them to inde-
pendence and get their peoples to use freedom for
something — for the building of modem nations
and the realization of economic and social
progress.

For this task they have, in modem terms, all
too little to work with.

That is why I say that the new governments are
in a race with time and the expectations of the
African peoples — expectations which are fed by
today's easier communication and wider contact
with the world outside. Newly won independence
means newly assumed obligations for Africa's
leaders, and they need outside support and assist-
ance. Without exception they have turned to the
West first and for most of the assistance they must
have. Only where that help has not been forth-
coming, or where it has been too little or too late,
liave they placed their primary reliance elsewhere.
It is not an easy thing, I can tell you, to hear out
young and progressive African leaders as they
earnestly discuss minor amounts of American aid
in terms of the political life and death of their
countries.

U.S. Program of Assistance

In the field of economic aid and investment the
main facts today are these : British and French as-
sistance, which except in Guinea has not dried up
when a country has become independent, is at an
amiual level of over $700 million, according to
a leading university report. These contributions
are a vital base for most African economies, and
let me say here that I believe both France and
Britain have done commendable jobs in tropical
Africa. U.S. aid programs are supplemental, and
in this fiscal year will total about $250 million.
This covers grants, loans, and technical assistance
but not surplus agi'icultural commodities. Almost
half of this total is going to three north African
countries.

Wliat can be said of these figures? Are they
large in relation to the need, or in relation to
development aid given elsewhere, or are they
small ? The fact is they ai-e small on both counts.
To take an example from aid given elsewhere, we
gave more to Austria alone in the first year of
the Marshall plan than the figure I have just given
you for all of Africa this year. To measure
Africa's needs is not a simple matter, but it may
help to cite two figures. The first is per capita
national income, which for Africa as a whole is
$89 a year. This compares to $171 for the Near
East, $253 for Latin America, $790 for Western
Europe, and over $2,500 for the United States.
The second figure represents the total value of all

April JO, J 96 J

529

the goods and services produced by Africa, in
comparison witli tlie United States. The figure
is 3 percent — Africa produces 3 percent of what
we do — and yet that continent is three times the
size of the United States and supports over 200
million people.

If we cannot equate such figures with needs in
any absolute sense, we can certainly use them to
gage where Africa stands in the world's lineup.
Africa cannot be neatly lumped in with our usual
generalizations for the world. Africa's problems
are new and different, and we must mark the
differences and understand how they affect the
total world balance.

It would be rash of me to venture very deeply
into what the United States role toward Africa
should be. Yet it is impossible to miss the point
that Africa's leaders expect from the United States
a greater response to their needs at this time of the
birth of nations throughout a continent. And
for me it is impossible to imagine that we will miss
seeing the consequences of failing them. I am en-
couraged in this by the first reactions to President
Kennedy's appeal of 2 days ago ^ for a new ap-
proach designed to fulfill our moral, political, and
economic obligations in support of freedom.

Such talk may in your minds conjure up
thoughts of vast new sums of money for aid pro-
grams. It is true, of course, that it will cost money
to enable African leaders to meet the dangerous
challenges of ignorance, poverty, and disease.
But the need is not for a sudden and unlimited in-
crease in funds. We are not alone in extending
aid. And the capacity to absorb and put economic
assistance to work productively is limited in Africa
at this time. What we can and should do is well
within reasonable expectations when judged by the
criteria of our wealth and leadership in the
world, by the record of our perfonnance in the
past, and by the stake we have in human dignity
everj'where.

There is, however, an urgency, a timeliness, that
we must not miss in anything we do or hope for in
Africa. We must act more quickly; we must
throw in our support now, totlay. We must help
Africa's leaders to build schools and get teachers
into them — some from our own shores, many more
from Africa itself. We must expox't our know-
how to the fanners of Africa, and we must be

' See p. 507.
530

ready to help get more food from our surpluses
into African stomachs. We must support com-
munity development. We must help small indus-
tries, like that of a trader I saw in Kenya who
started his small store with an ICA loan. In some
cases we should take on larger schemes for the de-
velopment of power and new manufactures. In
doing so we shall be enhancing the probability
that American private investment can play a grow-
ing part in Africa's future development.

The sum of these contributions will not trans-
form Africa overnight. And in any case that
transformation is ultimately in the hands of the
peoples of Africa and of their new leaders.

Essentially and in conclusion, these are the
impressions I have come back with. You may
remark that I have not talked about the Commu-
nists or the Congo or the cold war. I will try to
answer questions, if you wish to ask them, about
these and other points I have not touched on.
Just let me say, however, that we had better be
coldly realistic about Communist-bloc influence in
Africa. The new nations there do not emerge into
a one-sided world. They see it whole, and they
are not going to slam the door on another great
power which commands large political and eco-
nomic resources. The Sino-Soviet presence will
inevitably increase in Africa, and its emissaries
will be well armed with promissory notes — some
open, some offered covertly to ambitious and un-
scrupulous power seekers. The push of a new im-
perialism is thus certain to seek headway in
Africa. This is one more reason, and a weighty
one, for us to get busy learning all we can about
Africa, understanding the aspirations of its peo-
ples and supporting its new leaders in the great
enterprise of construction that lies before them.

Finally let me say Africa is not only a chal-
lenge but an opportunity ; we saw it in the bright
eager faces of hundreds of young school children.
And I remember especially visiting a mission sta-
tion 50 miles from Leopoldville in the Congo. The
missionaries were back only 3 days since evacua-
tion. They said they had left long after the other
whites because the indigenous Africans had pro-
tected them and finally warned them they had
better go — they left by helicopter. All the while
the missionaries were gone the Africans ran the
mission church, the school, and the hospital — as
we could see. Africans when given the opportu-
nity can and do hold high the finest values of hu-

Department of Stale Bulletin

man dignity. This, then, is the real challenge of
Africa, the real opportimity — to fulfill our Amer-
ican pliilosophy by helping our fellow human
beings realize for themselves the full significance
and rich blessings of individual dignity as well as
national freedom.

Educators From Republic of the Congo
Arrive in U.S. for Training

Press release 158 dated March 24

Nineteen Congolese educators arrived on March
24 to start an 18-month educational training course
in the United States under sponsorship of the
International Cooperation Administration. This
is the second group of Congolese to be brought to
the United States for this type of training mider
the ICA-financed university scholarship program
and represents part of the 300 scholarships pre-
sented as an Independence Day gift by the U.S.
Government to the Congo.

The group includes Catherine Djoli, who is the
101st participant and the first woman to be
brought to the United States from the Congo.
Miss Djoli is principal of one of Leopoldville's
largest primai-y schools. The other members of
the group are engaged in primary school work
also.

The young Congolese will enroll at Georgetown
University on March 28 for a 6-month course in
English-language training. They will study and
receive instructions from other colleges in the
United States concerning the educational teaching,
methodology, supervision, and administration of
schools before returning to Leopoldville.

Under the present participant training pro-
gram, nationals from host coimtries increase their
knowledge and skill through academic studies,
inservice training programs, observation trips,
seminars, workshops, and practice teaching. Par-
ticipants undertaking academic study and inserv-
ice training programs come to the United States
for varying periods of time. The participant may
attend classes at a college or university or may ob-
tain his training by experience in plants, factories,
or offices. Seminars and workshops are arranged
for participants in many fields such as communi-
cations, public health, education, and agriculture.

As in other phases of technical cooperation,
the participant program in a host counti-y is es-

tablished in response to the needs and desires of
the host government, and the initiative and re-
quest for training come from the host country.

U.S. To Negotiate With Liberia
for Expanded Education Program

Pre.ss release 160 dated Marcli 24

The Government of the United States will
shortly enter into negotiations with the Govern-
ment of Liberia for an expanded education pro-
gram. The contemplated agreement will involve
the transfer of ownerehip of certain facilities in
the Port of Alonrovia which were constmcted on
the basis of a World War II agreement between
the two countries.

The negotiations involve the settlement of a
lend-lease debt of approximately $19 million in-
curred to develop Liberia's port facilities. It is
the hope of the U.S. Government that amounts
corresponding to annual lend-lease payments will
be used for the education of Liberians.

The United States will view negotiation of this
agreement as a further step in the long histoiy of
harmonious relations between the United States
and Liberia.

Bolivia Receives $3.5 Million ICA Loan

Press release 159 dated March 24

A special assistance loan of $3.5 million was
made to the Government of Bolivia on March 24
by the International Cooperation Administration.
The loan represents part of a $10 million credit to-
Bolivia which was previously announced in La
Paz on November 28, 1960.

The purpose of the loan is to assist in rehabili-
tating the Bolivian Mining Corporation
(COMIBOL) mines and concentration plants.
Proceeds from the loan will be used to purchase
tools and spare parts in the United States.

The loan represents the U.S. contribution to the
first phase of a triangular arrangement whereby
the Federal Kepublic of Germany and the Inter-
American Development Bank expect to make sim-
ilar amounts available to Bolivia.

The loan is repayable in U.S. dollars over a pe-
riod of 10 years at 53/4 percent interest.

Ambassador Victor Andrade of Bolivia signed
the loan agreement on behalf of his Government.

April 10, J 96 J

531

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

U.S. Replies to Soviets
on Congo Situation

Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

Mr. President, the Unit«d States deeply regrets
the passing of one of our colleagues [Manuel
Bisbe y Alberni, Cuban representative] . He died
in the line of duty.

I do not intend to speak at length but after hear-
ing the statement by the distinguished Foreign
Minister of the Soviet Union [Andrei A. Gro-
myko] I feel that a few tilings need to be said
promptly.

After listening to the Soviet speech, which we
had already heard in the Security Council, I have
concluded that there are two Congo problems — one
in Africa and one in New York — and that the one
in New York is, if anything, the most serious.

Many of our delegations during the past 2 weeks
have been endeavoring to shorten our agenda in
order to reduce the area of recrimination, of reck-
less calumny, of cold war which has unhappily
mari-ed our debates in the past. These efforts have
not succeeded, but I was frankly astonished to
hear the Soviet Foreign Minister open the first
debate of this resumed session with a speech
which, to say the least, is in the worst and most
destructive traditions of the cold war. I am
afraid that we must take this as further evidence
that the Soviet Union does not regard our Organ-
ization as a means of international cooperation but
simply as an instrument of international discord.

U.N. Purpose in the Congo

I believe we should all remind ourselves that
our purpose in this debate and tlie purpose of
the United Nations in the Congo is to enable the
Congolese people to solve their own political prob-
lems through peaceful and conciliatory means by
protecting the Congo from external interference

and by helping them establish internal security.
In this connection I invite your attention to para-
graph 143 of the report of the United Nations
Conciliation Commission for the Congo,^ wliich
has just been laid on our desks. This paragraph
reads as follows :

The Commission feels that an appeal should be made
to all States to abstain from any kind of interference
in the internal affairs of the country and, in particular,
to avoid assuming any attitude which might aggravate
the opposition between the different tendencies in the
Congo and thus malie reconciliation more diflBcult.

The reason, I remind you, for this gi-eat and
expensive effort in the Congo — and I wish the
Soviet Union would contribute something to it
besides obstruction and criticism — is not to impose
a government on the Congo but to help the Congo-
lese establish a govermment of their own choosing,
to help them help themselves.

On Febrviary 21 the Security Council adopted
an important resolution ^ designed to achieve these
objectives. The first steals have been taken. The
United Nations Force in the Congo is being
strengthened. Efforts are under way to bring
about the withdrawal of all Belgian and other
foreign military and paramilitary personnel, mer-
cenaries, and political advisers. Civil war has
not developed. Steps toward political concilia-
tion have been taken.

Now, the obstacles we know confronting the
Secretary- General in the Congo are imprece-
dented. To put more obstacles in his patJi by
these incessant Soviet attacks not only does vio-
lence to any respect for justice but also is an ill-
designed attack on the United Nations effort to
aid the Congo.

We deeply regret that this rostrum has become
a platform for such wild and irresponsible and
absurd attacks. We have not even been spared
the charge of an accomplice to murder. To use
the unhappy state of affairs in the Congo as an
excuse for such insensate attacks on the Secretary-

'Made in plenary session on Mar. 21 (U.S. delegation
press release 3670).

' U.N. doc. A/4711, Corr. 1, Add. 1 and 2.

' For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 368.

532

Department of State Bulletin

General compounds the offense to the dignity of
this body and to the very survival of the United
Nations as an effective operating instrument for
peace and progress.

Once more I must make it clear that my Gov-
ernment respects the high office of the Secretary-
General and it tlianks the Secretary-General for
what he has done and is trying to do to give effect
to the instructions of this body. We think he
should be helped, not hindered, in his work for
us. We consider him a dedicated, impartial, and
scrupulously honest official of unimpeachable in-
tegrity and that we are fortunate to have such a
man in this most difficult post at this most critical
time.

A Period of Fruitful Collaboration

After listening to the Soviet speech this morn-
ing I have concluded that, of course, there is
further hard work that remains to be done in the
Congo. Much of it will have to be done here in
New York. Then the aspiration of the local lead-
ers and the intent of the most recent Security
Council I'esolution must be reconciled. Retrain-
ing of local troops needs to be worked out. In-
stitutions of internal administration and for eco-
nomic and social development need to be strength-
ened, and cooperation between the Congo and the
United Nations needs to be improved.

In short, we desperately need a period of fruit-
ful collaboration between the United Nations and
the Congo during which we all use our best efforts
to make the United Nations operation succeed.
I suggest we must stop pulling up the roots of this
fragile plant every few days to see if it is gi'owing.
That is the best way to kill the plant, and I suspect
that that may be the objective of some of these
incessant attacks.

I regret exceedingly that today the Soviet
Union has provoked another debate with the clear
intention not to encourage conciliation in the
Congo but to sow dissension and discord. This
statement has confirmed our belief wliich we ex-
pressed to many delegations this weekend that
it would not be helpful to rush into a Congo debate.
The sort of statement that we have heard this
morning is not helpful to the effort of the United
Nations in the Congo, as the distinguished dele-
gate from Brazil has indicated. It is not helpful
to the Congo itself.

We all know that the Conciliation Commission

has just completed a report on the basis of exten-
sive, on-the-ground examination in the Congo.
We all knew that it would contain recommenda-
tions and conclusions that would merit our most
careful consideration.

Wliatever we do now we must avoid, it seems
to me, two things. We must not act prematurely
and emotionally so as to further complicate the
United Nations operation in the Congo; and we
must encourage, not discourage, efforts of the
Congolese to produce viable and conciliatory
political progress.

I wish to respond to only a very few points.
The latest mandate of the United Nations in the
Congo is contained in the resolution of Febru-
ary 21 in the Security Council. This resolution
is scarcely a month old. Its implementation re-
quires close cooperation between the Congolese
and the United Nations and between many other
states and the United Nations. It needs to be
continued to be carried out. I need hardly point
out to the Assembly that the United States
strongly supported this resolution and we stand
by it. The Soviet Union did not support this
resolution. If any further proof were needed,
it has now been provided. The Soviet Union
does not want the United Nations to succeed in
the Congo.

Summation of U.S. Views

In conclusion I should like to emphasize three
points.

The Soviet Union demands the resignation of
the Secretary-General. We will oppose this de-
mand with all of our strength. We must not
allow the United Nations to be demeaned by
vicious attack on its most dedicated servant.

Secondly, the Soviet Union demands that the
United Nations withdraw from the Congo within
1 month. The United States is totally opposed
to this effort to replace constructive efforts of the
world at large to achieve peace and reconciliation
with anarchy. The United Nations must succeed
in the Congo in the interests of all nations, large
and small.

In the third place, the Congo and the United
Nations desperately need a period of quiet and
of constructive cooperation during which we can
help the Congolese to help themselves. We now
have been plunged into a destructive attack be-

April 10, 1 96 J

533

fore the Conciliation Commission's report of its
on-the-spot conclusions could even be digested.

We earnestly hope, therefore, that the Assem-
bly will proceed soberly and intelligently only
•when we have the full facts in our possession.
Efforts are under way in the Congo to produce
conciliation and to carry out the resolution of
February 21. It would be prejudicial, it seems
to us, if the Assembly action were to impede this
process. We pledge our efforts to prevent any
such development. We must not allow the United
Nations effort to be wrecked. We must not allow
our debates to retard rather than to advance the
peaceful internal developments which are so des-
perately needed in the Congo.

Approaching the Problem
of African Development

Following are statements made l>y Adlai E.
Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the V.N. Gen-
eral Assembly, in Committee I {Political and
Security) .

STATEMENT OF MARCH 21

U,S. delegation press release 3671

I imderstand that shortly before the Assembly
recessed in December it decided not to take any
action at that time on the disarmament resolutions
which are pending before this committee. As
members of the committee are aware, consulta-
tions have been taking place on the disarmament
•question since the session of the General Assem-
bly resinned. We feel, therefore, that it would
be unwise to take up the disarmament question
again at this point. It is possible, at least, that
private discussions can make further contentious
xJebate unnecessary. If not, they may, neverthe-
less, enlarge the area of common agreement.

I would propose, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that
we continue our work with the next item on the
agenda as already approved by the committee,
with the understanding that the conmiittee will
-decide after further consultations at what point
we would resume consideration of disarmament.

This next item on the agenda is the one on

"Africa, a United Nations Program for Inde-
pendence and Development." It seems to us that
this is a constructive item intended to encourage
ideas for United Nations assistance and that it
would be a healthy way to start the business of this
committee.

Last fall there was, I understand, a body of
opinion that this item should be taken up even
before disarmament. It is our belief that the
time has now come when consideration of assist-
ance to Africa would be beneficial.

STATEMENT OF MARCH 23

U.S. delegation press release 3674

Yesterday President Kennedy submitted to the
United States Congress a special message on for-
eign aid.^ In this message he reaffirms the convic-
tion of the Government and of the people of the
United States that

There exists, in the 1960's, a historic opportunity for a
major economic assistance effort by the free industrial-
ized nations to move more than half the people of the less-
developed nations into self-sustained economic growth,
while the rest move substantially closer to the day when
they, too, will no longer have to depend on outside
assistance.

It is in this conviction that we approach the
problem of African development which is now
before the committee.

Last September President Eisenhower in a
speech before the General Assembly ^ outlined a
program for the future development of Africa.
In the intervening 6 months much has happened
in Africa, much has happened in the United
States and elsewhere in the world. However,
most of the conditions that stimulated a more pos-
itive United Nations recognition of the needs of
Africa remain unchanged. Tentative steps were
taken last fall toward formulating a concrete pro-
gram of United Nations assistance to African de-
veloi:)ment. On this foundation, then, I hope that
this committee in deliberation and consultation
can contribute toward a really effective United
Nations program for the nations of Africa, a pro-
gram that will help fulfill their aspirations and
meet their burgeoning needs. So it seems both
desirable and appropriate to speak again on tliis

' See p. 507.

' Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551.

534

Department of State Bulletin

vital subject to reaffirm our deep and sympathetic
interest in the future of this huge continent by
specific action.

It is not my purpose here today to advance a
detailed, rigid program. It is rather for the
Africans themselves to determine the content of
such a program. I am certain that the African
members of this committee out of their actual ex-
perience will have much to offer in sound ideas and
in new thinking. This committee should listen
carefully to what they have to say, and it is our
hope that its discussions will lead to an African
initiative.

It is also our hope that the various African na-
tions, individually and jointly, will want to as-
sume the responsibility for developing a
long-range program for their continent so that it
will be clear to all of the world that it is by, of,
and for Africa. Only the Africans can develop
Africa in the last analysis. The President of the
United States in his message on foreign aid, to
which I have just referred, made it clear that spe-
cial attention should be given to those nations
most willing and able to mobilize their own re-
sources, to make necessary social and economic
reforms, to engage in long-range plans and make
the other efforts necessary if these are to reach the
stage of self-sustaining growth. The United
States would welcome, as I say, this initiative, and
we desire very much to be associated with it.

This means, I confess, much to me personally as
well as to my country. In recent years, as some
of you know, I have had the privilege of traveling
through Africa extensively. I have the honor of
knowing many of the new leaders, whose friend-
ship I prize. I have also met thousands of others
in all walks of life and in all conditions of ad-
vancement. The past problems and urgent needs
of these nations and peoples have been a lively
preoccupation of mine. I say this so that, if I
speak from the heart as well as the head today,
you will forgive this mixing of sentiment with
thought.

America's Experience

"When considering this item on our agenda — this
item which in effect poses the question of what is
best for Africa's development — we who are Ameri-
cans might ask ourselves what our Founding
Fathers wanted for this coimtry when it, too, was

first emerging as a new and independent nation.
What were the feelings and attitudes, the ambi-
tions, the aspirations, fears, and doubts of my
countrymen almost 2 centuries ago? IVliat did
they and this part of North America want then,
especially in relation to the rest of the world and
the more powerful developed world around them?

Well, first of all — and above all — they wanted
independence. On that cardinal point America
was uncompromising. The young Republic of less
than 3 million people was determined to exclude
external interference in its internal affairs. It was
equally determined to avoid what President Wash-
ington called "foreign entanglements." But it
welcomed most eagerly investments from abroad.
It also welcomed outside ideas and culture, not
with the notion of becoming an imitation of
Europe but to the end of creating a new free society
which gave the best ideas of the free nations of
the world completely free play. The young
America was proud and did not like being
patronized. It was full of plans and impatient to
get on with them. It was full of the adventure of
life and of fun and even of folly. Mistakes were
made, but they were inevitable for a new people in
a new continent bursting at the seams with vigor
and with hope.

I mention all of this for, in remembering our
own history, it is easier for us to miderstand and
to sympathize with the new nations of Africa as
they too begin their long, hard, exciting struggle
to make their own way in the world.

Our African friends respect the great concepts
of individual and of national freedom and the nat-
ural rights of human beings. They too stand for
freedom, for independence, for self-determination.
They too believe in the personal dignity of the
individual. In support of these beliefs Africa is
determined to keep itself free from any external
domination, and it is to the interest of Africa as
well as of the world that what is called the cold
war be excluded from the African Continent.

These objectives are certainly compatible with
America's hopes and interests. We seek no privi-
leged position. We only seek to assure that
people's destinies remain in their own hands. Nor
is it our ambition to create an Africa in our own
image but rather to help Africa create a new image
of its own — a blend of the various strands woven
from its history and its culture.

April 10, 1 96 1

535

Importance of Proper Planning

The soundest relationship between nations, we
believe, is partnership. President Kennedy em-
phasized this only a few days ago, when he out-
lined a new program of aid to Latin America.^
He said,

. . . only the most determined efforts of the American
nations themselves can bring success to this effort ....
If this effort is made, then outside assistance will give
a vital Impetus to progress ; without it, no amount of help
will advance the welfare of the people.

These thoughts can be applied to Africa with
equal force. As our discussion progresses on this
item, I hope the newly independent nations of
that continent will be encouraged to develop a
program of real scope, both in time and size.
Giving foreign aid for political purposes always
risks more than it yields. And hit-and-miss, stop-
gap aid will never do the Job either. Plans must
be made then for the decade ahead to make the
sixties a historic period of democratic progress in
all of Africa.

The success of the postwar recovery of Europe
has already proved what can be done if there is
proper planning and real partnership. And this
is a good time to note that one very important fac-
tor in that success was that Europeans themselves
accepted responsibility not only for self-help but
for mutual aid tlirougli the OEEC, the Organiza-
tion for European Economic Cooperation. Our
African friends will find this a useful example to
keep in mind in developing their own program.

I think it not unfair to say that the United
States has already shown in bilateral ways its
interest in accelerating African economic develop-
ment. And within the United Nations system we
have tried to make additional contributions
through such bodies as UNESCO, FAO, WHO,
ILO, UNICEF, the Special Fund, and the Ex-
panded Program of Teclinical Assistance.

A few days ago the United Nations through
UNESCO advanced a new program (the most
far-reaching it has ever undertaken) to advance
African education. The proposed outlay is equal
to nearly half of UNESCO's budget for the next
2 years. Yet surely this is an area in which we
have made only a beginning. The clear relation-
ship of education to progress in modern societies
makes far greater efforts in this field imperative.

' Ibid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.
536

The technical assistance program for Africa has
been stepped up sharply from 1960 to 1961. The
Special Fund already is assisting in the financing
of some 15 sm-veys calling for total expenditures
of $18.5 million. These are positive, purposeful
actions in the fields of greatest need. But more
must be done.

Other Areas for Assistance

There are other fields of development in which
Africa can find help through the United Nations
and its members. Let me take a moment to sug-
gest just a few areas where such assistance might
be forthcoming. In making these suggestions I
stress the importance of multilateral action with
its built-in safeguards against political strings
and the desirability of making the fullest possible
use of the Economic Commission for Africa.

We should stand ready to assist the African
states on their request to assess their own re-
sources, to identify the obstacles which stand in
the way of economic and social progress as they
formulate programs individually and in consulta-
tion with each other on a regional or a subregional
basis. If they so desire, we should be prepared to
extend assistance in the formulation of such pro-
grams and plans. Wlien their plans have been
made and their programs developed, the African
states will be in a strong position, we believe, to
call on the United Nations and related agencies
to extend technical and economic assistance on an
expanded scale to help them carry out these plans.

In the formulation of plans for development we
should also recognize the need for improvement
and diversification of agriculture, for appropriate
forms of industrialization in Africa, and the need
to augment as rapidly as possible African profes-
sional and administrative personnel to carry out
countiy or regional programs. These would ap-
pear to be the areas of primary importance where
we should stand prepared to help.

Other possibilities include the whole field of
infrastructure, that is, the ports, the housing,
transport, and so on. Africa's needs are virtually
limitless. Roads, in particular, are indispensable
if the isolation of communities is to be broken
down and healthy market economies established.

Here is where cooperation is indispensable.
Roads which stop at frontiei-s, railroads which
operate as closed circuits, rivers which are de-

Department of State Bulletin

veloped in separate and sometimes self-defeating
projects — these are the symbols of political separa-
tism, whereas the formulation of plans on a re-
gional basis could have the opposite effect of
bringing nations closer together.

All this, of course, is going to cost a lot of
money, a lot of manpower. Some will say that
we, the industrialized nations, ought to make their
contribution out of enlightened selfishness, but I
prefer to think our policy should be justified by
enlightened selflessness. Our program of aid to
social and economic development must be seen on
its own merits, separated from military assistance
as stipulated by the President in his message. I
know of no country that ever had cause to regret
such a policy.

Finally, Mr. Chairman, the economic aid to
Africa has overtones of urgency and of need un-
known elsewhere. Nowhere in the world do peo-
ple look forward with more hope or reach out
more eagerly for the fruits of modern knowledge
and modern technique. To assist this vast under-
taking, this great awakening continent could and
should be a great adventure in human cooperation,
and it is one to which the American administra-
tion is wholeheartedly dedicated.

I hope, if circumstances permit, that I may have
the privilege of addressing the committee again
on this subject and with reference to the special
needs of Africa as we see them.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

25th Session of ECE Steel Committee

The Department of State announced on March
23 (press release 154) that Maxwell D. Millard,
administrative vice president-international, U.S.
Steel Corp., will serve as U.S. delegate to the
25th session of the Steel Committee of the U.N.
Economic Commission for Europe, which will con-
vene at Geneva, March 27. He served in the
same capacity at the 24th session of the Steel
Committee, which was held at Geneva, June-July
1960.

Mr. Millard will be assisted by Werner P. Nau-
mann, manager, Commercial Research Division,
U.S. Steel Export Co., New York; William
L. Sandston, supervisor of economic research,

ARMCO Steel Coi-p., Middletown, Ohio; and a
member of the resident delegation at Geneva.

At this regular semiannual session the Commit-
tee will consider productivity and automation in
the steel industry.

TREATY INFORIMATION

Current Actions

(MULTILATERAL

Agriculture

Convention on the Inter-American Institute of Agricul-
tural Sciences. Done at Wasliington January 15, 1944.
Entered into force November 30, 1944. 58 Stat. 1169.
Ratification deposited: Paraguay, March 16, 1961.

Protocol of amendment to the convention on the Inter-
American Institute of Agricultural Sciences of January
15, 1944 (58 Stat. 1169). Opened for signature at
Washington December 1, 1958.'
Ratification deposited: Paraguay, March 16, 1961.

Aviation

Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(3), and 61 of the
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 1591)
by providing that sessions of the Assembly of the
International Civil Aviation Organization shall be held
not less than once in 3 years instead of annually. Done
at Montreal June 14, 1954. Entered into force Decem-
ber 12, 1956. TIAS 3756.
Ratification deposited: Senegal, February 28, 1961.

International air services transit agreement. Signed at
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for the
United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693.
Acceptance deposited: Ivory Coast, March 20, 1961.

Economic Cooperation

Convention on the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development and two supplementary protocols.
Signed at Paris December 14, I960.'
Ratification advised by the Senate: March 16, 1961.
Ratified by the President: March 23, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Protocol modifying article XXVI of the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August
13, 1949. Entered into force March 28, 1950. TIAS
2300.

Protocol replacing schedule I (Australia) of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy
August 13, 1949. Entered into force October 21, 1951.
TIAS 2394.

First protocol of modifications to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13,
1949. Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS
2745.

' Not in force.

April 10, 1961

537

Protocol replacing schedule VI (Ceylon) of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Aiineey
August 13, 1949. Entered into force September 24,
1952. TIAS 2746.

Aanecy protocol of terms of accession to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy
October 10, 1949. Entered into force for the United
States October 10, 1049. TIAS 2100.

Fourth protocol of rectifications to the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 3,
19.50. Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS
2747.

Fifth protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Torquay December 16,
1950. Entered into force June .30, 1953. TIAS 27G4.

Torquay protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade and schedules of tariff concessions annexed
thereto. Done at Torquay April 21, 1951. Entered into
force June 6, 1951. TIAS 2420.

First protocol of rectifications and modifications to the
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered
into force October 21, 19.53. TIAS 2885.

Second protocol of rectifications and modifications to the
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 8. 1952.
Entered into force February 2. 1959. TIAS 4250.

Third protocol and rectifications and modifications to the
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva October 24, 1953.
Entered into force February 2, 1059. TIAS 4197.
Acknowledged appUcahle rights and obligations of the
United Kingdom: Nigeria, October 19, 1960.

BILATERAL

Germany, Federal Republic of

Agreement amending the annex to the agreement of June
30, 1956 (TIAS 3444), relating to the return of equip-
ment furnished by the United States under the mutual
defense assistance program. Effected by exchange of
notes at Bonn March 9, 1961. Entered into force
March 9, 1961.

India

Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commodi-
ties agreement of May 4, 1960 (TIAS 4499), as amended
(TIAS 4543 and 4574). Effected by exchange of notes
at New Delhi March 9, 1961. Entered into force
March 9, 1961.

Korea

Agreement providing for the furnishing of economic, tech-
nical, and related assistance with agreed minute and
related exchange of notes. Effected by exchange of
notes at Seoul February 8, 1961.
Entered into force: February 28, 1961.

Agreement relating to economic aid. Signed at Seoul
December 10, 1948. TIAS 1908.

Terminated: February 28, 1961 (superseded by agree-
ment of February 8, 1961, supra).

Paraguay

Agreement amending the agreement of April 4, 1957
(TIAS 3811), relating to duty-free entry and exemption
from internal taxation on relief supplies and packages.
Effected by exchange of notes at Asuncion December
27, 1960, and March 7, 1961. Entered into force March
7, 1961.

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: March 20-26

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce

of News, Department of State, Washington 25,

D.C.

Release issued prior to March 20 which appears

in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 137 of

March 15.

No.

Date

Subject

•145

3/20

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

146

3/20

Rusk: University of California.

147

3/21

Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) cre-
dentials (rewrite).

148

3/21

Rusk : news conference of March 20.

tl49

3/21

Delegation to SEATO meeting (re-
write).

*150

3/23

Coombs sworn in as Assistant Sec-
retary for Educational and Cultural
Affairs (biographic details).

151

3/22

Gabon credentials (rewrite).

*152

3/22

Kennan sworn in as Ambassador to
Yugoslavia (rewrite).

*153

3/23

Cultural exchange (Brazil).

154

3/23

Delegation to ECB 25th session (re-
write).

tl55

3/23

Rusk : departure for SEATO meeting.

156

3/24

Williams : National Press Club.

tl57

3/24

Delegation to Development Assist-
ance Group meeting (rewrite).

158

3/24

Congolese educators begin training
course.

159

3/24

ICA loan to Bolivia.

160

3/24

Negotiations for education program
with Liberia.

♦161

3/24

Cultural exchange (Iceland).

*162

3/24

Slater appointed Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs (biographic details).

•163

3/24

Isenbergh appointed Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs (biographic details).

164

3/25

Williams : message to All-African Peo-
ples' Conference.

ted.

•Not prin

tHeld for

later issue of the Bulletin.

538

Department of State Bulletin

April 10, 1961

Africa

Approaching the Problem of African Development
(Stevenson)

Progress and Expectations in Africa (Williams) .

United States Sends Greetings to All-African
Peoples' Conference (Williams)

Atomic Energy. Secretary Rusk's News Confer-
ence at Berlieley, March 20

Bolivia. Bolivia Receives $3.5 Million ICA Loan .

Communism. Charter Day Address (Rusk) . . .

Congo, Republic of the

Educators From Republic of the Congo Arrive In
U.S. for Training

U.S. Replies to Soviets on Congo Situation
(Stevenson)

Congo, Republic of. Letters of Credence (Da det) .

Congress, The. Foreign Aid (Kennedy) ....

Disarmament

Charter Day Address (Rusk)

Secretary Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley,
March 20

Economic Affairs

Approaching the Problem of African Development

(Stevenson)

25th Session of ECE Steel Committee (delegation) .
United States Ratifies OECD Convention . . . .

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Educators From Republic of the Congo Arrive in
U.S. for Training

The Ethics of Mutual Involvement (Cleveland) . .

U.S. To Negotiate With Liberia for Expanded Edu-
cation Program

Gabon. Letters of Credence (N'Goua)

International Information. The Ethics of Mutual
Involvement (Cleveland)

INDEX Vol. XLIV, No. 1137

International Organizations and Conferences.

25th Session of ECE Steel Committee (dele-
534 gation) 537

^-^ Liberia. U.S. To Negotiate With Liberia for Ex-
panded Education Program 531

526

Mutual Security

Bolivia Receives $3.5 Million ICA Loan 531

519 Educators From Repviblic of the Congo Arrive in

53j^ U.S. for Training 531

Foreign Aid (Kennedy) 507

515

Presidential Documents

Foreign Aid 507

United States Ratifies OECD Convention .... 514

531

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Secretary

Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley, March 20 . 519
532

Treaty Information

^24 Current Actions 537

507 United States Ratifies OECD Convention .... 514

U.S.S.R. U.S. Replies to Soviets on Congo Situation
5jg (Stevenson) 532

United Nations

519 Approaching the Problem of African Development

(Stevenson) 534

Charter Day Address (Rusk) 515

The Ethics of Mutual Involvement (Cleveland) . . 525
Secretary Rusk's News Conference at Berkeley,

March 20 519

U.S. Replies to Soviets on Congo Situation

(Stevenson) 532

-oi Name Index

525 Cleveland, Harlan 525

Dadet, Emmanuel Domongo 524

531 Kennedy, President 507, 514

N'Goua, Joseph 524

Rusk, Secretary 515, 519

Stevenson, Adlai E 532, 534

525 Williams, G. Mennen 526, 527

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Vol. XLIV, No. 1138 JUL 17 1961 April 17, 1961

DEPOSITORY

THE SITUATION IN LAOS • Statements by President
Kennedy, U.S. -British Joint Communique, and Texts of
British-Soviet Exchange of Aide Memoire 543

SEVENTH MEETING OF SEATO COUNCIL OF MIN-

ISTERS • Statements by Secretary Rusk and Text of
Communique 547

INTERNATIONALIZING THE CONCEPT OF THE

PEACE CORPS • Remarks by Assistant Secretary
Cleveland 551

THE EVOLUTION OF THE JAPANESE-AMERICAN

PARTNERSHIP • by Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II . 556

THE QUESTION OF SOUTH-WEST AFRICA • State-

ment by Jonathan B. Bingham and Text of Resolution . . . 569

FINANCING THE U.N. MILITARY OPERATION IN

THE CONGO • Statement by Philip M. Klutznick ... 564

For index see inside back cover

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Note: Contents of this publication are not
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appreciated.

Vol. XLIV, No. 1138 • Publication 7170
April 17, 1961

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and interiuitional agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

The Situation in Laos

Following are the texts of a statement on the
situation in Laos read hy President Kennedy at
a news conference at Washington on March £3, a
joint commwnique issued at Key West, Fla., on
March £6 following a meeting between the Presi-
dent and British Prime Minister Harold Mac-
millan, and a statement made hy the President at
Pahn Beach, Fla., on April 1, together with the
texts of a British- Soviet exchange of aide memoire.

PRESIDENT'S STATEMENT OF MARCH 23

White Hoaee press release dated March 23

I want to talk about Laos. It is important, I
think, for all Americans to understand this difficult
and potentially dangerous problem. In my last
conversation with General Eisenhower, the day
before the inauguration, we spent more time on
this hard matter than on any other one thing. And
since then it has been steadily before the admin-
istration as the most immediate of the problems
we found on taking office.

Our special concern with the problem in Laos
goes back to 1954. That year, at Geneva, a large
group of powers agreed to a settlement of the
struggle for Indochina. Laos was one of the new
states which had recently emerged from the French
Union, and it was the clear premise of the 1954
settlement ' that this new country would be neu-
tral, free of external domination by anyone. The
new country contained contending factions, but in
its first years real progress was made toward a
unified and neutral status. But the efforts of a
Communist-dominated group to destroy this neu-

' For text of the agreement on the cessation of hostilities
in Laos, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955: Basic
Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication 6446,
p. 775.

trality never ceased, and in the last half of 1960
a series of sudden maneuvers occurred and the
Communists and their supporters turned to a new
and greatly intensified military effort to take over.
These three maps ^ show the area of effective Com-
munist domination as it was last August — in De-
cember— and as it stands today.

In this military advance the local Communist
forces, known as the Pathet Lao, have had in-
creasing support and direction from outside.
Soviet planes, I regret to say, have been conspicu-
ous in a large-scale airlift into the battle area —
over 1,000 sorties since December 13, 1960, and a
whole supporting set of combat specialists, mainly
from Communist north Viet-Nam — and heavier
weapons have been provided from outside, all with
the clear object of destroying by military action
the agreed neutrality of Laos. It is this new di-
mension of externally supported warfare that
creates the present grave problem.

The position of this administration has been
carefully considered, and we have sought to make
it just as clear as we know how to the governments
concerned. First : We strongly and unreservedly
support the goal of a neutral and independent
Laos, tied to no outside power or group of powers,
threatening no one, and free from any domination.
Our support for the present duly constituted Gov-
ernment is aimed entirely and exclusively at that
result, and if in the past there has been any pos-
sible ground for misimderstanding of our support
for a truly neutral Laos, there should be none now.

Secondly, if there is to be a peaceful solution,
there must be a cessation of the present armed at-
tacks by externally supported Communists. If
these attacks do not stop, those who support a
genuinely neutral Laos will have to consider their
response. The shape of this necessary response

" Not printed here.

April 17, 1961

543

will of course be carefully considered not only
here in Washington but in the SEATO confer-
ence with our allies which begins next Monday
[March 27] .^ SEATO— the Southeast Asia
Treaty Organization — was organized in 1954 with
strong leadership from our last administration,
and all members of SEATO have undertaken
special treaty responsibilities toward an aggres-
sion against Laos.*

No one should doubt our own resolution on this
point. We are faced with a clear threat of a
change in the internationally agreed position of
Laos. This threat rims counter to the will of the
Laotian people, who wish only to be independent
and neutral. It is posed rather by the military
operations of internal dissident elements directed
from outside the country. This is what must end
if peace is to be kept in southeast Asia.

Third, we are earnestly in favor of constructive
negotiation — among the nations concerned and
among the leaders of Laos — which can help Laos
back to the pathway of independence and genuine
neutrality. We strongly support the present Brit-
ish proposal of a prompt end of hostilities and
prompt negotiation. We are always conscious of
the obligation which rests upon all members of the
United Nations to seek peaceful solutions to prob-
lems of this sort. We hope that others may be
equally aware of this responsibility.

My fellow Americans, Laos is far away from
America, but the world is small. Its 2 million
peaceful people live in a country three times the
size of Austria. The security of all of southeast
Asia will be endangered if Laos loses its neutral
independence. Its own safety runs with the
safety of us all — in real neutrality observed by all.

I want to make it clear to the American people,
and to all the world, that all we want in Laos is
peace, not war- — a truly neutral government, not
a cold-war pawn — a settlement concluded at the
conference table, not on the battlefield. Our re-
sponse will be in close cooperation with our allies
and the wishes of the Laotian Government. We
will not be provoked, trapped, or drawn into this
or any other situation. But I know that every
American will want his country to honor its ob-
ligations to the point that freedom and security
of the free world and ourselves may be achieved.

" See p. 547.

' For text of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty, see Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 393.

Careful negotiations are being conducted with
many countries in order to see that we take every
possible course to insure a peaceful solution. Yes-
terday the Secretary of State informed the Mem-
bers of the Congress and brought them up to date.
We will continue to keep the country fully
informed.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE OF MARCH 26

White House press release (Key West, Fla.) dated March 26

President Kennedy and Prime Minister Mac-
millan have had a most valuable exchange of views
about the situation in Laos. This will be of great
assistance to the representatives of the two coun-
tries in the discussions at the SEATO meeting
which is due to begin in Bangkok tomorrow.

They agree that the situation in Laos cannot be
allowed to deteriorate.

They also agree that the recent British note to
the Soviet Union contains proposals which, if
implemented, would bring to an end the warfare
in Laos and would pave the way for Laos to become
the truly neutral country, which it is their joint
wish to see.

They strongly hope, therefore, that the Soviet
Union will make a positive and constructive reply
to these proposals.

PRESIDENT'S STATEMENT OF APRIL 1 '

Although the Soviet reply contains certain ob-
servations with which we cannot agree it offers
hope that a way can be found to establish a neutral
and independent Laos through negotiations.

The fii-st need is to bring the present fighting in
Laos to an end ; we think that this can be achieved
if all interested governments, including the Soviet
Union, use their influence to bring this about.

Negotiations for a settlement of the Laotian
question will not be simple and may take some
time, but the United States will do everything it
can to reach a result which will permit the Laotian
people to live in peace and take care of their own
affaire.

The Soviet reply appears to be a useful next step
toward a peaceful settlement of a potentially dan-
gerous situation.

" Read to news correspondents at Palm Beach, Fla., by
Pierre Salinger, Press Secretary to the President.

544

Department of State Bulletin

BRITISH-SOVIET EXCHANGE

Text of British Aide Memoire of March 23 "

Her Majesty's Government have studied the Soviet Aide
Meraoire about Laos communicated to Sir Frank Roberts
on February 18.' In considering this they have also had
in mind the proposals which have been made by various
other Governments towards a solution of the Laotian prob-
lem. In particular there is the suggestion of His Royal
Highness Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia for the holding
of an international conference of fourteen nations and
the request of His Majesty the King of Laos that an
international commission of neutral nations should be
sent to Laos to bring about an end to the fighting and to
assist in working out a national settlement. Her Majes-
ty's Government have also been made aware by the
United States Government of the exchange of views
which has taken place between the United States and the
Soviet Governments.

Her Majesty's Government now wish to make the fol-
lowing proposals. An essential prerequisite for the suc-
cessful execution of the proposals which follow is that
there should be an immediate cessation of all active mili-
tary operations in Laos. To this end the two co-Chairmen
should issue an immediate request for a de facto cease fire.
If this can be accomplished Her Majesty's Government
would agree to the suggestions of the Soviet Government
that a message from the co-Chairmen should be sent to
the Prime Minister of India asking Mr. Nehru to summon
the International Commission for Supervision and Control
in Laos to meet in New Delhi as soon as possible. The
task of the Commission at this stage would be to verify
the effectiveness of the cease fire and report thereon to the
co-Chairmen.

Her Majesty's Government are also willing to accept
the suggestion of the Soviet Government that an inter-
national conference should be convened to consider a
settlement of the Laotian problem. To this end they
believe that the Geneva Conference should be recalled by
the co-Chairmen and they strongly endorse the suggestion
made by His Royal Highness Prince Sihanouk of Cam-
bodia that certain other nations should join the Conference
and take part in its deliberations as full members. Her
Majesty's Government suggest that this Conference should
meet as soon as the International Commission can reix)rt
that tlie cease fire is effective. They very much hope that
this could be brought about without delay say within a
period of two weeks.

Finally Her Majesty's Government consider that the
question of a neutral Laotian Government of national
unity will have to be resolved as soon as possible before
an international conference can reach any decisions. Her
Majesty's Government cannot recognise the so-called "gov-
ernment of Prince Souvanna Phouma" as being competent
to represent Laos at an international conference. They
therefore hope that the various parties in Laos will imme-
diately resume the discussions which were started in
Phnom Penh with a view to agreeing on a national gov-

° Made public by the British Foreign Office on Apr. 1.
' Not printed here.

April 17, 1961

ernment which could represent Laos at the proposed con-
ference. If no Government of national unity has been
formed by the time the International Conference convenes
it is clear that the Laotian Government cannot be repre-
sented as such and that the Conference will have to ad-
dress itself as its first task to helping the parties of Laos
to reach agreement on this point.

Text of Soviet Aide Memoire of April 1

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated April 1
Unofficial translation

The Aide Memoire of the UK government on the question
of Laos, transmitted March 23, 1961 by the UK Am-
bassador Sir Frank Roberts, has been attentively studied
by the USSR government.

The Soviet government has invariably stood and stands
for Laos as a neutral, united, independent, peaceful state
in accordance with the Geneva agreements, has long in-
sisted on urgent convening of an appropriate international
conference, considering this the most effective means of
solving the problem of Laos in the interests of securing
independence and unity in this country, in interests of
strengthening general peace. In this connection the So-
viet government notes with satisfaction that the UK
government now expresses agreement on convening of
an international conference for settling the Laos problem
with participation of countries which were participants
at the 1954 Geneva Conference and also several other
states in accordance with the proposal of the Head of
State of Cambodia, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The So-
viet government considers it necessary now to agree defi-
nitely on the date and place of convening such a confer-
ence and for its part proiwses that it be convened at the
beginning of April in Phnom Penh.

The Soviet government, like the UK government, con-
siders it desirable to have the quickest cessation of mili-
tary activities being conducted in Laos. In the Soviet
statement made to the UK Ambassador in Moscow on
February 18 of this year it was indicated that, in the
opinion of the Soviet government, the task in Laos is
"in the first place the cessation of military operations
being conducted there and reaching peaceful settlement
in which the unity and integrity of Laos would be re-
spected and an end brought to interference in its internal
affairs". Therefore, the Soviet government is positively
disposed to the proposal that the two chairmen of the
Geneva Conference appeal for a cease-fire in Laos. In
accordance with this, interested parties of Laos should
of course hold negotiations on questions connected with
the cease-flre.

The Soviet government agrees also with the convening
of an international commission for observation and con-
trol in Laos. The international commission on Laos
should, as soon as possible, call a meeting in Delhi and
present its report to the two chairmen of the Geneva Con-
ference. Of course renewal of activity of the commission
in no way should hold up calling of the aforementioned
international conference on Laos.

In the Aide Memoire of the UK government there is
reference to the need to solve the "question of a neutral

545

\

government of national unity in Laos". The question of
the government of Laos is, naturally, an internal affair
of the Laotians themselves. The Soviet government, lilie
the government of many other states of Europe and Asia,
holds, as is known, that in Laos there exists the legal
government of His Highness Prince Souvanna Phouma,
which stands on a platform of strict neutrality and restor-
ation of unity of internal forces, and has the support of
a majority of the population of the country. A rebellion
against this government, raised by a group of conspirators,
relying on military support from the outside, was or-
ganized precisely for the purpose of ending the neutrality
of Laos in international affairs.

The Soviet government of course would regard with
sympathy the holding of negotiations among different
political tendencies in Laos on measures for strengthening
the national unity of the country. If a necessary agree-
ment is still not reached among participants of the ne-
gotiations before the time of convening an international
conference on Laos, then the Soviet government does not
exclude that the conference, as also proposed by the UK
government, will put before itself as one of its taslis the
rendering of help to the Laotians in reaching an agreement

In conclusion the Soviet government considers it neces-
sary to draw the attention of the UK government to the
fact that the settlement of the problem of Laos on a basis
of securing peace, independence and neutrality of this
country demands maintenance of an international sit-
uation favorable for settling such a task. Of course
threats of interference in the affairs of Laos from the
side of the SEATO military bloc and the tactic of saber-
rattling, employed recently by certain powers, not only
does not promote this, but can seriously complicate the
entire matter of settlement of the Laos problem.

The Soviet government expresses the hope that the UK
government will find acceptable the projwsals set forth in
this dociunent, which the government of the USSR pre-
pared, motivated by a sincere effort for the most rapid
restoration of peace in Laos and securing independence
and neutrality of this state, and taking into account con-
siderations of the UK government.

U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses
for Arms Sliipments to Congo

Press release 174 dated March 30

The Department of Commerce on March 29 is-
sued an amendment to Department of Commerce
Transportation Order T-1 prohibiting the trans-
portation of certain military and paramilitary
items by United States-registered vessels or air-
craft from any points of origin to destinations in
the Congo, except under special authority or li-
cense granted by the Department of Commerce.
The items covered by the order are (1) arms, am-
munition, and implements of war, (2) aircraft and
aircraft engines and parts, (3) trucks, buses, and
jeeps of military design, and (4) bayonets. It
is contemplated that licenses will be issued in any
case where the shipment of such items is to be
made at the request or with the approval of the
United Nations.

This order has been issued in further imple-
mentation of the United States Government's firm
support of the United Nations position that no
military or paramilitary assistance should be sent
to the Congo, from any source whatsoever, except
through the United Nations. In this connection,
Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the
United Nations, stated on February 15 ^ that :

"The United States intends to use its utmost
influence and, within the framework of the United
Nations, to see to it that there is no outside inter-
ference, from whatever source, with the Congolese
people's working out of their independence."

^Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359.

546

Department of Stale Bulletin

Seventh Meeting of SEATO Council of Ministers

The seventh annual meeting of the Coimoil of
Ministers of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organi-
zation teas held at Bangkok, March 27-29. Fol-
lowing are statements made iy Secretary Rusk
upon his departure for Bangkok on March 23, at
the opening session on March 27, and upon his
return to Washington on March 31, together with
the text of a communique issued at the close of the
meeting and a list of the members of the U.S.
delegation.

DEPARTURE STATEMENT, MARCH 23

Press release 155 dated March 23

I am looking forward to participating in the
seventh meeting of the Council of Ministers of
the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization in Bang-
kok which begins on Monday. I intend to take
full advantage of this welcome opportunity to
meet and confer with my colleagues, the foreign
ministers of the SEATO member nations.

Today the Organization is confronted with a
serious resurgence of danger to the independence
of countries in the treaty area. Since its incep-
tion SEATO has demonstrated its effectiveness as
a deterrent to aggression. SEATO has also proved
to be a force for constructive regional progress
in economic, scientific, and cultural fields.

For our part we shall pledge the continued
adherence of the United States under this adminis-
tration to the principle of collective security. I
am confident that our partners m SEATO fully
subscribe to the same principle.

STATEMENT OF MARCH 27

Press release 169 dated March 28

This seventh meeting of the Council of Minis-
ters of SEATO brings us back to the realities
which gave birth to our alliance. "VVe can regret
that our meeting in this lovely capital of Thailand
occurs in such troubled times, but it is perhaps

symbolic that we return today to the city in which
our first meeting was held in 1955.

The hard fact is that this particular meeting
finds the treaty area in a situation full of danger
for the future of its nations and peoples — a possi-
bility clearly envisaged at the time of the found-
ing of the treaty. The United States does not
believe that such a situation can be ignored.

The principle of collective security for defense
is as old as the history of nations. Even though
we may be considered ourselves one of the princi-
pal world powers, we do not rely exclusively upon
our own arms to defend ourselves but look to the
collective strength of defense organizations in
which we have joined around the world. The
words and actions of aggressive powers have dem-
onstrated clearly, both to us and to the allies with
which we have associated ourselves, that collective
effort is necessary if we are to insure our con-
tinued existence as free nations.

We are, as a people, naturally interested in our
own freedom ; yet we have on numerous occasions
demonstrated our willingness to come to the aid
of others who are themselves threatened — both
where we have local treaty obligations and where,
as in Greece or in Korea, we had no obligations
except those imposed upon us by the U.N. Charter
and by our sense of responsibility to other freedom-
loving nations.

This sense of responsibility has no geographical
barriers. Our attention here is focused on south-
east Asia. The people of this treaty area, no less
than elsewhere, have an inherent right to create
peaceful, independent states and to live out their
lives in ways of their own choosing. Loss of free-
dom means tragedy whether that misfortune over-
takes a people on any continent or any island in the
seven seas.

Let no one suppose that the peoples of southeast
Asia, whether members of this Organization or
not, are innocent victims caught up somehow acci-
dentally in power struggles between powerful ex-
ternal contending forces. The objects of ag-

April 17, J 96 7

547

gressors, in their efforts to expand their dominion,
are the people and the territory that lie in their
path. This is the issue here. Were this issue laid
to rest by an abandonment of such ambition, the
United States would welcome the resulting re-
duction of tensions and the ushering in of a world
under law. But we cannot imagine the survival
of our own free institutions if areas of the world
distant from our own shores are to be subjugated
by force or penetration. We cannot hope for
peace for ourselves if insatiable appetite is un-
restrained elsewhere. We confess a national in-
terest in freedom, but it is a national interest
which we share with other nations all over the
globe — which becomes thereby a common interest
of all who would be free. If we are determined,
as we are, to support our commitments under
SEATO, it is because peace is possible only
through restraining those who break it in con-
tempt of law.

We sincerely regret that this meeting must be
preoccupied by security matters related to the
threat which faces the Kingdom of Laos and the
Eepublic of Viet-Nam,^ both states lying within
the treaty area of this Organization. Our more
basic purpose is to assist the peoples of this area in
realizing tliose noble aspirations of life for which
man was created.

We would be much happier if money spent here
on arms, which we have furnished at the request
of the legitimate governments of the states in the
area for their own defense, could have been spent
on the development of the human and material
resources of the area — the harnessing of the great
Mekong River for the enrichment of the lives of
all the people of this area, the building of great
highways to bind the peoples of this area together
in friendly intercourse, the improvement of the lot
of the people themselves, those living in the coun-
try, cities, towns, and villages — their health, their
welfare, and their education.

These are the goals for which the money spent
on arms could more happily be devoted. Only
through the attainment of these goals can there
emerge the feeling of unity and purpose among
the people and states of the area which will give
them a basis for collective action to improve their
own well-being. We in the United States con-
tinue to help the nations of this area in their de-

' See p. 543.

velopment and in the furtherance of their peace-
ful pursuits, as appropriate through SEATO,
through the Colombo Plan, through the United
Nations, and through arrangements undertaken
directly between us.

In the final analysis the protection of personal
freedom and national independence must stem
from the individual and collective efforts of peo-
ples themselves, based on their own desires and
motivations. Small states are not, however, able
to defend themselves alone against aggression or
interference in their internal affairs by outside
powers. Until the nations of this area are able to
live with reliable assurance against external
threats, we will continue to assist them toward
this end.

Three newly independent states, one of them di-
vided, emerged from the deliberations which at-
tended the brealcup of Indochina. Even before
they had had a chance to organize as states and
to create viable economies and social structures,
they were under attack by the same forces which
had subjugated northern Viet-Nam. During their
short national existence they have not been given
the chance to develop to the point where they could
protect themselves against further subversions or
aggressions.

We believe, and we feel confident that our views
are shared by the other members of this Organiza-
tion, that it is our obligation to assist the peoples
of southeast Asia in their fight for their freedom^
both because of our responsibilities in connection
with the formation of these states and because of
the duties undertaken in the formation of the
SEATO organization.

Speaking for my country I wish to assure the
members of this Organization and the people of
southeast Asia that the United States will live up
to these responsibilities. It is our sincere belief
that all of the states of mainland southeast Asia,
can themselves resolve their purely internal prob-
lems. In these, of course, we have no desire to in-
terfere. We will, however, continue to assist free
nations of this area who are struggling for their
survival against armed minorities directed, sup-
plied, and supported from without. We will as-
sist those defending themselves against such forces
just as we shall assist those under attack by naked
aggression. We feel confident that our fellow
SEATO members share our feeling and will like-
wise meet their commitments mider this treaty. A

548

Department of State Bulletin

primary puriDose of this meeting of the Council
of Ministers is to determine how this can best be
done.

ARRIVAL STATEMENT, MARCH 31

Press release ISl dated March 31

The meeting of the Council of Ministers of
SEATO in Bangkok was highly productive. We
were much encouraged by the discussions there and
by the unity achieved.

The most important fact about the SEATO
meeting was the demonstration of its solidarity
and the determination of its members. The meet-
ing expressed its support of efforts for cessation
of hostilities and for peaceful negotiations to
achieve a neutral and independent Laos. Should
these efforts fail, however, members are prepared
to take appropriate action. The ministers also
expressed their resolve not to acquiesce in the at-
tempted takeover of south Viet-Nam.

All of us meeting in Bangkok were deeply con-
cerned with the seriousness of the threat to Laos
and south Viet-Nam. Some of our friends in
SEATO are very close to these dangers. But even
those of us far from that area recognize the threat
to our own security and well-being. The resolve
of the SEATO members is an important element
in the maintenance of the jjeace in that part of the
world and in the preservation of the independence
of the peoples of that area.

TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE

Press release 173 dated March 30, as corrected

The SEATO Council held its seventh meeting in Bang-
kok from March 27 to 29, 1961, under the chairmanship
of His Excellency, Mr. Thanat Khoman, Minister of For-
eign Affairs of Thailand. The inaugural address was
delivered by the Prime Minister of Thailand, His Excel-
lency, Field Marshal Srisdi Dhanarajata.

Resolution

Having examined the situation in Laos and the Republic
of Viet-Nam, the Council unanimously approved the fol-
lowing resolution :

1. Consulting together as provided in the JIanila Pact,
the SEATO Council has noted with grave concern the con-
tinued offensive by rebel elements in Laos who are con-
tinuing to be supplied and assisted by Conmiunist powers
in flagrant disregard of the Geneva accords.'

2. The Council once more makes it clear that SEATO

is a defensive organization with no aggressive intentions
and reiterates, in the words of the treaty, its "desire to
live in peace with all peoples and all governments."

3. The Council desires a united, independent and
sovereign Laos, free to achieve advancement in a way of
its own choosing and not subordinate to any nation or
group of nations.

4. It is believed that these results ought to be achieved
through negotiations and cannot be hoped for if the present
fighting continues.

5. The Council notes with approval the present efforts
for a cessation of hostilities and for peaceful negotiations
to achieve an unaligned and independent Laos.

6. If those efforts fail, however, and there continues to
be an active military attempt to obtain control of Laos,
members of SEATO are prepared, within the terms of the
treaty, to take whatever action may be appropriate in the
circumstances.

7. The Council also noted with concern the efforts of an
armed minority, again supported from outside in violation
of the Geneva accords, to destroy the Government of South
Viet-Nam, and declared its firm resolve not to acquiesce
in any such takeover of that country.

8. Finally, the Council records its view that the organ-
ization should continue to keep developments in Laos and
Viet-Nam under urgent and constant review in the light
of this resolution.

General Observations

During its deliberations, the Council also reviewed
other aspects of the situation in the treaty area.

The Council firmly reiterated the need for collective de-
fense, and for economic and social development.

The Council stressed the importance of continuing to
develop good relations and of increasing the sense of com-
munity among free countries in the area, all of which
have a common interest in preserving their independence.

Counter-Subversion

The Council noted that further progress has been made
during the year in jointly studying techniques of sub-
version and insurgency, which continue to be favored Com-
munist tactics in the treaty area, and in exchanging infor-
mation on means of countering such activities.

Military Defense

The Council noted with satisfaction the planning work
of the military advisers, the reorganization of the Mili-
tary Planning Ofl5ce, and the effective coordination
achieved by the forces of member countries in the several
military exercises conducted during the past year. The
Council expressed confidence that these efforts provide
renewed assurance of the ability and readiness of SEATO
to resist aggression.

' For texts of the Geneva accords, see American Foreign
Policy, 1950-1955: Basic Documents, vol. I, Department
of State publication 6446, p. 750.

April 17, 7 96 J

549

Economic Cooperation

The Council endorsed a proposal that a SEATO re-
gional agricultural research program be established, which
would sponsor, assist and supplement existing research
facilities in the Asian member countries. The aims are
to increase agricultural diversification and to control
diseases affecting staple crops on which the area is
heavily dependent.

The Council also endorsed the proposal by the Thai
Government for a community development project in
northeast Thailand. It encouraged the Thai Government
to develop this project in accordance with principles
adopted at the SEATO community development conference
recently held in Baguio, and noted that exx)erts would be
supplied by member Governments for this purpose.

The Council members attended the first graduation
ceremony of the SEATO Graduate School of Engineering
in Bangkolj, at which degrees were conferred by His
Excellency, the Prime Minister of Thailand. This oc-
casion marked a noteworthy step in SEATO's endeavors
to develop those professional skills needed in the economic
development of Southeast Asia.

The Coimcil noted further progress on the following
projects :

The SEATO Cholera Research Laboratory in Dacca has
been opened. Its counterpart, the SEATO Cholera Re-
search Project in Thailand, has been expanded into the
SEATO general Medical Research Laboratory, designed to
help eradicate diseases common to the area. A successful
conference on cholera research was held in Dacca in
December 1960.

The SEATO meteorological communication project, by
providing advance information on weather conditions,
is designed to achieve greater safety for air travel and a
reduction of storm damage to propert.v and crops.

The SEATO skilled labor projects in Pakistan, the
Philippines and Thailand are performing the necessary
task of increasing the number of skilled people who can
participate in developing the economies of these countries
and their defense capacities.

Cuitural Activities

The Council expressed satisfaction with the contacts
and understanding acliieved among academic leaders by
the conference of heads of universities held in Karachi
early this year. It also agreed to continue the SEATO
cultural program.

Secretariat-General

The Council expressed appreciation for the outstanding
services rendered to the organization during the past
year by the Secretary-General, His Excellency, Nai Pote
Sarasin, and his staff.

Expression of Gratitude

The Council expressed its gratitude to the Government
of Thailand for its hospitality and the excellent arrange-

ments made for the conference. The meeting voted warm
thanks to the chairman, His Excellency, Mr. Thanat
Khoman.

Next Meeting

The Council accepted with pleasure the invitation of
the Government of France to hold its next meeting in
Paris in 1962.

U.S. DELEGATION

The Department of State announced on March
21 (press release 149) that Secretary Rusk will
head the U.S. delegation to the seventh meeting
of the Council of the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO), which will be held at
Bangkok, March 27-29.

The Secretary will be assisted by U. Alexis
Johnson, U.S. Ambassador to Thailand and U.S.
Council Representative to SEATO.

Members of the delegation include :

U.S. Representative

Dean Rusk, Secretary of State

U.S. Council Representative

U. Alexis Johnson, Ambassador to Thailand

Senior Advisers

Adm. Harry D. Felt, USN, Commander in Chief, Pacific,
Honolulu, Hawaii

Thomas E. Naughten, Director, U.S. Operations Mission,
Bangkok, Thailand

Paul H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Inter-
national Security Affairs

John M. Steeves, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Far Eastern Affairs

Roger W. Tubby, Assistant Secretary of State for Public
Affairs

Advisers

Jere Broh-Kahn, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand

Lloyd Burlingham, Information Officer (SEATO), Amer-
ican Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand

John J. Conroy, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand

Capt. James L. Cook, Jr., USN, CINCPAC, Honolulu,
Hawaii

Sterling J. Cottrell, Political Adviser, CINCPAC, Hono-
lulu, Hawaii

John J. Czyzak, Assistant Legal Adviser for Far Eastern
Affairs, Department of State

Capt. James S. Elkin, USN, CINCPAC, Honolulu, Hawaii

James R. Fowler, Acting Deputy Regional Director for
Far Eastern Operations, International Cooperation
Administration

Col. Joseph M. Plesch, USA, Office of Assistant Secretary
of Defense for International Security Affairs

Millard L. Gallop, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand:

550

Department of Stale Bulletin

Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., Special Assistant for SEATO

AfEairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of

State
William O. Hall, Minister-Counselor, American Embassy,

Karachi, Pakistan
Rear Adm. Luther C. Heinz, USN, Director of Far East-
ern Region, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense

for International Security AfEairs
Robert J. Jantzen, American Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand
Howard D. Jones, Office of Special Assistant for SEATO

Affairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of

State
Col. Allan L. Leonard, Jr., USA, Chief, Southeast Asian

Section, CINCPAC, Honolulu, Hawaii
J. Gordon Mein, Minister-Counselor, American Embassy,

Manila, Philippines
Leonard Unger, Counselor, American Embassy, Bangkok,

Thailand

Secretary of Delegation

William M. Gibson, Director, Office of International Con-
ferences, Department of State

Internationalizing the Concept
of the Peace Corps

Remarks iy Harlan Cleveland ^

The essential concept of the Peace Corps is
simple — simple to state, that is — and immensely
difficult to administer effectively. It involves re-
cruiting skilled and dedicated people, mostly in
their twenties; screening and training them rig-
orously, with emphasis on developing their cul-
tural empathy, their sense of organization, and
their perception of the America from which they
come ; and then putting them to work as additional
help in existing organizations already engaged
in the economic and social development process in
the less developed areas — in U.S. aid missions, in
American voluntary agencies, in the host govern-
ments themselves, and in international agencies.

But when you think through what it means to
put young Americans in international agencies,
some difficult and interesting questions crop up.
Don't we have to assume that, if Americans are
put into these agencies in considerable nmnbers,
other countries will feel that they should do the
same ? Don't we have to assume that the Soviets,

^ Made before the Washington Council of the Experi-
ment in International Living at Washington, D.C., on
Mar. 2S (press release 170). Mr. Cleveland is Assistant
Secretary for International Organization Affairs.

who have copied most of the other major initia-
tives in American foreign policy since World War
II (including the Marshall plan, the European
integration drive, and the point 4 program) , will
copy this one too? Can we not foresee the time
when little bands of Komsomols will be coexisting
competitively with the American Peace Corps?

If the probable answer to these questions is yes,
why not plan from the outset on an international
peace corps in addition to the American effort
that is already under way ? ^

The case for an international approach to tech-
nical assistance — that an international agency can
participate more deeply and more relevantly in
a sovereign government's economic and social
planning, that internationally administered aid
removes the sting of cross-cultural domination
from the always ticklish relationship between
donor and recipient — also makes a strong case
for internationalizing the peace corps idea. In-
deed, such an idea is already being tried out on a
small scale : Dozens of Dutch youngsters are serv-
ing internships in the Food and Agriculture Or-
ganization and other U.N. agencies all over the
world. The more we can export our good will and
good intentions through international agencies, the
easier it will be for the new countries, particu-
larly those very sensitive, very new countries in
Africa, to import the teclinical help they need
without its being regarded merely a form of im-
perialism— either the 19th-century colonial or the
20th-century Kremlin variety.

If we start thinking in tei-ms of an interna-
tional peace corps as well as an American one, it
is not difficult to project some of the needs for
more junior help in the international technical
assistance programs. Suppose we can develop
some machinery under the Economic and Social
Council to recruit and build international teams
in which American youngsters would work along-
side of British, French, Russians, Brazilians, Jap-
anese, Indians, and others. Here, for example,
are some of the ways these international peace
corps volunteers might be used :

1. In the case of the United Nations' own op-
erations they might serve as staff assistants and
technicians' helpers in support of particular U.N.
programs. At present the work of the U.N. resi-
dent representatives responsible for the Expanded

' For background, see Bulletin of Mar. 20, 1961, p. 400.

AprW 17, 7967

551

Technical Assistance Program and Special Fund
activities is severely handicapped by lack of office
help of every kind, from "leg men" to typists,
messengers, and chauffeurs. The volmiteers could
also help in the growing amomit of work in-
volved m developing statistical services and in
the expandmg business of conimmiity develop-
ment in many lands.

2. The UNESCO [United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization] education
program, which is going to concentrate in Africa
this next year or two, could use peace corps vol-
miteers as teachers or teachers' helpers, could put
some of them to work in the actual building of
schools with native materials, using cheap and
efficient designs that have already been worked
up. For some volunteers a particularly exciting
prospect might be to help in the archeological
digs in the upper Nile Valley, part of UNESCO's
attempt to save some of the Nubian monuments
that will otherwise be lost forever under the wa-
ters that pile up behind the Aswan Dam.

3. The International Labor Organization, so its
Director General has just told us, covdd make
effective use of volunteers in its manpower train-
ing programs on the lower intermediate level and
in its share in community development pro-
grams— for example, in the Andean-Indian
program.

4. The World Health Organization could offer
a chance to participate in its widespread malaria
eradication and sanitation efforts and in the child
health centers which it is developing together
with the Children's Fund [UNICEF].

5. The Food and Agriculture Oi'ganization is
already using volunteers from the Netherlands
and could use a great many more in several of
its operating programs, notably the fight against
animal diseases, locust control, and some phases
of agricultural extension work and food preser-
vation.

The work will not be easy. It doesn't take
very much skill, but it does take a good deal of
dedication to go out into the countryside jabbing
the flanks of animals with inoculation needles or
spraying hovels with DDT. But for Americans
to do these things in company with people from
other countries would doubly intensify the experi-
ence and help a whole generation of Americans
learn not merely how to work for but how to work
with other people.

552

So if we think the peace corps idea is a good
one — and by the hmidreds of thousands we ob-
viously do — let's experiment with it in our inter-
national institution building. As a change from
the cold war, as a change from the dreary and
unnecessary debates over Cuba's wild charges and
the Kremlin's bitter attacks on the U.N. — as a
change from all this cold-war maneuvering — let
us experiment with a hot peace mstead. Why
wouldn't a proposal for a United Nations Peace
Corps be a good place to start ?

U.S. steps Up Food-for-Peace
Programs in Latin America

Statement iy President Kennedy

White House press release dated March 29

In my speech of March 13, 1961, I promised
immediately to step up food-for-peace programs
in Latin America.^

Pursuant to tliat pledge a food-for-peace mis-
sion, which recently visited South America, has
submitted a series of specific recoimnendations
and begun negotiations to carry out those recom-
mendations in a number of Latin American
nations. Some of them have already been acted
on.

Throughout the hemisphere millions of men
and women suffer from critical protein deficiencies.
By using our surplus feed grains to increase the
production of protein-rich poultry and livestock,
we can help meet this problem. I am sending
Mr. Jonathan Garst — a food-for-peace consultant
and one of the Nation's top experts on the use of
feed grains — to Brazil to discuss the convei-sion
of surplus feed grain into scarce protein. This
will be only the first step, a pilot project, in a liemi-
spherewide effort to eliminate protein deficiency
and provide a decent diet for all the people of the
Americas.

In addition we have offered a million tons of
wheat to Brazil for sale for local currencies to be
used in Brazilian economic and social develop-
ment. This wheat program is presently under
negotiation with the Brazilian Government, and
delivery should be scheduled shortly.

'Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

Department of State Bulletin

President Believes IDB Will Play
Vital Role in Alliance for Progress

Statement hy President Kennedy

White House press release dated March 25

I met this morning with Dr. Felipe Herrera,
President of the Inter-American Development
Bank, and Eobert Cutler, the United States Di-
rector. We discussed the I'ole of the Bank in
helping to cari-y out the Alliance for Progress.'
Dr. Herrera informed me of the Bank's current
programs as well as the policies that will guide
its future activities.

I am convinced that the Inter-American Bank
will play a vital role in the development of the
hemisphere. It certainly will be one of the major
instruments of our own effort, and the Latin
American nations themselves have already indi-
cated their willingness to use the Bank as a prin-
cipal force in the implementation of the Alliance
for Progress. Thus this liberal and progressive
institution, guided as it is by men with a deep
understanding of the problems of Latin America,
can be of major assistance in fulfilling the hemi-
sphere's desire for social change and economic
progress.

Development Assistance Group
Concludes Fourth Meeting

Following are the texts of a communique and
two resolutions adopted on March 29 iy the De-
velopment Assistance Group, which held its
fourth meeting at London, March 27-29, together
with a list of the members of the U.S. delegation.

Press release 172 dated March 30
TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE

The Fourth Meeting of the Development As-
sistance Group was held in London on 27th-29th
March, 1961. All members of the Group (Bel-
gium, Canada, France, the Federal Republic of
Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Portugal,
the United Kingdom, the United States and the
Commission of the European Economic Com-

munity) were represented. Mr. Thorkil Kristen-
sen, Secretai"y-General designate of the OECD
[Oi'ganization for Economic Cooperation and De-
velopment], also participated in the meeting, and
the International Bank and the Inter-^\jnerican
Development Bank took part in discussions of
certain items of particular concern to them.

The Et. Hon. Selwyn Lloyd, Q.C., M.P., Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, presided at the opening
session and Sir Frank Lee, Joint Permanent
Secretary to the Treasury, took the chair for the
remaining discussions.

In accordance with the procedure adopted at
previous meetings of the Group,' the United
Kingdom, as host government, gave a detailed
exposition of the United Kingdom's aid pro-
grammes and policies, and described the substan-
tial increase which had taken place and was still
continuing in government expenditure on assist-
ance to less developed countries. The United
Kingdom expressed their determination to con-
tinue to make assistance available to the fullest
extent which their circumstances would allow.

Other members of the Group made statements
on recent developments in their aid programmes
and policies, and several of them reported sub-
stantial increases in the level of their current or
proposed aid programmes, and new institutional
arrangements they had with the view to reinforc-
ing their provision of long-term finance to less
developed countries.

The Group recognized the importance of an
adequate technical assistance effort to complement
the provision of capital assistance, and agreed that
members should keep one another informed of
their efforts in this field in order to benefit from
one another's experience.

The meeting discussed financial terms on which
assistance should be provided and took stock of
the many forms in which finance, public and pri-
vate, is made available to developing countries.
It was recognized that these vary considerably
both in the contributions which they make to eco-
nomic development and in the effort which they
represent for the countries providing finance. At
the same time, it was generally considered that all
types of finance can serve a valuable function, pro-
vided that proper balance is kept between them.

* For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.
April 77, 1967

' For texts of communiques of previous meetings, see
Bulletin of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 577, and Oct. 24, 1960, p.
645.

553

There was general recognition that an excessive
proportion of short-term credits should be avoided
in provision of finance to individual developing
countries.

The meeting considered general questions of
volume and nature of assistance to less developed
countries and relative amounts which might be
made available from various advanced countries.

It was agreed that a recommendation should
be made to member governments and to the Com-
mission of the European Economic Community
that it should be made a common objective to se-
cure an expansion of aggregate volume and an
improvement in effectiveness of resources made
available to less developed countries. It was
agreed to make further recommendations on pro-
cedures to be adopted and principles to be studied
towards attainment of this objective. The text
of a resolution on the common aid effort embody-
ing these recommendations is attached.

In order to reinforce the functioning of the
Group, the meeting agreed to invite the United
States delegation to nominate the chairman of the
group, and the French delegation to nominate
the vice-chairman, who would serve for the re-
mainder of the life of the Group, and who would
be available to serve as chairman and vice-chair-
man of the Development Assistance Committee
when the OECD comes into being. These ar-
rangements would replace the procedure previ-
ously adopted, under which a different chairman
had been appointed for each of the Group's meet-
ings, with responsibilities confined to the conduct
of that meeting. The chairman to be appointed
under these new arrangements would work closely
with the Secretary-General of the OEEC and
would be available to devote substantially full time
to this work. The text of a resolution about these
arrangements for strengthening the DAG is
attached.

At the invitation of the Government of Japan,
it was agreed that the fifth meeting of the Group
should be held in Tokyo on the llth-13th July,
1961. The Group recorded its expectation that its
fifth meeting would be the last such gathering
Ijefore the Group was replaced by the Develop-
ment Assistance Committee of the OECD and that
this Committee would normally hold its meetings
in Paris at the headquarters of the new organiza-
tion.

TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS

Resolution on Strengthening the Development
Assistance Group

The Development Assistance Group,

Recognizing the urgency of improving efforts
to assist the less developed countries.

Desiring to facilitate the work of the DAG,

Looking to the coming into force of the OECD
and its Development Assistance Committee,

Agree to recommend that members be repre-
sented on the DAG by senior officials ;

Agree to request the United States Delegation
to nominate a chairman who, subject to approval
of members, would serve during the life of the
DAG and who would be available to continue to
serve as chairman of the Development Assistance
Committee when the OECD comes into being ;

Agree to request the French Delegation to
nominate a vice-chairman who, subject to approval
of the members, would serve during the life of the
DAG and who would be available to continue to
serve as vice-cliairman of the Development As-
sistance Committee when the OECD comes into
being;

Agree that the chairman shall work closely with
the Secretary-General of the OEEC, have his of-
fice in Paris, and be available to devote sub-
stantially full time to the work of the DAG and
later of the DAC, and have such authority and
responsibilities as may be assigned to him.

Resolution on Common Aid Effort

The Development Assistance Group,

Conscious of the aspirations of the less devel-
oped coimtries to achieve improving standards of
life for their peoples.

Convinced of the need to help the less devel-
oped countries help themselves by increasing eco-
nomic, financial and teclinical assistance and by
adapting this assistance to the requirements of
recipient countries.

Agree to recommend to members that they
should make it their common objective to secure
an expansion of aggregate volume of resources
made available to less developed countries and
to improve their effectiveness ;

Agree that assistance provided on an assured
and continuing basis would make the greatest

554

Department of State Bulletin

conti'ibution to sound economic growth in less
developed countries;

Agree that, while private and public finance
extended on commercial terms is valuable and
should be encouraged, the needs of some of the
less developed countries at the present time are
such that the common aid effort should provide
for expanded assistance in the form of grants or
loans on favourable terms, including long maturi-
ties where this is justified in order to prevent the
burden of external debt from becoming too heavy ;

Agree that they will periodically review to-
gether both the amount and the nature of their
contributions to aid programmes, bilateral and
multilateral, keeping in mind all the economic
and other factors that may assist or impede
each of them in helping to achieve the common
objective ;

Agree to recommend that a study should be
made of the principles on which governments
might most equitably determine their respective
contributions to the common aid effort having
regard to the circumstances of each country, in-
cluding its economic capacity and all other rele-
vant factors;

Agree tliat the chairman, assisted by the secre-
tariat, shall be invited to give leadership and
guidance to the Group in connection with the pro -
posed reviews and study.

James P. Grant, Deputy Director for Program and Plan-
ning, International Cooperation Administration

Howard J. Hilton, Economic Development Division,
OiHce of International Financial and Development
Affairs, Department of State

John S. Hooker, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secre-
tary of the Treasury

Myer Rashish, Special Assistant to the Under Secretary
of State for Economic Affairs

John C. Renner, Office of Eurojiean Regional Affairs,
Department of State

J. Robert Schaetzel, Special Assistant to the Under Secre-
tary of State for Economic Affairs

Secretary of Delegation

Donald B. Easum, Executive Secretariat, Department of
State

The DAG was organized as a result of special
economic meetings held at Paris in January 1960,^
where a resolution was adopted noting that cer-
tain countries intended to consult concerning their
policies of assistance to less developed comitries.
The purpose of the meetings is to discuss the means
of expanding and improving the flow of long-
term funds and other development assistance and
various aspects of cooperation in these efforts.
Tlie members of the group are : Belgium, Canada,
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy,
Japan, the Netherlands, Portugal, the United
Kingdom, the United States, and the European
Economic Commimity.

U.S. DELEGATION

The Department of State announced on March
24 (press release 157) that George W. Ball, Under
Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, will
serve as U.S. representative to the fourth meeting
of the Development Assistance Group (DAG),
which is scheduled to be held at London, March
27-29. Isaiah Frank, director. Office of Interna-
tional Financial and Development Affairs, Depart-
ment of State, will serve as alternate U.S.
representative.

Other members of the delegation include:
Advisers
Francis M. Bator, Consultant to the Under Secretary

of State for Economic Affairs
Wilson T. M. Beale, Minister-Counselor for Economic

Affairs, American Embassy, London
Weir M. Brown, Treasury Representative, U.S. Mission
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Euro-
pean Regional Organizations, Paris

U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord
on Financial Differences

Press release 167 dated March 27

Ambassador Eduardo Quintero of the Philip-
pines and Assistant Secretary of State for Far
Eastern Affairs J. Graham Parsons met on March
27 in the Department of State to sign a memo-
randum of understanding between the United
States and the Republic of the Philippines.

Under terms of this agreement the Republic of
the Philippines and the United States agreed
that :

1. The United States will accept $20 million in
partial payment for principal and interest due the
United States under the Romulo-Snyder agree-
ment of November 6, 1950.^

2. The remaining smn of money owed to the

' For background, see iUd., Feb. 1, 1960, p. 139.
' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2151.

April 17, 7967

555

United States under the Romulo-Snyder agree-
ment will be used to offset American indebtedness
to the Philippines for work performed for the
Recovered Personnel Division and its successor
organization.

3. The United States will relinquish any and all
interest in the trust fund consisting of undelivered
checks for services rendered by members of the
Philippine Armed Forces during World War II.

4. The Republic of the Philippines will release
the United States from any and all responsibility
for claims against this trust fund and will assume
all responsibility for such claims.

With settlement of the Romulo-Snyder obliga-
tion, the executive branch of the Government of
the United States will withdraw its recommenda-
tion to the U.S. Congress that the $73 million
War Damage Bill be reduced by the amount of
the Romulo-Snyder obligation.

Both Ambassador Quintero and Mr. Parsons
hailed this occasion as renewed evidence of the
desire and ability of the Philippines and the
United States to solve their problems in a mutually
satisfactory manner fully consonant with the
strong and traditionally close relations between
the two countries.

The Evolution of the Japanese-American Partnership

hy Douglas Mac Arthur II
A?niassador to Japan ^

Four years ago I made my first speech as Am-
bassador in this very room. And now the time
has come to say goodby. As I look back, I take
my leave of Japan with mixed feelings.

One of these is a feeling of nostalgia. When
I arrived here as Ambassador in February 1957,
I said that I hoped to visit all parts of Japan and
to meet and listen to Japanese jjeople in all walks
of life, for listening is the key to knowledge and
understanding. It has been my gi'eat fortune to
have realized those hopes.

My wife and I have visited all sections of this
lovely land. We have traveled from Kagoshima
to Shikoku and Hokkaido. We have seen the
mountains, the spectacular seacoast, the lakes, the
terraced hillsides, and the green valleys that make
Japan's countryside a constant delight. We have
come to understand the appeal of Japanese archi-

' Address made at a farewell luncheon given in his
honor by the America-Japan Society of Tokyo at Tokyo
on Mar. 7. The Senate on Feb. 24 confirmed the nomina-
tion of Ambas.sador MacArthur to be Amba.ssador to
Belgium.

tecture, and we have been endlessly charmed by
the delicate beauty of Japanese art. We have
taken part in many typically Japanese experiences
and absorbed those manifold impressions that help
to make understanding of another country.

Most of all, we have come to have an enduring
affection for the people of Japan. Nothing in
this country has impressed me more than the vital-
ity of the Japanese people. As soon as one sets
foot in Japan he receives an indelible impression
of a hard-working, skillful, and above all a cheer-
ful and dynamic people.

I am happy that we have made many friends
in Japan in different walks of life. I am deeply
indebted to many of them for their wise counsel.
We shall never forget them, nor shall we ever
forget their kindnesses and warm hospitality. We
shall miss Japan. No one who has seen Japan
as I have seen it could go away without a pang
at departing from this enchanting country.

The other feeling that I have at this time of
leavetaking, however, is one of satisfaction —
satisfaction that the friendship between Japan and

556

Department of State Bulletin

the United States is now closer and more firmly
based than ever in the 100-odd years of our
relationship.

I say this as an American, and a friend of
Japan, rather than as the outgoing Ambassador.
For as you know, an Ambassador does not com-
mand events. He can only interpret and suggest.
So when I say that our association is closer and
stronger than ever, I am really saying that the
good sense of our two peoples and the funda-
mental factors of interdependence in our basic
relationship have been allowed to operate.

Evolution of Japanese-American Postwar Relations

Let me briefly review the recent past to put in
proper perspective the evolution of American-
Japanese relations, which in the postwar period
have gone through three distinct phases.

The Occupation Period — 191^5^2

The first phase was the occupation period. It
was a period of almost complete Japanese depend-
ence. It followed the bitter and tragic war, lasted
from 1945 to 1952, and merged into the period
of peacemaking. Eemarkably, and I think greatly
to the credit of my fellow countrymen, Americans
quickly put aside the hatreds of the war. We set
out wholeheartedly to build a renewed friend-
ship which was made possible by the spirit and the
responsiveness of the Japanese people.

As Americans we had two basic objectives dur-
ing this period.

First, to assist in the institution of democratic
reforms so that the Japanese people might enjoy
the blessings of peace with justice and freedom.
Reforms were devised, and many of them have
proved wise and thus durable. Others will prob-
ably undergo further modification by the Japanese
people to bring them more into keeping with
Japan's great heritage and her national sentiment.

Our second great objective was to assist Japan to
become economically viable so that the Japanese
people could prosper and enjoy a better life. We
did our best in many ways to assist Japan's eco-
nomic rehabilitation and recovery.

And at the end of the occupation period in 1952
we concluded together a statesmanlike peace — a
peace of true conciliation by which Japan's sov-
ereignty was restored and the second phase of our
relations began.

April 17, J 96 J

5896SS— 61 3

TJie Secoiid Phase — 1952-57 : Transition

But as we entered the second phase in 1952, it
was apparent that in several respects Japan's res-
toration of sovereignty and independence was not
complete. For example, Japan's economy was still
heavily dependent on the United States. In this
position of dependency Japan did not feel that
she had full freedom of action.

Also, in 1952, while Japan had close and effec-
tive relations with the United States, her relations
with other nations were very limited. In a sense
Japan was stUl largely isolated internationally
and consequently looked to the United States in
most international matters.

And, finally, at that time vestiges of occupation
attitudes and practices still remained which, if not
removed, could eventually form the basis for major
grievances on Japan's part. For as Japan re-
covered her strength and energy, many Japanese
increasingly came to consider with some reason
that Japan was still unduly and unnecessarily in
a position of inequality in our relations.

Nonetheless this second phase from 1952 to
1957 was a period of solid progress. Japan's for-
eign trade prospered, and her international bal-
ance of payments became favorable. Economic
aid from the United States was no longer required.
The Japanese economy, having recovered to its
prewar levels, began to surge forward.

Also, whereas internationally Japan was rela-
tively isolated in 1952, by 1957 it had established
relations with almost 80 nations. And in late
1956 the Soviet Union was finally induced to drop
its veto of Japan's membership in the United Na-
tions and Japan took her rightful place in the
United Nations and soon afterward was elected
to the Security Council, the highest body of that
great organization.

The Third Phase— 1957: The ''New Era"

Thus when former Prime Minister [Nobusuke]
Kishi took office in February 1957 Japan stood re-
stored as a leading nation. In effect the tliird and
critical phase of our postwar relationship then
began. For it had become increasingly clear that,
if Japan and the United States were to work to-
gether in a free and equal relationship that would
be satisfactory to both our countries, a "new era"
in our relations would have to be developed and a
number of very fimdamental aspects of the Ameri-

557

can-Japanese association would need to be reex-
amined and revised in the light of Japan's restored
position.

The Problems of Transition

"What were the features of the situation in 1957
that caused growing concern in Japan and chal-
lenged the development of equality and partner-
ship in Japanese- American relations? The
answer is that a host of gi-ievances, large and
small, some of which were the inevitable residue
of the war and the occupation period, were
troubling our relations and impeding the comple-
tion of the transition to full sovereign
interdependence.

1. First and foremost, certainly, was the old
security treaty, which had been negotiated while
Japan was still under occupation. Many Japanese
had come to see the treaty as a onesided and un-
equal instrument which, however justified origi-
nally by lack of a Japanese contribution to her own
self-defense, gave the United States rights and
privileges that it had in no other foreign country.
It was feared that these even included the right
to commit Japan to an act of belligerency without
Japanese consent.

2. Second, there was grave and growing concern
in Japan that American trade policy would take
a direction that would be disastrous for the Japa-
nese economy. You will remember that in 1956
there had been much public agitation in the United
States about the level of textile imports from
Japan. As a result the Japanese textile industry
put quota controls on exports to the United States.
It was widely feared that this development might
be followed by severe American restrictions on
other export goods of vital importance to Japan.

3. When I arrived in Japan in February 1957,
the case of Private Girard was becoming a matter
of inflamed controversy. Tliis appeared to the
Japanese people as an example of American un-
willingness to recognize its commitment to turn
over to Japan's jurisdiction American servicemen
charged with crimes not committed in line of duty.

4. Among the other grievances which had ac-
cumulated gradually in the preceding years was
the feeling in Japan that the numbers of Ameri-
can military personnel in Japan were needlessly
large in view of the development of Japan's own
self-defense forces.

558

5. Similarly there were complaints that Ameri-
can military authorities were holding areas and
facilities which were not really required for de-
fense purposes but were needed by the Japanese
economy.

6. There was growing opposition to the payment
by Japan of so-called support costs for American
military forces in Japan.

7. There was resentment that we were still hold-
ing almost 100 war criminals in Sugamo Prison,
although other allied countries had paroled their
war criminals.

8. There were bitter complaints over our testing
of nuclear weapons in the Pacific.

9. There was a standing complaint about the
treatment of the former inhabitants of the Bonin
Islands, who were imable to return to their homes
but who had received no compensation from us.

10. The inhabitants of the Kyukyus were re-
sentful over our refusal to pay regular rentals for
the land we were using rather than the lump-sum
method we had chosen. There was also resent-
ment over what people in Japan and the Ryukyus
considered to be an imwillingness on our part to
let Japan participate in the economic and social
development of the islands.

11. Our Japanese friends were also unhappy at
what they thought was our unwillingness to co-
operate with Japan in the economic development
of the free Asian nations.

The Solutions: Partnership and Interdependence

How did we deal with these vexing and difficult
problems ?

We dealt with them by establishing a new era
of real partnership in Japanese- American relations
based on sovereign equality, mutual respect, en-
lightened self-interest, and the interdependence of
both nations. These principles were enunciated
m the communique issued in June 1957 by for-
mer Prime Minister Kishi and former President
Eisenhower.^ And following Mr. lOshi's return
to Japan we sat down together and, guided by these
principles, began the difficult process of trying to
work out solutions for all these problems whicli
would be acceptable to both nations.

Over the next 4 years we put our partnership
on a solid basis in these and other ways :

1. In compliance with the Japanese request we

- For text, see Bulletin of July 8, 1957, p. 51.

Department of State Bulletin

iininediately began the withdrawal of all our
ground forces and the substantial reduction of
other forces. Now we have here less than half
the number of troops we had in 1957.

2. We also began the return of hundreds of areas
and facilities previously held by the American
military services. Over the last 4 yeai-s the num-
ber of facilities used by U.S. forces has been re-
duced by 60 percent and the size of tlie areas by
more than two-thirds. The areas and facilities
thus released are now serving the economic, social,
and civic development of Japan.

3. We agreed that Japan would no longer be
required to pay support costs for American forces.

4. Private Girard was turned over to a Japanese
court for trial as seemed required by the terms of
our agreement, and our decision to do this, when
challenged, was upheld by the United States Su-
preme Court.^

5. The war criminals in our custody in Sugamo
were paroled.

6. We ceased testing nuclear weapons in the
Pacific and suspended testing them in the United
States.

7. Steps were taken to seek compensation for the
residents of the Bonin Islands who cannot return
to the Bonins as long as there are conditions of
tension and threat in this area. And last year the
Congress appropriated $6 million for these
residents.

8. We modified our land acquisition policy in
the Ryukyus so as to replace the lump-sum pay-
ments with generous rentals. We also invited and
welcomed the participation of the Japanese Gov-
ernment with our authorities and the Government
of the Ryukyus in the economic and social develop-
ment of the islands.

9. Contrary to Japan's fears at the beginning
of 1957 that her exports to America would be
severely restricted, we have had four good and re-
assuring years. In fact, Japan's exports to Ameri-
ca, which in 1956 were just imder $550 million,
have doubled and last year amoimted to somethmg
over $1.1 billion. And since the liberal trade
policy of the United States must be reciprocated
by Japan if Japan's exports to the United States
are not to wither, Japan has now embarked on a
trade liberalization program. If carried out en-
ergetically and in good time, this program should
result in an increased flow of two-way trade.

' lUd., July 29, 1957, p. 196.
April 17, 1961

In other respects, too, our economic relations
prospered. Increased American investment in
capital-short Japan has assisted the expansion of
Japan's industries. Also Japanese companies con-
tinue to benefit from the vast research expendi-
tures of American industry with the number of
agreements for sale of technology to Japan stead-
ily increasing. And now we have actually begun
to see a reverse flow of technical know-how from
Japan to the United States as the inventive skills
of the Japanese people begin to produce teclmical
breakthi'oughs in a number of fields.

10. We have also established a basis for close
cooperation in the historical task of economic de-
velopment in Asia. For example, a major project
in India to develop iron ore and other resources
through the combined investment of American,
Japanese, and Indian capital is under way in
Orissa Province in India.

Also there have been more than 3,000 persons
from other parts of Asia who have come to Japan
for technical training under the joint auspices of
the United States International Cooperation Ad-
ministration and the Government of Japan.

And in the past 4 years we have purchased in
Japan almost $500 million worth of goods for our
programs of economic assistance to other lesser
developed Asian nations. This has been of tre-
mendous benefit not only to these Asian nations
but also to Japan's economy and industries.

11. Finally there was the major issue in our re-
lationship in 1957 of the old United States-Japan
security treaty negotiated in 1951, when Japan
was still under occupation. The Japanese Gov-
ernment understandably insisted strongly that the
revision of this treaty, and the administrative
agreement which supplemented it, was a necessary
and fimdamental feature of the new era in our re-
lations. The tumult and furor, organized and di-
rected primarily by pro-Conamunist forces of the
left, that accompanied the last stages of the treaty
ratification process in Japan last spring should
never be allowed to obscure what was really
involved.

Wliat the Government of Japan and the Gov-
ernment of the United States did in revising the
old security treaty was in essence to place our
treaty relationship on a platform of full equality
between sovereign states. The concern of the Gov-
ernment of Japan about the old treaty was not
that it enabled the American Government to main-
tain bases and facilities in Japan; for, as many

559

Japanese have so often pointed out, these bases
and facilities in the first instance assure Japan's
security more than that of the United States.
What was of concern to Japan was that under the
old treaty our rights to use these facilities were
substantially imrestricted. Although I do not be-
lieve for one moment that any American Govern-
ment would ever have used Japanese bases for
purposes not acceptable to the Government of Ja-
pan, the legal right to do so was there. The Gov-
ernment of Japan understandably was disturbed
about it since legally we had the right to bring
atomic weapons into Japan without consultation
or the assent of the Japanese Goverimaent. Sim-
ilarly there was no limitation on our right to use
Japan's bases for direct combat operations which
could involve Japan in an act of belligerency
without consultation and Japan's assent.

We now have a new treaty * which provides
that in respect to these two vitally important mat-
ters consultation and Japan's assent are required.
There are also provisions for mutual consultation
on all important matters of mutual security inter-
est. In other respects, too, we changed the treaty
and its administrative arrangements to conform
with those with our NATO and other allies, while
at the same time keeping the provisions fully con-
sistent with the Japanese interpretation of the
Constitution of Japan. The American military
forces and the facilities they use in Japan repre-
sent joint contributions to security and defense.
As is necessary in any such relationship, each
party's interests are fully safeguarded and
protected.

Actually, if the old treaty can have been said to
favor the United States, the new treaty can be said
to favor Japan. I say this because some 42 nations
have security arrangements with the United States.
And in the case of all these pacts except the Japa-
nese treaty, some part of American territory is
covered by a reciprocal undertaking whereby the
other nations are to come to our assistance if the
United States is attacked. In the case of Japan,
while we must come to Japan's assistance if it is
attacked, Japan is not obliged to come to our as-
sistance because of article IX of its Constitution.

Now that the propaganda barrage that was laid
down last spring by Moscow, Peiping, and certain
elements within Japan has .subsided, the treaty
and its consequences are available for sober inspec-

* For text, see ibid., Feb. 8, 1960, p. 184.
560

tion. I am confident — as I believe the recent Japa-
nese elections make clear — that the Japanese peo-
ple as a whole accept the new treaty and see it for
what it is: an engagement between friendly and
equal peoples for mutual well-being and security.
The new treaty is, above all, a document and a
relationship that helps to assure that no would-be
aggressor will use force against Japan under the
mistaken miscalculation that the United States
would stand idly by if Japan were a victim of
aggression.

The Future of U.S.-Japan Relations

Now, ;:s an outgoing Ambassador, I shall take
the privilege of making a brief comment about the
future. It seems to me the prospects are bright for
the futiire of American-Japanese relations. This
does not mean that there vdll not be differences
between us from time to time as to method or ap-
proach to common problems, but this need not dis-
may us for such differences are the very hallmark
of free peoples.

Wliat is really important is that the friendship
between our two coimtries now rests on a broad
and strong fomidation of partnership, equality,
mutual respect, and enlightened self-interest.
Equally important, we are now also linked together
by a strong interdependence in the vital fields of
trade, security, and common objectives.

Trade

Trade is literally Japan's daily bread, and the
United States, for its part, is overwhelmingly
Japan's major customer. Almost 30 percent of all
Japan's exports go to the United States. As our
economy expands, as it will, the market for Japan's
increasingly large volume of high-quality products
should similarly expand if Japan reciprocates our
liberal trade policy.

The other side of the coin is that Japan is one of
our biggest markets, usually ranking only after
our neighbor Canada. It is a market with a sub-
stantial potential for expansion. And as the Gov-
ernment of Japan proceeds with its program of
removing restrictions on imports, that potential
should be realized.

We need on both sides to recognize the need for
perspective and restraint in trade matters. There
will always be problems in trading relationships
as extensive as ours have become. Each of these
wiU require careful attention, and some will re-

Department of State Bulletin

quire compromise and adjustment by both of us.
But if on both sides we can only keep in mind the
mutuality of our interests and the overall impor-
tance of our trade, the resolution of specific prob-
lems need not afl'ect the steadily upward trend in
our trade and other economic relations.

Security

In the field of security and defense, where our
continued freedom and independence are at stake,
our interests again are mutual and our relation-
ship is also one of interdependence. Indeed, our
mutual security ti-caty strengthens not only each
of our countries but also the fabric of peace in the
western Pacific and Asia.

Common Oijectives

In addition to being interdependent in trade
and security we also share many common ob-
jectives.

First and foremost, we both strive for a world
where there will be peace with justice for all
peoples.

We sliare a common abhorrence of war.

Neither of us has territorial ambitions.

We do not seek to impose our respective sys-
tems on other nations.

We both are deeply devoted to the principles
of the United Nations and are doing our utmost
to strengthen that Organization whicli we both
recognize is the best hope the world has.

Neither of us is willing to surrender abjectly
our democratic freedoms and institutions to those
who through propaganda, subversion, and the
threat or use of force seek to impose their totali-
tarian system on free peoples. Therefore we
recognize the need for defenses against possible
aggression.

But it is our common hope and prayer that the
time will eventually come when the crushing bur-
dens of armaments will no longer weigh people
down, when national armaments will have been
placed under an effective system of international
limitation, inspection, and control, and when the
United Nations will have been so strengthened

that it can assure the security of its members and
the keeping of the peace.

As advanced industrial nations we share an-
other vitally important interest in the economic
development and welfare of the peoples of the
less developed countries. I believe that our part-
nership increasingly will concern itself with pro-
grams, undertaken together and with other ad-
vanced countries, to hasten the sound growth of
the nonindustrial countries of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America so that their peoples may enjoy a
better way of life. For one of the greatest tasks
of this century is the reduction of the enormous
disparity in income and well-being that exists be-
tween the advanced countries and the newly
emerging less developed nations.

We have, in short, a firm grounding in common
interest and in a common approach to the great
problems that face mankind.

A Final Word

Let me close now with a final word of personal
sentiment. It has been a rare privilege to have
been Ambassador here during these eventful years.
Japan has returned to its place among the ranking
powers of the world. It is an accepted and re-
spected nation among the United Nations. It is
led by able, responsible, democratic leaders whose
names are known around the world. Its farmers
and fishermen, its laboring people, and its business-
men have combined to accomplish marvels of eco-
nomic perfoiTnance.

Beyond all these things, even beyond the satis-
faction I take from the present state of our re-
lationship, I shall always retain a memory of the
Japanese people, these smiling, active, boundlessly
friendly and hospitable individuals. It has been
a joy to live among them, to know them, to make
friends with them. Wlien I have been discour-
aged or worried about events here in Japan, I have
always found comfort in reflecting that no country
or society made up of such a people can be other
than sound.

And so to the Japanese people I say sayonara.
May God bless you and make you prosper.

April 17, J 96?

561

THE CONGRESS

Department Supports Legislation
Extending Sugar Act of 1948

Statement hy Edwin M. Martin
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^

I appear here today in support of H.E. 5463,
approved by the House of Representatives on
March 21, 1961. The Sugar Act of 1948, as
amended, expires at midnight on Friday of this
week. If the act is not extended a period of un-
certainty over prices and supplies is bound to fol-
low, with luifortunate results for our domestic
sugar industry. Foreign suppliers who depend on
this market and its quota system would also be
injured. It is therefore a matter of urgency that
continuing legislation be considered promptly by
the Senate. The Department of State fully sup-
ports the bill as passed by the House and requests
this committee to give it favorable consideration.

The bill would continue the present authority
of the President to determine the quota for Cuba.
In addition it would give the Executive discre-
tionary authority as to whether any sugar needed
to replace Cuban supplies should be purchased
from any country with which the United States
is not in diplomatic relations. Effectively, this
means that the President need not authorize the
purchase of that sugar from the Dominican
Republic. Under the statutory formula provided
in the present law, that country would otherwise
be entitled to a major share of allocations made to
replace Cuban supplies. It is not presently con-
sidered that this would be in the national interest.
Mr. Thomas C. Mann, Assistant Secretary of State
for Inter-American Affairs, is here with me today,
and he will be pleased to respond to any questions
you may have in this regard. I would like to say
that the discretionary authority requested is con-
sidered essential to the proper conduct of our af-
fairs in this hemisphere and that such authority
was contained in a bill [H.R. 13062] approved by
the Senate last September.

In addition to providing certain discretionary
authority with respect to sugar from the Domin-
ican Republic, H.R. 5463 would extend the present
Sugar Act for 21 months until December 31, 1962.
The present balance between foreign and domestic
suppliers of the United States market would be
maintained during this period. In the meantime
the administration can give thoughtful study to
the recent sugar report ^ prepared by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture at the request of the House
Committee on Agriculture. Adequate time will
also be provided for consultation with the domestic
sugar industry. Should it prove possible to enact
long-term legislation during the present session
of the Congress, sucli legislation could, of course,
be brought into force before the expiration of the
21 months provided in the present bill.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I wish to say
again that the bill under consideration provides
the authority we need at this time in the conduct
of our foreign relations, and I respectfully request
favorable consideration.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

86th Congress, 2d Session

Small Business Exports and the World Market — 19(50.
Hearings before the Senate Select Committee on Small
Business, November 17-December 14, 1960. 457 pp.

87th Congress, 1st Session

Export of Ball Bearing Machines to Russia. Hearings
before the Subcommittee To Investigate the Adminis-
tration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal
Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Part 2. 15 pp.

The United States in the United Nations : 1960— A Turn-
ing Point. Report to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee by Senators George D. Aiken and Wayne
Morse, members of the U.S. delegation to the 1.5th U.N.
General Assembly. February 1961, 32 pp. ; supplemen-
tary report by Senator Aiken, February 1061, 6 pp. ;
supplementary report by Senator Morse, February 1961,
55 pp. [Committee prints]

Background Documents Relating to the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development. Publi.shed by
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. February 9, 1961.
40 pp. [Committee print]

Study Mission to Africa, November-December 1960.
Report of Senators Frank Church, Gale W. McGee, and
Frank E. Moss, to the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations, Committee on Appropriations, and Committee

'■ Made before the Senate Committee on Finance on
Mar. 27 (press release 165).

° Special Study on Sugar : Report of the Special Study
Group on Sugar, Department of Agriculture, Feb. 14,
1961. 89 pp. [Committee print]

562

Department of State Bulletin

on Interior and Insular Affairs, February 12, 1961. 55
pp. [Committee print]

Gold and the United States Balance of Payments Deficit.
Prepared by the Legislative Reference Service of the
Library of Congress for the House Foreign Affairs
Committee. February 13, 1961. 50 pp. [Committee
print]

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee on Ex. E, 87th Congress, 1st session. February
14-Mareh 6, 1961. 316 pp.
Twenty-fifth Semiannual Report on Educational Exchange
Activities. Letter from the Chairman, U.S. Advisory
Commission on Educational Exchange, transmitting the
report for the period July 1-December 31, 1960. H. Doc.
89. February 15, 1961. 12 pp.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'

Adjourned During March 1961

U.N. ECOSOC Plenipotentiary Conference To Adopt a Single Con-
vention on Narcotic Drugs.

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 17th Session. . .

GATT Contracting Parties: Council of Representatives

U.N. ECE Conference on Water Pollution Problems in Europe . .

ILO Governing Body: 148th Session (and its committees) ....

IBE Executive Committee

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences: 6th Meeting of
Technical Advisory Council.

FAO Committee of Government Experts on the Uses of Designa-
tions, Definitions, and Standards for Milk and Milk Products.

FAO Experts on Index Numbers of Agricultural Production . . .

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade. . . .

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 17th
Session.

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Con-
struction of Vehicles of the Subcommittee on Road Transport.

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on the Status of Women: 15th Session.

U.N. Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation: 9th
Session.

FAO European Commission for Control of Foot and Mouth Disease:
8th Session.

ICAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Aerial Collisions. . . .

Ad Hoc Commission of the International Committee of Weights
and Measures for the Revision of the Convention on the Meter.

U.N. ECE Senior Economic Advisers

U.N. ECE Coal Committee: 51st Session

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 3d Session

FAO International Meeting on Fish Meal

GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade . . .

Development Assistance Group: 4th Meeting

SEATO Council of Ministers: 7th Meeting

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 25th Session

GATT Working Party on Italian Import Restrictions

New York.

Jan. 24-Mar. 24

New York Feb. 20-Mar.

Geneva Feb. 22-Mar.

Geneva Feb. 22-Mar.

Geneva Feb. 27-Mar.

Geneva Feb. 28-Mar.

San 3os& Mar. 6-10

Rome Mar. 6-11

Rome Mar. 6-16

Geneva Mar. 6-17

New Delhi Mar. 8-20

Geneva .

Geneva .
Geneva.

Rome. .

Mar. 13-17

Mar. 13-21
Mar. 13-24

Mar. 14-16

Paris Mar. 14^28

Paris Mar. 20-21

Geneva Mar. 20-24

Geneva Mar. 20-24

Mexico, D.F Mar. 20-24

Rome Mar. 20-29

Geneva Mar. 21-29

London Mar. 27-29

Bangkok Mar. 27-29

Geneva Mar. 27-29

Rome Mar. 27-31

17
3
3

10
1

In Session as of March 31, 1961

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed Geneva Oct. 31, 1958-

March 21).

GATT: 5th Round of Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

U.N. General Assembly: 15th Session (resumed March 7) . . . . New York Sept. 20, 1960-

U.N. Plenipotentiary Conference on Diplomatic Intercourse and Vienna Mar. 2-

Immunities.

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development New York Mar. 27-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Mar. 31, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: ECE,
Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization;
GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; IBE, International
Bureau of Education; ILO, International Labor Organization; SEATO, Southeast Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United
Nations.

April 17, 1961

563

Financing the U.N. Military Operation in tiie Congo

Statement hy Philip M. Klutznich

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

This is my first intervention as the representa-
tive of the United States to this resumed session
of the Fifth Committee of the 15th General Assem-
bly. My delegation joins wholeheartedly in the
opening remarks of the distinguished chairman.
As a newcomer I can only hope that the atmos-
phere surrounding our work may be pleasant and
friendly, even though our responsibilities are
great and burdensome. Yet it is already apparent
that there are deep differences among some relative
to this item of the agenda.

In preparing for this statement I carefully re-
viewed the principal interventions on tlie matter
last fall. It would seem that we have already
embarked on a repetition of those exercises. Per-
haps a certain part of such behavior is inescapable
and even desirable, but my delegation would hope
that by now the stark realities of the financial
position of the United Nations Organization have
become so apparent that we will cut through the
teclinicalities and get to the core problem.

With respect to the Congo, it seems impossible
to eliminate political considerations even where
the question is simply one of aritlimetic. What
we have before us is the business of totaling a
bill that has been authorized and to provide for its
payment, which is inevitable among honorable
states and men. Yet we have already listened to a
statement in support of a point of order. This
was almost a summary of the speech on the Congo
delivered last week by the Foreign Minister of tlie
U.S.S.R. [Andrei A. Gromyko] to the General
Assembly. In the speech to the General As-
sembly the U.S.S.R. called on that body to take

' Made in Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary)
on Mar. 30 (U.S. delegation press release 3679).

certain steps relative to the United Nations opera-
tion in the Congo ; here we have been told by the
distinguished representative of the U.S.S.R. that
only the Security Council can authorize and per-
form certain acts of a similar character. And
that we, as a committee of the General Assembly,
are even powerless to consider the matter before
us. In both instances fantastic and unbelievable
charges are made against certain member states,
including the United States, and even a horrible
and indefensible charge of complicity in murder
is leveled against the Secretary-General.

We shall refrain from an answer in kind to
such obvious untruths as my Government's alleged
control of the processes of the United Nations.
It seems to us that this is a violent and unjustified
attack on the intelligence and integrity of our
fellow member states as much as, if not more than,
on my Government.

Nor shall we here again defend the office of the
Secretary-General or its incumbent. We are con-
vinced that the stature of the office itself and the
impeccable character of its occupant speak far
more loudly against such unfounded charges than
any words of ours.

I repeat, as a newcomer I have kept asking my-
self what is the motive and purpose of all this.
These studied and deliberate efforts to confuse
and complicate these deliberations certainly do not
seek an alternative method to honor the commit-
ments already made. Can it be the size of the
bill that provokes these methods? The bill is
large, but in any culture it is not the size of a bill
that changes the moral or legal principles in-
volved. Unquestionably the size of the bill and
its emergency cliaracter creates problems of pay-
ment for certain states whose assets are more than

564

Department of State Bulletin

strained by other commitments. It would be
cruel and thoughtless not to consider this aspect
of our mutual problem. My Government, and we
hope others, are prepared to recognize this as a
matter for special consideration. But certainly
this is not a barrier to correct and honorable con-
clusions on the part of governments which possess
great resources and boast of enormous economic
progress.

U.N. Fiscal Position

Only a casual look at the alternative to assess-
ment and payment can bring home to us the peril-
ous issue that we debate. The treasury of the
United Nations is virtually bare ; the Organization
has borrowed substantial sums to keep afloat.
This committee has before it all of the available
intelligence on this subject plus the report^ of
the results of careful processing by the Advisory
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary
Questions. These facts speak powerfully. A
failure to face this issue forthrightly and effec-
tively can only produce a default by the United
Nations in meeting its obligations in a matter of
weeks.

The Canadian delegation has presented us with
a clear picture of our fiscal position. There are
some member states who seem to feel imtouched
by this financial problem involved in keeping the
peace, who, as the distinguished representative of
Canada aptly demonstrated, are ultimately and
inextricably caught in the web of this precarious
financial predicament. The Secretary-General
has had to borrow — and he will have to continue
to borrow — funds from the reserve accounts of the
Special Fund and of the ETAP [Expanded Pro-
gram of Technical Assistance] which are destined
for economic and social programs. Without the
possibility of repayment it is not alone the U.N.
operation in the Congo that will suffer. Then,
if conceivably all United Nations troops and staff
were ordered out of the Congo today, the costs
incurred and to be incurred would destroy any
possibility of repayment of loans unless we do
our job constructively here. The financial integ-
rity of the United Nations is indivisible ; a failure
here would mean a failure on other fronts as well.

Likewise our Canadian colleague issued a call

U.S. Attitude Toward Congo Financing

Department Statement

Press release 175 dated March 30

The United Xations is facing a serious financial
crisis, brought to a head by the United Nations
military Operation in the Congo and by the refusal
of the Soviet bloc to pay its share of United Na-
tions Operation in the Congo expenses as part of
its campaign to control or destroy the United
Nations.

The United States has heli)ed to meet this United
Nations problem by prompt payment of its contri-
bution to the 1960 costs of United Nations Operation
in the Congo. The issue now being debated by the
Fifth Committee of the General Assembly, financing
the Congo operation for 1961, is one of the most
important issues which must be settled by the
current session. We expect to do our share toward
meeting this cost and we fully expect other respon-
sible governments to meet their obligations.

The United States delegation in New Tork has
announced today [March 30] that the United States
is prepared to make a sizable voluntary contribution
toward United Nations Operation in the Congo
expenses over and above its normal assessed share
of the total of $120 million. The exact amount and
form of this contribution will be determined in part
by the actions taken and views expressed by other
governments. We and others who believe in the
absolute necessity of preserving the United Nations
do not intend to stand by silently and permit a few
nations deliberately to destroy what stands today as
man's primary hope for peace.

' U.N. doc. A/4713.
April 17, J967

for payment of obligations. It is time that we
recognize that a resolution of assessment is but
the first step. Bankruptcy can come from an over-
load of unpaid receivables no less than from a
refusal to assess. Perhaps the time has come to
call on the Secretariat to present a plan and pro-
gram to expedite collections and improve cash
flows into the United Nations treasury. The
dreary prospect in terms of available funds will be
only slightly improved by a resolution unless
means are found to expedite payment of assess-
ments. It is high time that we, all of us, recognize
the high priority that our governments should
place on payment of assessments. This problem
needs energetic review and consideration in the
area of policies, procedures, and administration.
We would support wholeheartedly a resolution
calling for an examination into this area and for
recommendations to meet tliis pressing challenge.

565

One must not idly regard direct attacks on
the United Nations Organization; but these at
least possess the dignity of candor, even when
wrong. But it must be far below the stature of
the sovereign powers of the world to destroy in-
directly this "last great hope for peace" by the
relatively mean and undignified procedure of not
paying bills. This is not in keeping with our
obligations to mankind and to posterity.

We stand today at the bar of history — all of
us. Even though the cynic may question the wis-
dom of extended remarks, so many of which have
already been made, no member state feeling the
awesome weight of its responsibility dare refrain
from making known its views and commitments.
This issue is fraught with far greater peril than
a direct attack on the United Nations. Impreg-
nated into the very fabric of this question of
approval and payment of a relatively huge sum
of money to support political decisions of tliis
Organization are all of the pains and problems
of the family of nations seeking a formula to
live together. The foundation stone of such a
hopeful eventuality must be mutual integrity.
A failure to assume and discharge this obligation
exposes the United Nations to imminent dangers
of decline and deterioration — a cancerous growth
eating away at the vital hopes of humanity that,
in tliese precincts, nations of differing philosophies
and orientation can weld together a solid basis
for a just and lasting peace.

Implementing Words With Deeds

Words in this area are meaningless without
deeds. We and others who believe in the absolute
necessity of preserving the United Nations do not
intend to stand idly by and permit a small group
of nations to destroy it. The United States is
accordingly prepared to make an extraordinary
financial contribution toward ONUC [United
Nations Operation in the Congo] expenses to
demonstrate its desire, and its faith, that the
United Nations shall survive to serve the inter-
ests of mankind.

Specifically, Mr. Chairman, the United States
is prepared to make a sizable voluntary contri-
bution toward ONUC expenses over and above
its normal assessed share of the total of $120 mil-
lion. The exact amoimt and form of this con-
tribution have not yet been finalized and will be

determined in part by the actions taken and views
expressed by other governments.

As was the case last fall it is our wish that
voluntary contributions made by the United
States should be used to reduce the financial bur-
den on those countries having a lesser capacity to
pay.' In this connection we have very much in
mind the views expressed in this committee by
the distinguished representatives of Venezuela,
Mexico, and Colombia, who described the burdens
imposed on their countries by the payment of con-
tributions for United Nations expenses for UNEF
[U.N. Emergency Fund] and ONUC. Accord-
ingly we hope that it will be possible for this com-
mittee once again to work out an equitable system
of rebates by making use of the voluntary
contributions of the United States and other
countries.

Let us make one point very clear. Tlie offer
of the United States to make voluntary contri-
butions over and above its normal assessed per-
centage of the $120 million ONUC expenses is
made on the understanding that there is general
recognition that all member governments have an
obligation — a vei-y serious and solemn obligation —
to pay their fair shares of these expenses.

It is our impression that an overwlielming ma-
jority of member governments do recognize such
an obligation. There are, of course, a few out-
standing exceptions. All others have accepted the
principle of collective responsibility with respect
to the financing of ONUC. It is true that there
have been evidenced some differences of opinion
as to the basis and precise character of the obli-
gations to pay, but the obligation has been recog-
nized. The United States takes the view that
the obligation is a legal one.

Reappraisal of Assessment Obligations

We realize that there are differences of opinion
as to wliat is the fair share which member gov-
ernments should pay toward ONUC expenses. On
this point we listened with attention to the dis-
tinguished representative of Venezuela speaking
on behalf of our Latin American colleagues. We
understand and have great sympathy for much
of his position. We are unable to agree that, in
the closing days of the resumed 15th General As-

'Por a statement made by the U.S. representative in
Committee V, see Btn-LETiN of Dec. 26, 1960, p. 975.

566

Department of State Bulletin

sembly, there is sufficient time to work out a new
formula for fixing contribution shares. Nor do
we quite see the validity of dividing an assessment
of this nature into three categories. On the other
hand my Government is vei-y much impressed with
the suggestion that there be established a new
scale of assessments for peace and security opera-
tions which would recognize that a special re-
sponsibility for obligations of this character rests
with the permanent members of the Security
Council. The United States has recognized this
point of view by making special financial con-
tributions both to UNEF and ONUC. We are
quite ready to explore this approach further.
There are other aspects of our recent experiences
in assessing and paying the costs of keeping the
peace, which likewise need examination. As long
as we look upon this matter as one of collective
responsibility, we have need to examine the present
and past and try to develop a policy and formula
which may serve us better in the future. We
would gladly support a proper resolution estab-
lishing the machinery to do just this and requir-
ing a report of recommendations to the 16th Gen-
eral Assembly.

We firmly believe that these payments, except
for adjustment in hardship cases, should be man-
datory. We know that there are certain states
who honor their obligations who believe that these
should be treated as only a moral obligation. We
join with them in at least the hope that a day may
come in the United Nations when this high-
minded approach can be pureued in all of our
endeavors. The record to date does not support
confidence that we have arrived at that point in
our mutual relations. The sorry histoiy of the
lack of support by some powers of UNEF, refugee
programs, and other activities does not permit tak-
ing such a risk. The record in the payment of ob-
ligations for the Congo certainly does not permit
of reliance on such an approach.

In the nature of our work together there will be
occasions when voluntary contributions should
be the rule. But in matters affecting the ability
of the United Nations to meet authorized obliga-
tions, we do not believe that room should be left
for member states to pick and choose what they
will support and what they will not.

We have already referred to a speech delivered
at the outset of our committee's proceedings by
the distinguished representative of the U.S.S.R.

We have read and reread it. It is full of claims, al-
legedly legal, that would stay our action. Our
chairman has disposed of these claims. But no-
where in this document of many pages can I find
the hint or suggestion, real or implied, that under
certain conditions the U.S.S.R. is prepared to pay
the minimum, if not its just, share of tliis obliga-
tion. It is possible that some others who have
followed this path in the past are preparing to do
so in the future. We do not claim omniscience;
but if it is our proposals or conditions that make
it impossible for these dissenters to pay, then let
them at least come forward with offers of payment
in accordance with their own ideas. There is al-
ways room for discussion between us if we first
accept the principle that it is our joint and mutual
obligation to assess and pay these debts.

Let us be abundantly clear about one thing.
My Government does not approach the need to
pay its share and more of this obligation with
songs of joy on our lips. At times there seems to
be a tendency to assume that whatever funds we
provide are come by easily, out of huge surpluses,
and without sacrifices. No nation here represented
has reached the viltimate goals of its hopes for its
people. My Nation is not an exception to this
truth. The standards we have set for our people
may be relatively high. But, as many of you
know, it is still only a dream until all of our people
are privileged to attain our goals for the common
weal. Funds that are diverted from our public
income to meet emergency needs of this character
defer the day when certain wants of our own
people are satisfied.

We deeply regret with all right-thinking people
the need for a United Nations operation in the
Congo. Yet it is better to defer the meeting of
our essential needs than to permit the Congo to
become the spark for a greater catastrophe or to
debate who pays the bill while the newly won
independence of the Congolese deteriorates or is
lost by our common neglect. We devoutly wish
that this emergency shall soon end, but such wishes
can only find fruition if we resolutely and hon-
orably meet the challenges of this day.

Growth to Maturity

In conclusion, permit me the luxury of a few
elementary and general observations.

We meet here in a complex forum. These are
governments of many nations of the world that

April 17, 1961

567

are sitting in this chamber. The decisions we
shall contrive to reach will be the products of the
multiple capitals of the world. Into our delibera-
tions must go the views of presidents, prime min-
isters, foreign and finance ministers, secretaries
of state and of treasuries, and a whole small uni-
verse of lesser dignitaries. Our decisions un-
doubtedly will have an imperceptible mixture of
the ingredients of politics and finance.

We who sit here represent these many nations ;
yet in another sense we make representations to
them. In all of this maze of sovereignties and
protocol we, each of us, are the equal of any in
one respect — we are human beings, fathers and
grandfathers, vitally concerned with generations
yet unborn and moved by the inner hope that our
collective statesmanship may permit their birth.
Those of tomorrow will look down on these
■days through which we pass in one of two ways :
Either this will be characterized as a period of
pain arising out of the growth to maturity of
the noble and inspirational ideals expressed in the
■charter of this Organization; or else this will be
looked upon as the era in which raised voices and
relatively small bills unpaid marked the beginning
of the disintegration and the disillusion of another
of mankind's great dreams.

We do not believe it is to be the latter. But
if it is to be, let us not drift into it. Let us be
possessed of the courage and foresight to face
up to our failure in finding an answer to our search
for collective security. The strident voices that
find fault freely, and I mean this in its dual sense
such as often and without cost, must not frighten
us into losing even a twinkle of a hope for a better
world.

If on the other hand this is really a period of
growth to maturity through which the United
Nations is passing, let us realize that in human
experience such growth is frequently accompanied
by pain and sacrifice. If we can with genuine
statesmanship prevail over this difficult chapter,
it may well be that the road ahead may not be
all uphill. Viewed in these more optimistic terms,
it seems to my delegation that those who truly
believe in collective security and who honestly
seek a family relationship among the peace-loving
nations of the world are justified in making a
sacrifice at this stage. In retrospect it may be
written of us that a very small and relatively
puny sum that we were called upon to pay bought

the beginning of the realization of inspirational
hope of the immortality of the human race.

Mr. Chairman, it is not alone the hard facts of
fiscal probity that must move us as we enter into
the phase of seeking mutually acceptable answers.
Let us even be more mindful of the ideals and the
solemn purpose that first brought us to this con-
ference table.

United Nations Postpones Discussion
of Disarmament Until 16th Session

FoUowing is a statement hy Ambassador Adlai
E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the General
Assembly, made in Comnvittee I [Political and
Security) on March 30, together loith the text of a
resolution adopted by the committee on that day.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON

U.S. delegation press release 3682

The United States desires to do everything pos-
sible to put an early and a sure end to the arms
race which threatens humanity. We are eager to
resume negotiations soon and under conditions
which will produce results and not further disap-
pointments. It is only through negotiations that
we can make progress.

We are intensively studying our disarmament
policies in the light of developing political, sci-
entific, and technical trends. We are, of course,
hopeful that other states are doing the same. Our
study is not complete but it is being pressed as
rapidly as possible. We shall be ready for what
we hope will be fruitful negotiations by the end of
July.

In the meantime, exchanges of views will con-
tinue during June and July between the states
concerned on questions relating to disarmament
and to the resumption of negotiations in an appro-
priate body whose composition is to be agreed
upon.

The Soviet Union and the United States are
submitting to this committee a resolution propos-
ing that the General Assembly decide to take up
at its 16th session the problem of disarmament and
all pending proposals relating to it. We hope that
all members of the committee will support this
resolution.

568

Deparlmenf of State Bulletin

In recognition of the interest of the United Na-
tions, an understanding has been reached between
the United States and the Soviet Union to inform
the 16th General Assembly of the progress made.

TEXT OF RESOLUTION'

The Oetieral Assembly

Takes note of the statements made by the heads of the
delegations of the Soviet Union and the United States on
the question of disarmament, and

Decides to talie up for consideration the problem of dis-
armament, and all pending proposals relating to it at its
sixteenth session.

The Question of South-West Africa

STATEMENT BY JONATHAN B. BINGHAM'

I slioiild like first of all to express a sense of
high privilege at joining the membership of the
distinguished Fourtli Committee of the General
Assembly. No committee has, I believe, a record
of greater achievement in the almost 16 years since
the founding of the United Nations. It is with
a feeling of humility that I take my seat here,
following many outstanding United States repre-
sentatives, including Senator Wayne Moree, the
Honorable Mason Sears, Ambassador Francis
Sayre, and, going back to 1947, the Honorable
John Foster Dulles.

I am sure that in all the years that this com-
mittee has been meeting it has never included more
outstanding representatives from all over the
world than it now does and that it has never had
more able leadership than it enjoys today from
its eminent officere.

The Fourth Committee has a reputation for be-
ing the hardest working committee in the General
Assembly. No one has ever accused the members
of this committee of being inarticulate or of fail-
ing to speak their minds on a contentious issue.
Yet its members have also demonstrated a degree
of mutual respect and accommodation not always

' U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.267 ; adopted unanimously in
Committee I on Mar. 30.

■ Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) of the U.N. Gen-
eral Assembly on Mar. 13 (U.S. delegation press release
3666). Mr. Bingham is U.S. Representative to the Gen-
eral Assembly.

found in other bodies of the United Nations. I
hope that I may be able to contribute in some small
measure to a continuation by the committee of its
record of achievement, not for the sake of the com-
mittee's reputation — though we may cherish that
reputation — but for the sake of the essential
human values we seek to promote.

Position of Union of South Africa

We are confronted today with what has been
one of the most distressing and intractable prob-
lems that has confronted this committee over the
years. It is a measure of the stubborn nature of
this problem that all the United States representa-
tives on this committee whom I mentioned before,
and others as well, have had occasion to discuss
South-West Africa before the committee. Yet it
must be stated that in all these years there has
been no improvement in the situation ; on the con-
trary, such change as has occurred has been for
the worse.

In spite of the repeated urgings of this com-
mittee and of successive sessions of the General
Assembly, the Union of South Africa has been
adamant in its refusal to recognize any interna-
tional obligations whatsoever with regard to the
Territory of South-West Africa. Year after
year it has rejected or ignored General Assembly
resolutions urging that it enter into a trusteeship
agreement with respect to the Territory. It has
ignored or rejected — sometimes in the rudest of
language — the decisions of the International
Court of Justice definmg the nature of its con-
tinued obligation with respect to the Territory
imder the mandate granted to it following the
First World War.

Over these same years, while the Union of South
Africa has continuously refused to recognize any
international obligation with respect to the Ter-
ritory, its policies for the administration of the
Territory have grown increasingly harsh and
repressive. The policy of apartheid has been
introduced and more and more rigorously
imposed.

Mr. Chairman, we in the United States share
with the rest of the world in our Declaration of
Independence a magnificent statement of the faith
of free men everywhere. The words of Thomas
Jefferson and his associates reflected the inspira-
tion of a revolution on these shores and have ex-
pressed the aspirations of human beings strug-

April 17, 7967

569

gling, througli all the decades since, for equality
of opportunity, for human dignity, and for free-
dom. Permit me to recall these deathless words :

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are
Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to
secure these rights. Governments are instituted among
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed. . . .

Now, Mr. Chairman, I will not pretend for a
moment that we in the United States have been
wholly successful in our efforts to live up to the
ideals represented by those words, but, along with
most of the nations of the world, we recognize
the validity of those ideals and we have striven
with considerable success, and will ever continue
to strive, to achieve them. The appalling thing
about the policy of apartheid is that it rejects
those ideals in principle, as well as in practice.
The policy of apartheid is foimded on a hateful
concept that human beings of different races are
not entitled to equality of opportunity. Moreover,
it rejects the principle that governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the gov-
erned. I feel confident, Mr. Chairman, that all
members of this committee, without exception,
would agree that in the case of South-West Africa
the government exercised by the mandatory power
is not derived from, and does not have, the con-
sent of the vast majority of the governed. I say
without exception, because the Union of South
Africa itself apparently does not believe that the
governed, when their skins are of a darker hue,
have any right to expect that they should have
any choice whatsoever with regard to the govern-
ment imposed upon them.

Thus the policy of apartheid is repugnant to
us in the United States of America, as it is to
all the governments represented here, save one.
It is particularly deplorable that such a policy
should be exercised in an area such as the Ter-
ritory of South-West Africa, where the admin-
istering authority has international obligations,
even though it refuses to recognize those
obligations.

Testimony of Petitioners

Last week we heard the testimony of four pe-
titioners, Mr. Ismail Fortune, Mr. Mburumba
Kerina, the Reverend Marcus Kooper, and Mr.

570

Jacob Kuhangua. The picture presented by these
petitioners of cruel repression, of persecution of
political leaders fighting for their rights, of police
brutalities is truly an appalling one, and it stands
on the record uncontradicted by any evidence that
the Union of South Africa might have seen fit to
introduce by way of reply or mitigation.

In keeping with its habit of grim rejection of
any competence by the United Nations with re-
spect to the Territory of South-West Africa, the
Union has chosen to take no part in these pro-
ceedings. It cannot then complain if the mem-
bers of this committee conclude that the state-
ments of the petitioners have presented an
accurate view of conditions in the Territory. My
delegation feels the most acute sympathy for the
victims of the policies of apartheid and of political
repression in the Territory of South-West Africa,
who have been represented here by these eloquent
petitioners.

In saying this, I should like to have it imder-
stood that I do not ignore the fact that there are
other areas of the world where equal, if different,
cruelties are daily practiced and where political
repression is in like manner the rule. But these
situations are not before us at this time.

We do have before us the report of the dis-
tinguished Committee on South-West Africa,'
presented by its most learned and able chairman.
As that report indicates, the Union of South
Africa, in characteristic disregard of the decisions
of the General Assembly of the United Nations,
has declined to permit the Committee on South-
West Africa to visit the mandated territory.

In attempted justification of its refusal, the
Union presented the argument that the matter was
sub judice in the International Court of Justice.
Not only do we disagree with this argument on its
merits, but we find it especially unconvincing
coming from the Union of South Africa, which
has ignored or rejected the prior decisions of the
International Court of Justice and which has
given no assurance that it will accept the decisions
of that august Court in the contentious proceeding
that has now been brought by the Governments of
Ethiopia and Liberia. I should like, with all due
respect, to ask the representative of the Union of
South Africa this question: Will the Union, to
establish its sincerity in putting forward the sub
judice argument, assure the members of the United

'U.N. doc. Ay4705 dated Mar. 3.

Department of State Bulletin

Nations that it will abide by the decisions of the
International Court of Justice when they are ren-
dered after due consideration in the present pro-
ceeding? I wish that I could hope for an affirm-
ative answer.

Mr. Chairman, my delegation regrets that the
Union of South Africa did not see fit to permit
the Committee on South-West Africa to visit the
Territory. This would have been an excellent
opportunity for the Union Government to dem-
onstrate its willingness to cooperate with the sin-
cere and protracted efforts of the United Nations
to find a solution consistent with the terms of the
charter and of the mandate. We can only conclude
from its noncooperation that the Union did not
want this committee or the General Assembly to
have before it the information which the Com-
mittee on South-West Africa would have obtained
and would have brought back to lay before us.

Need for Tangible Improvement in Situation

Mr. Chairman, I do not have at this time any
draft resolution to submit, nor am I prepared to
comment on any of the suggestions which have
been offered for possible approval by this com-
mittee. As I began by saying, the rocklike refusal
of the Union of South Africa to accept in any
slightest degree the repeated expressions of opin-
ion by the world community, as represented by
the United Nations, has made this problem an
extraordinarily difficult and intractable one. I
would merely like to express the hope that the
members of this committee, in considering the
various kinds of action which the committee might
recommend to the General Assembly, would keep
constantly in mind that our primary objective is
to achieve some tangible improvement in the sit-
uation of the people of South-West Africa and
that an important secondary objective is to pre-
serve the prestige and authority of the United
Nations. Let us be careful, therefore, to avoid
the temptation of making recommendations which
are impractical and cannot conceivably be carried
out, or which, even if carried out, will not con-
tribute to an improvement of the situation or may
even be harmful to our basic objectives. It would
be extremely unfortunate, for example, if this
committee were to take any action endangering the
existence of the mandate, upon which the United
Nations position in this matter so largely depends.
Likewise we must be careful not to do anything to

jeopardize the success of the contentious action
brought in the International Court of Justice by
Ethiopia and Liberia. As indicated by my Gov-
ernment's support of General Assembly Resolu-
tion 1565 last fall, we believe that this proceeding
is of great importance and that, in instituting it,
the Governments of Ethiopia and Liberia have
perfonned a signal service on behalf of all peoples
who believe in the essential dignity of man, re-
gardless of race, color, or creed.

By urging that we approach our task realistic-
ally and practically, I certainly do not mean to
suggest that we should become discouraged and
throw up our hands on this problem. To do so
would be to betray the interests and aspirations
of great numbers of hvunan beings within the Ter-
ritory and to betray the ideals of the United
Nations itself.

On the contrary we must persevere in our ef-
forts to find a solution or at least to find the begin-
ning of a way that may lead to a solution. If we
do so with determination, it seems to me incon-
ceivable that the Government of the Union of
South Africa should be able indefinitely to resist
the moral pressure of world opinion as it may
be brought to bear through the medium of this
great forum.

TEXT OF RESOLUTION*

The General Assembly,

Bearing in mind the provisions of the General Assem-
bly's declaration on the granting of independence to
colonial peoples and territories which declares that im-
mediate steps shall be taken to transfer all powers to
such peoples, without any conditions or reservations, in
accordance with their freely expressed will and desire,
without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in
order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and
freedom,

Recalling its resolution 1568 (XV) inviting the Com-
mittee on South West Africa to go to South West Africa
immediately, inter alia, to investigate the situation pre-
vailing in the Territory,

Noting with deep regret from the interim Keport (docu-
ment A/4705) of the Committee on South West Africa
called for under the said resolution that the Government
of the Union of South Africa refuses to co-operate with
the United Nations by facilitating the mission of the
Committee on South West Africa,

Convinced that it is both the right and the duty of the

*U.N. doc. A/RES/1596(XV) ; adopted in plenary ses-
sion on Apr. 7 by a vote of 84 (including U.S.) to 0, with
8 abstentions.

April 17, 1 96 1

571

United Nations to discharge fully and effectively its obli-
gations with respect to the proper implementation, under
Its supervision, of the Mandate for South West Africa
conferred upon His Britannic Majesty, to be exercised on
his behalf by the Government of the Union of South
Africa,

Nothif! with grave concern the continuing deterioration
In the situation of South West Africa resulting from the
continued application, in violation of the letter and spirit
of the Mandate, of tyrannical policies and practices of the
Union's administration in South West Africa, such as
apartheid,

Reiterating its concern that this situation constitutes
a serious threat to international peace and security,

1. Recognizes and supports the passionate yearning of
the x>eople of South West Africa for freedom and the exer-
cise of national independence and sovereignty ;

2. Rejects the position taken by the Government of the
Union of South Africa In refusing to co-operate with the
United Nations in the implementation of resolution 1568
(XV) as well as other resolutions concerning South West
Africa ;

3. Deplores the attempts at the assimilation of the
mandated Territory of South West Africa, culminating
In the so-called referendum held on 5 October 1960. as
totally unacceptable, having no moral or legal basis and
being repugnant to the letter and spirit of the Mandate ;

4. Considers that the full and effective discharge of the
tasks assigned to the Committee on South West Africa
In operative paragraph 4 of the Assembly's resolution
1568 (XV) is essential to the protection of the lives and
property of the inhabitants of South West Africa, to the
amelioration of the prevailing conditions of South West
Africa the continuance of which Is likely to endanger
international peace and security, to the exercise of the
right of self-determination by the people of South West
Africa in complete freedom, and their right of accession
to national sovereignty and independence with the least
delay ;

5. Requests the Committee on South West Africa,
therefore, immediately to proceed to discharge the special
and urgent tasks entrusted to it in resolution 1568 (XV)
as fully and expeditiously as possible with the co-oi)era-
tion of the Government of the Union of South Africa if
such co-operation be available, and without it if necessary ;

6. Requests the Member States of the United Nations
to extend to the Committee on South West Africa such
assistance as it may require in the discharge of these
tasks;

7. Decides to call the attention of the Security Council
to the situation in respect of South West Africa which,
if allowed to continue, will, in the Assembly's view,
endanger international peace and security, and to this
resolution, the full implementation of which is necessary
to bring that situation to a speedy end ;

8. Takes note with grave concern of reports of the
terrorization of and armed action against the indigenous
inhabitants, and calls upon the Government of the Union
of South Africa to desist from such acts ;

9. Requests the Committee on South West Africa to

submit a report on the implementation of resolution 1568
(XV) as well as the present resolution to the General
Assembly at its sixteenth session.

Portugal Joins Fund and Bank

The International Monetary Fund and the In-
ternational Bank for Eeconstruction and Devel-
opment announced on March 29 that on that day
Portugal had become a member of the Fund and
Bank, when the articles of agreement of these in-
stitutions were signed at Washington on behalf
of the Government of Portugal by the Ambas-
sador, Luis Esteves Fernandes.

The quota of Portugal in the International
Monetary Fund is $60 million, and its subscrip-
tion to the capital stock of the Bank is 800 shares
with a total par value of $80 million.

Sixty-nine nations are now members of the
Fund, and 67 nations are members of the Bank.
Admission of Portugal brought the total of mem-
bers' quotas in the Fund to $14,800,700,000 and the
total subscribed capital of the Bank to
$19,996,200,000.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

IMCO Second Assembly

The Department of State announced on March
30 (press release 177) that Wilson T. M. Beale,
Jr., Minister-Counselor for Economic Affairs,
American Embassy, London, will serve as delegate
and chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Second
Assembly of the Intergovernmental Maritime
Consultative Organization (IMCO), which is
scheduled to be held at London, April 5-25.

Adm. Alfred C. Eichmond, the Commandant,
U.S. Coast Guard, will serve as alternate delegate.
Other members of the delegation include :

Advisers

George R. Jacobs, Economic OflScer, American Embassy,

London
Rear Adm. Henry T. Jewell, USCG, Department of the

Treasury
Capt Archibald McComb, USCG, Department of the

Treasury
Robert T. Merrill, Chief, Shipping Division, Office of

Transport and Communications, Department of State

572

Department of State Bulletin

John Howard Moore, OflSce of International Administra-
tion, Department of State

Samuel E. Perkins, Office of International Economic and
Social Affairs, Department of State

E. Robert Seaver, Legal Adviser for International Matters,
Maritime Administration, Department of Commerce

Alvin Sliapiro, Vice President, American Merchant Marine
Institute, Washington, D.C.

Halert Shepheard, American Merchant Marine Institute,
Washington, D.C.

William G. Vale, Shipping Division, Office of Transport
and Communications, Dei)artment of State

Secretary 0/ Delegation

Harry Weiner, Office of International Conferences, De-
partment of State

This session of the Assembly will consider,
among other things, the advisory opinion of the
International Court of Justice on the reconstitu-
tion of the Maritime Safety Committee. It will
also elect members of the IMCO Council and
adopt a work program for the Organization to
cover the next 2 years,

OECD Economic Policy Committee

The Department of State announced on April 1
(press release 182) the following U.S. delegation
to the meeting of the Economic Policy Committee
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development to be held in Paris, April 18-19.

Head of Delegation

Walter W. Heller, Chairman, Council of Economic
Advisers

Members of Delegation

Robert V. Roosa, Under Secretary of the Treasury for
Monetary Affairs

John W. Tuthill, Alternate U.S. Permanent Representa-
tive to the Organization for European Economic Co-
operation (OEEC)

William McC. Martin, Jr., Chairman of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve Board

Edvcin M. Martin, Assistant Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs

Advisers

Manuel Abrams, Officer in Charge, Economic Organiza-
tion Affairs, Office of European Regional Affairs, De-
partment of State

Weir M. Brown, U.S. Representative to the European
Monetary Agency (EMA) Board of Management

J. Dewey Daane, Assistant to the Secretary of the
Treasury

Dixon Donnelley, Assistant to the Secretary of the
Treasury

Mortimer D. Goldstein, Deputy Chief, International
Finance Division, Department of State

Alfred Reifman, Economic Policy Adviser, U.S. Mission

to the OEEC
James Tobin, Member of the Council of Economic Advisers
Robert Triffin, Consultant to the Council of Economic

Advisers
George H. Willis, Director, Office of International Finance,

Department of the Treasury
Ralph A. Young, Adviser to the Board of Governors of

the Federal Reserve Board

The Economic Policy Committee will be one of
the permanent committees of the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD), when the OECD comes into existence.
It will serve as the primary forum for consulta-
tion among member countries for the purpose of
promoting policies designed to achieve a high and
sustainable rate of economic growth while pre-
serving financial stability. This is one of the prin-
cipal aims of the OECD.

TREATY INFORIMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Finance

Articles of agreement of the International Bank for Re-
construction and Development. Opened for signature
at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered into force
December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502.

Signatures and acceptances: Portugal, March 29, 1961;
Nigeria, March 30, 1961.

Articles of agreement of the International Monetary Fund.
Opened for signature at Washington December 27, 1945.
Entered into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1501.
Signatures and acceptances: Portugal, March 29, 1961;
Nigeria, March 30, 1961.

Health

Constitution of the World Health Organization. Opened
for signature at New York July 22, 1946. Entered into
force AprU 7, 1948. TIAS 1808.
Acceptance deposited: Somalia, January 26, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961.'
Accession deposited: Chad, March 10, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the
Government of the Polish People's Republic. Done at

' Not in force for the United States.

April 17, 1 96 J

573

Tokyo November 9, 1959. Entered Into force Novem^ Appointments

ber 16, 1960. TIAS 4649.

Signature: Federal Republic of Germany, March 6, 1961.

BILATERAL

Ireland

Amendment to the agreement of March 16, 1956 (TIAS
4059), concerning the civil uses of atomic energy.
Signed at Washington February 13, 1961.
Entered into force: March 30, 1961.

Italy

Agreement amending the agreement of July 3, 1957 (TIAS
4016), for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic
energy. Signed at Washington July 22, 1959.
Entered into force: March 30, 1961.

Philippines

Agreement for adjustment of the amount and final settle-
ment of obligations under the agreement of November
6, 1950 (TIAS 2151), relating to the repayment of funds
advanced to Philippine National Defense Forces. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Washington March 27,
1961. Entered into force March 27, 1961.

Poland

Agreement relating to the payment of arrearages on the
surplus property agreement of April 22, 1946. Effected
by exchange of notes at Warsaw March 20, 1961. En-
tered into force March 20, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Confirmations

The Senate on March 15 confirmed the following nom-
inations :

Frederick E. Nolting, Jr., to tie Ambassador to the Re-
public of Viet- Nam. (For biographic details, see Wliite
House press release dated February 17.)

J. Graham Parsons to be Ambassador to Sweden. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
178 dated March 31.)

Avery F. Peterson to be the representative of the
United States to the 17th session of the Economic Com-
mission for Asia and the Far East of the Economic
and Social Council of the United Nations.

Miss Frances E. Willis to be Ambassador to Ceylon.
(For biographic details, see White House press release
dated February 28.)

Max Isenbergh as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Ed-
ucational and Cultural Affairs, effective March 5. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
163 dated March 24.)

Ralph S. Roberts as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Management, effective February 21.

Joseph Elliott Slater as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Educational and Cultural Affairs, effective March 12.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 162 dated March 24. )

Checi( List of Department of State
Press Releases: March 27-April|2

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to March 27 which appear in
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 149 of March
21, 155 of March 23, and 157 of March 24.

Subject

Martin : amendment to Sugar Act
of 1948.

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

Financial settlement with the Philip-
pines.

Visit of Prime Minister of Greece.

Rusk: SEATO meeting.

Cleveland : Washington Council of Ex-
jieriment in International Living.

Williams : Conference on African Re-
sources.

DAG communique.

SEATO communique.

Transportation of military and para-
military goods to Congo.

U.S. attitude toward Congo financing.

Visit of U.K. Prime Minister (re-
write).

Delegation to IMCO Second Assembly
(rewrite).

Parsons sworn in as Ambassador to
Sweden (biographic details).

Brown sworn in as Ambassador to
Nicaragua (biographic details).

Stockdale sworn in as Ambassador to
Ireland (biographic details).

Rusk : return from SEATO meeting.

Delegation to OECD Economic Policy
Committee (rewrite).

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

165

3/27

»166

3/27

167

3/27

*168
169
170

3/27
3/28
3/28

tl71

3/29

172
173
174

3/30
3/30
3/30

175
tl76

3/30
3/30

177

3/30

*178

3/31

*179

3/31

•180

3/31

181
182

3/31

4/1

574

Department of State Bulletin

AprU 17, 1961

Index

Vol. XLIV, No. 1138

Agriculture. U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Pro-
grams in Latin America (Kennedy) 552

American Republics

President Believes IDB Will Play Vital Role in

Alliance for Progress 553

U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Programs in Latin

America (Kennedy) 552

Brazil. U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Programs in

Latin America (Kennedy) 552

Ceylon. Willis confirmed as Ambassador . . . 574

Congo (Leopoldville)

Financing the U.N. Military Operation in the Congo

(Klutznick) 564

U.S. Attitude Toward Congo Financing .... 565
U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses for Arms Ship-
ments to Congo 546

Congress, The

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign

Policy 562

Department Supports Legislation Extending Sugar

Actof 1948 (Martin) 562

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Isenbergh, Roberts, Slater) . . . 574
Confirmations (Nolting, Parsons, Peterson, Willis) . 574

Disarmament. United Nations Postpones Discus-
sion of Disarmament Until 16th Session (Steven-
son, text of resolution) 568

Economic Affairs

Department Supports Legislation Extending Sugar

Actof 1948 (Martin) 562

Development Assistance Group Concludes Fourth
Meeting (texts of communique and resolutions,

U.S. delegation) 553

IMCO Second Assembly (delegation) 572

OECD Economic Policy Committee (delegation) . 573

Portugal Joins Fund and Bank 572

U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord on Financial

Differences 555

U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses for Arms Ship-
ments to Congo 546

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Internationalizing the Concept of the Peace (Dorps

(Cleveland) 551

Isenbergh and Slater appointed deputy assistant

secretaries 574

Far East. Seventh Meeting of SEATO Council of
Ministers (Rusk, text of communique, delega-
tion) 547

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 563

Development Assistance Group Concludes Fourth
Meeting (texts of communique and resolutions,

U.S. delegation) 553

IMCO Second Assembly (delegation) 572

Internationalizing the Concept of the Peace Corps

(Cleveland) 551

OECD Economic Policy Committee (delegation) . . 573

Portugal Joins Fund and Bank 572

President Believes IDB Will Play Vital Role in
Alliance for Progress 553

Japan. The Evolution of the Japanese-American

Partnership (MacArthur) 556

Laos. The Situation in Laos (Kennedy, Macmll-
lan, texts of U.S.-U.K. communique and U.K. and
Soviet aide memoire) 543

Military Affairs. U.S. Carriers To Require Licenses

for Arms Shipments to Congo 546

Mutual Security. Internationalizing the Concept of

the Peace Corps (Cleveland) 551

Non-Self-Governing Territories. The Question of
South-West Africa (Bingham, text of resolu-
tion) 569

Philippines. U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord on

Financial Differences 555

Portugal. Portugal Joins Fund and Bank .... 572

Presidential Documents

President Believes IDB Will Play Vital Role in

Alliance for Progress 553

The .Situation in Laos 543

U.S. Steps Up Food-for-Peace Programs in Latin
America 552

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Seventh Meet-
ing of SEATO Council of Ministers (Rusk, text
of communique, delegation) 547

Sweden. Parsons confirmed as Ambassador . . . 574

Treaty Information

Current Actions 573

U.S. and Philippines Reach Accord on Financial
Differences 555

Union of South Africa. The Question of South-
West Africa (Bingham, text of resolution) . . . 569

U.S.S.R. The Situation in Laos (Kennedy, Mac-
millan, texts of U.S.-U.K. communique and U.K.
and Soviet aide memoire) 543

United Kingdom. The Situation in Laos (Kennedy,
Macmillan, texts of U.S.-U.K. communique and
U.K. and Soviet aide memoire) 543

United Nations

Financing the U.N. Military Operation in the Congo

(Klutznick) 564

Peterson confirmed as U.S. representative to 17th

session of ECAFE 574

The Question of South-West Africa (Bingham, text

of resolution) 569

United Nations Postpones Discussion of Disarma-
ment Until 16th Session (Stevenson, text of
resolution) 568

U.S. Attitude Toward Congo Financing 565

Viet-Nam. Nolting confirmed as Ambassador . . 574
Name Index

Bingham, Jonathan B 569

Cleveland, Harlan 551

Isenbergh, Max 574

Kennedy, President 543,552,553

Klutznick, Philip M 564

MacArthur, Douglas II 556

Macmillan, Harold 543

Martin, Edwin M 562

Nolting, Frederick E., Jr 574

Parsons, J. Graham 574

Peterson, Avery F 574

Roberts, Ralph S 574

Rusk, Secretary 547

Slater, Joseph Elliott 574

Stevenson, Adlai B 568

Willis, Franoes E 574

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Vol. XLIV, No. 1139

April 24, 1961

•FICIAL
EEKLY RECORD

IITED STATES
tElGN POLICY

PRESIDENT KENNEDY AND PRIME MINISTER
MACMILLAN DISCUSS WIDE RANGE OF

WORLD PROBLEMS • Text of Joint Statement . . 579

ENHANCING THE STRENGTH AND UNITY OF THE
NORTH ATLANTIC COMMUNITY • Address by

Vice President Johnson 581

MOBILIZING ECONOMIC RESOURCES FOR AFRICA

# by Assistant Secretary Williams ••••••• 584

GERMANY DIVIDED: THE CONFRONTATION OF

TWO WAYS OF LIFE • by Ambassador Walter C.
Dowling 588

UNIVERSAL TONNAGE MEASUREMENT • Articleby

James W. Gulick 594

Boston Public Library
bupterintendent of Documents

IVIH I i C ISO I Pfff index see inside back cover

DEPOSITORY

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV. No. 1139 • Publication 7174
April 24, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documenis

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Price:

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Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contahied herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bdllktin as the source will be
appreciated.

Tfee Department of State BULLETIN,
a iceekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

President Kennedy and Prime iVIinister fVlacmillan
Discuss Wide Range of World Problems

Harold Macmillan, Prime Minister of the
United Kingdoin, inade an informal visit to Wash-
ington, April 4.-9, for a series of talks with
President Kennedy. On April 3 the Earl of
Home, Secretary of State far Foreign Affairs,
arrived at Washington for talks with Secretary
of State Dean Rusk, departing April 8; both
Secretaries of State participated in talks with the
President and the Prime Minister. Following is
the text of a joint statement hy President Kennedy
and Prinie Minister Macmillan, which was read
to news correspondents iy the President on April
8, together with a list of th^e memhers of the
parties accompanying Mr. Macmillan and the
Earl of Home.

TEXT OF JOINT STATEMENT

White House press release dated April 8

We liave a statement for you on what we and
our two Secretaries of State and other advisers
have been discussing in the last four days.

We have had a series of candid and friendly
talks. We have discussed the present world sit-
uation in general, and in particular the major
issues of international relations which affect our
two countries. We have reached a very high level
of agreement on our estimate of the nature of
the problems which we face. We realize all too
well that to meet these problems will require
from us many sacrifices.

Open and friendly discussions have served to
clarify and confirm our common commitment to
those who care for freedom. We are in complete
agreement as to the gravity and depth of the
dangers in the present world situation for those
nations who wish to retain their independence
and the priceless right of choice.

Wliile we recognize that the core of Western
security against armed aggression continues to be

Apr// 24, 7967

the North Atlantic Alliance, we also discussed
how our countries can help to strengthen the Free
World as a whole.

We have considered what measures it might be
advisable to take, together with our allies, to en-
sure the cohesion, effectiveness and adaptability
of the Atlantic community in a changing world.

To this end we have examined the world eco-
nomic and financial situation, including the prob-
lems of imbalance and short-t«rm capital move-
ments; the need for coordination to meet these
problems by increased utilization of existing in-
ternational machinery : the need for more effective
assistance to nations in an earlier stage of eco-
nomic development : and the need for maintenance
of world trade at the highest possible level. We
have recognized both the urgency and the impor-
tance of further steps toward the economic and
political unity of Europe.

We reaffinn our vigorous support of the United
Nations and our determination to oppose the at-
tempts currently being made to undermine its
authority as an instrument for peace and security
in the world.

We have given close attention to South East
Asia and specifically to the critical problems of
Laos and Vietnam.^

We are agreed upon both the importance and
the difficulty of working towards satisfactory re-
lations with the Soviet Union.

We also reaffirm the determination of our gov-
ernments to do their utmost to bruig to a successful
conclusion within a reasonable period of time
the negotiations in Geneva for the cessation of
nuclear weapons tests under effective inspection
and control.

We have talked as i^artners, but with a full
awareness of the rights and interests of the other
nations with whom we are closely associated.

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 543.

579

MEMBERS OF PARTIES

The Department of State announced on March
30 (press release 176) that the principal members
of the parties accompanying Prime Minister
Macmillan and the Earl of Home would be the
following :

The Prime Minister's Party

Lady Dorothy Macmillan

Sir Norman Brook, G.C.B., Secretary of the Cabinet
P. F. de Zulueta, Private Secretary to the Prime Minister
J. E. R. Wyndham, M.B.E., Private Secretary to the

Prime Minister
S. H. Evans, C.M.G., O.B.E., Public Relations Adviser

The Foreign Secretary's Party

Sir Frederick Hoyer MiUar, G.C.M.G., C.V.O., Permanent
Under Secretary, Foreign OflBce

J. W. Russell, C.M.G., News Department

Peter Ramsbotham, Head of the Planning and Coordina-
tion Section, Foreign Office

A. C. I. Samuel, C.M.G., Private Secretary to the Foreign
Secretary

A. A. Acland, Private Secretary to the Foreign Secretary

12th Anniversary of Signing
of NATO Treaty

Message of President Kennedy

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated April 3

April 4th marks the 12th Anniversary of the
signing of the North Atlantic Treaty.

We are justified in taking pride in our achieve-
ments in NATO and in those other cooperative
endeavors in which we are engaged. But this
day also reminds us of our obligations to the
future. The years ahead will demand of us all
courage, sacrifice and the will to seize every op-
portunity to secure and to advance human liberty.
In cooperation with one another, and all those
around the globe who believe in the freedom of
man, we can and we will succeed.

Let us on this Anniversary look to the future
in this spirit. If we do the cause of freedom
will prevail.

John F. Kennedy
His Excellency
Alberico Casardi
Acting Secretary General
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Paris

U.S. Hopes for Workable Treaty
on Cessation of Nuclear Tests

Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson was in
Geneva on April 6 and 6, where he conferred at
President Kennedy''s request with Arthur H.
Dean, U.S. Representative to the Conference on
the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests?-
Following is a statement given to the press at
Geneva hy Mr. Johnson on April 6 and read into
the record of the Conference hy Mr. Dean on that
date.

During my visit to Geneva I have had the oppor-
tunity to confer fully with Ambassador Arthur
H. Dean, our principal negotiator at the Con-
ference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon
Tests. I was most eager to hear his views regard-
ing the progress of the Conference.

I came here at the request of President Kennedy,
who takes a very deep personal interest in this
Conference. The President has instructed Am-
bassador Dean to make every effort to determine
whether prompt agreement on a fair and equitable
treaty is possible.^

During the past weeks the United States and
United Kingdom delegations have presented con-
structive proposals in the Conference covering all
major issues. These proposals, framed after close
consultation between the two Governments, have
attempted to take into account all legitimate So-
viet concerns and are designed to promote an ac-
cord fair to all parties. They should be completely
satisfactory to the Soviet Union, if indeed the
Soviet Union wants to conclude a treaty. If a
treaty is to be effective and to command the con-
fidence of all participating nations it must provide
an efficient, reliable, prompt system of verification
and controls not subject to crippling vetoes.
There is no point to a treaty for a treaty's sake.

The Western delegations are now awaiting the
Soviet response. The Government and people of
the United States strongly hope that the Soviet
response will be prompt and constructive. They

' The Vice President vi^as returning to the United States
after having represented the President at ceremonies at
Dakar on April 3 and 4 celebrating the independence of
the Republic of Senegal.

" For a statement by the President, see Bdxletin of
Apr. 3, 1961, p. 478.

580

Deparlment of Stafe BulleI'm

fully recognize the importance of these negotia-
tions. For our part we want a sound, effective
and workable treaty.

A sound treaty could contribute importantly to
a reduction of international tension, and to prog-

ress on the critical problem of disarmament.
For this reason the President of the United
States is giving close attention to what is happen-
ing in Geneva, and I shall be reporting to him on
the situation here within the next few days.

Enhancing the Strength and Unity of the North Atlantic Community

Address hy Vice President Johnson'^

I am happy to bring to you from the people
and the Government a message which is as abso-
lutely determined and meaningful as it is simple
to state. That message is that the United States
is resolved to do everything within its power —
and I emphasize the word "everything" — to en-
hance the strength and unity of the North Atlan-
tic Community.

This message reflects the basic purpose of our
foreign policy: to maintain an environment in
which free societies can survive and flourish. By
free societies we mean those in which the consent
of the governed plays an important role.

It is essential to this environment that it be
spacious. It is essential, too, that within it there
should exist the will and power to protect it
against enemies and the opportunity for all to
develop and to pursue happiness as they see it,
within the limits of ability and willingness to
work.

No single nation has enough influence and
power to maintain this spacious environment of
freedom. The coalition of the peoples and na-
tions of Western Europe and North America is
indispensable to this end. Without their power —
the resultant of population, resources, technology,
and will — it cannot be preserved.

To the United States it is of prime importance
to maintain and strengthen the coalitionj both its

' Made at ceremonies celebrating the 10th anniversary
of the establishment of Supreme Headquarters Allied
Powers Europe (SHAPE) at Paris on Apr. 6.

cohesion and power within the Atlantic area and
its capacity for constructive action outside that
area.

If that cohesion and capacity are to be en-
hanced, vigorous measures will be required in the
political, military, and economic fields.

Action in the Political Field

In the political field it is to discover and act
on the most basic of the various Alliance interests
that are at stake and thus increase the Alliance's
capacity to influence events in the world at large
constructively.

Progress toward an integrated European com-
munity will help to enhance that capacity and
thus to strengthen the Atlantic Commimity. A
more cohesive and powerful Europe within a de-
veloping Atlantic Community is needed to under-
take the large tasks which lie ahead. Tlie essen-
tially national and loosely coordinated efforts of
the past will no longer suffice.

Our end goal — "that remote and ideal object"
of which Lord Acton spoke, "which captivates
the imagination by its splendor and the reason by
its simplicity" — should be a true Atlantic Com-
mimity in which common institutions will in-
creasingly be developed to meet common
problems.

Tlie burgeoning demands of the less developed
countries no less than the growth of Soviet power
dictate that a more tightly knit community even-
tually be achieved. In progressing toward such
a community we can regain the sense of forward

April 24, 1967

581

movement and imaginative thinking which has
characterized the Alliance in its most creative
periods. In the long run such progress may well
prove to be indispensable if our ultimate goal of
a free and orderly world community is to be
achieved.

Action in the Military Field

In the military field, too, the United States will
do its utmost to sustain and enhance the strength
of the Alliance. I shall speak more briefly about
this field, since these matters will soon be discussed
in detail in the Council.

My countiy's approach to NATO's military
tasks is governed by the principles which are re-
flected in the President's recent message ^ to the
Congress on our own military budget. Our ob-
jective is to insure that any potential aggressor
will know that he would be confronted with a
suitable, selective, swift, and effective military
response.

To fulfill tliis objective the United States is
seeking to create a flexible and balanced military
posture. This is also the goal of NATO.

To achieve this goal several steps will be called
for.

For one thing a vigorous and sustained effort to
build up NATO's nonnuclear defenses will be re-
quired. This is a high-priority task; it will call
for increased effort from all of us. But the re-
sult will be worth the sacrifice, for NATO's de-
fenses will be more effective and their deterrent
power greater. As part of its contribution to this
task the United States is committed to full par-
ticipation in the conunon defense and the main-
tenance of its militai-y strength on the Continent
for the foreseeable future. The President was ab-
solutely clear on this point in his message to
NATO soon after taking office.'

An effective NATO nuclear capability is also
needed to achieve our goal, and the United States
stands ready to consult closely with all members
of the Alliance on the best ways and means of
maintaining this capability in the future. The
security of Europe and the security of the United
States are inseparable.

In going forward with a practical and balanced

= H. Doc. 123, 87th CoDg., 1st sess.
' Bulletin of Mar. 6, 1961, p. 333.

program to strengthen NATO's arms, we will re-
duce any temptation to aggression and thus en-
hance the prospects for peace.

Action in the Economic Field

Tlie fruits of peace are not achieved merely by
avoiding war. We must also seek to progress
toward a richer life for all mankind.

If the Atlantic Community is to help achieve
that progress, we will need :

First: higher rates of growth in some Atlantic
countries ;

Second: more effective coordination between
the economic policies of Europe and North
America ;

Third: increased aid to less developed coun-
tries; and

Fourth: fair sharing within the Alliance of the
burden of that aid and of our militai-y programs.

The OECD [Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development] was created to help
achieve just these purposes. The United States
intends to participate fully in its work to this end.

This is not the time or the place to go into the
details. I wish only to lay out the general course
of action to which we are dedicated in seeking
closer economic cooperation with our Atlantic
partners.

We cannot fail in this course if there is to be
a high assurance of maintaining an environment
in which free societies can flourish. The effective-
ness of the OECD in prosecuting this course will
be an indispensable base both for the military
programs which I have described and for fulfilling
the purposes of the Atlantic Community in less
developed areas.

The political impact of progress to this end may,
however, be even more significant than its eco-
nomic or military effect. For the chief Western
nations will have been brought together into
earnest conclave to launch measures of great and
constructive moment. This would contribute to
their confidence and cohesion and, over the long
nm, might well lay the basis for a new and even
closer relation between North America and
Europe.

It would make more solid the hope that the
world will be developed in peace — a secure and
peaceful world in which international disputes
can be straightened out in accordance with the

582

Department of State Bulletin

charter of the United Nations. I have just come
from Geneva.* We are earnestly striving to get
a nuclear test ban treaty. We want and we pledge
our best efforts to get a sound and effective treaty.
If so it may well be a prelude for constructive
planning for disarmament.

If these hopes are frustrated it must not be
and will not be upon the conscience of the free
world. We can and will have the satisfaction and
knowledge that we labored diligently and we tried
witli dignity and honor, even if we pled in vain.
A genuine political — as well as economic — com-
munity might appear increasingly feasible as our
longrun goal.

Such a demonstration of the Atlantic nations'
capacity for bold and creative effort could not
fail also to impress mightily friendly nations in
other areas, and possibly the Communist leaders
themselves. For its plain unport would be to
bring within reach the formation of what would
be incomparably the most powerful economic
grouping in the world. No calculation of the
future relative strength of the free world could
fail to be decisively affected by this prospect.

Continuing Sacrifices From Ail

If we go forward with these general policies in
the political, military, and economic fields we can
look forward to an Atlantic Ckjmmunity which
will increasingly fulfill the rich promise that its
foimders foresaw when they signed the treaty 12
years ago.

The task will not be easy. It will call for con-
tinuing sacrifices from all of us :

Sacrifices of resources.
Sacrifices of man-years spent in uniform.
Sacrifices of special interests.
Sacrifices of ancient concepts in the light of
growing interdependence.

We cannot shrink from these sacrifices if we are
to be worthy of the common civilization which
we sliare.

The United States is prepared to play its full

* See p. 580.

part. It accepts the responsibilities of leadership,
both in projecting its own effort and in setting
forth its view as to tlie tasks of the Alliance as
a whole.

The message that I bring you today is evidence
of its unreserved commitment to these tasks, which
all of our countries will need to prosecute vigor-
ously in the decade that lies ahead if their high
purposes are to be achieved.

President Kennedy Names Members
of Peace Corps Advisory Council

The Wliite House announced at Palm Beach,
Fla., on March 30 that the President on that day
had appointed to membership on the National Ad-
visory Coimcil for the Peace Corps a group of
prominent American men and women. The
Council, representing a cross section of American
life and thought, will give guidance and coimsel
in the development of the activities of the Peace
Corps and will enable the Corps to benefit by
the insight and experience of individuals who are
interested in the role of the United States in
world affairs.

Tlie following have accepted membership on
the National Advisory Council :

Honorary chairman: William O. Douglas, As-
sociate Justice, U.S. Supreme Court.

Chairman : Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson.

Vice chairmen: Mary L. Bunting, David E.
Lilienthal, Rev. James Robinson, and Thomas J.
Watson, Jr.

Metiibers: Leona Baumgartner, Joseph Beime,
Harry Belafonte, William Sloan Coffin, LeRoy
Collins, Rev. John J. Considine, Henry Crown,
Albert Dent, Jolm Fischer, Peter Grace, Corne-
lius J. Haggerty, Oveta Gulp Hobby, E. Palmer
Hoyt, Mrs. Robert Kintner, Murray D. Lincoln,
Frederick R. Mann, Benjamin E. Mays, James
A. McCain, Franklin D. Murphy, Mrs. E. Lee
Ozbirn, Clarence E. Pickett, Roger Revelle, John
D. Rockefeller IV, Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt,
Eugene W. Rostow, George L. Sanchez, and
James Scott.

kptW 24, 7967

583

Mobilizing Economic Resources for Africa

by G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

It is a privilege to be here with you today at a
gathering of this significance. Tliis is a pioneer-
ing enterprise — an American conference specifi-
cally and solely devoted to African resources. We
all have reason to be grateful to those who had
the imagination and foresight to plan and con-
vene a conference of such high mutual interest to
Africa and to this country.

Let me add a personal word of gratitude to you
who have made this conference possible. I am
happy to Imow that American businessmen and
educators are working so actively and construc-
tively on matters \atal to the well-being of Africa
and to find distinguished and able Africans work-
ing along with you in close and fruitful
cooperation.

It is a particular pleasure to be with you so soon
after my return from a trip tlirough 16 of the
nations in Africa. I do not, of course, presiune
to have the knowledge of Africa of you here be-
fore me. Wliile it was not my first visit — I have
been to the continent on two previous occasions —
most of you have many years of experience that
I cannot hope to match. But I am glad to have
the occasion to talk with you when I have just
come from the stimulation of discussions with
leaders of the new Africa and fresh from the
friendliness and warm hospitality we found
everywhere.

This trip provided the opportunity, and for me
the great honor, to convey to African leaders the
personal greetings of the President and the Secre-
tary of State and the renewed assurances of the
keen interest and strong friendship of the United
States. It gave me the opportmiity to learn —

'Address made before the Conference on African Re-
sources at New York, N.T., on Mar. 29 (press release 171).

to learn the thinking of those bearing the awesome
responsibility of leadership in Africa, to talk with
businessmen, teachers, labor leaders, and farmers,
and to see both the progress made in recent years
and the tremendous remaining needs.

It was a wonderful experience to visit institu-
tions of evei"y kind — schools, hospitals, farms, and
factories. Many of them have been built only
recently. We visited the sites of major new in-
dustries and saw again for ourselves how sky-
scrapers are in places overlooking thatched roofs.
We saw huge plantations side by side with sub-
sistence farming.

Africa is a continent of tremendous contrasts,
as you know, and few generalizations will stand
up under analysis. But I came away with the
conviction, both as a result of my own observation
and from what I learned from others, that all the
governments of Africa, both new and old, can be
said to be in a race with time and the expectations
of the African peoples.

In some areas and among some peoples these
expectations are still rather inchoate, representing
deep but somewhat vague wishes for a better and
more meaningful life. More and more, however,
tlie desires are taking concrete form — for a doctor
in the village and an allweather road to the city,
for pure running water and an adequate supply of
food the year around, for a better house to live
in and decent clothes to wear.

Wliatever these desires, they can only be met
by the application of resources to the problem of
production. This is equally true whether we are
speaking of the production of textiles, the produc-
tion of foreign exchange, or the production of
doctore; hence the importance of this conference
and the vital questions it is considering.

The resources of Africa itself are known to be

584

Department of Stale Bulletin

tremendous, even though the inventory is still
far from complete. I say "tremendous" in full
knowledge of the fact that it is the fashion in son:ie
quarters today to emphasize the shortages that
exist in certain basic materials rather than the de-
velopment advantages that Africa possesses. Per-
haps it is inevitable that the pendulum should
swing back after years in which romanticists
throughout the rest of the world dreamed of Af-
rica as a land of almost milimited riches.

The real resources of Africa, it seems to me, are
more prosaic than King Solomon's mines, but they
may prove far more valuable in the long run.
They lie in hydroelectric power, which is just now
beginning to be developed in quantity, and in
workaday metals and minerals rather than in
large new findings of gold and diamonds. From
these will come the industries of the future. They
can be found in a new agriculture, which takes ad-
vantage of the techniques developed within this
generation — indeed, largely since World War II.
Many of these have direct application to the soils
and climate of Africa. And, finally, the future
lies in the greatest resource of all — the men and
women of Africa. This human resource is the
potential which has perhaps been tapped less than
any other. It is the task of all of us in the free
world to assure that the great human resources
of Africa will not only create the means for a
better life but will also be the beneficiaries of it.

Most of the economic issues I heard debated in
Africa can be reduced to a single question : How
best can the resources for Africa be mobilized?
I would like to restate the question as follows:
How best can the resources for Africa be mobilized
for the ienefit of AfTicaf Development based on
the ruthless exploitation of labor is certainly not
the goal. It is increasingly appreciated in Africa
that resources mobilized in freedom are the best
for the peoples of that continent in the sense of
their happiness and spiritual welfare. We now
must demonstrate that free development, if given
both opportunity and encouragement, is the most
rapid and efficient means for undertaking physical
production.

Some of the difficulty we have had in demon-
strating this to peoples of the less developed na-
tions may arise, it seems to me, from a misunder-
standing of the private-enterprise system as it
exists today. This misunderstanding must give
us deep concern.

Importance of Private Enterprise

In Africa, as you from Africa know best, pri-
vate enterprise is still too often viewed as a picture
with "profits" written in red across the center, al-
though we have long since seen how to place profits
in the perspective of fair compensation for serv-
ices rendered. Further, Africans have shown a
sensitivity concerning foreign "ownership" as
such, perhaps in part because of some colonial ex-
periences in which "ownership" implied alienation.
Yet, in the world of modern capitalism, the em-
phasis— and tlie contribution tliat only free coun-
tries can make — is on an alert and progressive
management. Increasingly, American firms pro-
ducing abroad are finding it desirable to offer to
share ownership as the basis for a sound and long-
lasting working relationship.

Those of us in this room know that the tech-
niques of mobilizing capital in the free world have
advanced far beyond those of 50 years ago and are
constantly being refined and improved. The re-
sult means the ability to adapt investment decisions
readily to the rapidly changing technology of to-
day. It is our task, it seems to me, to assist Africa
in taking full advantage of these techniques.

This is of great importance to tlie Africans, both
because of tlie way in which added resources from
the free world can be used and because of their size.
The way in which they are made available is con-
sistent with the human values which the vast ma-
jority of us share both hei'e and in Africa. In size,
we know of the vast sums which can be mobilized
in the free capital market — sums which dwarf
those that are normally available to governments.

We in the United States have a right to ask
our private entrepreneurs to take with them
abroad the same sense of civic responsibility they
exercise at home. I have seen evidence in Africa
of the efforts imdertaken by American firms to
improve the welfare of their employees and their
families through health services, social programs,
and teclinical training. At the same time we feel
justified in pointing out that conditions for in-
vestment abroad must be reasonably attractive.

There is no pretending that the risks for pri-
vate investment are not high in some parts of
Africa. There are uncertainties in some countries
as to the role that foreign investment should play.
Until this is resolved, it may mean that these coun-
tries are deprived of this valuable source of cap-
ital. I understand that you have discussed this

April 24, J 96 1

585

President Kennedy Sends Greetings
to Economic Conference at Yaounde

White House press release dated April 6

Following is the text of a message sent iy Presi-
dent Kennedy on March 25 to the conference of
chiefs of state of 12 African countries at Yaounde,
Republic of Cameroun, at uhich they formed the
African and, Malagasy Organization for Economic
Cooperation.

March 25, 1961

It gives me deep pleasure to send the greetings
of the Government and people of the United States
to you who are gathered at Yaouudfi to consult on
matters of high importance in your mutual interest.

It is a particular pleasure because your consul-
tations represent the kind of regional cooperation
that strengthens hope in a world too often divided
and torn by dispute. Yours is an association of
free and sovereign nations, dedicated to construc-
tive action for the welfare of your peoples. It is
this partnership in freedom that is most impressive
to my country and it deserves the emulation of us
all. I congratulate you and pledge the readiness
of my country to provide concrete support, if you
so desire, for your efforts to make effective a per-
manent organization to foster your economic co-
operation and development. You have our warm-
est good wishes for every success.

problem at considerable length. In my own think-
ing I try to keep firmly in mind that foreign in-
vestment capital is not just an item on a ledger
sheet. It represents the savings of ordinary
American citizens, through their banks and insur-
ance companies, which are eventually put to work
and result in economic development for the peoples
of Africa.

There is still a considerable reluctance on the
part of potential investors who are unfamiliar
with the continent. We here know that the head-
lines of unrest and conflict are atypical. In most
of Africa people are going about their work peace-
fully under enlightened leaders, capable of main-
taining law and order and devoted to the con-
structive task of economic development. Those
of us who have the facts have a responsibility to
get them across to the business and investment
world.

U.S. Approach to Foreign Aid

In speaking of the importance of private enter-
prise, I do not wish to imply that it alone can do
the job. In Africa, as in the rest of the under-
developed world, the needs are so vast and varied
that we cannot expect to rely exclusively on pri-
vate investment channels to reach all the objectives
of more rapid economic growth. There are many
necessary types of investments for which private
sources would not be appropriate.

I speak here of the basic, common needs for
a society to be workable — the schools, hospitals,
and roads. The decision as to what proportion
of the total economic resources should go for those
needs, what proportion for consumption, and what
for investment in factories and farms is a dif-
ficult one. Each country must make its own de-
cisions, and we have not solved it in any final
way in this country. But we are materially im-
proving our ability to be responsive to those deci-
sions, wherever they are based on intelligent
planning and a fair appraisal of the facts.

The present approach of this Government to
the problem of foreign aid and economic develop-
ment was highlighted in the President's inaugu-
ral address^ and presented in detailed form in
the special message to Congress on March 22,'
just a week ago. I hope this realistic humanitarian
approach is going to fire the imagination of the
American people.

"We are," President Kennedy said,^ "on the
threshold of a truly united and major effort by
the free industrialized nations to assist the less-
developed nations on a long-term basis. Many
of these less-developed nations are on the threshold
of achieving sufficient economic, social, and polit-
ical strength and self -sustained growth to stand
permanently on their own feet. The 1960's can
be — and must be — the crucial 'decade of develop-
ment'— the period when many less-developed na-
tions make the transition into self-sustained
growth — the period in which an enlarged com-
munity of free, stable, and self-reliant nations
can reduce world tensions and insecurity." The
President added that, "Our job, in its largest
sense, is to create a new partnership between the

' Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.
' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

586

Department of State Bulletin

northern and southern halves of the world, to
which all free nations can contribute, in which
each free nation must assume a responsibility pro-
portional to its means."

With this leadership from tlie President of the
United States, with a more logical and efficient
long-term approach for American foreign aid,
the foundation has been laid for a sustained, co-
operative eifort.

African leaders — and others — have often spoken
of the need for aid without strings. This is indeed
important. The United States agrees that exter-
nal aid for development ought to be provided
without external interference or the infringement
of tlie independence of any nation. I would go
one step further. We expect the Africans them-
selves will tie one string to all their efforts — that
is, an insistence on defending their freedom. We
have made it our motto that "Eternal vigilance is
the price of liberty." We hold no copyright on
tliis principle and oidy liope that others will
adopt it.

The defense of the freedom of man and human
dignity are one and the same thing. It is the
freedom to choose — to choose one's partners and
make one's decisions without fear. In the modern
world it rarely means to stand alone but to be
able to cooperate on a basis that is entirely
voluntary.

Strength Through Cooperation

The importance of cooperation today is clear.
As an American I found occasion during my re-
cent visit to cite the experience of my own country.
One of the principal reasons why the United
States of America grew strong may be found
in that word — united. For many decades we were
colonial dependencies of a mother countiy. Our
States had different religions and different cul-
tural backgrounds. We lived in greatly disparate
climates and made our living by raising different
crops. The one thing we had in common in those
days was our love of freedom.

We learned a great truth, that there were great
advantages to our standing together in freedom.
The answer we found was political unity. Our
kind of political unity is not necessarily the an-
swer for Africa or for any part of it. In any
event, whether it is or not is for the peoples of

Africa themselves to say — certainly not for me.

But you are as aware as I am of the advantages
we in America have found through specialization
in our industries, the free interchange of goods and
services, and the sharing of the fraits of these
labors through collective bargaining between la-
bor and management. We can perhaps be for-
given if we are convinced that the nations of Af-
rica, too, are certain to find additional strength
and greater tangible rewards through increased
cooperation, particularly in the economic field.

It has been most encouraging to me to see the
spirit of cooperation that is at work today in
Africa. This is particularly time of the attack
which is now beginning to be made on the eco-
nomic problems which beset the continent. The
energy and determination which Africans are
bringing to this task are impressive. It was ap-
parent at the recent conference of the U.N. Eco-
nomic Commission for Africa at Addis Ababa*
and at the annual session of the Commission for
Technical Cooperation in Africa South of the
Sahara. It is taking a highly significant turn in
the meeting which is now taking place at Yaounde,
where 12 African nations are forming the Organ-
ization for African and Malagasy Economic Co-
operation. It is encouraging to find new ideas and
approaches so actively imder exploration, and
there are signs of progress concerning the forma-
tion of other groups for the purpose of strength-
ening economic cooperation.

Economic independence is often stated by Af-
ricans to be their second priority after political
independence. This is a worthy ideal, for it
means freedom to develop one's countiy in terms
of the aspirations of one's own people. We can be
partners in the process of promoting prosperity
and sound economic growth. We live — all of us —
in an economically interdependent world. This
calls for economic cooperation, which, to the Uni-
ted States and Africa alike, means voluntary' co-
operation as free and equal partners. It means
help from those who can help to those who need
help but with those helped being beholden to none.
This is what we have asked for ourselves through-
out our own history. This is what, God willing
Africa, too, will have.

* For an address made by Mr. Williams to the delegate
to the conference, see ifticf., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 373.

kpxW 24, 1961

587

Germany Divided : Tlie Confrontation of Two Ways of Life

iy Walter C. Dowling
Ambassador to Germany ^

I am happy to be with you here this evening.
I am always glad of an opportunity to speak to
college and university groups. In recent months
I have spoken at several of the great Gennan
universities — Freiburg and Tuebingen, among
others — and I want to stress to you, as I have to
them, my feeling that the colleges and universities
of the Atlantic Community have a special task in
this present period of challenge — of peril and op-
portunity, the like of which our Western civiliza-
tion has never before been called upon to face.

The historic definition of a miiversity, of
course — and one that is still valid today — is that
it is an institution existing for the increase and
diffusion of knowledge. But a phenomenon of
the 20th century is the growth of a sense of social
responsibility in our universities and colleges in
Europe and America. Tliis sense of responsibility
has undoubtedly come about as a natural conse-
quence of the increasing complexity of modern life.
But more essentially, I think one might say that
it is due to the spread and development of the
democratic system of government, which demands
of the citizen today not only an awareness of a
formidable range of social and civic problems in
a world where time and distance have lost their
traditional imprint on the pattern of life but
also his active participation in the governmental
processes for the ordering of national and inter-
national affairs. Hence the vmiversities, accus-
tomed to the exercise of mind and reason, with
their open, free discussion — critical, even disputa-
tious, but orderly and constructive — have become
forums for the political, economic, and scientific
problems of our day.

'Address made before the South Georgia Forum at
Douglas, Ga., on Apr. 3.

Dr. Powell ^ has suggested that I speak tonight
on ""Wliat Next in Germany ?" I have interpreted
that to mean a forecast of the future of Germany,
but to speak of the future one must speak of the
past and the present too.

The Division of Germany

Perhaps a good place to start might be the
division of Germany. As you will remember,
Germany was split into four occupation zones —
American, British, French, and Russian— at the
end of the war in 1945. After a number of ex-
haustive but fruitless efforts to reunify the coun-
try, wliich failed because of Soviet rejections of
all Western proposals, a new German Govern-
ment, now known as the Federal Republic of
Germany, was formed in the three Western zones
and became sovereign in 1955. The Soviet Union
set up a puppet regime, known as the German
Democratic Republic, in the Soviet Zone. Berlin,
with its four sectors corresponding to the four
zones of the occupying powers, remained under
occupation status and continues so today, although
pseudolegal attempts have been made by the
Communists to declare East Berlin, that is, the
Soviet Sector of the city, as the capital of the
Soviet Zone puppet regime.

The division of Germany is more than a geo-
graphic partition or even a political separation.
It is really the division between two modes of
political thinking, two concepts of morality, two
ways of life — one imposed and one freely chosen.
It is, in sum, the expression in one country of
the division of the world into two opposing camps

" R. Bradley Powell, secretary of the South Georgia
Forum.

588

Department of State Bulletin

and represents the attempt of communism to over-
whelm democracy.

Many people look upon the division of Germany
as an inherent consequence of postwar differences
between the United States, Britain, and France,
on one side, and the Soviet Union, on the other;
and they feel that the solution must come from
those four powers. In a narrow legal sense this
may be correct, since the continued division of
Germany is basically due to the refusal of the
Soviet Union to gi-ant the people of the Soviet
Zone the right to express their will in free elec-
tions, despite constant urging by the Western
Allies. The victorious powers agreed upon the
zonal division of Germany as a temporary mili-
tary necessity, and in international law they con-
tinue to be responsible for the reunification of the
country and the negotiation of a treaty of peace
with a government duly elected by the united
German people.

This was certainly the aim of the Western
Powers, and it continues to be their determined
policy. The withdrawal of American military
forces in 1945 from Thuringia and Saxony is
surely the clearest indication one could ask that
the Western Powers envisaged not a permanent
division of Germany but rather four-power ad-
ministration until a new German goverimient
could be constituted and could establish its
authority over the entire country.

I mention this American withdrawal from
Thuringia and Saxony for the reason that it has
a special bearing on the Berlin question and Ber-
lin's quadripartite status. As you will recall,
British and U.S. military forces, at the time of
the surrender of Germany, held all of the area
west of a line nmning from Wismar to Magde-
burg to Torgau to Dresden — in other words,
practically all of Germany west of the Elbe Kiver.
The area included not only the territory allotted
to the Western Powers under the London protocol
fixing the zones of occupation but also a substan-
tial portion of the territory allocated to the So-
viet-occupied Zone. On June 14, 1945, the
President of the United States wrote a letter to
Marshal Stalin concerning the withdrawal of
American troops from the Soviet Zone into the
United States Zone of Occupation, stating that
this withdrawal was to be carried out :

... in accordance with arrangements between the
respective commanders, including in these arrangements

simultaneous movement of the national garrisons into
Greater Berlin and provision of free access by air, road,
and rail from Frankfurt and Bremen to Berlin for United
States forces.

Stalin replied by letter dated June 18, 1945,
stating :

On our part all necessary measures will be taken in
Germany and Austria in accordance with the above-
stated plan.

On July 1, 1945, United States forces entered
Berlin and withdrew from their advanced posi-
tion in central Germany. It should be empha-
sized in this connection, therefore, that the Soviet
Union did not bestow upon the Western Powers
any rights of access to Berlin. These rights of
the three Western Powers of free access to Berlin
were an essential corollary of their right of occu-
pation there and are of the same stature as the
right of occupation itself. The Soviet Union
accepted its zone of occupation subject to Western
rights of access to Berlin. If this were not true
and if the doctrine of joint and equal rights is
not applicable, then, for example, the United
States would now be free to require the Soviet
Union to withdraw from that portion of the So-
viet Zone originally occupied by American forces
and to assume control of the area. Of further
significance in this regard is the fact that even
today the Soviet Union professes to be in favor of
remiification, albeit on their own terms — which,
as one might expect, seem to add up to a Com-
munist Germany.

Role of the German People

This view of four-power responsibility for
German unification overlooks the fact, however,
that a basic element in the issue here is Germany
itself — whether it will be divided or united;
whether it will be neutralized or assume its
rightful position in future international affairs;
whether it will become a Communist satellite or
be independent. And in all these questions the
deciding voice will eventually be that of the
German people themselves — both in the Federal
Kepublic and the Soviet Zone — and not any out-
side power.

If anyone doubts this, I suggest that he look
at the role of the German people in the develop-
ments in Western Germany over the past 10 years.
He can only agree that the situation as regards the
Federal Republic has radically changed — and for

April 24, 7961

589

the better — as a result of German actions and Ger-
man decisions. One way of putting it might be
to say that, although unfortunately no progress
has been made in negotiations of the three West-
ern Powers with the Soviet Union for German re-
unification, the German people have rebuilt their
state, thereby insuring that Germany need not
succiunb to Communist threats and persuasions.
This achievement may well prove to have laid the
groimdwork for the eventual reunification of the
two parts of Germany under a democratic
government.

The reasons for this improved situation are,
I submit, not difficult to find. The consistently
firm position of the United Kingdom, France, and
the United States in the face of direct challenges
in the past has imdoubtedly been a major factor.
But I also think it is clear that the indispensable
element of success has been the German people.

In the Federal Republic it was the organiza-
tional genius, the hard work, the capacity for sac-
rifice, and the social stability of the German
people which made possible the Wirtschaftstoun-
der of the past 12 years — certainly one of the
most remarkable achievements of our times. On
this firm economic base the Federal Republic has
been able to remake a nation : to rebuild on the
ruins of World War II, to absorb millions of ex-
pellees and refugees, to establish a stable govern-
ment, to promote national security, and to raise
the general standard of living. All this has
helped build a strong defense against Communist
subversion and attack.

In Berlin during these years, again it was the
people who made possible a continued resistance
to Communist encroacliments. The Western
Powers were able to overcome the 1948-49 Soviet
blockade by an airlift, but only Berlin's deter-
mination to remain a part of the free world made
success possible. And it was also the Berliners'
establishment of an effective, democratic munici-
pal government, their readiness to invest their
capital and their future in their city, and their
refusal to panic in the face of continual Commu-
nist threats which have made West Berlin the
extraordinary showcase of our Western way of
life which it is today.

And finally — but not least — there is the attitude
of Germans in the Soviet Zone and in East Berlin.
In many ways — tlie most obvious of which has
been the exodus of refugees to the West — these

oppressed people have greatly influenced the con-
test of ideology in the two parts of Germany.
It is obvious that the Communist leaders have
made tremendous efforts to strengthen their grip
on the political structure and the economy of the
Soviet Zone, but the populace has shown a quiet,
determined resistance to communization which
makes it necessary even today for the Soviet Union
to support the so-called German Democratic Re-
public with Russian bayonets.

One can readily imagine, I think, what would
have happened in these past years if developments
had been somewhat different — if in the Federal
Republic a German state had not been i-ebuilt in
freedom, if the Berliners had yielded, if the East
Zone had embraced communism. Then the most
determined efforts of the three Western Powers
could hardly have prevailed against Communist
moves to take over all of Germany.

Issue of Reunification

But, for all the encouraging developments of
the last decade, we are painfully aware that the
issue of reunification is not yet decided. As yet
the Communists show no signs of having given
up hope of achieving their objectives, and indeed
they continue to threaten that the consequences
will be dire unless we accept their proposals for
two German states. This means, then, that we
cannot be complacent about our achievements so
far. It is, I believe, rather a time for us — Ameri-
cans and Germans — to keep in mind that we may
face further difficult tests before our goal of Ger-
man reunification in peace and freedom can be
attained. I say this not in any mood of discour-
agement but rather in appreciation of the fact
that, as Goethe observed, freedom can never be
taken for granted but must be conquered anew
with each passing day, and hence new and deter-
mined efforts will still be required on the part of
all of us in the free world.

Let me say at this point that it is a dangerous
illusion to believe that European stability can be
built on German partition. The United States
has consistently maintained that the division of
Germany is a threat to European security and
a threat to world peace. From all points of
view — ethnic, cultural, economic, and historical —
Germany is one state. The arbitrary separation
into East and West has never been accepted by the
population in either part of Germany, and the

590

Department of Stale Bulletin

American Government has neither the desire nor
the intention to impose or sanction it by interna-
tional agreement. Let no one doubt, therefore,
that we shall continue our efforts to obtain a just
reunification in the interest of peace and stability.

On this point the basic difference of opinion
between the United States and the Soviet Union
is that — at least as long as it may hope to extend
its influence and dominate Europe — the Soviet
Union is not interested in Western European
peace and security, but quite the opposite.

Nothing, I believe, better reveals the transpar-
ent purposes of Soviet policy than Moscow's vari-
able attitude on "self-determination." In the East
Zone, for instance, the Soviet Union has consist-
ently refused to permit free elections, either in the
present administration of the area or as a means
of achieving German reunification. This stands
in bald contrast to the insistent Soviet clamor
for "self-determination" for such distant peoples
as those living along the Pakistan-Afghanistan
border, as a device for stirring up trouble between
neighboring countries. Within its own Commu-
nist empire, of course, the mere suggestion of self-
determination would be treason.

Question of the Future

This, I think, summarizes the situation as re-
gards both the issue of the reunification of Ger-
many and the preservation of Berlin's freedom
imtil reunification can be achieved. But there re-
mains the question of the future. "Wliat is there
to look forward to ?

I cannot foretell events any better than you,
and I would hesitate to predict any likely series
of developments, remembering always Bismai'ck's
comment that, even at the end of a long career in
politics and diplomacy, the farthest ahead he
could see into the political future was less than
a year and that he was not even sure of this.
Nevertheless, I do have a few general convictions
which I would like to put before you.

The first of these is that we must be prepared
for new attempts by the Communists to extend
their control. I see no reason to hope or expect
that the Soviet Union will relax its efforts to
this end. On the contrary, I believe the Soviets
will use Berlin as a lever whenever they consider
it might suit their purpose of extending Com-
munist control. While we welcome any actions
that will result in improving relations among

nations, we must weigh their significance in terms
of long-range policy. A basic change in attitude
on the part of the Soviet Union vis-a-vis the
Western World can only be achieved if the Soviets
realize that their dreams of conquest cannot be
realized. And they will abandon their ambitious
dreams only in the face of continued vigilance and
firmness on our part, which alone will leave no
doubt in the minds of the Soviets that the West
will meet their challenge.

Another conviction I have is that the United
States will meet in full its commitments to Berlin.
And we shall not accept, for the mere sake of
agreement, any proposals for the reunification of
Germany which will endanger the freedom of the
German people and the security of Europe.

I have every confidence, moreover, that the
people of the Federal Eepublic, as well as the
people of Free Berlin, will stand firmly in de-
fense of their freedom in the face of any pressure
or threat.

And, finally, I feel this : that there is hope for
the future, even though we may yet have to face
still further dangers. With the united determin-
ation of the free world, I believe, it will be pos-
sible in time to create conditions which inevitably
will bring the Commimists to accept realities, ad-
just their policies, alter their goals, and permit
the stability and security we seek to be realized.
This, I am convinced, will redound to the benefit
of the Kussian people as much as to our own.
After all, our one goal is peace with justice and
freedom for all.

President Kennedy Extols Chancellor
of Austria on Service to Country

The White House on April 8 made fuhlic the
folloioing message from. President Kennedy to
Julius Raab, Chancellor of Austria^ which was
delivered on April 7.

White House press release dated April 8

April 6, 1961
Dear Mr. Chancellor: The American people
cherish the bonds of friendship, mutual respect,
and devotion to common democratic ideals which
imite our two comitries. These bonds have grown
in strength and vitality durmg the years of your
leadership. Your dedicated service to Austria

April 24, 1 96 J

591

and to the principles and institutions of Western
democracy have earned the respect and gratitude
of free men everywhere. Under your steward-
ship Austria has steadfastly executed her mission
as a bastion of freedom, a refuge for the op-
pressed, and an exemplar of the noblest traditions
of Western civilization. As you prepare to lay
down the demanding duties of the Chancellorship,
please accept on my own behalf, and on the be-
half of the people of the United States, our sin-
cere best wishes.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

Presidents of Peru and Ecuador
To Visit United States

Visit of President of Peru

White House press release dated April 8

President Manuel Prado of Peru has accepted
an invitation from President Kennedy to make
a state visit to the United States to begin Sep-
tember 19, 1961.

As is customary on such occasions President
Prado will spend the first 3 days in Washington,
where he will meet with President Kennedy, Sec-
retary of State Rusk, and other high officials of
the U.S. Government. President Prado will
spend the remainder of his visit traveling to other
parts of the United States.

Visit of President of Ecuador

White House press release dated April 8

President Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra of Ecua-
dor has accepted, subject to circmnstances in
Ecuador at the tune of the scheduled trip, an
invitation by President Kennedy to make a state
visit to the United States commencmg October 24
of this year.

As is customary on state visits President Ve-
lasco will be scheduled to spend the first 3 days
in Washington, where he will meet with Presi-
dent Kennedy, Secretary of State Rusk, and
other high officials of the U.S. Government.
During the remainder of the visit President Ve-
lasco will travel to other parts of the United
States.

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota
at Zero for Calendar Year 1961

A PROCLAMATION^

Whereas section 408(b) (1) of the Sugar Act of
1048, as amended by the act of March 31, 1961, provides
that the President shall determine, notwithstanding any
other provision of Title II of the Sugar Act of 1948, as
amended, the quota for Cuba for the period ending June
30, 1962, in such amount or amounts as he shall find from
time to time to be in the national interest, and further
provides that in no event shall such quota exceed such
amount as would be provided for Cuba under the terms
of Title II of the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, in the
absence of section 408(b) ; and

Whereas section 408(b) (1) of the Sugar Act of 1948,
as amended, further jjrovides that determinations made
by the President thereunder shall become effective imme-
diately upon publication in the Federal Register; and

Whereas section 408(b)(2) and section 408(b)(3) of
the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, authorize the Presi-
dent, subject to certain requirements, to cause or permit
to be brought or imported into or marlieted in the United
States a quantity of sugar not in excess of the amount
by which the quotas which would be established for Cuba
imder the terms of Title II of such Act exceed the quotas
established for Cuba by the President pursuant to section
408(b) of the Act; and

Whereas, by Proclamation No. 3383 of December 16,
I960,' the President determined the quota for Cuba for
the three-month period ending March 31, 1961, to be zero ;
and

Whereas pursuant to section 408(b)(1) of the Sugar
Act of 1948, as amended, I find it to be in the national
interest that the amount of the quotas for sugar and for
liquid sugar for Cuba pursuant to the Sugar Act of 1948,
as amended, for the calendar year 1961 should be zero:

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the
United States of America, acting under and by virtue of
the authority vested in me by section 408(b) of the Sugar
Act of 1948, as amended, and section 301 of title 3 of
the United States Code, and as President of the United
States :

1. Do hereby determine that in the national interest
the amount of the quotas for sugar and for liquid sugar
for Cuba pursuant to the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended,
for the calendar year 1961 shall be zero ; and

2. Do hereby continue the delegation to the Secretary
of Agriculture of the authority vested in the President
by section 408(b) (2) and section 408(b) (3) of the Sugar
Act of 1948, as amended, such authority to be continued
to be exercised with the concurrence of the Secretary of
State.

' No. 3401 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 2849.

' For text, see Buixetin of Jan. 2, 1961, p. 18.

592

Department of State Bulletin

This proclamation shall become effective immediately
upon publication in the Federal Register.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to
be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this 31st day of March
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
[seal] sixty-one and of the Independence of the United
States of America the one hundred and eighty-
fifth.

/^^W A ^t^^'-^'S

By the President :
Chester Bowles,
Acting Secretary of State.

Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil,
Flaxseed, and Linseed Oil Terminated

White House press release dated April 5
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT

The Pre.sident on April 5 issued a proclamation
eliminating the special import fees on peanut oil,
flaxseed, and linseed oil. These fees were imposed
in 1953 under section 22(d) of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act in order to prevent imports from
materially interfering with appropriate price
support programs of the Department of
Agriculture.

On January 26, 1961, the Tariff Commission
submitted a report to the President, finding that
changed circumstances required a modification
of the fees on these products. The report recom-
mended that the fee on peanut oil be eliminated
and the fees on flaxseed and linseed oil be reduced
from 50 percent ad valorem to 15 percent ad
valorem.

On review of the Commission's report the Presi-
dent determined that imports of flaxseed and lin-
seed oil, as well as peanut oil, did not tkreaten to
interfere materially with domestic price-support,
operations.

PROCLAMATION 3402 >

Terminating the Import Fees on Peanut On., Flaxseed,
AND Linseed Oil

Whereas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as amended (7 U.S.C. 624), the Presi-
dent, on June 8, 195.3, issued Proclamation No. 3019 " im-
posing fees or quantitative limitations on imports of prod-
ucts specified in Lists I, II, and III appended to and made
a part of that proclamation (3 CFR, 1949-1953 Comp.,
p. 189), which has been modified or amended from time
to time ; and

Whereas the United States Tariff Commission has
made an investigation under the authority of subsection
(d) of the said section 22 of the Agricultural Adjust-
ment Act, supplemental to its investigation No. 6 under
that section 22, to determine whether the fees imposed by
Proclamation No. 3019 on peanut oil, flaxseed, and on
linseed oil and combinations and mixtures in chief value
of such oil should be terminated or modified : and

Whereas the said Commission has submitted to me a
report of its supplemental investigation and its findings
and recommendations made in connection therewith; and

Whereas, on the basis of such investigation and report,
I find that the circumstances requiring the imposition
of fees on peanut oil, flaxseed, and on linseed oil and
combinations and mixtures in chief value of such oil,
no longer exist :

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of
the United States of America, acting under and by
virtue of the authority vested in me by section 22(d) of
the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, do hereby
amend, effective May 5, 1961, List III appended to the said
Proclamation No. 3019, as amended, by deleting therefrom
the provisions relating to peanut oil, flaxseed, and linseed
oil and combinations and mixtures in chief value of such
oil, and the fees specified for such products.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to
be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this fifth day of April
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
[seal] sixty-one and of the Independence of the United
States of America the one hundred and eighty-
fifth.

^/^^Jp>

By the President :
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.

' 26 Fed. Reg. 2959.

' Bulletin of June 29, 1953, p. 919.

April 24, 1 96 1

590455—61 3

593

Universal Tonnage Measurement

hy James IF. Gulick

Practically all ships ui the world of any size
show on their official register or other documenta-
tion their register tonnages, as determined by the
government which documented them. Originally
there was only a single register tomiage, the net
tonnage. This was intended to be indicative of
the earning capacity of the vessel, and it was — and
still is — upon this tomiage that nations levy ton-
nage taxes on foreign vessels entering their ports.

The second tonnage — gross — is more indicative
of overall size and came into recognition for
statistical purposes, for the application of many
legal requirements, and for the imposition of serv-
ice charges, such as wharfage, drydocking, pilot-
age, and the like. Both net and gross tonnages
are therefore in large measure yardsticks for tax-
ation purposes.

From 1694: to 1720, English ships were measured
for tonnage by dividing by 94 the product of the
length of keel, widest breadth of hull, and depth
of hold. This gave a tonnage block in which 94
cubic feet constituted 1 ton. However, in 1720
it was decided to simplify this admeasurement
process by arbitrarily stating depth as one-half of
the vessel's breadth. This formula, known as the
Builders' Old Measurement Kule, continued to be
used in England until 1835. It heavily taxed
beam but removed from measurement the actual
depth.

Since every shipo^vner wants the largest carry-
ing capacity for the smallest taxable tonnage, the
Builders' Rule paved the way for the ugly, narrow,
and deep vessels which served the needs of ocean

• M7\ Gulick is Chief of Marine Administra-
tion, Bureau of Customs, Department of the
Treasury.

commerce in the period when the American
colonies were coming of age. Ships became more
and more cranky. Shipwrecks increased.

As a result of these losses and of the studies
and investigations which always follow disasters
at sea, a young British naval architect named
George Moorsom devised a substitute for the
Builders' Rule on which the tonnage regula-
tions of all maritime nations since 1854 have more
or less been based.

Moorsom's system continued to base tonnage on
the internal volume of the vessel's hull. He em-
ployed actual measui'ement of sections and ordi-
nates, applied in accordance with Simpson's Rules,
to obtain the entire internal volume of the hull
and superstructure in cubic feet. This total was
then converted to gross tonnage at the rate of 100
cubic feet to the ton. From this gross tonnage
there were subtracted spaces within the hull, such
as crew's quarters, sail takers, storerooms, etc., to
arrive at the actual cargo spaces. In the case of
the comparatively few steam vessels of the day a
further subtraction or "deduction" was provided
for to cover the boiler and engine spaces with an
allowance for the variable-sized coal bunkers.

The trend toward more accurate calculation of
earning power was joined by the force of social
reform with the result that other subtractions
from tonnage encouraged the shifting of pas-
senger accommodations and crew's quaiters out
of the dank holds. Moorsom's original proposal
for a single tonnage based on the volume of space
available for the carriage of passengers and cargo
was thus modified to produce two tonnages : gross,
the total internal volume of hull and super-
structure, less certain exempted spaces; and net,
the volume that was left after the deduction of
other spaces.

594

Department of Sfate Bulletin

Variances in Tonnage Measurement Rules

Today the systems of tonnage measurement in
force throughout the world provide for a whole
series of exemptions to arrive at gross and for even
more deductions to attain net tonnage, on which
most sliipping taxes are based. As a result, net
does not represent revenue-earning capacity but
is a heterogeneous mixture of revenue-earning and
non-revenue-earning spaces. The most radical il-
lustration of this anomaly is that of the shelter-
deck ship in which an entire 'tween-deck space is
thrown out of taxable tomiage by virtue of certain
artificial "tonnage openings" in the deck and
ti'ansverse bulkheads which only in theory open
that space to the ravages of sea and weather.

But this is not all of the stoiy. Since the rela-
tive simplicity of Moorsom's day, other rules have
been developed, each with its own set of exemp-
tions and deductions which require different treat-
ment of the same vessel. One rule favors shelter-
deck exemption; another does not. Some pennit
unlimited water-ballast deduction; others limit
the deduction to a fixed percentage. In fact, one
rule omits water ballast completely from meas-
ured tonnage while all others deduct water-ballast
space from gross to arrive at net.

These variances appear in three major group-
ings of tonnage measurement rules: (1) national
rules, (2) Suez Canal Rules, and (3) Panama
Canal Rules. Many ships must contend with all
three and thus end up with three sets of tomiages,
all different. IMoreover, the national rules also
may be broken down into three groupings: (1)
the rules of those countries which follow the
British tonnage measurements procedures; (2)
the Oslo Rules, which are modifications of the
British rules and have been adopted by most of
the north European countries, except the United
Kingdom, as well as by Japan, Israel, and Cam-
bodia; and (3) the United States tomiage niles,
which are followed also by Liberia and the Re-
public of Panama (but not by the Panama Canal) .
Here again, there is considei-able variation in ton-
nage results.
I Tonnage iniles may have changed considerably
since Moorsom's day, but the constniction and
operation of ships still require more than lip-
service to the fundamental issue of pi-ofitmaking.
Obviously a ship operator has his ship built ac-
cording to the premise of his predecessor of the
18th century — the biggest ship for the smallest

tomiage. If the cargo to be carried is of the light-
weight variety, a shelter-decker may be the answer.
If the cargo is heavy and dense, an ore carrier with
large spaces given over to artificial water-ballast
spaces may sei-ve his purposes. A ship gouig
through the Panama Canal as a regular thing is
built to get maximum tonnage benefits under the
Panama Canal Rules. Similarly, a Suez Canal
transit requires that attention be paid to the
vagaries of the Suez Canal Rules.

All of this is to say that the pendulum has
made a full swing, for once again the tonnage
rules are accused of influencing ship design and
construction. It is said tliat this worship of
minimmn tomiage prejudices safety, ignores the
possibilities of improvements in ship design, and
increases original construction cost as well as
operating costs, which, in the long nm, are not
recouped by lower tonnage taxes and canal tolls.

Just a few examples are enlightening. Con-
sider the oversized engmerooms which must be
built large enough to warrant the most favorable
propelling-power deduction, with the result that
the engineroom bulkhead is pushed forward into
space that ovight to be available for cargo; or,
even worse, the engineroom is enlarged by erect-
ing a large, empty deckhouse over the space which
not only increases construction costs but also
offers high wind resistance ; or the hull space that
is not available for profitable cargo use because
it is earmarked for water ballast only, and that
only in a highly artificial sense; or the piercing
of decks, bulkheads, and the hull itself to lower
the tonnage deck within the hull and thus elim-
inate or materially reduce the volume of spaces
above that deck which are included in tonnage.

Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement

This was the situation which faced an inter-
national meeting of tonnage experts from 17
nations which took place at London June 24-26,
1959, under the auspices of the Inter-Govem-
mental Maritime Consultative Organization.^
These experts constituted the IMCO Subcom-
mittee on Tonnage Measurement, which provided
the first practical, international forum to air the
tomiage measurement problems which have
plagued the sliipping world for so many years.

' Mr. Gulick was chief of the U.S. delegation to the
London meeting.

>\pn7 24, 7967

595

There was complete agreement among the dele-
gates at London on the need for a single, univer-
sal tomiage system. However, there were two
principal proposals for attaining imiformity.

The conservative method, which was offered by
the United Kingdom as spokesman for most of
the Oslo Countries, proposed immediate consid-
eration of the Oslo Rules as the basis for an
international system. This was strongly opposed
by the United States and the Soviet Union, which
rejected the use of exemptions and deductions to
attain derivative tonnages as basically imsound.

The United States proposed a complete break
with established tonnage concepts and advocated
studies to seek out simplified, direct, and in-
dependent formulas for gross and net tonnage
which would not restrict vessel design, efficiency,
and safety. It suggested that the net, or taxable,
tonnage formula be based on the internal volume
of space available for acconmiodation of passen-
gers and cargo, and that gross be determined by
a direct, independent formula so as to connote
external hull size.

As an initial step the United States advocated
separate treatment of small and large vessels, with
small craft measured under local systems. It was
also recommended that the new net and gross for-
mulas be applied only to new ships and that the
tonnage results be equated as nearly as possible
with the tonnages of present ships. In this way
existing vessels could be continued in operation
until their replacement by the less costly and
better designed ships built under the new tonnage
rules.

This liberal approach was strongly supported
by the Soviet Union, which had been thinking
along similar lines, and also found considerable
interest and support on the part of France, Italy.
Germany, Greece, Liberia, Tui-key, and the Latin
American coimtries.

Although seemingly far apart, the conservative
and liberal views could accomplish the same re-
sult. Pursued to its logical conclusion, the con-
servative view could return to the pure volume
method of Moorsom for ascertaining gross ton-
nage, adjusting the deductions from gross to ar-
rive at a closer proximation of actual cargo and
passenger, or true revenue-earning, spaces. The
liberal view goes further in seeking independent
computation of gross and net by means of the
simpler method of directly applied formulas.
Either course would insure a break with the un-

satisfactory artificiality of present tonnage
practices.

The member countries of the IMCO subcom-
mittee are now assembling data to show the uses
for tonnage measurement. From these uses the
basic features or needs of a satisfactory interna-
tional tomiage system will be determined. In
making this fuiding, full consideration is to be
given to the effect of tomiage rules on the design
and construction of ships, on their safety and effi-
ciency, and on the economics of the shipping in-
dustry generally. As a final phase of the program
the subcommittee will then consider whether the
conservative or liberal approach offere the better
method of putting those principles into effect.

In the United States this work is proceeding
under the direction of a Subcommittee on Tomiage
Measurement of the Shipping Coordinating Com-
mittee. This is an interdepartmental Govern-
ment group chaired by the Department of State.
With the help of industry advisers, the Shipping
Coordinating Coimnittee recommends positions on
shipping problems to be taken by U.S. delegations
to intergovernmental conferences and meetings.

The time is opportune for modernization of
tonnage niles and practices. Recent shippmg re-
ports indicate that in many areas world fleets are
overtomiaged. This has caused some owners who
have been considering the acquisition of replace-
ments or additions to their fleets to reconsider
plans for new constmction. Even where there is
an immediate need for new vessels, there is reason
to evaluate the unlimited possibilities of nuclear
power, recent developments in cargo handling and
stowage, and the recognition by all in the shipping
industry of the pressing need for more efficient,
more economical designs capable of serving a
variety of uses.

Broken down to the simplest terms, a ship is a
transportation unit wrapped aroimd revenue-
earning cargo and passenger spaces. Today the
arrangement, cost, efficiency, and seaworthiness of
the transportation unit are prejudiced by the dic-
tates of the net tonnage outturn. Under the U.S.
proposal, the transportation imit will be freed
from the influence of net tonnage. The ship-
owner will get a more efficient ship with lower
construction and operating costs. At the same
time he will be able to say exactly how large or
how small his net tonnage shall be. Tonnage in-
fluence will be a thing of the past.

596

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

United States and Bulgaria
Suspend Claims Negotiations

Department Statement ^

Representatives of the Governments of the
United States and Bulgaria have agreed to sus-
pend the negotiations initiated on January 12,
1961,' for a settlement of certain outstanding fi-
nancial issues. The negotiations to date have
succeeded in clarifying and narrowing the differ-
ences between the two Governments. Both sides
have expressed the hope for an early resump-
tion of the negotiations.

vessel Exton, which is carrying the first shipment
of 3,162 long tons of corn, is due to reach the
Tunisian port of Sfax about April 7 and arrive
at Sousse a day later. The second shipment of
4,921 long tons of com is due to reach the port
of Tunis in late April.

THE CONGRESS

U. S. Grants 30,000 Tons
of Feed Grains to Tunisia

Press release 188 dated April 4

The U.S. Government announced on April 4 a
grant of up to 30,000 tons of corn and grain sor-
ghmns to the Government of Tunisia to help pro-
vide emergency feed for livestock suffering from
the effects of an unprecedented fall drought.

The grain will be made available to the north
African country by the International Coopera-
tion Administration under provisions of title II
of the Agricultural Trade Development and As-
sistance Act (P.L. 480). This provision, which
ICA administers, authorizes the use of surplus
U.S. agricultural commodities for emergency re-
lief purposes. The ICA will pay the ocean
freight charges.

The feed grains supplied by the United States
will be used for direct free distribution to hard-
hit Timisian livestock owners. The Tunisian
Government may sell up to 3,000 tons of the feed
grains on tlie domestic market with the sales pro-
ceeds being used to purchase certain types of feed
not available under the provisions of title II of
P.L. 480.

It is estimated that emergency feed will be
needed by some 150,000 Tunisian families who
have breeding herds numbering about 1 million
sheep, 100,000 cattle, and 1 million chickens.

The feed grains will be shipped to Tunisian
ports over a period of 6 months. The U.S. flag

^ Read to news correspondents by Department press
officer Joseph W. Reap on Apr. 6.
' Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1961, p. 150.

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement
on East German Dollar Bond Validation

Statement ty Richard H. Davis ^

I appreciate the opportunity of appearing be-
fore the Committee on Foreign Relations in sup-
port of the Second Agreement Between the United
States of America and the Federal Republic of
Germany Regarding Certain Matters Arising
From the Validation of German Dollar Bonds,
signed at Bonn on August 16, 1960.^ The pur-
pose of this agreement is to protect the property
interests of United States citizens who are holders
of certain German dollar bonds which were issued
during the 1920's by corporations located in what
is now the part of Germany under the control of
the Soviet Union. Ratification of this agreement
is the first essential step to enabling these bond-
holders to obtain payment on their bonds.

As the members of the committee will recall,
the validation procedures in respect of German
dollar bonds were established in the United States
pursuant to an executive agreement signed at
Bonn on February 27, 1953, and a treaty which
was signed at Bonn on April 1, 1953.^ The need
for setting up these validation procedures arose
from the fact that more than $350 million in face
amount of bearer bonds, which had been acquired

" Read before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on Apr. 5 (press release 194) by Richard D. Kearney,
Assistant Legal Adviser for European Affairs. Mr. Davis
is Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs.

^ S. Ex. D, 87th Cong., 1st sess.

■ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2793 and
2794; for bacljground and texts, see also Bulletin of
Mar. 9, 1953, p. 376, and May 4, 1953, p. 665.

April 24, 1961

597

by the German issuers for amortization purposes,
were seized from the vaults of the Reichsbank and
other German banks when the Soviets overran
Berlin in 1945. In order to prevent the holders
of these looted bonds from cashing them in, thus
both requiring the obligors to make a double pay-
ment thereon and diluting the sums of money
available for the purpose of paying legitimate
bondholders, procedures were set up under whicli
German dollar bonds held outside of Germany
had to be submitted to a validation board located
in New York. The Validation Board, on the basis
of evidence submitted by the bondholder and by
the issuer, decided wliether the bonds were legiti-
Tnately outstanding or whether they had been
taken from the Berlin bank vaults. This valida-
tion machinery commenced operation in 1953 and
lias worked out very successfully.* The Board
"has now completed practically all of the work
originally assigned to it.

The validation procedures which were set up
in 1953, however, covered only bonds issued by the
former Reich Government, or state and local gov-
ernments and corporations located in what is now
the Federal Republic of Gemiany and Berlin.
This was because the Federal Republic had no
effective jurisdiction or control over tlie issuers
who are located in East Germany.

Some years after 1953, information was acquired
that one of the East German dollar bond issues
was guaranteed by solvent companies in "West
•Germany and that there were substantial assets
of some of the other East German issuers located
in West Germany. Discussions were therefore
held with the German Federal Government in
order to determine what procedures would be
necessary for the United States bondholders con-
oemed either to take advantage of these guaran-
tees or to obtain payment on their bonds out of
these assets. Those discussions made it clear that
the validation procedures should be applied to
these East German dollar bond issues for the
purpose of conserving the limited assets and to
prevent the holders of the looted bonds from cash-
ing them in. Accordingly, the treaty which is
now before you was negotiated with the Federal
Republic.

* For an article on the Validation Board, see ibid.,
■Oct. 20, 1952, p. 608 ; for text of a report of the Board
•covering the period Sept. 1, 1955-Aug. 31, 1956, see ibid.,
Mar. 18, 1957, p. 447.

In the course of the negotiations every effort
was made to insure tliat the interests of the bond-
holders were adequately represented. The banks
which are trustees of the bond issues, the Foreign
Bondholder's Protective Council, the United
States Committee for German Corporate Dollar
Bonds, and the Securities and Exchange Commis-
sion were all consulted in the formulation of the
treaty with respect to the matters of interest to
them or the areas within their jurisdiction and are
satisfied with it. No objections to the treaty have
been brought to the attention of the Department.

In addition to the application of the validation
procedures to these East German dollar bond is-
sues, the treaty also provides that the Federal
Republic of Germany will enact legislation per-
mitting bankruptcy proceedings to take place with
respect to the assets of East German issuers which
have been found in the Federal Republic. The
purpose of this provision was to insure the clear-
ing away of any possible obstacles to recovery by
United States bondholders once their bonds had
been validated and to insure that the assets
would be conserved until the validation proce-
dures had been carried out.

The agreement also contains a provision under
which refugees from Eastern Germany who held
dollar bonds which have been lost or destroyed
will be allowed to file claims for these bonds under
the original validation procedures, despite the fact
that the time limits for such action have expired.
The article contains special provisions to insure
that there will be no impairment of established
rights as a result of the late filing.

The agreement is thus one which merely fills
up a gap in the original validation procedures be-
cause of information which developed after the
1953 treaty had gone into effect. Its purpose is
to aid bondliolders to obtain payment on their
bonds which have been in default for a great
many years. Because these bonds are bearer in-
struments we do not have any full degree of in-
formation regarding their present holders, but,
due to the fact that the Securities and Exchange
Commission has an order in effect against trading
nonvalidated German bonds, it is unlikely that
any substantial amount of speculation in these
bonds has taken place. This is borne out by the
299 individual inquiries which liave been received
by the Validation Board from holders of these
bonds and which establish that these holders are
to be foimd in at least 36 States and the District

598

Department of State Bulletin

of Columbia. The inquiries also indicate that the
average size of the holdings is approximately
$2,000 in face amount.

Because there will have to be bankruptcy pro-
ceedings in Germany with the necessary marshal-
ing of claims, it is not yet possible to state with
any degree of accuracy the overall return which
will be made to the bondliolders. The best esti-
mate, and it is admittedly very rough, is in the
neighborhood of $5 million. The inquiries which
the Validation Board has received also establish
that the bondholders are most anxious that meas-
ures be taken so that they will be able to receive
some long-overdue return on their original
investments.

Gennan Bundestag action on the treaty has been
completed, and as this is an agreement which in-
volves only benefit for citizens of the United
States, I trust that it can be speedily approved.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Hearings before the
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the
Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws
of the Senate Judiciary Committee. April 29-October
10. 1960, and January 10, 1961. 128 pp.

Semiannual Report of the National Advisoi-y Council on
International Monetary and Financial Problems. Letter
from the chairman transmitting a report of the Coun-
cil on its activities during the period July 1 to Decem-
ber 31, 1959. H. Doe. 37. January 3, 1961. 59 pp.

International Travel. Report to accompany S. 610. S.
Rept. 48. February 16, 1961. 12 pp.

Permitting Canadian Vessels To Serve Certain Ports in
Southeastern Alaslia. Report to accompany S. 707.
S. Rept. 49. February 16, 1961. 3 pp.

Extending From 4 to 7 Months the Period for Which the
Federal Maritime Board May Suspend Tariff Schedules.
Report to accompany S. 804. S. Rept. 50. February 16,
1961. 2 pp.

The Bogota Conference, September 1960. Report of Sen-
ators Wayne Morse and Bourlie B. Hickenlooper to the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. February 17,
1961. 40 pp. [Committee print]

Repealing Certain Obsolete Provisions of Title 38, United
States Code, Relating to Unemployment Compensation
for Korean Conflict Veterans. Report to accompany
H. Rept. 860. H.R. 15. February 21, 1961. 10 pp.

Khrushchev's Speech of January 6, 1961, A Summary and
Interpretive Analysis. Prepared at the request of Sen-
ator Alexander Wiley by the Legislative Reference
Service of the Library of Congress. S. Doc. 14. Febru-
ary 22, 1961. 9 pp.

Establishment of a Permanent Peace Corps. Message
from the President transmitting a special message for

the establishment of a permanent Peace Corps. H. Doc.
98. March 1, 1961. 4 pp.

Income of Foreign Central Banks. Report to accompany
H.R. 5189. H. Rept. 58. March 6, 1961. 5 pp.

Sixth NATO Parliamentarians' Conference. Report of
the U.S. House delegation to the sixth conference of
members of parliament from the NATO countries, held
at Paris, November 21-26, 1960. H. Rept. 68. March
8, 1961. 9 pp.

Columbia River Treaty. Hearing before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee. March 8, 1961. 80 pp.

Agreement for Cooperation With Italy for Mutual Defense
Purposes. Hearing before the Joint Committee on
Atomic Energy. March 9, 1961. 27 pp.

The Confusion of the West : An Analysis of Certain As-
pects of Communist Political Warfare. Remarks of
Senator Thomas J. Dodd at the Conference on Soviet
Political Warfare, Paris, December 1, 1960. S. Doc. 17.
March 9, 1961. 9 pp.

Special Study Mission to Latin America : Venezuela,
Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Panama. Report by
Representatives Armistead I. Selden, Jr., and Dante
B. Fascell. H. Rept. 70. March 9, 1961. 47 pp.

Extend and Amend the Sugar Act. Report to accompany
H.R. 5463. H. Rept. 79. March 14, 1961. 12 pp.

Appropriation for Inter-American Fund for Social Prog-
ress and Rehabilitation of Certain Areas of Southern
Chile. Message from the President requesting the
appropriation of $600 million for the inter-American
fund and for aid to Chile. H. Doc. 105. March 14,
1961. 7 pp.

Proposed Agreement for Cooperation for Mutual Defense
Purposes Between the Government of the United States
and the Government of Italy. Report pursuant to sec.
202, Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended. S. Rept.
71 and H. Rept. 167. March 15, 1961. 13 pp.

A Report on United States Foreign Operations. Report
by Senator Allen J. EUender. S. Doc. 20. March 15,
1961. 1150 pp.

Canada-United States Interparliamentary Group. Re-
port to the Senate on the fourth meeting held at Ot-
tawa and Quebec City, February 22-26, 1961, by Senator
George D. Aiken, chairman of the Senate delegation.
S. Doc. 27. March 17, 1961. 6 pp.

Amendments to the Budget Involving an Increase for
the U.S. Information Agency. Communication from
the President transmitting amendments to the budget
for the fiscal year 1962 involving an increase in the
amount of .$11 million for USIA. H. Doc. 114. March
20, 1961. 2 pp.

Amendments to the Budget for the Fiscal Year 1962 for
the Department of State. Communication from the
President transmitting amendments to the budget for
fiscal year 1962 involving a decrease in the amount of
$130,000 for the Department of State. H. Doc. 115.
March 20, 1961. 3 pp.

Inter-American Children's Institute. Report to accom-
pany S. J. Res. 66. S. Rept. 84. March 22, 1961. 2 pp.

Foreign Aid. Message from the President. H. Doc. 117.
March 22, 1961. 11 pp.

Additional Authorization for Sale of Agricultural Com-
modities Under Title I of Public Law 480: Report to
accompany H.R. 4728. H. Rept. 196. March 23, 1961.
14 pp.

Report of the First Meeting of the Mexico-United States
Interparliamentary Group, Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mex-
ico, February 6-10, 1961. Report by Representative
D. S. Saund, chairman of the House delegation. H.
Rept. 197. March 24, 1961. 23 pp.

Budget and Fiscal Policy. Message from the President.
H. Doc. 120. March 24, 1961. 10 pp.

Collection of Fees From American Vessels and Seamen.
Report to accompany S. 1358. S. Rept. 88. March 27,
1961. 3 pp.

April 24, 1 96 J

599

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

United Nations General Assembly Deplores
South Africa's Apartheid Policy

Following are statements made iy Francis T. P.
Plimpton, U.S. Representative to the General As-
sembly, in the Special Political Committee during
debate on the question of apartheid in the Union
of South Africa, together with the texts of resolu-
tions voted upon in plenary session on April 13.

STATEMENT OF MARCH 30

U.S. delegation press release 36SO

A few days ago, on March 24th, this Special
Political Committee passed a resolution ^ concern-
ing the treatment of peoples of Indian and Indo-
Pakistan origin in the Union of South Africa.
Wlien we did so we were all aware that this was
a part of the larger problem we now face. I refer,
of course, to apartheid.

This Afrikaans word for apartness or separate-
ness is no longer a merely Afrikaans term ; it has
become in all languages a stigma, symbolic of the
whole range of the discriminatory racial legisla-
tion and practices of the Union of South Africa.
No one listening to the clear and detailed descrip-
tion of apartheid by our distinguished vice chair-
man. Ambassador [Melquiados J.] Gamboa, or
by others of our colleagues, could remain unmoved
at the realization tliat human beings can be so
unjust to fellow human beings.

Apartheid is a repudiation by the Union of
South Africa of its pledge, as a member of the
United Nations and under article 56 of the
charter, to take action for the achievement of the
purposes set forth in article 55, for among those
purposes is,

' U.N. doc. A/SPC/L. 58.

. . . universal respect for, and observance of, human
rights and fundamental freedom for all without distinc-
tion as to race, sex, language, or religion.

The Union of South Africa is clearly obligated
to observe these human rights ; instead it has de-
liberately adopted policies which disregard this
obligation and has pronounced these policies as
right and just. Indeed it has made racial dis-
crimination its acknowledged law of the land.

For the ninth time the Special Political Com-
mittee is charged with considering the failure of
the Union of South Africa to seek genuine im-
provement of its intergroup policies. I must note
with regret that the Union Government still re-
fuses to admit that the United Nations has a.
proper interest in this matter.

Previous deliberations of the Special Political
Committee have dealt with the appropriateness
of United Nations discussions of this situation.
Each member of this international organization
quite properly exercises control over its internal
affairs, but, as one of my predecessors [Harold
Riegelman] pointed out in 1959 : ^

The problems related to human rights, however, are
universal, in that their continued existence is properly
of increasing interest to us all. Since they normally arise
within the borders of a nation, they are in one sense
internal affairs. But article 56 and other articles and
actions of the United Nations also stamp them indelibly
and rightly as matters of great international impact and
effect. This, in our opinion, justifies this discussion and
places upon every member state the duty of acknowl-
edging the propriety of United Nations concern and of
responding to its appeals even if it is reluctant to comply
with those appeals.

And as Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge said on
" Bulletin of Dec. 28, 1959, p. 948.

600

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

April 1, 1960, when the Security Council was
considering the South African item : ^

When governmental policies within one country evoke
the deep concern of a great part of mankind, they in-
evitably contribute to tension among nations. This is
especially true of racial tensions and the violence which
sometimes results. They are more subtle and more com-
plex than some of the political disputes between states
which the [Security] Council has considered. But in
the long run they may be even more destructive to the
peace of mankind.

Deliberate deprivations of human rights which
affect international peace and security are the
concern of the United Nations, whether the victims
be imiocent Africans, persecuted Christians, Jews,
or Muslims, Hmigarian patriots, or Tibetan
nationalists.

In our common zeal to condemn a particular
violation of human rights, we must in all fairness
remind ourselves that, regrettable as that violation
is, it is not unique. Minorities in many small
nations, as well as millions of peoples in large and
powerful nations, are today denied the human
rights and fundamental freedoms contemplated
by the charter of the United Nations. When the
autliors of the charter set forth in article 55 the
goals of certain basic rights for all mankind, they
were all too well aware that they were contemplat-
ing goals and not accomplished facts. Some na-
tions have come closer to realizing these goals
than others; it is the tragedy of South Africa
that she has adopted policies whose effect is to
deny these goals and prevent their ever being
realized.

We in the United States approach the question
now before this committee with a certain humility ;
we are no strangers to many of the aspects of this
problem, and we are all too aware of its com-
plexities and difficulties. As I hope all delegates
realize, our own Government is dedicated to the
high principle that all men are created equal and
should be treated equally; and our Government,
with the support of the vast majority of its citi-
zens, is moving firmly and patiently toward the
implementation of that high principle in all as-
pects of our common life throughout this country,
which itself is striving to be a united nation unify-
ing all races and all nationalities. Indeed, I have
always felt it singularly appropriate that the
United Nations should have its seat in this city
which, whatever its shortcomings may be, does

" Ibid., Apr. 25, 1960, p. 667.

offer to the world an example of differing races
and colors and creeds and nationalities doing their
best to live together in mutual tolerance under a
rule of law designed to afford to all its citizens the
same rights, the rights of life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.

I devoutly hope that during our discussions here
all representatives of all member nations will take
a fresh and candid look at their own interracial,
interreligious, and interethnic relations. Let us
all renew our vigilance against any discriminatory
violation of fundamental human rights wherever
it may occur.

We are all in agreement, I think, that this com-
mittee is within its rights in discussing apartheid,
and I hope we all recognize that the Union of
South Africa is not the only state guilty of dis-
criminatory practices. But what is to be done
about apartheid?

On March 21, 1960, just over a year ago, a
series of mass demonstrations took place in the
Union of South Africa in protest against laws
requiring persons of African origin to carry
passes. These demonstrations culminated in
clashes with the police in which some 68 Africans
were killed and over 220 injured. So serious be-
came the tension that the situation was referred
to the Security Coimcil, which adopted a resolu-
tion'' calling on the Union of South Africa to
initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial
harmony based on equality and asking the
Secretary-General, with his great skill and re-
sourcefulness, to try to make arrangements which
would further the purposes and principles of the
charter.

Despite the driving pressures of a multitude of
other problems, the Secretary-General did have
two series of discussions with leaders of the South
African Government, one in London and the other
in the Union itself, and during his visit to the
Union he did have an opportunity to visit briefly
in many parts of the country. Many of us had
hopes that some easing of the situation might re-
sult from the Secretary-General's dedicated efforts.
There did appear to be some temporary ameliora-
tion of the pass laws that had precipitated the
demonstrations, but now, vmf ortunately, the trend
seems to have ended. We believe, however, that,
with so few doors to the South African Gov-
ernment remaining open, the Secretary-General

* For text, see ibid., p. 669.

April 24, 1967

601

should continue his contacts with that Govern-
ment in an earnest endeavor to make it realize its
obligation under the charter and take measures
for the fulfillment of that obligation.

IVfany of us had also hoped that the Union,
as a member of the Commonwealth of Nations,
would be influenced by the liberal and enlightened
attitudes of the leaders of the other governments
of that forward-looking community of states.

Earlier this month the Government of the Union
of South Africa itself dashed our hopes in this
regard when Prime Minister [Hendrik F.] Ver-
woerd announced that the Union, which had be-
come a republic, would not apply for membership
in the Commonwealth. It is common knowledge
that this decision resulted from condemnation of
the Union's apartheid policy by other Common-
wealth countries imwilling that Commonwealth
partnership should stand in the way of a protest
against injustice.

I refer to this recent history, well known to all
of you, for two reasons.

First, it emphasizes the increasing extent of
the international criticism of South Africa's apart-
heid policy, indeed the universal extent of that
criticism, for no nation has come to the defense
of that policy. In its angi-y reaction to this mii-
versal international denunciation of retrogressive
racial discrimination, the Union Government
seems to be taking the position that it alone is
right and all the rest of the world is wrong.

Second, the extent of the international condem-
nation of apartheid emphasizes a development
which I referred to in my remarks of last week
[March 22] ^ as to the treatment of people of
Indian and Indo-Pakistan origin in the Union
of South Africa, namely, the growth of racial
tolerance and the importance of that tolerance
in international affairs. I am more than ever
convinced that the world of today is, and increas-
ingly will be, intolerant of intolerance, that the
surge toward racial equality is the wave of the
present and the future, and that the Government
of the Union of South Africa, as well as every
other government, should swim buoyantly with
that wave lest it be engulfed by it.

Several of our colleagues have suggested that
the harshness of apartheid must be met by the
harshness of drastic measures against the Union

° For text, see U.S. delegation press release 3673 dated
Mar. 22.

of South African Government. One wonders
whether the adoption of such drastic measures
would constitute a constructive step toward what
we all hope will be a peaceful solution of this
difficult and dangerous problem. One can
thoroughly understand and warmly sympathize
with the impatience of many of our friends at
the continued obdurate refusal of the Union Gov-
ernment to heed our solemn resolutions or to move
toward compliance with its obligations imder the
charter. However, I submit that our paramount
consideration should be not punitive action against
a recalcitrant government but the welfare of
apartheid''s mifortunate victims themselves. Will
their welfare be bettered by harsh measures which
would fall not so much on the governmental lead-
ers we are trying to influence as on all the South
African people, and which might well serve to
harden the hard core of racial intolerance and
stifle the emerging voices of reason ? INIight such
measures result in increased oppression and ex-
ploitation of the very ones we are seeking to help ?

There is no delegate present here who does not
desire that this problem be settled in an intelli-
gent and peaceful manner — for the alternatives
fill one with anxious foreboding. Only the Gov-
ernment of the Union of South Africa itself, of its
own free will, can lead the way to a peaceful
solution.

Again the united voices of the United Nations
are calling on the Government to fulfill its charter
obligations. Those voices have been heard be-
fore and Iiave gone unanswered; no longer can
silence be considered an answer. May the Gov-
ernment of the Union of South Africa realize that
continued apartheid for any of its peoples may
well mean apartheid of the Union of South Africa
from all mankind.

STATEMENT OF APRIL 5

U.S. delegation press release 36S4

I wanted to say once again that the United
States is squarely, utterly, and irrevocably opposed
to the policy of racial discrimination epitomized
in the term apartheid. Let there be no mistake
about our position. But our paramount consid-
eration must be, and I repeat my words of the
other day, "the welfare of apartheid\s unfortunate
victims themselves" and "not punitive action
against a recalcitrant govenunent."

602

Department of State Bulletin

Two resolutions are now before this committee.
Tlie first, set forth in SPC/L.59/Rev. 1, was sub-
mitted by Ceylon, the Federation of Malaya, and
India. In firm and unequivocal terms it again
calls upon the Government of the Union of South
Africa to bring its policies and conduct into con-
formity M'ith its obligations under tlie charter.
The condemnation of apai'iheid in this resolution
is clear and strong. The language of the operative
paragraph is dignified, appropriate, and just.

The second resolution, set fortli in SPC/L.60,
was submitted by 24 African members of the
United Nations. I can understand the justified
indignation that prompted this draft. Some of
the cosponsors have emphasized their desire to
present in the strongest possible foi-m their feel-
ings about tlie policy of apartheid. Operative
paragrajih 5 of this resolution states, "Solemnly
recommends to all States to consider taking"—
and then it sets forth a series of sanctions. Let
us be in no doubt about the language of this intro-
ductory sentence. "We do not believe the word
"consider" makes any significant change in the
effect of this paragraph of the resolution. We
believe that anyone who votes for this resolution
as it is presently worded is in effect voting in
favor of sanctions and should feel an obligation
to put them into effect, otherwise there would be
no need to go beyond the language of operative
paragraph 3 of the previously introduced three-
power draft. These sanctions range from the
severance of diplomatic relations to a complete
economic blockade.

Our primary objection to these harsh measures
is that they simply will not accomplish what they
are intended to do. If sanctions as extensive as
these were to be approved and carried out, the
effect could be an internal explosion in South
Africa, the brunt of which could be borne by the
very Africans we are striving to help. Beyond
that, the peace of the whole continent of Africa
could be in jeopardy.

Also, despite our total rejection of apartheid.,
we will vote against the proposal for sanctions
because we do not believe its adoption will bring
an end to apartheid or improve the lot of the
victims of that abhorrent policy.

There are those who say that a vote in favor of
a sanctions resolution is the way to express the
maximum disapproval of apartheid. But the

sanctions contained in the resolution go well be-
yond disapproval since specific measures are rec-
ommended whose effect could have the most
serious consequences. We believe that this would
not produce the end of apartheid but would result
in embittered chaos threatening African and world
peace and security. We will not vote in favor of
sanctions which we believe would endanger the
victims of apartheid and the peace of Africa.

Since the African resolution is a call to the
members of the United Nations to take concrete
action against the Union of South Africa, we
wonder how many members of the United Nations
stand ready to take such drastic action should the
resolution be adopted. To vote for this resolu-
tion which we do not believe would ever be fully
implemented if adopted would tend to weaken
the United Nations without weakening apartheid.
We must not let the United Nations become an
instrument of empty threat.

There are many of us who believe that a change
in the policies of the South African Government
will come only as the proponents of apartheid
feel their increasing and forlorn political isola-
tion and realize the hopelessness of apartheid.
Apartheid in the last analysis is a moral question.
If the views of the United Nations are to have
weight, this Assembly must state its opposition
to apartheid in a single, unequivocal voice. The
three-power text before us is one we believe all
can support. Through it we can and will speak
with a united voice. The 24-power text will
divide us.

We are prepared to vote for the three-power
resolution because is casts a judgment on apartheid
which we believe is just. We are prepared to
speak out against apartheid and consider practical
and realistic measures to achieve this end. We
believe the three-power resolution, representing
as it does the maximum disapproval of apartheid,
is such a measure. It expresses the imanimous
judgment of the world that apartheid is an evil
offense against the conscience of mankind.

Let us be realistic. A sanctions resolution if
put into effect would endanger the welfare of the
v^ery people we are trying to aid. The racial con-
flict that it would bring about would leave a new
scar on the African Continent increasing the very
racial intolerance we are seeking to eliminate. I
urge my colleagues to join in unanimous approval

AprW 24, 1 96 1

603

of the sound and statesmanlike resolution pro-
posed by the Governments of Ceylon, the Feder-
ation of Malaya, and India, and to reject sanctions.

TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS

Three-Power Resolution •

The General Assembly,

Recalling its previous resolutions on the question of
race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies
of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South
Africa,

Considering that resolutions 616 B (VII) of 5 Decem-
ber 1952, 917 (X) of 6 December 1955 and 1248 (XIII)
of 31 October 1958, have declared that racial policies
designed to perpetuate or increase discrimination are
inconsistent with the Charter and with the pledges of
Members under Article 56,

Rioting that resolutions 395 (V) of 2 December 1950,
511 (VI) of 12 January 1952 and 616 A (VII) of 5
December 1952 have successively affirmed that the policy
of racial segregation (apartheid) is necessarily based on
■doctrines of racial discrimination,

Recalling also that the Union Government has failed
to comply with the repeated requests and demands of
the United Nations and world public opinion and to
reconsider or revise its racial policies or to observe Its
obligations under the Charter of the United Nations,

1. Deplores such continued and total disregard by the
Government of the Union and furthermore its deter-
mined aggravation of racial issues by more discriminatory
laws and measures and their enforcement, accompanied
by violence and bloodshed ;

2. Deprecates policies based on racial discrimination as
reprehensible and repugnant to human dignity ;

3. Requests all States to consider taking such separate
and collective action as is open to them, in conformity
with the United Nations Charter, to bring about the
abandonment of these policies;

4. Affirms that the racial policies being pursued by the
Government of the Union of South Africa are a flagrant
violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the
Declaration of Human Rights and inconsistent with the
obligations of a Member State ;

5. Notes with grave concern that these policies have
led to international friction and that their continuance
endangers international peace and security ;

6. Reminds the Government of the Union of South
Africa of the requirement in Article 2, paragraph 2,
of the Charter of the United Nations that all Members
shall fulfil in good faith the obligations assumed by
them under the Charter ;

" U.N. doc. A/SPC/L. 59/Rev. 2; adopted by the Special
Political Committee on Apr. 10 by a vote of 93 (includ-
ing U.S.) to 1, with no abstentions, and in plenary session
(A/RES/1598(XV) ) on Apr. 13 by a vote of 95 to 1, with
no abstentions. Afghanistan and Indonesia joined Ceylon,
India, and Malaya as sponsors.

7. Calls upon the Government of the Union of South
Africa once again to bring its policies and conduct into
conformity with its obligations under the Charter.

African Resolution '

The General Assembly,

Recalling its resolution 1375 (XIV) of 17 November

1959 and its previous resolutions on the question of race
conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of
apartheid of the Government of the Union of South
Africa ;

Considering that resolutions 616 B (VII) of 5 Decem-
ber 1952, 917 (X) of 6 December 1955 and 1248 (XIII)
of 31 October 1958 have declared that racial policies
designed to increase discrimination are inconsistent with
the Charter and with the pledges of Members under
Article 56;

Noting that resolutions 395 (V) of 2 December 1950,
511 (VI) of 12 January 1952, and 616 A (VII) of 5
December 1952 have successively affirmed that the policy
of racial segregation (apartheid) is necessarily based on
doctrines of racial discrimination ;

Recalling with regret the massacre at Poudoland de-
spite the Security Council resolution S/4300 of 1 April

1960 which deplored an earlier massacre of unarmed
and peaceful demonstrators in Sharpeville and conse-
quently called on the Union Government to abandon its
policies of apartheid;

Recalling also its repeated requests to the Government
of the Union of South Africa to consider and revise its
racial policies and to observe its obligations under the
United Nations Charter;

Noting with alarm the dangerous situation arising out
of the persistent violation of the United Nations Charter
by the Union Government ;

1. Deplores the continued disregard by the Government
of the Union of South Africa of the resolutions of the
General Assembly and its application of further discrim-
inatory laws and measures the enforcement of which has
led to violence and bloodshed ;

2. Deprecates policies based on racial discrimination
as being reprehensible and repugnant to the dignity and
rights of peoples and individuals and considers it to be
the responsibility of all Members of the United Nations
to talie separate and collective action to bring about the
elimination of these policies ;

3. Affirms that the racial policies being pursued by the
Government of the Union of South Africa and the laws
and measures taken to implement them are inconsistent
with the Charter and the Declaration of Human Rights
and incompatible with membership of the United Nations ;

4. Notes with grave concern that these policies have
led to international friction and that the unflinching stand
of the South African Government by these policies en-
dangers international peace and security ;

' U.N. doe. A/SPC/L. 60 ; adopted by the Special Politi-
cal Committee on Apr. 10 by a vote of 47 to 29 ( including
U.S.), with 18 abstentions, but withdrawn by its sponsors
in plenary session on Apr. 13 when the operative para-
graph on sanctions failed to receive the necessary two-
thirds majority.

604

Department of State Bulletin

5. Solemnly recommends to all States to consider tak-
ing the following steps :

(1) To break off diplomatic relations with the Union
Government, or to refrain from establishing such
relations,
(il) To close the ports of each State to all vessels

flying the South African flag,
(ill) To enact legislation prohibiting the ships of each
State from entering South African ports,

(Iv) To boycott all South African goods and to refrain

from exporting goods to South Africa,
(v) To refuse landing and passage facilities to all
aircraft belonging to the Government and com-
panies registered under the laws of the Union of
South Africa ;
6. Draws the attention of the Security Council to these
recommendations in accordance with Article 11, Section
2 of the Charter.

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee
for Industrial Development

Statement by Teodoro Moscoso '

My name is Teodoro Moscoso. I have been
directing Puerto Rico's industrial development
program since 1942. Puerto Rico also has a Plan-
ning Board, a Government Development Bank,
an Industrial Development Company, agricul-
tural development programs, and a number of
other Government agencies and corporations en-
gaged in economic development. The objective
of all these f omenta programs is to rid Puerto
Rico of poverty as quickly as it can be done.

There are many areas in the United States
which, like Puerto Rico, have had a late start in
industrialization and still know what poverty
means. Other areas have been depressed by tech-
nological unemployment of their people and
their resources. Many of these towns, cities,
States, and regions have organized industrial de-
velopment programs and are seeking new ways of
industrialization with the same urgency being felt
by the newly developing countries of the world.
I say this because I want everyone to know that
we in the United States identify ourselves with
this problem. We do not stand aloof ; we have the
same passionate concern.

We all feel the need for a program of research

' Made before the first session of the Committee for
Industrial Development of the U.N. Economic and Social
Council at New York, N.Y., on Mar. 29 (U.S./U.N. press
release 3678). Mr. Moscoso is U.S. representative on the
Committee.

that is focused as sharply as possible on the plan-
ning and operating problems of industrial de-
velopment and especially on the most difficult
situations and on the most massive problems. We
want practical solutions brought before those re-
sponsible for action. Action, even imperfect ac-
tion, is critical in developing or, as we say in
Spanish, "fomenting" industry. It is a function
of research to stimulate action as well as to help
guide it.

It woidd be unwise to assume that lack of
capital equates with underdevelopment. All of
us around this table can identify countries with
substantial amounts of capital available to them
but which, because they lack other essential fac-
tors, have not been able to take off on a prolonged
period of sustained growth.

Again, teclinical know-how brought in on a
temporary basis, while extremely important to
development, caimot stand by itself — not even
with capital by its side.

We need a sense of purpose and an understand-
ing of industrial development and the sacrifices
needed to engage in it successfully. There must
be a rational acceptance of the fact that, generally
speaking, industrial development is worth the
sacrifice it entails and that it can in fact be ac-
complished by one underdeveloped country as
other less developed countries have already done.

Were I to be asked what is important for in-

AptW 24, J 96 J

605

dustrial development, I would list tliree factors
of highest priority :

1. A sound governmental structure with ade-
quate planning, budgeting, personnel, and audit-
ing departments. Reliable statistics would follow
logically from a well-run public service.

2. Education. To have development, which
generally means industrialization, we must have
brain power, and the first step in its deyelopment
is literacy. No great progress along the path of
industrialization can be made by an illiterate,
ignorant people; nor can there be much progress
without a substantial cadre of well-trained, better
educated professionals and teclinicians.

It is generally accepted by those who have
studied Puerto Rico that one of our greatest assets
is the relatively high level of education of our
labor force. India has benefited greatly from an
unusually well educated and highly dedicated
leadership.

3. The establishment of measures of social jus-
tice which would see to it that the fruits of the
new efforts were justly distributed. How?
Through expansion of public services in health,
education, housing, et cetera. By creating new
jobs so that the unemployed would benefit. Tax
reforms and land reforms would also be a part
of this arsenal. For if the masses do not feel that
they are participating in the advance of the
economy, they will not support a development
program indefinitely.

The Secretariat's Work Program

Before turning to individual proposals in the
secretariat's work program, permit me to say a
word on what we believe could usefully emerge.
We would hope that from our discussions of this
program it will be possible to advise the Economic
and Social Council on what this Committee re-
gards as priority areas and topics for attention in
the next year and beyond. We would also hope
to provide the secretariat with helpful guidance
for the subsequent development of its work pro-
gram. It may also be possible to draw fi"om our
experiences valuable indications of what the fu-
ture tasks of the Committee might be.

The agenda before us — and I am now referring
specifically to agenda item 3, "Proposals for a
Longer- Term and Expanded Program of Work
in the Field of Industrialization" — is clear evi-

dence that competent people have been hard at
work and for some years. In no small measure it
is now our responsibility to grasp as quickly as we
are able the essentials of this work. We must
understand before presuming to advise.

The memorandum of the Secretary-General,
which is designated E/C.5/1 and is entitled "Pro-
posals for a Longer-Term and Expanded Pro-
gramme of Work in the Field of Industrializa-
tion," contains, beginning on page 28, an annotated
list of projects. This list itself provides evidence
that the proposed work program is solidly rooted
in a past program of work from which we should
expect rapid and vigorous future growth. The
list also demonstrates the existence, in practice, of
a rationale for division of labor between the secre-
tariat and the regional commissions.

Both of these general observations are implied
by the first item on the list, which is designated
A.I., and is described as a project to provide
"Documentation for the working party on pro-
gramming in ECLA [Economic Commission for
Latin America] region in early 1962." The word
"documentation" implies past work, and we have
only to look to item A.2.a., "Use of models in pro-
gramming," to find a completed study which will
doubtless form a part of that documentation.
This, and other research projects scheduled for
completion before early 1962, then become the
materials for the working party referred to in
B.l.b., which is "co-sponsored with ECLA in co-
operation with BTAO [Bureau of Technical As-
sistance Operations]." Tlie more general re-
search of the secretariat thus provides a basis for
the applied research of ECLA and as a guidance
for lending and other operating agencies.

If I may interject, we have a roughly analogous
division of labor among our economic develop-
ment agencies in Puerto Rico, and it seems to
work. Our Planning Board is centralized and
provides us with a set of internally consistent pro-
gram targets aimed at our general economic and
social objectives. The Economic Development
Administration is decentralized, witli offices in
several cities in the United States and Europe,
and most of its research and promotion efforts ai-e
directed toward the formulation and realization
of individual projects. And then we also have
a vai'iety of public and private lending and invest-
ment organizations with somewhat specialized
spheres of operation. Just as researchers, pro-

606

Department of State Bulletin

moters, and lenders tend to have somewhat dif-
fering personalities, specialization among agencies
helps them develop personalities which contribute
to the spirit as well as to the substance of their
work.

But there is another face to specialization.
Sometimes in a large and necessarily somewhat
complicated organization the various parts of
the organization have little view of the total pur-
pose to be served. A part may confuse its own
specialized function with the organization's end
objective. Such an organization could be said to
amount to less than the sum of its parts.

The proposal before us clearly implies a ra-
tionale already developed and in practice which
should serve to minimize friction, cross-purpose,
and waste. The listing of working parties, semi-
nars, and meetings on page 31 is a case in point.
These meetings link the secretariat and the
regional commissions. Also important is the
extent of direct headquarters support of field
operations which is outlined on pages 25 through
27. I understand that this now amounts to
approximately 40 percent of all headquarters
industrialization efforts. Publication of the
Industrialization and Productivity Bulletin is an
additional link in internal as well as external
coimnmiication. Personnel interchange is being
used partly to serve the same purpose.

The expanded work program would appear to
be well grounded in past research and well
oriented in a general way to serve the organization
and purposes for which it is intended. Also it
has the real merit of close attention to its own
field and keeping out of matters handled else-
where in the U.N. This much can be said without
implying perfection. Doubtless the progi'am will
become progressively better grounded in experi-
ence, and presimiably its orientation can be
improved.

Some Recommendations on Proposed Projects

Even the proposed program can still be charac-
terized as pioneering. For this reason its own
self-gained experience will necessarily provide the
basis for much of the expected improvement in
scope, priority setting, and technique. Even in
this knowledge I should like to risk a few com-
ments on some of the individual projects wliich
have been proposed. I will start by saying that,
by profession, I am a pharmacist. This explains

why I am willing to risk comment — and the mis-
takes I am sure to make.

Returning to our annotated list of projects on
page 28, projects numbered A.2.b. and A.2.C. relate
to the evaluation of individual industrial projects.
It is my impression that, wherever it is done,
project evaluation still remains at least as much
an art acquired through practice as a science
which can be taught or learned. This is not to
suggest that project evaluation should not be
studied nor that no attempt be made to make the
process more systematic. It is to suggest, how-
ever, the ne«d for especially careful study, for a
variety of approaches, and for caution in drawing
generalized conclusions. We have evidence in
recorded Puerto Rican experience that there are
large gaps in knowledge and sigiiificant elements
of "economic" irrationality present in the making
of many actual investment decisions. Somewhat
similarly, I hope that the study of industrial
growth listed in A.2.d. does not mislead the stu-
dent to believe that the typical pattern, which
undoubtedly does exist, is foreordained for his
own country. The typical pattern is useful
mainly as a norm against which a country can
measure its own differences.

On project A.2.f. I will risk two comments. In
view of the urgent need for an authoritative study
of the organizational aspects of plarming and in
view of the amount of information already avail-
able, the proposed completion date seems rather
distant. There may also be a question of whether
such a project falls more largely in the field of
public administration than in the field of indus-
trial development. In any case sustained and
rapid industrial development in most under-
developed coimtries today is dependent on both
effective general economic planning and on a
workable general structure of government, even
in countries where the bulk of economic activity
is carried on by private individuals and businesses.
This study should be given high priority wher-
ever and however conducted.

Projects under B.2. and B.3., as well as project
B.l.a., are in the area of what is sometimes called
"industry feasibility research." The former two
groups of projects deal with the characteristics of
industrial processes, of groups of industries, and
of individual industries which tend to make them
generally more feasible in the early stages of in-
dustrial growth. But the studies included imder

April 24, 796T

607

B.l.a. deal with the feasibility or viability of basic
industries on which the industrial structure of a
region or coimtry can be built, expanded, and in-
tegrated. It would appear appropriate that the
major initiative and responsibility for such funda-
mental tooling for industrial development be
taken by individual comitries, assisted where
appropriate by the regional economic commissions.

Sometimes too much is expected from research
into the feasibility of new basic industries and
industrial complexes. A rather high order and
wide variety of skills are involved, which often
necessitates employing specialized private indus-
trial research fii'ms. The research is relatively
time-consuming and expensive. The promotional,
financial, and teclinical skills required to fit the
projects together and put the plants into operation
are also expensive, and the work is even more
time-consiiming. The gestation period in Puerto
Rico for one group of interrelated agricultural
and manufacturing industries proved to be over
8 years from conception of the general plan to
birth of the basic industries. ]\Iuch of the indus-
trial superstructure and even more of the agricul-
tural production is yet to come.

Yet this project has demonstrated the basic
value of industrial feasibility research to those
who can afford to wait for results. Puerto Rico
now has a reasonable hope of becoming almost
self-sufficient in the high-protein foods her people
are consuming in sharply increased amounts. In
a comparatively short time the Government will
begin to earn a handsome "profit" from the tax
revenue derived from the new income generated by
the project. Industrial development has proved
capable of assisting agricultural development, and
both will make increasing contributions not only
to family money incomes but also to educational
and social services of lasting value to future
generations.

The industrial research projects proposed in
general support of technical assistance programs
are listed under C, D, and E. The various
methods of providing technical and financial as-
sistance, whicli are the subject of some of the
individual projects, have been rather extensively
studied. It may be that some redirection of this
phase of the research program should be con-
sidered. Wliere sufficient information already
exists on techniques that have proved to be suc-
cessful, help in the organization of working par-

ties and seminars should fulfill the principal
remaining operating needs.

Availability of trained personnel, however, is a
matter so basic to industrial development that fur-
ther research on methodology and technique for
assessing requirements (project C.l.a.) may well
be useful to the many countries which have only
begun to recognize the scope and difficulty of the
problem. Beyond this, there is a known de-
ficiency, and in some countries almost an entire
lack, of trained managerial personnel. Organized
training programs are needed to fill so wide a gap.
In general, however, it would appear that avail-
ability of trained industrial personnel is merely a
rubric of the vastly greater potential to be found
in the overall development of human resources.

The need for export markets by countries with
a rapidly rising volume of competitive industrial
products was made evident by the United King-
dom representative on our Committee, Mr. [Hugh
T.] Weeks, and documentation of some of their
success stories (D.4.b.) will doubtless be of value.
But deeper and less tractable problems are in-
volved in the changing patterns of national and
regional specialization that are implied. The
magnitude and variety of possible shifts is only
suggested by the recent increases in U.S. imports
of manufactured goods from some of the more
rapidly industrializing countries.

Another problem that might yield to an imagi-
native combination of industrial and financial re-
search is a concern found in some parts of the
world that large foreign private investments,
however valuable as a stimulus to industrial
growth, may diminish cultural identities and
values and even jeopardize effective political
sovereignity. There may be found among various
combinations of joint ventures, factoi-y leasing,
and lease-back agreements some approaches that
will not only reduce such fears where they exist
but also accelerate the development of local en-
trepreneurial talent and provide foreign investors
with valued and helpful domestic partners.

U.S. Development Assistance

Recognizing the many pressing problems of the
developing nations, the United States Government
has been contributing strongly and in a multi-
tude of ways to their economic development.
Now we intend to strengthen this effort.

608

Deparfment of Sfafe Bullefin

President Kennedy recently stated in his special
message to the Congress of the United States : ^

There exists, in the 1960's, a historic opportunity for
a major economic assistance effort by the free industrial-
ized nations to move more than half the people of the
less-developed nations into self-sustained economic
growth, while the rest move substantially closer to the
day when they, too, will no longer have to depend on
outside assistance.

He also stated :

We must unite the free industrialized nations in a
common effort to help those nations within reach of
stable growth get underway. . . . Such a unified effort
will help launch the economies of the newly developing
countries "into orbit" — bringing them to a stage of seLf-
sustained growth. . . .

The President has also proposed a new and uni-
fied United States aid administration. Most of
my associates in the United States delegation to
this Committee have devoted long and active serv-
ice in existing programs of financial and teclinical
assistance. They join me in the expectation that
there will now be a stronger program, based on
longer range planning and better shaped to fit
the needs of each national development program.

In Puerto Eico the industrial development pro-
gram has two nicknames. In English it is
"Operation Bootstrap." This, if you please, is an
unfortunate translation of the more vigorous
rallying cry in Spanish, which has identified our
program in the minds — and I hope the hearts —
of all Puerto Ricans. That cry is: Manos a la
Ohra^ which means simply : "Let's get on with the
job." This strikes me as a sound recommendation
for all of us.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Finance

Articles of agreement of the International Finance Cor-
poration. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. En-
tered into force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620.
Signature and acceptance: Nigeria, March 30, 1961.

Law of the Sea

Convention on the territorial sea and contiguous zone.

Done at Geneva April 29, 19.58.'
Ratification deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist

Republic, February 27, 1961."
Ratified by President of the United States: March 24,

19G1.
Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29,

1958."
Ratification deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist

Republic, February 27, 1961.'
Ratified iy President of the United States: March 24,

1961.
Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva

April 29, 1958.'
Ratification deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist

Republic, February 27, 1961.
Ratified by President of the United States: March 24,

1961.
Convention on fishing and conservation of the living re-
sources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29,

1958.'
Ratified by President of the United States: March 24,

1961.

Shipping

Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Consul-
tative Organization. Signed at Geneva March 6, 1948.
Entered into force March 17, 1958. TIAS 4044.
Acceptance deposited: Malagasy, March 8, 1961.

Telecommunications

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in-
ternational telecommunication convention, 1959. Done
at Geneva December 21, 1959.'

Notifications of approval: Belgium, February 16, 1961;
Spain and Spanish Provinces in Africa, February 23,
1961 ; ^ Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Feb-
ruary 24, 1961.
International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961.*

Accession deposited: Central African Republic, March
22, 1961.

United Nations

Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization. Done at London November
16, 1945. Entered into force November 4, 1946. TIAS
1580.
Signature and acceptance: Cyprus, February 6, 1961.

War

Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners of
war;

Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of
wounded and sick in armed forces in the field ;

Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of
wounded, sicli, and shipwreclied members of armed
forces at sea ;

Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian per-
sons in time of war.

Dated at Geneva August 12, 1949. Entered into force
October 21, 1950 ; for the United States February 2,
1956. TIAS 3364, 3362, 3363, and 3365, respectively.

' Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

' Not in force.

■ With reservations made at time of signing.
' With reservations and declaration made at time of
signing.
* Not in force for the United States.

April 24, 1 96 1

609

Adherence affirmed:
June 30, I960.'

Congo ( Leopold ville), effective

BILATERAL

Afghanistan

Agreement providing for an informational media guaranty
program. Effected by exchange of notes at Kabul Janu-
ary 26 and February 15, 1961. Entered into force
February 15, 1961.

Colombia

Agreement providing economic assistance to Colombia.
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington March
30 and April 4, 1961. Entered into force April 4, 1961.

Indonesia

Agreement granting duty-free entry privileges, on a re-
ciprocal basis, to diplomatic and consular officers and
personnel. Effected by exchange of notes at Washing-
ton March 23 and 31, 1961. Entered into force March
31, 1961.

Korea

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of December 28, 1960 (TIAS 4656). Effective by
exchange of notes at Seoul March 17, 1961. Entered
into force March 17, 1961.

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ments of December 28, 1960 (TIAS 4656), and June
30, 1959 (TIAS 4256). Effected by exchange of notes
at Seoul March 17, 1961. Entered into force March
17, 1961.

Paitistan

Agreements supplementing the agricultural commodities
agreement of April 11, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4470
and 4579). Effected by exchanges of notes at Rawal-
pindi March 11, 1961. Entered into force March 11,
1961.

Agreement amending the agreement of January 11, 1955
(TIAS 3183), relating to defense support. Effected
by exchange of notes at Karachi March 11, 1961. En-
tered into force March 11, 1961.

United Kingdom

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation
of a space-vehicle tracking and communications station
in the Island of Zanzibar. Effected by exchange of
notes at London October 14, 1960. Entered into force
October 14, 1960.

° Conventions were made applicable by Belgium to the
Belgian Congo, effective March 3, 1953. By a note of
March 16, 1961, the Swiss Emba.ssy informed the De-
partment that pursuant to a notification from the Re-
public of the Congo the conventions continue to apply
to the Republic of the Congo and that the adherence be-
came effective on the date that nation attained its inde-
pendence, June 30, 1960.

Agreement on cooperation in intercontinental testing in
connection with experimental communications satel-
lites. Effected by exchange of notes at London March
29, 1961. Entered into force March 29, 1961.

Viet-Nam

Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at Sai-
gon April 3, 1961. Enters into force 1 month after
exchange of ratifications.

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: April 3-9

Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce

of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to April 3 which appear in

this

issue

of the BuLLETI^f are Nos. 171 of

March 29

and 176 of March 30.

No.

Date

Sabject

*183

4/3

Galbraith sworn in as Ambassador to
India (biographic details).

*184

4/3

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

*185

4/3

Blumenthal sworn in as Deputy As-
sistant Secretary for Economic Af-
fairs (biographic details).

tl86

4/3

Treaty of amity and economic rela-
tions with Viet-Nam.

♦187

4/3

Hughes designated Deputy Director of
Intelligence and Research (biographic
details).

188

4/4

Feed grains to Tunisia.

*189

4/4

Young sworn in as Ambassador to
Thailand (biographic details).

*190

4/4

Thompson designated Director Gen-
eral of Foreign Service (biographic
details).

*191

4/4

Biddle sworn in as Ambassador to
Spain (biographic details).

*192

4/5

Durbrow designated Deputy Chief of
Mission, Paris (biographic details).

tl93

4/5

Delegation to IAEA Board of Gover-
nors (rewrite).

194

4/5

Davis: validation of German dollar
bonds.

*195

4/5

Blair sworn in as Ambassador to Den-
mark (biographic details).

*196

4/5

Attwood sworn in as Ambassador to
Guinea (biographic details).

*197

4/5

Reisehauer sworn in as Ambassador to
Japan (biographic details).

*198

4/6

MacArthur sworn in as Ambassador to
Belgium (biographic details).

*199

4/7

Rice sworn in as Ambassador to the
Netherlands (biographic details).

t200

4/7

Program for visit of Chancellor of
German Federal Republic (rewrite).

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

610

Department of State Bulletin

April 24, 1961

Index

Vol. XLIV, No. 1139

Africa

Mobilizing Economic Resources for Africa (Wil-
liams) 584

President Kennedy Sends Greetings to Economic
CJonference at Yaounde 586

Agriculture. Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil,
Flaxseed, and Linseed Oil Terminated (text of
proclamation) 593

Atomic Energy. U.S. Hopes for Workable Treaty

on Cessation of Nuclear Tests (Johnson) . . . 580

Austria. President Kennedy Extols Chancellor of

Austria on Service to Country 591

Bulgaria. United States and Bulgaria Suspend

Claims Negotiations 597

Claims and Property. United States and Bulgaria

Suspend Claims Negotiations 597

Congress, The

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East
German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign
Policy 599

Cuba. President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero
for Calendar Year 1961 592

Economic Affairs

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East

German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597

Mobilizing Economic Resources for Africa (Wil-
liams) 584

President Kennedy Sends Greetings to Economic

Conference at Yaounde 586

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero for

Calendar Year 1961 592

Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil, Flaxseed, and
Linseed Oil Terminated (text of proclamation) . 593

Universal Tonnage Measurement (Gulick) . . . 594

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee for

Industrial Development (Moscoso) 605

Ecuador. Presidents of Peru and Ecuador To Visit

United States 592

Educational and Cultural Affairs. President Ken-
nedy Names Members of Peace Corps Advisory
Council 583

Germany

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East

German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597

Germany Divided : The Confrontation of Two Ways
of Life (Dowling) 588

Human Rights. U.N. General Assembly Deplores
South Africa's Apartheid Policy (Plimpton, texts
of resolutions) 600

International Organizations and Conferences. U.S.

Hopes for Workable Treaty on Cessation of
Nuclear Tests (Johnson) 580

Mutual Security

President Kennedy Names Members of Peace Corps

Advisory Council 583

U.S. Grants 30,000 Tons of Feed Grains to Tunisia . 597

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee for In-
dustrial Development (Moscoso) 605

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

Enhancing the Strength and Unity of the North

Atlantic Community (Johnson) 581

12th Anniversary of Signing of NATO Treaty

(Kennedy) 580

Peru. Presidents of Peru and Ecuador To Visit

United States 592

Presidential Documents

President Kennedy and Prime Minister Maemillan

Discuss Wide Range of World Problems . . . 579
President Kennedy Extols Chancellor of Austria on

Service to Country 591

President Kennedy Sends Greetings to Economic

Conference at Yaounde 586

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero for

Calendar Year 1961 592

Special Import Fees on Peanut Oil, Flaxseed, and

Linseed Oil Terminated 593

12th Anniversary of Signing of NATO Treaty . . 580

Treaty Information

Congress Asked To Approve Agreement on East

German Dollar Bond Validation (Davis) . . . 597
Current Actions 609

Tunisia. U.S. Grants 30,000 Tons of Feed Grains
to Tunisia 597

Union of South Africa. U.N. General Assembly
Deplores South Africa's Apartheid Policy ( Plimp-
ton, texts of resolutions) 600

United Kingdom. President Kennedy and Prime
Minister Maemillan Discuss Wide Range of
World Problems ( text of joint statement ) . . . 579

United Nations

U.N. General Assembly Deplores South Africa's
Apartheid Policy (Plimpton, texts of resolu-
tions) 600

The Work Program of the U.N. Committee for
Industrial Development (Moscoso) 605

Name Index

Davis, Richard H 597

Dowling, Walter C 588

Gulick, James W 594

Johnson, Lyndon B 580, 581

Kennedy, President .... 579, 580, 586, 591, 592, 593

Maemillan, Harold 579

Moscoso, Teodoro 605

Plimpton, Francis T. P 600

Williams, G. Mennen 584

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1961

United States
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS

CUBA

the

Department

of

State

This 36-page pamphlet gives a clear-cut presentation of the existing
situation in Cuba and its hemispheric implications. Its contents in-
cludes: The Betrayal of the Cuban Revolution; The Establishment of
the Communist Bridgehead; The Delivery of the Revolution to the
Sino-Soviet Bloc ; and The Assault on the Western Hemisphere.

In its concluding section the pamphlet states, in part,

". . . The United States, along with other nations of the
hemisphere, expresses a profound determination to assure future
democratic governments in Cuba full and positive support in
their eiforts to help the Cuban people achieve freedom, democracy,
and social justice.

"We call once again on the Castro regime to sever its links with
the international Communist movement, to return to the original
purposes which brought so many gallant men together in the
Sierra Maestra, and to restore the integrity of the Cuban
Revolution."

Publication 7171

20 cents

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To: Supt. of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.

Enclosed find:

{cash, check, or money
order payable to
Supt. of Docs.)

Please send me copies of CUBA.

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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

\i

•FICIAL
EEKLY RECORD

<ITED STATES
)REIGN POLICY

Boston Public Library
Superintendent ot Documents

JUN2 2 1961

Vol. XLIV, No. 1140 May 1, 1961

DEPOSITORY

PAN AMERICAN DAY • Remarks by President Kennedy . 615

THE INTER-AMERICAN SYSTEM AND THE PRO-
GRAM FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROG-
RESS • by Adolf A. Berle 617

PRESIDENT KENNEDY AND CHANCELLOR
ADENAUER HOLD INFORMAL TALKS • Text of

Joint Communique 621

BUILDING AN INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY OF

SCIENCE AND SCHOLARSHIP • Remarks by Secretary
Rusk 624

THE FOUNDATIONS OF WORLD PARTNERSHIP • by

Under Secretary Bowles 629

DISARMAMENT ISSUES AND PROSPECTS • by Edmund

A. Gullion , 634

For index see inside back cover

For sale by the Superintendent of Docomcnts

U.S. Government Printing OflSce

Washington 25, D.C.

Peice:

C2 Iseoes, domestic $S.SO, foreign $12.26

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
bo reprinted. Citation of the Depabtmknt
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.

Vol. XLIV, No. 1140 • Publication 7178
May 1, 1961

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service, The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of tlie Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and interruitional agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a parly and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

Pan American Day

Remarks l)y President Kennedy *

A number of Presidents of the United States
have visited the Pan American Union since Theo-
dore Roosevelt shared witli Ambassador Nabuco
of Brazil the honor of laying the corneretone of
this building over one-half a century ago. It is
an honor for me today, as President of the United
States, to share the platform with another dis-
tinguished Ambassador from Brazil, Ambassador
Lobo.-

I doubt whether anyone in all those years has
had the privilege of listening to a more thought-
ful and wise speech than the one we have just
heard from the Chairman of the Council of the
Organization of American States. He has de-
fined our task and our responsibility with both
precision and feeling.

There is in this last decade, or in the last few
years, in the organizations of the liemispliere and
in Western Europe of the Atlantic Community,
a strong pressure to develop new institutions
which will bind us all closer together. I some-
times feel that it is our function and re-
sponsibility to use in a more effective manner
the institutions we now have.

The Organization of American States repre-
sents a great dream of those who believe that
the people of this hemisphere must be bound more
closely together. It seems to me it is our func-
tion and our responsibility, in our day, to make
tliis organization alive, to make it fulfill its func-
tion, to make it meet its responsibilities, and not
divert ourselves always witli developing new in-

' Made before the protocolary session of the Council
of the Organization of American States at the Pan
American Union at Washington, D.C., on Pan American
Day, Apr. 14 (White House press release).

'Dr. Fernando Lobo, Chairman of the OAS Council.

stitutions, when we have one which was nurtured
in time, which has served well in the past, and
which can, if we give it our lasting support, serve
us well in the future.

Ambassador Lobo has suggested in his speech
that we stand today on the threshold of a new
epoch in the development of the American hemi-
sphere. Science, and all the other things which
have sprung from science, have brought a better
life into the reach of every man and woman in
our hemisphere. The 20th century has given
mankind the tools to make abundance not the
gift of a privileged few but a practical possibility
for all who live within our frontiers.

The other change which our century has given
us is even more important. That change lies in
the new attitude of the mass of our people.

For too long, poverty and inequality and
tyranny were accepted as the common lot of man.
Today people everywhere are demanding — and
are rightly demanding — a decency of life and op-
portunity for themselves and their children.

This new attitude has produced an immense
surge of hope throughout the entire Western
Hemispliere.

Our common purpose today is to harness these
new aspirations and these new tools in a great
inter-American effort — an effort to lift all the
peoples of the Americas, including the people of
my own country of the United States, into a new
era of economic progress and social justice.

Seventy-one years ago the new American na-
tions were exploring new frontiers of interna-
tional organization when they formed the Inter-
national Union of the American Republics for
regular consultation to solve common problems.
Today, as the Organization of American States,

May 1, 1967

615

■we constitute the oldest organization of nations
now in existence.

Already the OAS — our OAS — has moved ahead
to meet the new challenges of the 20th century.
The Act of Bogota ' is our charter for economic
and social advance. Many of the provisions of
this act are Latin American in their inspiration.
I am glad that this should be so, because the OAS
will thrive and grow only as it derives its vitality
from all its members — and only as its members
strengthen their own capacity for choice and
decision.

The time has come to transform these pledges
of social and economic concern into a concrete
and urgent collaboration for hemisphere develop-
ment.

The grand concept of Operation Pan America
has already offered inspiration for such an effort.
One month ago I proposed a new cooperative
undertaking — an Alianza para el Progreso — a 10-
year program to give substance to the hopes of
our people.* I asked all the free republics of the
hemisphere to join together to make the 1960's a
decade of miexampled progress — progress in wip-
ing hunger and poverty, ignorance and disease,
from the face of our hemisphere.

This is surely, the contemporary mission of
pan-Americanism — to demonstrate to a world
struggling for a better life that free men working
through free institutions can best achieve an eco-
nomic progress to which all of us aspire.

But, if we are to succeed, we must take specific
steps to realize our common goals — and we must
take these steps without delay.

This very week, in Rio de Janeiro, the assembled
Governors of the Inter-American Development
Bank — representing 20 American Eepublics —
endorsed the principle that development planning
on a country-by-country basis was vital to the
success of the Alliance for Progress.

Now we may take the next step — to establish
the machinery, to adopt the plans, and to accept
the commitments necessary to speed the pace of
hemisphere development.

Therefore I will shortly instruct the United
States delegation to this Council to request a
meeting of the Inter-American Economic and
Social Coimcil at the ministerial level. I will
suggest that this meeting be held at a mutually

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537.
* imd., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

agreeable date this summer. This will give us all
time for the extensive preparation that will be
necessary.

This meeting should have three fundamental
purposes.

First, it should encourage all the free states of
the hemisphere to set deadlines for the completion
of preliminary plans for national economic devel-
opment, as well as to begin long-range planning
to meet the development needs of the rest of the
decade.

Second, it should set up inter-American ma-
chinery to aid participating countries in the rapid
formulation of realistic develoiDment plans. The
OAS secretariat, the Economic Commission for
Latin America, and the Inter- American Bank are
already preparing a joint recommendation for a
hemisphere planning-for-progress staff. I hope
that a group of economists, drawn from all parts
of the hemisphere, will soon be available to offer
assistance to all nations preparing development
programs.

Third, the meeting should outline basic develop-
ment goals. This means elaborating the objec-
tives of the Act of Bogota in all the key areas of
economic and social betterment — in education, in
land use and tenure, in taxation, in public health,
in the mobilization of resources, in the develop-
ment of self-help programs, in the stabilization
of commodity markets, and m regional economic
integration.

These details of procedure may seem dry and
technical. But they are the basis for the devel-
opment of a life for our people to which all of us
aspire. They should not obscure the exciting pros-
pects for human growth and liberation which lie
within our group.

Our task is to build a society of men and women
conscious of their individual identity, of their
national aspirations, and also of their common
hemisphere interest.

This means re-creating our social systems so
that they will better serve both men and our
people.

It means social legislation for the workers and
agrarian legislation for those who labor on the
land. It means abolishing illiteracy, it means
schools for children and adults as well, and it
means strengthened institutes of higher education,
technical as well as humane. It means doctors
and hospitals for the sick. It means roads link-

616

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

ing the interior frontiers with the markets and
ports of the coast. It means the spread of indus-
try and the steady increase of both industrial and
agricultural production. And it means, above all,
the assurance that the benefits of economic growth
will accrue not just to the few but to the entire
national community.

Is this not the new ideal of pan- Americanism ?
On the OAS rests much of the hope of realizing
these possibilities; on the OAS rests the duty of
giving the people of this hemisphere their long-
awaited goal of self-fulfillment. Either the OAS
will demonstrate a capacity for practical action
in these next years, or else it will become an arti-
ficial and legalistic body, without substance, with-
out purpose, and finally without a future.

If we are a united hemisphere, we have no
choice but to make the OAS the instrument of
our common purposes. And the social and eco-
nomic pi'ograms represent only one part of the
OAS agenda. For material growth is not an end
in itself. It is rather a means — a means of
strengthening the dignity and freedom of the indi-

vidual. This faith in freedom is the enduring
essence of our hemisphere cooperation.

This year six of our sister Republics complete
the 150th anniversary of their independence. The
memory of past struggles for freedom must con-
firm our resolution to enlarge the area of freedom
every year in our hemisphere. In the end our
moral unity as a family of nations rests on the
ultimate faith that only governments wliich
guarantee human freedoms, respect human rights,
and vindicate hiunan liberties can advance human
progress.

Franklin Roosevelt, at the Inter- American Con-
ference in Buenos Aires 25 years ago, spoke of our
common faith in freedom and its fulfillment. He
said it had proved a mighty fortress, beyond reach
of successful attack in half the world. That faith,
he said, arises from a common hope and a common
design given us by our Fathers — in differing form,
but with a single aim: freedom and security of
the individual.

That is our task. That is our responsibility,
and that, gentlemen, is our opportunity.

The Inter- American System and the Program for Economic and Social Progress

iy Adolf A. Berle

Chairman, Task Force on Latin America ^

I

Pan American Day [April 14] comes this year
in a moment of crisis. Events in the next few
months may decide the next phase in the history
of the pan-American institution, and with it of
the 21 nations constituting the inter-American
world. Equally, they may vitally affect the lives
of all of us here present.

The situation resembles the European crisis of
1947. Then, Secretary of State Marshall proposed
to Europe the famous plan known by his name.^

* Address made before the Association of the Bar of the
City of New York at New Torl£, N.Y., on Apr. 12 (press
release 208).

' For bacljground, see Bulletin of June 15, 1947, p.
1159.

May 7, 7967

The Soviet Union countered by declaring the cold
war. Climax was reached in December of that
year. I had the honor of addressing this associa-
tion when that fantastic contest was at issue. It
was surmoimted, and a free, prosperous, and crea-
tive Western Europe emerged from the ashes of
World War II.

In the Americas this year President Kennedy,
after most careful study, proposed the Alliance
for Progress.' His conception, outlined on March
13 last, offered cooperation with all American na-
tions willing to join, designed to achieve three
results. The first was to maintain and preserve

' lUd., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

617

governments dedicated to freedom and progress
and against tyranny. The second was organiza-
tion of continuing collaboration in a 10-year plan
to assure growth of production by combining
American and Latin American resources, capac-
ities, and skills. Its third objective was national
planning for social justice, assuring that the fruits
of increased jiroduction and national incomes
should increase the standard of living of the
poorest. In simple terms this meant growing op-
portunity and capacity for all to have land, jobs,
housing, health, and education.

Response to this plan was immediate. A num-
ber of Presidents of American coimtries directly
communicated to the "VVliite House their warm
support. No less important, a substantial group
of political parties in 12 countries declared their
approval of the plan as a platform upon which
common effort could be constructed. More formal
organization will be reached when the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council meets to
work out detailed plans.

In the Western Hemisphere today, as in the
Europe of 1947, there are obstacles. Some have
already been removed by the vast Latin American
revolution accomplished in the past 15 years.
During that period Latin America discarded most
of its tyrants, reconquered freedom for peoples,
and reestablished governments responsible to the
will of their citizens. President Kennedy's plan
would have been meaningless if most Latin Ameri-
can governments were still cast in the mold of
the ousted Argentine dictator, Juan Domingo
Peron.

Another obstacle is, obviously, seizure of the
Cuban regime by the Sino-Soviet bloc and their
use of Mr. Castro as a 20th-century Maximilian
to advance their imperialist plans for conquest of
the Americas. We face an intent, expressed both
by Castro and by Communist-bloc propaganda,
to use that regime as a spearhead to force similar
seizures on all the other nations of the American
world. One remembers a similar obstacle in the
attempted seizure of Greece in 1947. The same
misrepresentations were made then as they are
today. The prehensile clutch of overseas aggres-
sion was thinly masked by Quisling leaders and
mercenary guerrillas. The Greek children were
kidnaped and sent to Communist countries, just
as Cuban children are now being conscripted.

taken from their families, and sent behmd the
Iron Curtain.

Screammg denmiciation of President Kennedy's
initiative by the Cuban Coimnmiist camp in 1961
exactly parallels the abuse launched by the Com-
munist satellites against Secretary Marshall.
Their attacks are almost amusing. They would
like to call it United States imperialism. But as
the United States has no empire, their theorists
are stniggling to invent one. Marxist scholars
are now tiying to explain that, contrary to Marxist
theory, wage levels and standards of living of the
poor indeed can and do rise mider a free system —
rise faster in fact than do standards of living in
Conmiunist countries. Most humorous is their
reversal on major theory. Imperialism, in Marx-
ian analysis, sought to conquer the markets in
Latm America. Now it has been discovered that
the United States in fact contributed mightily to
Latin America by affording markets for Latin
American products in tlie United States. They
now insist it is "aggression" for the United States
not to buy Cuban sugar — on a preferential basis.
Today it is Marxists who wish to conquer mar-
kets— and build armaments to do it. In fact a
replacement for the organization formerly pro-
vided by empire has been foimd.

The Primary Struggle

Knowing Cuba and Latin America, I have con-
fidence that Cubans and Latin Americans will
overcome this obstacle as Greeks and Europeans
overcame it 14 years ago. But we must all re-
member that the primary straggle now is not
against that obstacle; Communist opposition is
merely one of the difficulties we must overcome.
Our real struggle is to add strength, organization,
and resources to the tremendous surge for life,
construction, and human improvements sweeping
Latin America today. Our ultimate enemies are
ignorance and disease, grinding poverty and in-
security, lack of production and lack of social
justice — all legacies of a discarded past. Our
weapons are food and the teclinique of increasing
its supply; land, its better distribution and use
for homes and for production; preventive medi-
cine and care available to the humblest as well
as the highest; teaching for children and adults,
giving men and women the knowledge they need
to enter modern life; credit, to give access to mod-

618

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

ern tools and techniques. A miglity weapon is
the modern instrument of social planning, to make
sure that the surge of production does not merely
make the rich richer but directly advantages the
poor. The United States has been able to con-
quer these enemies. No Communist government
has yet done so in comparable measure.

To do this, the United States must assist not
merely with money. That, of course, will be
needed. Even more we can cooperate by joining
resources with those of the Latin American
countries. Their resoui-ces also are great. With
modern organization this generation can do for
Latin America what our fathers did for us in the
United States. The technique of pooled resources
under freedom was the great American contri-
bution to modern economic life. Now, in common
jjurpose, we can use that teclmique to make the
freedom real. Freedom from tyranny must be
more than freedom to starve. It must be freedom
to enter an economic system which gives land to
the landless, work to the unemployed, and affords
the peon as well as the hidalgo a solid economic
base. It must be based on universal education,
making the next generation more capable than
the last. Then freedom becomes a meaningful
concept.

I hope all of you I'ealize how significant tliis is.

The Inter-American System

The American world was the first to throw off
the shackles of empire. Until half a centuiy ago
a dozen empires ruled the world — except the West-
ern Hemisphere. Outside the Communist bloc,
empires today are not popular. One of their con-
tributions, notwithstanding, ought to be recog-
nized here. They did provide a framework of
currency, transport, and marketing, often imsat-
isfactory but within which economic life could be
carried on. We have learned from experience
that when their organization is dissolved it must
be replaced by something else.

This gap the American woi-ld has sought to
fill. The Pan American Union, set up in April
1890, was the beginning of a cooperative interna-
tional relationship. In 1936 it introduced the
right and the obligation of consultation between
the American nations regarding common prob-
lems. In 1938 this was enlarged to include the
conception of common defense of the hemisphere.

By the Act of Chapultepec in 1945, in which Gov-
ernor [Nelson A.] Rockefeller and I were active,
more formal agreements for common defense and
common economic effort were arranged. These
later were embodied in formal treaties of Rio de
Janeiro (1947) and the Pact of Bogota, which
established the present Organization of American
States, coming into effect in 1951. During the
whole period international constitutional law for
the hemisphere was meanwhile being pounded out
by the resolutions and declarations of a long series
of pan-American conferences, regular and special,
and occasional consultations of foreign ministers.

This titanic task has received all too little at-
tention. In simple language, there is here being
constructed a family of equal and independent
nations, working together to take over and per-
form in common interest the fimctions formerly
performed by empires for their own interest. We
are so accustomed to this in the Americas that
we take it for granted. How long the road and
how steep the mountain traveled and climbed can
be seen when we look at Africa today. There,
emerging from empire, many free and independ-
ent nations are beginning to struggle to achieve
common agreement among themselves which has
been attained by the American nations through
the inter-American organization.

Imperfect as the pan-American organization
still is, its institutions have given more peace to
a larger area and for a longer period than any
international organization in existence.

Need for Economic and Social Development

The chief lack in the inter- American system,
I think, has been in the field of economic and
social development. Provision was made for
plowing that field in the charter of Bogota. It
provided for an economic and social council for
"the promotion of the economic and social wel-
fare of the American nations through effective
cooperation for the better utilization of their nat-
ural resources, the development of their agricul-
ture and industry and the raising of the standards
of living of their peoples." * Too little was done
to give this council resources and power to realize
these objectives, though it maintained a limited
program of technical cooperation. The substan-

'Art. 63 of the charter of the Organization of Ameri-
can States.

May 1, 1961

619

tial beginning was made last year. The Inter-
American Development Bank was brought into
existence — it had first been proposed in 1890 and a
treaty for it had been worked out in 1943. It
now is functioning and has some funds. Appro-
priation of the $500 million promised by the
previous admmistration at Bogota last year has
been asked and is now pending before Congress.^
I hope and believe the appropriation will promptly
pass and that Americans everywhere will support
and approve it.

The major steps toward putting an economic
and social floor under the inter-American struc-
ture were outlined by President Kennedy's speech
of IVIarch 13 on the Alliance for Progress. That,
you recall, proposes a 10-year plan, based in turn
on national economic plans of the countries in-
volved. As it is made real, the cooperative union
of free nations designed to give to men and women
a modern standard of living comes of age. It
is both a duty and a pleasure to point out that
in conception as well as realization this has been
and will continue to be the work of Latin Ameri-
cans, working with their colleagues in the United
States and elsewhere. The list of collaborators
is a long roster of distinguished Latin American
statesmen, economists, and scholars, many of
whom are equal in experience, training, and capac-
ity to the best in the world.

Of particular interest is the fact that the social
needs of countries and peoples are the first concern
of the new plan. Previous measui-es sought eco-
nomic development but took little thought wheth-
er the results would be distributed so as to benefit
all. This time the welfare of the masses is the
primaiy objective. In liberating the continent
from the bondage of miseiy, we may also liberate
the world from a terrible and tragic hoax — the
illusion that social progress can be achieved only
by blood and by tyramiy, by secret police and by
firing squads.

So long as the inter- American group of nations
stays together, works together, thinks together,
dreams together, and so organizes that thinking
and working as to bring dreams closer to reality,
the progress of the Americas is assured. But
this requires organization, and organization re-
quires a clear knowledge of objectives. To raise
standards of living in Latin America, more pro-

° For background, see Bdixetin of Oct. 3, 1960, p. 533,
and Apr. 3, 19C1, p. 474.

duction is needed there than now exists. This
problem is primarily economic. To assure that
increased production shall benefit everyone is a
social task and requires social organization. Spe-
cifically this means that a substantial share of
the production shall go to maintain health, to
provide schooling of children, training for tech-
nicians, and greater support to universities. It
means maintaining the right of free labor to se-
cure for workmen a fair share through wages and
social insurance. It means that tax systems shall
assure that economic growth does not merely make
the rich richer. It means that, in one or another
form, ownership of industry in each counti-y shall
be spread as widely as possible. It means land
programs so that millions of families shall have
and can hold their homes and their fanns and
can be grubstaked with food and tools during the
difficult years of clearing and establishment. It
means road programs, connecting the great inte-
rior frontiers with the gi-eat cities and ports to
make marketing possible. It means supervised
credit so that men, placed on the land, can get
tools for their use and training to use them.

The Returns From Education

The Export-Import Bank of Wasliington, and
importantly one branch of the Inter-American
Development Bank, have already dealt with and
will continue to deal with loans and credit for
the classic purpose of increasing j^roduction. In
this respect their operations follow the accepted
lines of long-term commercial lending. The new
fund which is presently being added, and later
additions to it, must take into account the financ-
ing of operations not nonnally commercial. Edu-
cation is a major example. My own fear has been
and still is that education will receive too little
consideration. Overall it is the most profitable
expenditure possible. Even in cold economics the
returns from education are enormous. But these
returns do not come back through normal commer-
cial channels. The amount and handling of this
kind of investment, therefore, fall outside con-
ventional molds; but it must not be scrimped on
that account.

Hei-e we must seek the understanding and sup-
port of the citizens of the United States. I could,
if necessary, demonstrate that the effort we are
organizing in Latin America in time will return
to the United States economic advantage far sur-

620

Department of State Bulletin

passing the investment. Our European efforts did
so. But I prefer to make the case more starkly
and simply. This organization, these expendi-
tures, this dedication of resources outside and be-
yond commercial lines must be done because it
ought to be made and done. It ought to be done
even if no calculable fragment of advantage ever
came back to us. This is our contribution to our
world — our affirmation of ourselves — and it tran-
scends calculations of profit or personal benefit.
The Alliance for Progress needs, and indeed can
have, no better justification.

You will pardon a personal word. I have
worked and lived and studied and hoped in this
world for 40 years in private and public life. Its
scholars and its politicians and its poets and its
musicians have tanght me most of what I know.
I remember golden evenings in Governor Luis
Mufioz Marin's kindly Puerto Eican castle by the
sea, where came men like Eaul Prebisch of Argen-
tina, Eomulo Betancourt of Venezuela, Jose
Figueres of Costa Eica, Jose Miro Cardona of
Cuba, Pablo Casals with his cello, the presidents
of many of the great universities of Latin Amer-
ica, young men dreaming dreams and old men
seeing visions. I recall long discussions in Brazil
and Colombia with the younger men fighting to
plan for the future of those vast nations. I have
seen South American cities like Sao Paulo, equal
to the greatest in Europe, built in the short space
of 20 years, and villages, which a decade ago were
a handful of mud and wattle huts, leap into towns
equipped for modern life with houses, schools,
electricity, paved roads. By comparison, the sim-
ilar development of our own West was gradual.

This demand for life, this breaking of old
colonial traditions in Latin America, is called a
"revolution." So it is, as it is also ours. It is the
continuing revolution of the American world.
Now it is equipped, staffed, and organized as a
new generation of young men who have sought
and received university training. They believe,
and so do I, that a new world can be made. It will
be the world of all the Americas; and it will be
great. Its population compares with the great
Asian blocs beyond the Pacific — but the Ameri-
can bloc has land and resources.

Above all it has freedom. In a period of a
decade it should be possible to increase by at least
one-half the living standards of everyone — and
of the poorest far more than that. As that decade

draws to a close, it should be possible to open new
doors to a larger life for every child and youth in
the inter- American world. To assure that this is
done — and more besides — is the precise task of the
Alliance for Progress working with the American
states, the 71st anniversary of whose union we
celebrate tonight.

President Kennedy and Chancellor
Adenauer Hold Informal Talks

Konrad Adenauer, Chancellor of the Federal
Rejniblic of Germany, made an informal visit to
Washington, D.O., April 12-13 for talks with
President Kennedy. Following are texts of a
joint cominunique and an exchange of remarks
made at the concliosion of their talks on April 13,
together with welcoming remarks made by Secre-
tary Rusk on April 11 and a list of the members
of the Chancellor's official party. ^

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated April 13

During the past two days the President and the
Chancellor have had a most cordial and useful
exchange of views on a number of subjects of
interest to their two Governments.

Their informal conversations have included,
among other things, discussions of: the problem
of a divided Germany including Berlin ; the cur-
rent nuclear test ban talks ; political and military
developments pertaining to NATO ; aid to devel-
oping countries ; European economic cooperation ;
East-West relations; and the situation in some
critical areas of world politics.

Also participating in the talks were Secretary
of State Dean Eusk and German Foreign Min-
ister Heinrich von Brentano.

The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed
the position of their Governments that only
through the application of the principle of self-

^ The Department of State announced on Apr. 12 (press
release 212) that Chancellor Adenauer and his party
would leave Washington on Apr. 16 for a visit to the
LBJ Ranch in Texas as a guest of Vice President and
Mrs. Johnson. On Apr. 17 Dr. Adenauer addressed a
joint session of the Texas State Legislature at Austin.
He departed for Germany that afternoon.

tAay 1, 796J

621

determination can a just and enduring solution be
found for tlie problem of Germany including Ber-
lin. They renewed their pledge to preserve the
freedom of the people of West Berlin pending
the reunification of Germany in peace and free-
dom and the restoration of Berlin as the capital
of a reunified coimtry.

The President and the Chancellor agreed that
intensified political cooperation in NATO is in-
dispensable in order to coordinate the efforts of the
Allies for the preservation of peace and security
in the world.

The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed
their support of NATO as the keystone of the
common defense of the North Atlantic area.
They underlined the conviction of their Govern-
ments as to tlie necessity for the Alliance to main-
tain and develop further all military means
required to enable them to deter effectively a po-
tential aggressor from threatening the territorial
integrity or independence of any ally.

Furthermoi'e, the problems of general and con-
trolled disarmament were discussed. The Presi-
dent and the Chancellor are convinced that rea-
sonable, freely negotiated measures to reverse the
growth of uncontrolled national armaments will
serve to lessen the danger of war and that con-
currently measures should be negotiated to secure
a life in freedom to all nations. The goal is a
general and total peace.

The President and the Chancellor agreed on the
importance of a concerted aid effort by the in-
dustrialized free world nations in an amoimt
commensurate with their resources and on a basis
corresponding to the magnitude of the task.
They pledged the support of the United States
and the Federal Kepublic to the fulfillment of
the objectives adopted by the member nations of
the Development Assistance Group at their meet-
ing in London two weeks ago.^

The President and the Chancellor welcomed the
prospective establishment of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development ^ as con-
stituting a step of vital importance in the develop-
ment of an Atlantic Community. The new pos-
sibilities which it opens for economic cooperation
and economic policy coordination and the means
of achieving closer interdependence were also
discussed.

' Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 553.
' ma., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8.

622

In this connection, the President and the Chan-
cellor agreed that continuing attention should be
paid to the balance of payments problem.

The important role of the European Economic
Community as a powerful and cohesive force in
the core of the Atlantic Commmiity was stressed.
The dynamic political and institutional potential
of the EEC was agi-eed to be an important ele-
ment of present strength for the Atlantic Com-
munity.

The fruitful exchange of views which the Presi-
dent and the Chancellor have had, as well as
the frank and cordial atmosphere in which the
talks were conducted, have contributed signifi-
cantly to deepening the ties of friendship and
underetanding between the two countries and to
the strengtliening of the free world community.

EXCHANGE OF REMARKS

White House press release dated April 13

President Kennedy

We have this communique which will come out
in a few minutes. Perhaps I could read it quickly
and then I might say a word or two.

[After reading the communique the President said :]

I want to say, speaking as President of the
United States, that it has been a great pleasure
to welcome to the shores of this country again
the Chancellor of the Federal Republic. I don't
think that there is any doubt that history will
deal most generously with him in writing the
history of the Atlantic Community in the years
194:5 to the present. His accomplislunents have
been extraordinary in binding the nations of
Western Europe together, in strengthening the
ties which link the United States and the Federal
Republic.

Therefore, speaking personally and also as
President of this country, it is a gi-eat honor to
welcome again to our shores a friend, a great
European and distinguished leader of his country,
the Chancellor of the German Republic, Chan-
cellor Adenauer.

Chancellor Adenauer <

Mr. President, I was deeply moved and touched
by the kind words which you said after reading
out the communique. I should like to assure you,

* As interpreted from the German.

Department of State Bulletin

Mr. President, that I feel exactly the same way
as you do, that it was an extremely great pleasure
for me to have come back again to your country
in order to have had the opportunity of sensing
the atmosphere which I was able to find over here.
I especially felt this atmosphere in the discus-
sions which I had with you, Mr. President, and
I also felt it particularly this afternoon when I
was welcomed in the Senate.

This is the ninth time that I have come here
to the United States, and every time I feel deeper
and closer linked with your counti-y and with
your Government. I am very happy indeed, Mr.
President, to have had this chance of meeting
you — and you, as the great leader of your country,
and therefore the personality that carries such a
huge responsibility for the fate of all the free
world, and you are dealing with this big task with
great energy, with great farsightedness.

Thank you very much, Mr. President.

WELCOMING REMARKS BY MR. RUSK

Press release 207 dated April 11

Mr. Chancellor, let me extend to you a warm
welcome to Washington. It is a great pleasure for
me both personally and officially, and a high
privilege as well, to greet you on behalf of Presi-
dent Kennedy and the people of the United States.

We are happy to have you here with us not only
because you are so well known as a close and
understanding friend of our country but also be-
cause you embody so clearly the dynamic and
democratic Germany of today. It is most oppor-
tune that you could arrange to consult with us at
precisely this time when a new American admin-
istration is shaping the major policy lines which
we will expect to follow during the years ahead.
In close cooperation with our allies and friends
we shall move together on the path toward free-

dom and peace for all the world. We will expect
to benefit greatly from the wise and statesmanlike
counsel that you will bring to this endeavor.

Pei-mit me also to extend my welcome to your
daughter, Mrs. Werhalui, and the distinguished
members of your party, including particularly
Foreign Minister von Brentano. I hope that, even
though your stay with us will be a short one,
the pressure of business will permit you some
measure of relaxation and that your visit will
prove most pleasant and enjoyable for yoiu-self
and your party.

MEMBERS OF OFFICIAL PARTY

The Department of State announced on April
7 (press release 200) that the following would
accompany Chancellor Adenauer as members of
the official party:

Mrs. Libeth Werhahn, daughter of Chancellor Adenauer

Heinrich von Brentano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fed-
eral Republic of Germany

Felix von Eckardt, State Secretary for the Federal Press
Office

Karl Carstens, State Secretary, Federal Ministry of
Foreign Affairs

Hasso von Etzdorf, Assistant Secretary, Foreign Office

Gunther Harkort, Assistant Secretary, Foreign Office

Heinrich Barth, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Personal
Aide to the Chancellor

Peter Limbourg, Executive Assistant to the Foreign
Minister

Karl-Gunther von Hase, Officer in Charge, Press Rela-
tions, Foreign Office

Horst Osterheld, Chancellery Liaison Officer, Foreign
Office

Ulrich Sahm, Officer in Charge for NATO Affairs, For-
eign Office

Franz-Joseph Hoflfmann, Officer in Charge for North
American Affairs, Foreign Office

Albert Reinkemeyer, Officer in Charge for Soviet Union
Affairs, Foreign Office

Richard Balken, Officer in Charge for Disarmament
Affairs, Foreign Office

May 1, I96J

623

Building an International Community of Science and Scholarship

Remarks hy Secretary Rvsk '

I wish first to congratulate tliis great institu-
tion on its centennial and on the manner of its
celebration. MIT is a symbol of excellence right
around the globe, and it is particularly fittmg
that you have drawn together here some of the
most distinguished minds of our era to consider
what science and technology mean these days
to the world in which we live. The discussions
of this distinguished assemblage will be studied
with the most intense interest far beyond the walls
of this institution. And certainly in the Depart-
ment of State we shall value the views which have
been developed here on the implications of science
and engineering for international relations.

My remarks today are not, horribile dicfu, a
major foreign policy address. But they are com-
ments on some of the matters you have had before
you. Indeed, they shall be rather simple com-
ments. And I would not wish to apologize to
this audience for their simplicity; for many of
you have spent much of your lives searching for
relatively simple notions which bring order into
the understanding of complexity. And what you
attempt to do in science, you must not deny to us
in politics. Further, we tend to forget or to take
for granted the simple and basic thoughts which
give us our compass directions and which, even
if trite, turn out to be true.

Foreign policy, of course, deals with points of
conflict and tension between nations and between
groups of nations. Today, for example, the front
page of the newspaper which I read at breakfast
had stories about Laos, the Congo, Algeria, Viet-
Nam, and Cuba. This is a proper attention to

' Made at the centennial celebration of the Massachu-
setts Institute of Technology at Cambridge, Mass., on
Apr. 7 (press release 201 dated Apr. 10).

these places and these events. And we shall have
stories of this sort for as long as you and I can
read them, because it is our lot — perhaps one
should say our exciting privilege — to be caught
in a period of history when a world which we
have known is disappearing and a world which
we are creating is just coming into bemg. These
crises, those of today and those of tomorrow, are
and will be dangerous, sensitive, complicated, and
will make their contribution to the agonies of
policy. And their handling has much to do with
the peace of the world, which is just another way
of saying that they are of vital concern to each of
us in our daily lives. But foreign policy is also
concerned with cooperation, with the recognition
and nourishment of common interests which bind
people together across national frontiers.

Before we pass on, I would like to remind you
of the unsung, largely unreported, processes of
cooperation which, too, are a part of foreign pol-
icy. Among the official international conferences,
for example, which are in session today — and
there are from 10 to 20 in session on every work-
ing day throughout the year — while the front
pages speak of Laos, the Congo, and Algeria, there
are conferences at work on the further develop-
ment of trade, on diplomatic intercourse, on the
use of food surpluses for food-deficient peoples,
on industrial development, on maritime safety,
and on a larger role for Africa and the Middle
East in the peaceful uses of atomic energy. We
sometimes forget that one of the central purposes
of foreign policy is not to sharpen conflict but to
reduce it, not to make headlines but to shrink
them, not to exaggerate the differences of national
interest but to build toward a world of freedom
imder law on the solid foundations of recognized

624

Department of Stale Bulletin

commoia interests. Indeed, these are the purposes
which occupy the bulk of our labors. These are
the activities which are the subject of most of our
telegrams. These are the great enterprises in
which our embassies abroad are most heavily
involved. And these preoccupy the gi'eat major-
ity of our staff in the Department of State.

At critical times we have our attention drawn
to individuals here or there who are in the midst
of a particular crisis. We don't ordinarily think
of the thousands and thousands of devoted men
and women in all parts of the earth who are
working with dedication, professional skill, and in
many places with gallantry to build a decent
world order.

But beyond these official enterprises, I think we
might just note in passing what might be called
the quietest diplomacy of all. Foreign policy, nor-
mally understood, is a matter for governments,
but government deals directly with only a frac-
tion of the foreign relations of the American peo-
ple. To a considerable extent our foreign rela-
tions are in the hands of the people themselves,
in our case in the hands of Americans by the
millions who, in one way or another, are part
of one or another unorganized but vast interna-
tional community made up of private citizens
reaching out across national frontiers to pursue
peaceful purposes and to weave their own ties,
intimate, close, cordial, with associates in other
countries. I am thinking of the great community
of the arts — or of trade, in which America has
some $33 billion of investments overseas, some
3,000 firms with branches and activities abroad.
I am thinking of sports and recreation or even
tourism, a million and a half Americans going
abroad, spending approximately $21/4 billion. I
am thinking of three-quarters of a million for-
eigners coming to this country to visit — a number
we hope very much to expand as rapidly as we
can.

International Scientific Exchange

But one of the most impressive and constructive
and exciting of all these great private commu-
nities is what might be called the international
community of science and scholarship. I mention
that here because MIT is a thriving and vigorous
part of that community. I understand that over
12 percent of your students come from other
lands — the second highest percentage among our

institutions of higher education in this country —
and that you have the highest number of dis-
tinguished scientists and scholars on your faculty.
You are a tangible part of this international com-
munity. Obviously, science can know no national
frontiers, for the building blocks of human knowl-
edge have been put in place by many minds from
every continent in a combined effort of man which
has recognized no national frontiers and has leapt
across the deepest political differences.

I remember many years ago, when we were
trying to increase our international scientific ex-
change program in Government, a distinguished
political leader in opposition made the remark
that a nation which invented the atom bomb,
radar, and penicillin doesn't need scientific ex-
change. Curiously enough, he thought he was
talking about the United States. But the lan-
guage of science and scholarship eases transcul-
tural discourse. It is in the field of science that
we discover that world which President Kennedy
recently referred to as the world which "makes
natural allies of us all." ^ Here we are. Homo
sapiens, a rather insignificant part of a vast physi-
cal universe, not knowing quite yet whether we
shall come to tolerable terms with that universe,
not knowing quite yet whether the wheat rusts
or the wheat breeders will win, but knowing that
the great issues between man and his environment
are issues which reduce to insignificance most of
the petty quarrels we spread upon the front pages
of our newspapers.

There is here a great universe of common inter-
est, whether in health, or in the production and
protection of food crops, or in meteorology, or in
the safety of man against the elements ; whatever
it might be, there is waiting for us only partly
utilized a great human adventure which can in-
deed make allies of us all. For as we look about
the earth, we can readily identify certain com-
mon, elementary human needs. It would be hard
to find those who would rather be sick than
healthy, or those who would rather be hungry than
fed, or those who would rather be ignorant than
informed, or those who would not like to have
some degree of predictability with the rising sun,
or those who would not like to bring up a family
in some sort of decency — common, ordinary, hu-
man needs, which exist regardless of race or creed,

' For text of President Kennedy's state of the Union
address, see Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 207.

May J, J967

625

regardless of political commitment, regardless of
geographical location.

Is this a basis for peace ? Perhaps you say we
have said too much because the means for satisfy-
ing these needs are in short supply and historically
these human needs have been a cause for war.

Need for "Development Scientists"

If I might speculate entirely personally for a
moment, it seems to me that there is something
rather unique about our particular decade, about
the period, say, since World War II. We have
on the one side what has been called a revolution
of rising expectations, appearing not only in the
miderdeveloped parts of the earth but in our most
heavily industrialized Western societies — a keen
interest in the removal of the obstacles to a decent
life arising from hunger or disease or the absence
of physical goods. Alongside of this there is a
population explosion which tlu-eatens to put in-
tolerable pressures upon the resources of the earth.
And yet with this combination of rising expecta-
tions and rising populations, of pressures brought
to bear upon governments — almost intolerable
pressures — to get on with development, one does
not find anywhere in the world today any govern-
ment or any nation making any systematic claim,
any policy claim, for what might be called
leiensraum. No country has an announced policy
that the needs of its society require it to move to
seize the resources of another society.

It seems to me rather curious at the present
moment — and perhaps it is just a moment — that
the nations and peoples of the earth seem to be
pinning their hopes on the possibilities of scien-
tific and technical development for the satisfaction
of the basic human needs. This may be temporary.
It may be that we have a chance for a time to get
a job done which will implant that idea deeply
into the consciousness of man and put us in a posi-
tion to give up the temptations of predatory seiz-
ure of resources elsewhere. But if these expecta-
tions are not satisfied and we cannot make tolerable
advances, one can see down the road the renewal
of pressures for more lands, more resources, and
gi'eat hazards to the peace of the world.

We must, I think, in this period ahead of us give
a great deal of attention, serious attention,
thoughtful attention, to what is called develop-
ment and in that process must elevate our sights
as to the role of education. It is understandable

in our own society, where we have been reluctant
historically to bring the Federal Government
strongly into the educational field, that there has
been some reticence or reluctance to have the Fed-
eral Government take an intimate part in edu-
cational activities abroad. But when we think
of development, we must recognize, if we want to
be realistic, that education is not a luxury to be
afforded when development has succeeded but that
education is an indispensable, elementary ingre-
dient in the early stages of developmental processes
themselves. It is very simple to explain why, for
development requires people — people to lend as-
sistance and to receive it, people to organize soci-
eties, people to build institutions, peo^jle to train
other people — and development needs new knowl-
edge for the solution of practical problems which
are still vei"y much on our agenda.

Mr. Eugene Black, the distinguished head of the
World Bank, recently referred to our need for
"development diplomats" in the years ahead.
Surely for as long as we can see into the future
we will also need "development scientists" among
the social and natural scientists who can bring the
best of om" thought to bear on how societies can
develop efficiently and, perhaps most important
of all, promptly, under free institutions.

In our own development programs we hope to
expand our interest in education, partly by re-
ceiving additional young people here in our own
institutions of higher learning and by giving more
thought to the educational needs of those who
come. But far more important in the long ran is
that we must try to assist in the development of
educational systems and institutions abroad be-
cause we ourselves cannot, nor can those associated
with us, train sufficient numbers of people in our
own institutions to accomplish the great tasks of
education in the underdeveloped parts of the
world.

Improving U.S. Assistance Programs

As we have turned to review our assistance
programs and have tried to think about what the
last 15 years of experience — of trial and error
and experimentation — have meant, we think there
are certain steps which can now be taken which
will improve our assistance programs. I am sure
most would agree that we could use more efficient
administration. We have begun to realize that
there is a certain irony in our taking 2 years to

626

Department of State Bulletin

decide to send a team to another country to help it
improve its isiiblic administration. One of tlie
ways by which we can teach is by example.

We hope to simplify our aid administration, to
identify responsibility within it, to speed up its
processas, and to put it in a legislative and ad-
ministrative position to act in a timely fashion.
One of tlie almost terrifying elements in the con-
duct of our foreign relations is the problem of
pace. Events pass by at a breathtaking speed.
One of our problems is to act in a timely fashion
and not find ourselves in a position of not even
knocking off the tail feathers of our problems as
they pass us by. In development a small invest-
ment at the right time can be far more productive
than frequently much larger investment too late.

Secondly, we hope that we shall be in a position
to make longer term policies and commitments,
to shift somewhat from aid programs on an an-
nual basis to long-range approaches to long-range
problems. This has been a problem that has
troubled us since 1945; this is not a partisan
remark. This has been a part of our difficulty in
arranging our assistance on the basis of annual
planning. If we can recognize as a nation that
we are involved in a long-tenn engagement in
foreign assistance and that we are because we are
committed to shaping the course of events which
will determine our future, then it will be possible
for us to consider doing first things fii-st, to put
aside the temptation to move for dramatic short-
term effect, and to build solidly from the foimda-
tions up and beginning, incidentally, with educa-
tion.

Further, if we ourselves are in a position to
make long-term commitments, it will make it
possible for us to say to those who are seeking
assistance that we need from them some long-
range thinking, some plans, some commitments,
and some interest in the institutions which are
essential for rational development. Then it will
be possible for us to talk with them about the cri-
teria of assistance and to ask them to give us
something more solid to support with our
assistance.

We also hope to throw much more responsi-
bility on what has come to be called the "country
team" located in the countiy to be assisted. We
hope to move from a consideration of projects in
Wasliington to a partnership with the country in
the field, witli strong responsibility in the hands of

the local ambassador and aid administrator in the
country itself. For we have learned all over again
what we should have learned long ago: that na-
tional economic and social development requires
advances on a broad front. It cannot be accom-
plished througli a selected lunge here and another
there. It requires attention among others to
health, to education, to administration, to public
finance, to communications, to work, to livelihood,
and to earning capacity. Unless there is a move-
ment on a broad front, lunges are likely to ac-
complish very little.

Obviously foreign aid cannot accomplish de-
velopment across the broad front of an entire
society. This can only be done from within, and
it cannot be done from within solely by govern-
ments. It can only be done by peoples, peoples
who are stimulated to take an interest in their own
aspirations, peoples whose energies and efforts are
mobilized to maximum effect, and peoples wliose
ambitions are geared to the new society which
they themselves tell us they want to build. In that
situation reasonably modest foreign aid can be
brought to bear at certain critical points in order
to maintain momentum, in order to helj) where
help is most needed, in a part of a total effort
which can challenge the imagination and bring
life to the democratic nature of a new society.

A Two-Way Relationship

I have been talking a little about this interna-
tional community of science and scholarship.
Perhaps this is a point to remind ourselves of
something wliich I have commented upon before
and will comment upon again. And that is that
we Americans must be a little careful that we do
not misinterpret our experience since 1945 in
foreign aid, that we recognize that it was circum-
stance and not predestination that put us into
position as the giver, the teacher, the lender, the
exporter of know-how, the source of assistance.
This Nation has been the great receiver of help
from others, in science, in the arts, in literature,
absorbing into our society the contributions of
the cultures of almost even' other part of the
earth.

"When you talk to people these days from dis-
tant places about what they can contribute to the
enrichment of American life and society, you find
them in the first instance incredulous that we our-
selves are thinking about such possibilities. Then

May 1, 7961

627

they worry about whether they have anything to
contribute in which we are interested. And then,
when they take a little time off to think about it,
they go through the delightful experience of rec-
ognizing that there is much which they can give
us if they would but make the effort. I hope that
we can stimidate this two-way relationship, not
to balance the ledger — that isn't important — but
to balance the relationship, to change it from one
between giver and receiver to one between giver
and giver. We ourselves, I think, would learn
something about some of the problems of receiv-
ing assistance. Suppose another government
called and said, "We would like to send you 12
professors of our language," and I called Presi-
dent Stratton ^ and said, "Would you like a pro-
fessor of Hindi?"' President Stratton would
probably reply, "Well, I don't know, show me the
professor." But if we offer professors to a uni-
versity abroad under an aid program, we tend to
be just a little annoyed if the university says,
"Show us the professor." I think there are some
psychological equivalents that we could develop
here if we actively thought out more systemati-
cally the contributions which others can make to
our own society.

My time has gone. Let me make one closing
comment that is peculiarly appropriate at the
centennial of the Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology. It is somewhat easy to be discouraged
about the efforts that we have been making in
different parts of the world in the last two dec-
ades. I think it is important that we pause for
a moment to think of at least one reason why we
get discouraged. We and our associates in the
free world — in the Atlantic Community as well
as in the non-European parts of the world — are
committed to a job of building tolerable national

' Julius Adams Stratton, president of MIT.

societies at home and a decent structure of world
order and peace around the globe. Unfortunately
there are those who would tear down whatever it
is they cannot control. And tearing down is so
much easier than is the building. It is easy to
organize a student riot but difficult to build a great
university. It is easy to burn a warehouse but
difficult to build a viable economy. It is easy to
organize a disloyal group in administration but
difficult to organize a democratic government.

What is the job of building? Take a moment
some time to read the preamble and articles 1
and 2 of the United Nations Charter. They con-
tain a succinct statement of what in the long run
the foreign policies of the American people are
all about — as well as, indeed, the foreign policies
of a great many people in a great many other
parts of the world. They form an architectural
plan, which can be modified, of course, as we go
along, but tliey nevertheless reflect the aspirations
which came out of the fires of war, the commit-
ments to which governments have put their sig-
natures, and the hopes to which men have com-
mitted themselves with great service for the last
15 to 20 years. Of course we shall be disap-
pointed, because although man sometimes acts at
his best, he can also act at his worst, and the build-
ing will be difficult, laborious, and interrupted.
But we shall pick ourselves up time and time
again after one or another disappointment and
return to the labor — let us hope with refreshed
energy and renewed determination.

But of one thing, I think, we can be sure, and
here the longrun advantage makes itself appar-
ent. On this job of building we are deeply in
touch with the essential elements of hmnan na-
ture, with the dreams of man, and on those, as we
go about our work, we shall find allies and friends
in all parts of the earth.

Thank you very much.

628

Department of State BuHetin

The Foundations of World Partnership

hy Under Secretary Bowles '

The first months of a new administration are
a time for the reexamination of old policies, old
programs, and old concepts. Since January 20th
we have been engaged in such a reappraisal.

For instance, there has been a far-reaching ef-
fort to give new direction, vigor, and effectiveness
to our foreign aid programs.^

This includes a fresh concept of economic and
social development which goes beyond the grow-
ing of more food and the production of more
goods to consider the human factors that give the
peasants and workers a greater personal stake in
the creation of free societies.

We have also reconsidered the relationship be-
tween military and economic assistance.

We have proposed a reorganization to permit
better coordination of the numerous activities
involved.

We have proposed measures which will permit
us to plan our development assistance over a pe-
riod of years and to make advance commitments
which are more responsive to the needs of the
receiving countries.

We are also studying gaps in our defense sys-
tem, the relationship among different types of
military facilities, and the need for achieving a
balance in all components of our Armed Forces.

We are considering our own defensive power
in relation to the defensive capabilities of our
allies so that the overall task of free-world de-
fense may be arranged more effectively.

' Address made before the Consultation on Immigra-
tion Policy of the National Council of the Churches of
Christ in the U.S.A. at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 13
(press release 215).

' For text of a message on foreign aid from President
Kennedy to the Congress, see Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961,
p. 507.

We are engaged in a reappraisal of our rela-
tions with the nations of the Atlantic Commu-
nity which make up NATO and the OECD.

At the NATO meeting scheduled for early May
we will present our views on the goals and f imc-
tions of the Atlantic Community and on Amer-
ica's relationship with it. The Community rela-
tionship is a major cornerstone of American
foreign policy which must be strengthened in every
way. This requires not only a fresh look at our
NATO defenses but at the process of political
consultation in NATO and other types of coopera-
tion within the NATO framework.

Simultaneously we are striving to gear the de-
velopment of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development to meet its twin
objectives: first, a closer economic relationship
among the nations of the Atlantic Community,
and, second, as an instrument for cooperation
among the induetrialized nations of the West
in providing more effective assistance to the less
developed nations.

There has also been a reappraisal and reorien-
tation of our relations with our Latin American
neighbors. We can no longer take them for
granted, and President Kennedy's recent speech
on the subject' makes it clear that we have no
intention of doing so. In particular, we recog-
nize and welcome their demands for speedier so-
cial and economic progress and for social justice.
If we are to avoid a repetition of the debacle in
Cuba, we must help our friends to achieve these
goals within the framework of political freedom.

There has also been a sweeping reappraisal of
our approach to the great continent of Africa —

' Ihid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

May J, I96J

691270—61 -3

629

an area four times as large as the United States
itself, where more than 20 countries have gained
independence in a single decade.

In the Congo independence has brought tur-
moil, but some other areas have been able to
maintain political stability. All of them, how-
ever, have a crying need for many forms of de-
velopment assistance — economic, teclinical, and
educational.

There is also a new look in our relations with
Asia. We face critical problems there, especially
in southeast Asia, where there is strife and tur-
moil. Taking the Asian nations as a whole, how-
ever, we are beginning to see steady progress
toward increased security, freedom, and political
stability. Wise policies may encourage further
improvement.

Finally, our relations with the Communist
nations are also under examination. The diffi-
culties involved in these relationships are both
massive and dangerous. Our differences are
deep-rooted, and they will not be resolved over-
night. But, as President Kennedy said in his
inaugural address,* we must at least make a
beginning.

Wliether broad agreement can be reached on
major questions such as arms reduction and con-
trol is higloly uncertain. Under the best of cir-
cumstances, severe competition between the
United States and the Soviet Union is likely to
continue for years to come.

Yet whatever progress can be made toward
easing specific points of tension will reduce the
danger of armed conflict in some degree. The
stakes are stupendous, and we must do all that
we can to lessen the shadow of fear which now
hangs over a great portion of mankind.

Defining the Contest With Communism

Each of these reappraisals is vitally important
to our security and to our long-range objective
of a more peaceful and prosperous world. Yet
the most fundamental questions of all involve
our national values, the quality of our society,
and the objectives which we seek in world affairs.

In order to answer these questions in a mean-
ingful way, we must realize that the differences
which exist between the Soviet Union and our-
selves are closely related to other profoundly
basic world developments which are important in

' Ibid., Feb. 6, 1961. p. 175.
630

their own right. On every continent deep
changes are under way. Old ways are being
challenged and clianged. New asjiirations are
being freed after generations of apathy and con-
fusion.

In no small degree it was our own Revolution,
and our example of human freedom and progress,
that has stimulated these aspirations elsewhere.
Even if the Commimist challenge did not exist,
tliis fact alone would impose upon us a heavy
obligation to help liberate mankind from the
bondage of ignorance, tyranny, and hunger.

Yet the Communist challenge does exist, and
it has superimposed a worldwide struggle upon
the most intensive and farflung revolution in the
history of mankind.

In this contest what are we Americans striving
to accomplish ?

Many observers will assert that the answer is
obvious: We are striving to protect our own se-
curity, to maintain our way of life, and to pre-
serve our living standai*ds.

But does this answer provide an adequate base
for a worldwide partnership of non-Communist
nations? Should we expect our friends abroad,
allied or neutral, to labor, risk, and sacrifice in
order to help ms to enjoy the world's highest liv-
ing standards here in America? Other nations
are not primarily concerned about the security
of the United States. Even less are they con-
cerned about our material comforts.

What then about other definitions?

Some say that the world struggle is essentially
a contest between the American and Soviet "ways
of life." This description is not only misleading
but arrogant. There are a great many different
"ways of life" among the peoples of Africa, Asia,
and Latin America, which are as important to the
people concerned as our own way of life is to us.
While Moscow may believe that one political and
social system is destined to absorb the world, we
hold no such views. We are not trying to remold
the world in the American image.

Others define the struggle as a contest between
two types of economic systems — socialism and
capitalism. Soviet spokesmen are very fond of
this definition. It, too, is false. The Communist
economic system certainly does not conform to
socialist principles and traditions. The non-
Communist world, on the other hand, possesses a
variety of economic systems — none of which ia

Deporfmenf of State Bulletin

pure capitalism and all of which defy classical
definition.

Other observers define the world struggle as a
contest "to win the minds of men." Certainly
the minds of men ai'e deeply involved, as are their
hearts and stomachs. Nevertheless we should dis-
abuse ourselves of any notion that we can possess
the minds of men or that we have any right to
possess them. We are not seeking to capture
minds but to liberate minds.

Sometimes the struggle has been called an
"East- West" conflict. This easy cliche also misses
the point. It would be a terrible mistake to lump
"the East" with the Communist bloc. The con-
test transcends geographic boundaries. The great
civilizations of the East and the objectives laid
down by such modern Asian leaders as Gandhi
are at stake just as are those in the West.

Differing Concepts of Fundamental Values

This leaves unanswered two questions of critical
importance :

First, what is it that distinguishes our global
objectives from those of the Communist powers?

Second, as we organize to meet the Communist
challenge, what common ground exists between
us Americans and the non-Communist peoples
of the world which can provide the basis for an
effective and enduring partnership ?

Obviously the challenge has many facets — mili-
tary, political, economic, psychological, and cul-
tural. However, the heart of the struggle, it
seems to me, lies in widely diflFering concepts of
certain deeply fundamental values.

On one side are those who have a common re-
spect for tlie dignity of the individual, who be-
lieve in his infinite capacity for growth, and who
believe in the right of the individual to choose for
himself, to develop himself, his views and his
capabilities, as he sees fit — as long as he does not
interfere with the rights of others.

On the other side are those who believe tliat
man is born to serve society and that the state is
the principal object of human effort.

This distinction between those who believe that
man exists for society and those who believe that
society exists for man did not originate with
Marx, Lenin, or Stalin. The conflict of concepts
goes far back into history. It was the basis of the
competition between the Greek city-states and

the Persian Empire. It was also the basis of the
conflict between the emerging Christian world
and the old Roman Empire, which eventually re-
sulted in the collapse of the latter.

When we begin to see the conflict in these fim-
damental terms, it becomes clear that its implica-
tions go far beyond the narrow, immediate
security interests of the United States. It in-
volves all people everywhere, and generations yet
unborn.

The material strengths which we can bring to
bear on this challenge are very great. Our eco-
nomic system is capable of producing 40 percent
of the industrial goods in the world. Most of our
people are well educated by world standards. Our
Military Establishment is fantastically powerful.
We have a treasure house of scientific and techni-
cal know-how.

These material assets are of the utmost impor-
tance. Without them we would be at an impos-
sible disadvantage in this world of conflict and
aggression. Yet those who point proudly to our
superabmidance of automobiles, bath tubs, and
television sets as evidence of our right to "world
leadership" have scant understanding of the dy-
namics of our era. We cannot survive as a great
and influential nation unless we can help forge a
working partnership of the non-Communist peo-
ples of the world. And in the long, difficult effort
to create such a partnership our dedication to hu-
man freedom, to social justice, and the rights of
others may prove to be fully as important as our
money and our weapons.

One hundred and eighty-five years ago in our
Declaration of Independence we held these uni-
versal values to be self-evident. They lie at the
heart of our Bill of Rights and of Lincoln's
Gettysburg Address. In essence they reflect man-
kind's deepest aspirations as set forth in the Ser-
mon on the Mount and are repeated in one form or
another in every great religion.

Perhaps the greatest testimony to the strength
of these ideas is the fact that totalitarian leaders
have sought to borrow them, strip them of their
meaning, and pervert them to their own ends.

Our own right to claim them as part of our
American tradition is clear. We were the first
nation to throw off colonial bonds through a
revolution of the majority. We were the first to
launch a great experiment in popular democracy.
We were the first to provide individual opportu-

May h 1967

631

nity to all citizens through a system of universal
education.

This brings us to the central question: What
meaning do these values have for us today ?

Clearly it is not enough for our generation of
Americans to offer lipservice to the principles and
ideas which have been the basis of our greatness
in generations past. The difference between as-
serting moral positions for the limited purposes
of "psychological warfare" and living by them
because they are the warp and woof of our na-
tional life is precisely the difference between
manipulation and genuineness, tactics and truth.

Thus the test of our sincerity will not be the
frequency with which our revolutionary slogans
resound in political speeches, television extrava-
ganzas, and broadcasts of the Voice of America
but our actual day-by-day performance on the
issues which move mankind.

Purpose of U.S. Foreign Aid Program

Against this background let us consider some
key aspects of American foreign policy. What,
for instance, is the precise purpose of our foreign
aid program?

Are we trying only to keep a favorable majority
in the United Nations? Are we trying only to
build more profitable markets ? Are we trying to
win the gratitude of the impoverished segment of
mankind? Are we simply trying to outdo the
Communists? Are we trying to demonstrate the
superiority of the so-called "American way of
life"?

Although these are the reasons many Americans
give themselves, the most casual reflection will
demonstrate that they are inadequate and inac-
curate. Foreign aid, no matter how massive, will
not buy for us the loyalty of any nation. It is
folly to assume that simply by filling Asian and
African stomachs we can automatically turn their
grateful owners into friends and allies.

The primary, all-important objective of our as-
sistance program can be simply stated: It is to
help new and struggling nations create conditions
which offer their people the steadily expanding
measure of justice and opportunity which is es-
sential to political stability and to a free society.
Such societies will never lack dedicated defenders
of freedom ready to meet aggression from any
source.

In our efforts to help create societies whose citi-

zens believe them to be worth defending, we must
also recognize that rapid economic growth by it-
self is not enough. Indeed such growth releases
powerful forces which, once out of hand, can lead
to increasing political ferment as well as to rev-
olutionary upheaval.

What counts as much as economic expansion is
the manner in which the expansion is achieved
and what happens to individual human beings in
the process.

A giant dam, for instance, may add substan-
tially to the gross national product of a particular
coimtry. But it will prove to be a source of dis-
content, instead of pride, if the individual peas-
ants see that the benefits accrue largely to the
landlords and the money lenders while they and
their families remain impoverished and insecure.

Improving the Attitudes of Americans

The objectives, content, and direction of our
foreign development programs are one example
of the way in which the traditional ideas and
aspirations of the American people may be re-
flected in our foreign policy. Equally important
are the attitudes which we Americans adopt in
our contact with foreign citizens.

Although we are desperately anxious to be un-
derstood, we have not always taken the time or
made the effort to understand others. In some
countries where we have spent millions of dollars,
our efforts have been handicapped by the tactless,
arrogant attitudes on the part of some Americans.

Too often we have seemed to "talk down" to
people, without interest in their culture or opin-
ions. Too often we are best remembered for our
shiny new automobiles and luxurious living, for
our failure to travel outside the large cities or to
mix with the people as friends and neighbors.

During the years ahead we must make sure
that the Americixns which our Government sends
abroad — in our economic aid programs and our
military programs — understand and respect the
people with whom they work and live. And let
us encourage similar attitudes on the part of other
Americans going abroad — technicians, business-
men, and tourists.

It is not enough, however, to improve our atti-
tudes toward people in other comitries. We must
also improve our attitudes toward our fellow
Americans here at home.

Among the hundreds of thousands of foreign

632

Department of State Bulletin

citizens that visit this country each year, many
obtain an advei-se and unbalanced impression of
American life. It is futile to talk about our ideals
and principles imless we express them in our day-
to-day behavior — in the whole range of actions
involving our relationship with the peoples of
other countries and in our own.

When a foreign diplomat is refused service in
a restaurant in Maryland because his skin is darker
than that of most Americans, we lose something
that cannot be compensated for by grants of arms
or bulldozers.

If we profess to believe in spiritual values, we
must prove it by devoting a greater measure of
attention to things of the spirit.

If we profess to believe in the dignity of man,
we must adopt programs and policies which pro-
mote such dignity.

If we profess to believe in the revolutionary
principles of political democracy, we must be pre-
pared to accept and support the gropings toward
freedom which exist in almost every part of our
modem world.

The Years Ahead

The years immediately ahead are likely to be
decisive for generations to come. We face these
years with many advantages which the Com-
munists do not have and can never have.

Our first advantage is the fact that our Nation
is the great pilot demonstration of the most power-
ful principles and ideals in histoiy, the ideals and
principles which created the American Revolution.
This revolution is still alive and marcliing
throughout the world. It is a permanent revolu-
tion— a revolution not alone of politics but of
agriculture, industry, education, and all facets of
human endeavor.

Our opportunity now, in concert with other
freedom-loving peoples, is to bring the principles
of this revolution to bear on world problems.

Our primary advantage lies in the fact that our
national interests do not require us to do injury
to othere — to weaken them, to exploit them, to
delude them, or to enslave them. On the contrary,
our own security and well-being depend in large
measure on the progi'ess which other peoples make
toward freedom, economic progress, and social
justice. Without such progress, what do they
have to defend ?

This means that for all the peoples of the world,
including the peoples of the Communist lands, we
want no more and no less than what they want
for themselves and their children — a chance to
grow, to improve, to think, to learn, to choose, to
be themselves.

This identity of national interests can readily
be demonstrated. For instance, if we were to list
what we Americans want to have happen in India,
Tanganyika, Italy, or Brazil during the next
decade, our list would be nearly identical with
that of any good Indian, Tanganyikan, Italian,
or Brazilian.

If a Communist were asked to prepare similar
lists of Conununist objectives in these same coun-
tries, his lists would be dramatically different.

In other words, the values we are seeking to
defend are the universal values for which men —
black, white, brown, and yellow — have fought and
struggled since the beginning of time. This is
the basis of our individual strength. This is the
foundation on which a worldwide participation
of free peoples must be built.

As we develop our national policies to meet this
challenge in the perilous but profoundly prom-
ising decade of the lOGO's, let us never fail, in the
absence of arms controls, to possess the military
strength upon which our survival depends.

Nor can we afford any lasting slowdown in the
blessings on which the material abundance of our
society depends.

But let us never fall into the fatal trap of
assuming that national power in this revolution-
ary world can be measured by our output of auto-
mobiles and missiles alone.

One hundred and three years ago Abraham
Lincoln stated the proposition clearly. "What
constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and
independence?" he asked. And then he answered,
"It is not our frowning battlements, our bristling
sea coasts. . . . Our reliance is in the love of
liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense
is in the spirit which prized liberty as the heritage
of all men, in all lands everywhere."

If our generation of Americans can capture and
maintain the vision of Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln,
Wilson, and Roosevelt, we will have regained our
sense of national pui-pose. And simultaneously
we will have laid the foundation of an invincible
world partnership for freedom and peace.

May 1, 1961

633

Disarmament Issues and Prospects

by Edmund A. Gullion

Deputy Director, U.S. Disarmament Administration^

I sincerely welcome this opportunity to speak
about disarmament with a group representing
such a wide cross section of American life and
interests.

We stand today at the threshold of a new cycle
of the disarmament negotiations which promises
to be active and accelerated. Last Thursday,
April 6, I was in Geneva, where the conference
on discontinuance of nuclear testing is taking
place, when Vice President Lyndon Johnson met
with Ambassador Arthur Dean, our principal
negotiator.''

The United States has returned to the confer-
ence table at Geneva to complete the work of
drafting and signing a sound and fair treaty
as soon as possible. In support of this objective
our delegation has presented a series of new pro-
posals which constitute the most significant over-
all move made by either side in the negotiation
since it commenced more than 2i/^ years ago.^

New Western Proposals

Following an intensive and by no means easy
assessment by the new administration of the per-
tinent scientific and military considerations, the
United States delegation, supported by the
United Kingdom, made these proposals, which
I summarize:

1. An extension of the projected moratorium
on small underground test explosions — the mora-

' Address made before the Seventh National Confer-
ence on World Disarmament and Development at Wash-
inKton, D.C., on Apr. 10 (press release 202).

'For a statement by A'ice President Johnson, see Bul-
letin of Apr. 24, 1901, p. 580.

'For background, see ibid., Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482.

634

torium to commence with treaty signature — from
27 months to 3 years ;

2. An offer, subject to the approval of Con-
gress, to permit participating parties of either
side to inspect the nuclear devices used in a seis-
mic research program undertaken to improve the
means of detecting underground explosions, or
for other peaceful purposes, in order to assure
that these programs could not be used to cloak
weapons tests;

3. A ban on tests in outer space to be monitored
by a control system based on recommendations
made in 1959 by technical experts of the United
States and the United Kingdom and the Soviet
Union ; *

4. Relocation of the proposed number of fixed
control posts which would result in a reduction
of from 21 to 19 in the number stationed in
Soviet territory ;

5. An equal quota of 20 annual on-site inspec-
tions each in the United States and the United
Kingdom, on one hand, and in the Soviet Union
on the otlier, to determine whether certain disturb-
ances in the earth are caused by nuclear explo-
sions or by earthquakes ; and

6. A control commission composed of four
Western, four Communist, and three other na-
tions, this composition being contingent on the
unhampered, independent, day-to-day operation
of an effective control system.

Those of you here who are familiar with the
complex issues of the negotiations can best appre-
ciate how much movement these propositions in-
volve upon our part. But anyone, I think, should

* For background, see ibid., July 6, 1959, p. 16.

Department of Stale Bulletin

be able to identify in these proposals a far-reach-
ing offer designed to produce an early, reliable
agreement fair to both sides.

Such an accord would be a breakthrough in the
long history of disarmament negotiations and
could not fail to have a good effect on United
States-Soviet relations.

The situation at Geneva now is that we are
awaiting Soviet reactions to these proposals,
which were laid down on the opening day of the
resumed session and which Ambassador Dean has
been expanding in detail since March 21.

If there is to be agreement the Soviet Union
must also move from the positions it has pre-
viously taken, for example, on staffing of the con-
trol organs and the inspection teams — which
would reduce the process of verification and con-
trol under the treaty to mere self-inspection.

New Soviet Proposals

The Soviet delegation also made some new
propositions on the opening day. In negotiations
up to this point it had been agreed that the in-
spection system would be headed by a single,
impartial administrator, operating within a man-
date clearly defined by the treaty. The Soviet
Union now apparently wants to substitute for
this official a three-man directorate theoretically
representing the Communist bloc, the Western
nations, and the uncommitted countries.

This troika-type directorate resembles the kind
of thing with which the U.S.S.R. proposes to
replace the Secretary-General in the United
Nations and which would so impair the effec-
tiveness of that body. Under the test-ban treaty
it might paralyze the inspection system by sub-
jecting it to new and crippling built-in vetoes.

The administrator of the treaty system Tnust
be able to act, within the provisions of the treaty,
rapidly and directly when suspicious events have
been certified by objective criteria as being eligi-
ble for inspection. I do not believe a three-headed
organism could do this effectively any more than
I would choose to have three pairs of hands at the
steering wheel of my car on the highway.

On the other hand, we may not yet have heard
all the Soviet delegation has to say about this
proposition. It was put forth before the Soviet
Union had had a chance to contemplate the hori-
zons opened by our own new proposals. We
hope, therefore, that the Soviet Union will be

able not only to give a constructive response to
our ideas but that it will also reconsider the effect
on the prospects for the treaty of its proposed
triangular directorate.

I must emphasize that we are continuing to
strive patiently and with stubborn hope for an
agreement at Geneva. We know very well how
difficult it is to approach decisions or to change
positions on matters so bound up with the national
security. We wish the Soviet Union to have due
and reasonable time for reflection.

Yet we must be aware that what we now have,
in the absence of a treaty, is a moratorium on
nuclear test explosions of any kind, destructive
or benign, based on the mere unverified declara-
tions of the participating countries.

We are observing this moratorium. We expect
the Soviet Union to do likewise and do not make
any accusation of bad faith, but, given the closed
nature of their society, we can be less sure of them
than they can of us. So long as the standstill is
faithfully observed it prevents not merely the
refinement of weapons but also the perfection of
means to detect illicit testing and the development
of atomic energy for peaceful engineering proj-
ects, imder conditions which preclude dangerous
radioactive fallout.

The present situation not only puts a premium
on bad faith but it also actually impedes peaceful
progress. This is why President Kennedy in-
structed Ambassador Dean to determine within
a reasonable time whether a treaty with adequate
safeguards was going to be possible."

An international agreement which put a stop
to nuclear weapons testing would be an epochal
first step toward bringing under political control
the cosmic forces which science has unleashed.
But it would be only a first step ; its intrinsic im-
portance, however great, would be less than its
significance as a precedent for general disarma-
ment.

In the time remaining I should like to discuss
approaches to the larger problem of comprehen-
sive disarmament.

We have agreed with our allies and the Soviet
Union that general disarmament negotiations will
be resumed sometime tliis summer." We see this

° For a statement by President Kennedy announcing
Ambassador Dean's departure for the conference, see ibid.,
Apr. 3. 1961, p. 478.

•/bid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 568.

May I, T96I

635

as a renewed opportunity to bring an early and
sure end to the arms race. The administration
has, therefore, initiated an intensified study of
United States disarmament policy under the direc-
tion of Mr. John J. McCloy, Adviser to the Presi-
dent on Disarmament. Heavily engaged in this
undertakmg are the United States Disarmament
Administration, of which I am a part, and other
agencies of Government.

While this study is in progress it would be pre-
mature for me to comment in detail on United
States disarmament policy. Our position is now
subject to the same searching review which the
administration has given to policies on atomic
testing. In this endeavor it is very helpful to
have counsel from all responsible quarters, such
as yours.

In the meantime, it may be useful to restate our
goals and to comment on two major problems,
namely, our differences with the U.S.S.R. on how
much disarmament we must negotiate all at once
and, secondly, the problem of compliance and the
institutional requirements of disarmament.

First Steps and the Ultimate Objective

The ultimate objective remains a secui-e, free,
and peaceful world in which there can be general
disarmament under effective international control
and agreed procedui-es for the maintenance of
peace and the settlement of disputes in accordance
with the principles of the United Nations Charter.

To define an ultimate objective, however, is by
no means to deny the urgent need for progress
now. On the contrary, unless we can achieve some
early steps to halt and turn back the arms race,
the ultimate objective may recede still further
until it and we are blotted out in bloody mist.

It is in this very matter of taking first steps,
of agreeing on confidence-building measures, of
launching pilot operations that we have found
ourselves in a baffling impasse with the Soviet
Union.

We have thought that the world would require
some experience of success in reduchig armaments
before it could proceed into extensive disarma-
ment. We have thouglit that these measures could
well include, in addition to a nuclear test ban,
steps to secure the world against surprise attack
and, more recently, against the mounting danger
of war by miscalculation — whether it be a misread-

ing of an adversary's intentions, a wrong inter-
pretation of a blip on a radar screen, or a mistake
in calculating a nation's will and capacity to
resist.

We have proposed such things as the verification
in advance by the United Nations of all space
launchings; an agreement with the Soviet Union
on a cutoff of production of nuclear material for
weapons use, to take effect as soon as an inspection
system is agreed upon by a meeting of experts;
an agreement that no nation will put into orbit
or station in outer space weapons of mass destruc-
tion; and joint scientific undertakings such as
space probes.

We have proposed the creation of a United
Nations surveillance force to be available at the
call of nations caught up in crisis. Secretary of
State Dean Rusk has recently suggested that na-
tions at some distance from the great centers of
military power "may find it to their advantage
to undertake agreement among themselves to limit
their anns to internal security purposes." ^

We do not know yet whether the Soviet Union
will eventually consent to join in any such en-
deavors. It has not yet done so apparently on
the grounds that we were trying to achieve in-
spection— or espionage — without real reduction
of armaments, in spite of the fact that these proj-
ects seem to us to involve the least onerous forms
of inspection.

The Soviet approach up to now calls on every
coimtry great and small to commit itself not only
to the goal of "general and complete disarma-
ment" down to the level of hand weapons for
police forces but also to agree on the whole de-
tailed process and program clear to the end, which
they have said can be achieved in about 4 years.
It seems to us that their position is tantamount
to saying that until everything is agreed notliing
can be attempted. This whole-package approach
tends to frustrate early results and sets the stage
for protracted negotiations.

The Soviet Union has, however, indicated some
interest in "partial measures"; it professes a will-
ingness to adjust the requirements of inspection
to the particular task involved. We do not really
know precisely what they mean by these declara-
tions and how they reconcile them with their
existing positions. In the forthcoming negotia-

' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 515.

636

Department of State Bulletin

tions we shall certainly try to pin down a com-
mon miderstanding and application of concepts
like these. We should hope that the Soviet Union
has an apprehension equal to ours of the dangers
of the existing situation and of the risks of ita
continuance and sufficient to cause it to see the
wisdom of early, partial measures.

Institutional Requirements of Disarmament

As to the other problem, which I wish to take
up briefly, namely, that of institutions for dis-
armament, we are, of coui-se, studying the Soviet
position along with our own, especially in rela-
tion to the means of insuring compliance at each
stage. This is, of course, not an easy matter when
it involves two societies organized as differently
as ours and the Soviet Union, one of which cher-
ishes its openness as the other guards its secrecy
as a great national asset.

There is at present no sufficiently strong inter-
national authority to administer sanctions in the
way in which our Government enforces domestic
law. We must rely therefore upon arrangements
which will give each party an assurance that all
other parties are in fact living up to their com-
mitments. We must rely upon verification and
disclosure, rather than upon sanctions, to promote
compliance.

This is an important limitation. We do not
attempt to get people to obey the traffic laws with-
out the sanction of fines or confinement or other
penalties. We cannot assume that, once a dis-
armament agreement is concluded, each party will
resist the temptation to conceal clandestine ai"ma-
ments. Nevertheless, we must, for the present,
proceed in disarmament negotiations on the ex-
perimental assumption that the possibility of ex-
posure can effectively deter violations in the early
stages.

This limitation places a heavy responsibility
upon diplomacy. The U.N., as it now exists, the
inspection arrangements we envisage for disarma-
ment, the provisions we must make for the settle-
ment of disputes, the plans we must lay for
institutions to keep the peace in an advanced
stage of disarmament — all these at this stage will
be no more effective than the determination of the
nation-states concerned to make these institutions
work. The success of any international body de-
pends ultimately upon the continuing mutual
good will and identity of purpose of the sovereign

states composing it. It is for this reason that
progress in disarmament is inevitably linked with
progress in resolving our differences and reducing
international tensions. It would be difficult, in-
deed, to achieve day-to-day effectiveness in one
organ of the U.N. while waging a cold war in
another — to reduce arms in one part of the world
while waging war in another.

In the face of the very real danger of a nuclear
disaster all must agree that efforts to reduce ten-
sions should be assiduously pursued by all sides,
whether they be disarmament, arms control, pro-
cedures for the settlement of political issues, ex-
tending the means for settling international
disputes, or the removal of barriei-s to commence
cultural exchange and overall mutual under-
standing.

These things should be tliought out and at-
tempted as soon as an opportunity is offered or
can be created without waiting for agreement on
a massive disarmament package.

To make a safe agreement will require bridging
enormous gaps between the Soviet Union and
ourselves not only on particular issues but also
in historical experience, ideology, psychology,
semantics, values, and ethical concepts.

We must be xmderstanding and patient about
these things, but at the same time we must be
vigilant. Anyone who has read the Moscow
declaration of 81 Communist parties or Premier
Khrushchev's January address knows that at the
same time that the U.S.S.K. calls for complete
and general disai-mament it maintains an iron
determination to push the Communist revolution
whenever feasible or to capture other revolutions
for the Kremlin.

No negotiator can take much for granted in
dealing with the Soviet Union. But every nego-
tiation must strive to find a common groimd. The
Soviet Union must be as conscious as we are of
the implications for human security of the advance
of technology, the cost of armaments, and the hor-
rors of nuclear warfare.

The fantastic forward leap of technology may
soon place certain objects of arms control beyond
hope of control. Just as the proliferation of
nuclear stockpiles made impractical the aims of
the Baruch plan to do away entirely with such
stockpiles, so tomorrow may the seeding of the
earth with missiles and the sowing of outer space
with nuclear weapons render even the most power-

May 7, I96I

637

ful and creative diplomacy impotent to achieve
disarmament. We may lose that chance, which
some philosophers of arms control think we now
have, of fixing upon a certain potential stability
in the strategic military confrontation and of uti-
lizing it to turn the level of armaments down and
ever downward in equivalent amounts on both
sides of the equation.

Soon also we must move together to stop the
drain of armaments on world resources. Civi-
lized modern man presently spends an estimated
$330 million a day on military costs. The talents
and energies of some 50 million civilian and uni-
formed personnel are consumed in man's search
for security amid constantly changing weapons
systems. And all this vast expenditure of effort
and resources on uneconomic goods generates a
further insidious side effect of which President
Eisenhower gave valedictory warning: "... the
acquisition of unwarranted influences, whether
sought or unsought, by the military-industrial
complex" ' — a development which could have im-
plications for the fabric of society.

The Soviet position at international disarma-
ment negotiations has sometimes seemed to me to
vary with the fluctuations of obscure contention
within the Soviet Government. One such uncer-
tainty turned for a time on whether or not a nu-
clear war could be a disaster for the Soviet Union.
I believe it is safe to say that the Kremlin is now
convinced (even if Communist China may not be)
that general nuclear war, if not a defeat for the
Soviet Union, would at least be a disaster for
everybody. About this they are sincere.

I have known some of the Soviet negotiators and
have imagined I knew when they were sincere
and when they were not. They were, I believe,
sincere in their awareness of the effects of atomic
warfare. Premier Khrtishchev has termed nu-
clear war "madness." Here, at least, there may
be grounds for agreement.

President Kennedy, while stressing the need for
sufficient military strength, described the United
States position in his inaugural address : ^

"But neither" he said, "can two great powerful
groups of nations take comfort from our present
course — both sides overburdened by the cost of
modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the
steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racmg

to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays
the hand of mankind's final war."

Here then is the grim and crucial conundrum
which we are still given a chance to resolve in new

and serious negotiations.

Africa Freedom Day

Remarhs hy President Kennedy ^

White House press release dated April 15

I want to say, speaking personally and as Presi-
dent of the United States, that it is the greatest
possible pleasure to join with you today in cele-
brating this most important occasion. I think
the fact that there are so many Members of the
House and Senate from the Hill, and so many
members of the United States Government, indi-
cates our great interest, our profound attachment
to the great effort which the people of Africa are
making in working toward political freedom and
also working toward a better life for their people.

We also are a revolutionary country and a rev-
olutionary people, and therefore, though many
thousands of miles of space may separate our
continent from the continent of Africa, today we
feel extremely close.

I think that the preoccupation of the United
States with the cause of freedom not only here
but aroimd the world has been one of the most
important facets of our national life. All of our
early revolutionary leaders I think echoed the
words of Thomas Jefferson that "the disease of
liberty is catching." And some of you may re-
member the exchange between Benjamin Frank-
lin and Thomas Paine. Benjamin Franklin said,
"Wliere freedom lives, there is my home.'" And
Thomas Paine said, "Wliere freedom is not, there
is my home." I think all of us who believe in
freedom feel a sense of community with all those
who are free, but I think we also feel an even
stronger sense of commmiity with those who are
not free but who some day will be free.

• Ibid., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 179.
'lUa., p. 175.

' Made at a diplomatic reception held by Secretary
Rusk at the Department of State on Apr. 15 for African
ambassadors accredited to Washington and their staffs.
Members of the Senate and House of Representatives, as
well as officials from various departments of the Gov-
ernment, were also present. Africa Freedom Day was
originally proclaimed in a resolution of the tirst Confer-
ence of Independent African States at Accra in April
1958.

638

Detpartment of State Bulletin

I must say as an American that I can think
that all of us in this country can find continued
inspiration and I think all of you who are citizens
of countries who have newly emerged to freedom
can find some inspiration in the Farewell Address
of George Washington.

Wixshington wrote the address in 1796 in order
to eliminate himself as a candidate for a third
term but most importantly to give some guidance
to the new Republic. His text in his speech is
alive with the spirit of liberty. It speaks of a
union of States as a political fortress against the
batteries of internal and external enemies. It
counsels against adopting hasty improvisations at
the expense of principle which thus might under-
mine what cannot be directly overthrown.

There is wisdom and foresight in Washington's
instructions to cherish public credit and to jsro-
mote as an object of primary importance institu-
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge.
Washington told our forefathers in this country
to reject permanent, inveterate antipathies against
particular nations and passionate attachments
for others and said any nation failing in this
is m some degree a slave. He warned against
foreign influences which seek to tamper with do-
mestic factions, who practice the arts of seduction
to mislead public opinion. His rule for commer-
cial relations was to have with them as little po-
litical comiection as possible.

Every year in the United States Senate we read
the speech, and we still get great benefit from it. I
hope that in your experiences you will also get ben-
efit from it. I want to stress today that we look
to the future with the greatest degree of confidence
and hope, and I hope that the people of your
continent recognize that we wish to be associated
intimately with them, that we wish for them the
same things we wish for ourselves : peace, the op-
portunity to develop our own institutions in our
own way, to be independent not only politically
but in all of the other kinds of independence which
make up important national security.

Your brightest days are still ahead. I believe
ours are also. And I hope that when the history
of these times is written — when the history of
the decade of the sixties is written — they will re-
cord a more intimate and closer attachment year
by year between your countries of Africa and
this country of the United States.

President Extends Greetings
to First President of Togo

The White House on April 15 made public the
following letter from President Kennedy to
Sylvanus Olympic, President of the Republic of
Togo.

April 13, 1961
Dear Mr. President: I take great pleasure in
extending to you, both personally and officially,
my very warm greetings and heartiest con-
gratulations upon the occasion of your inaugura-
tion as the first President of the Republic of
Togo.

The overwhelming majority by which you were
elected reflects the Togolese people's admiration
and appreciation for the enlightened leadership
you have given during the achievement and con-
solidation of your country's independence.

May your years in office be marked by peace
and prosperity for the Togolese people and by
increasingly friendly relations between Togo and
the United States.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

His Excellency

Sylvanus Olympic

President of the Republic of Togo

LoTTie

President Congratulates Soviets
on Orbiting a Man in Space

STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release dated April 12

The achievement by the U.S.S.R. of orbiting a
man and returning him safely to ground is an out-
standing technical accomplishment. We congrat-
ulate the Soviet scientists and engineers who made
this feat possible. The exploration of our solar
system is an ambition which we and all mankind
share with the Soviet Union, and this is an im-
portant step toward that goal. Our own Mercury
man-in-space program is directed toward that same
end.

May I, 7961

639

MESSAGE TO CHAIRMAN KHRUSHCHEV

White House press release dated April 12

Following is the text of the Presidenfs telegram
to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, N. S. Khrushchev.

Afril 12, 1961
The people of the United States share with the
people of the Soviet Union their satisfaction for
the safe flight of the astronaut in man's first ven-
ture into spac«. We congratulate you and the
Soviet scientists and engineers who made this feat
possible. It is my sincere desire that in the con-
tinuing quest for knowledge of outer space our
nations can work together to obtain the greatest
benefit to mankind.

John F. I^jennedt

Rockefeller Public Service Awards

Remarks iy Secretary Rusk^

President Goheen [of Princeton University],
Mr. Rockefeller, distinguished award winners,
and ladies and gentlemen : It is a very great privi-
lege indeed for me to be here and to speak on
behalf of Secretaries McNamara, Freeman, Udall,
Ribicoff, and for myself as well in expressing
our pleasure that these distinguished awards have
been given to deserving civil servants within our
respective departments.

It is especially fitting that we celebrate the
public service under these present auspices, be-
cause those of us who have thought about the
public service over the years know of the pre-
eminent role which Princeton University, and
particularly its Woodrow Wilson School, has
been playing for many years in this field.

And if I might make a personal remark, I
think that one would have to know him intimately
to know how extensive is the true public service
of John D. Rockefeller III, because if you left
him on his own he would never let you discover
the range of his service to the Nation as a private
citizen. The combination of the man and the

' Made at the Rockefeller Public Service Awards lunch-
eon at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 11 (press release 213
dated Apr. 12). Charles E. Bohlen, Special Assistant to
the Secretary of State, was one of the six Government
employees receiving an award.

university makes these awards, it seems to me,
peculiarly fitting.

I have been somewhat uitimidated by the for-
mality of the program, wluch indicates that I am
to give what is called the "principal address,"
because there is one thing which the professional
public service has not accomplished, to the best
of my knowledge, and that is the ability to pre-
pare speeches for busy Cabinet officers. And in
any event I approach a prepared text with some
hesitancy because I shall never be able to forget
the professor on the West Coast who habitually
assigned to his graduate students the preparation
of his speeches, and on one notable occasion he
faltered halfway through because he had come
upon a blank page on which was written, "Im-
provise for 5 minutes."

We could not celebrate these award winners
today without adding a recognition of what really
won them their awards. Ranged alongside of
them are those who give them gallant support,
who kept many a long and lonely vigil, who were
the built-in deflators of official pomp and sense
of self-importance. I am referring of course to
the wives of these award winners. I wonder if
you will please rise.

We celebrate today men who might probably
100 years ago have been called by John Stuart
Mill "bureaucrats," when he remarked that "the
work of government has been in the hands of
governors by profession ; which is the essence and
meaning of bureaucracy." We think of the bu-
reaucrat in somewhat different terms these days.
News media have bureaus, but we don't think of
newspapermen as bureaucrats. Business is filled
with the hidebound follower of rigid rules, but
we don't call people in business bureaucrats. We
seem to reserve that term for those who are in
public service.

As a matter of fact, I would suggest that it
is a good thing that a certain tension exist be-
tween a democratic people and those who are
carrying responsibilities in office. The profes-
sional public servant has to hew to that delicate
line between disinterested service, on the one hand,
and a full acceptance of both the spirit and the
letter of policy handed down by those who are
designated by the people to formulate policy.

I once made the remark to a British friend, in
compliment to the British civil service, that the
existence of this fine civil service must inject a

640

Department of State Bulletin

great element of stability and confidence into the
British political system, commenting that of
course civil servants did not have party loyalties.
He smiled and said, "You ki\ow, you have missed
the pomt. The British civil servant gives his
loyalty to one party at a time." This is a deli-
cate thing to do, and it needs to be policed by
public opinion.

High Standards of Accountability

Further, the public servant is holding in the
most literal sense a public trust. There is a dif-
ference between his public office and his private
interests. The funds he uses are held in trust to be
used on the highest standards of accountability
and performance. He is frequently dealing with
authority, and under our system and our tradi-
tions those who exercise the authority of the state
need the constant supervision and restriction of
the critical judgment of our fellow citizens. Many
public servants are dealing with matters of the
deepest moment to the life, to the health, and to
the safety of the Nation, and it is inevitable that
•we should be sensitive to their performance.

I think it is fair to say that the critics and the
criticized are not always on the same footing of
responsibility, for there is a considerable differ-
ence between conclusions and decisions. As pri-
vate citizens, as commentators, as lecturers, we
can afford the luxuries of conclusions. We can
defer our conclusions until all the evidence is in.
We can change our mmds without serious reper-
cussions. But the public servant, whether a po-
litical appointee or a career man, is dealing daily
with decisions. He is forced to look at the prob-
lem as a whole. He is forced to act when action
is required, even though he would prefer to wait.
He is forced to recall that taking no action is itself
a decision, and he is forced quite properly to live
with the results.

These are only a few of the elements which
explain some of those exacting standards to which
Mr. Bohlen referred, the exacting standards of
public service which are equaled by few profes-
sions in the land.

We began this Republic with some hopes for
a professional public service. When our Federal
Government was strongly centered under the tradi-
tions of Virginia, it was the hope of those who
founded our Eepublic that we would quickly de-

velop a professional service. One can recall the
words of Jefferson :

I return with joy to that state of things when the
only questions concerning a candidate shall be: Is he
honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the Constitu-
tion?

But through turbulent decades of the mid-19th
century we drifted away from the aspirations for
a career service, until later in the century the
first Civil Service Commission was appointed only
in 1871. It lasted only 3 years, and it was not
until the assassination of President Garfield by
a disappointed jobseeker that the Pendleton Act
was passed, which reestablished the Civil Serv-
ice Commission in 1883.

In our particular system the notion of a well-
founded, solid career service is relatively new.
But I suppose we could agree that there could
be no more important goal than strengthening the
Nation's career service, not because it is now weak
but because we must expand our capacity and
ability to meet the rapidly multiplying demands
of this era.

I think it was at Princeton some years ago that
a group sat down to analyze what it would be
good for a Foreign Service officer to know. When
they thought about the demands upon him, I be-
lieve they concluded that he needed to have a thor-
ough grasp of at least 21 academic disciplines,
ranging from history to nuclear physics.

There is no doubt that with the increasing com-
plexity and pace of modern life the demands upon
our public service have never been more severe
and the challenges to people who occupy public
posts never more exacting. The old adage that
"there is more room at the top" was never truer
than today, when the demands for top perform-
ance are so exacting.

I think there is another reason for us to think
about the quality and performance of our public
service, particularly at this time. There are en-
tering the family of nations a very large number
of new societies, newly accepting responsibilities
for their own affairs. Many of these, dozens
upon dozens of newly independent nations, are
having to build their public service, some of them
m a vacuum, many of them— mdeed most of
them — without adequate personnel. These peo-
ples are now sitting as juries, trying to decide
upon the institutions which they shall adopt as
their own — whether free institutions or those

Aloy I, 796J

641

more authoritarian in type. The quality of their
administration will largely determine their suc-
cess in erecting free institutions. In this field,
what we do by example — not merely by lectur-
ing— can have the most profound influence on
what they do and thus upon the shape of the
world.

Need To Strengthen Public Service

The need to strengthen our public service comes
aljout because of a rapid increase in the munber
of jobs requiring the liighest level of executive
talent. "When we look at the tasks which have
been laid upon our great departments of Govern-
ment and consider the impact of what we do and
how we act on the world these days, the wide
range and limitless responsibilities of our public
service come into full view.

"We need to fill our pipelines with talented
young people to I'ise to leadership. "We need to
take into account the flexibility, the imagination,
the vision, as Mr. Rockefeller put it, to recognize
change and adapt swiftly to new environmental
factore. No one can cling for long to outworn
customs in this society of ours. Alfred North
"Wliitehead in his Adventures of Ideas puts it this
way:

. . . tradition is warped by the vicious assumption that
each generation will substantially live amid the condi-
tions governing the lives of its fathers and will transmit
those conditions to mould with equal force the lives of its
children. AVe are living in the first period of human
history for which this assumption is false.

... in the past the time-span of important change was
considerably longer than that of a single human life. . . .

Today this time-span is considerably shorter than that
of human life, and accordingly our training must prepare
individuals to face a novelty of conditions.

One must suggest in this connection — and I sus-
pect that it would be a comfortable and exciting
thought for Princeton — that because of these time
factors there is still room for the basic liberal
education which enables men to adjust to change;
for the accelerating rate of change in our indus-
trial society brought about by scientific discovery,
technical progress, and rapid mechanization re-
quires the administrator and executive in Govern-
ment and business to become better educated and
intellectually prepared. Our age of science calls
for less and less muscle and more and more mind
to control both matter and men.

In all the complexities which confront us in

our troubled world, we may find that if we use
our wits we shall not need to use our weapons.

As we look toward strengthening our public
service, we must, I think, take into account the
fact that in our society the public service is re-
cruited voluntarily. We do not draft men and
women nor assign tliem by fiat. "We must entice
them, stimulate and attract them, and support
them in Government service in such a way as to
make such service a satisfying, lifetime career.
One of tlie great pleasures in working with dedi-
cated career servants is to see the quiet, sustained
satisfaction which they derive from serving their
country.

AVe must continue to encourage our educational
institutions to acquaint the Nation's youth with
the opportunities which exist in the field of pub-
lic service and public administration.

"We must give greater attention to fair employ-
ment practices, of which government has always
been a stout champion but not always an ardent
practitioner.

AVe must in our service provide full oppor-
tunity for growth — the growth of individuals —
for nothing is more disconcerting than to find
men in service wlio luive not grown with the years
and with tlie opportunities. As we continue our
programs of inservice training for Government
employees and as we expand opportunities for
career development, we shall be filling a larger
percentage of those notches at the top with career
men and women.

AVe can as citizens applaud, encourage, and ex-
press our appreciation for institutions like the
AVoodrow AV^ilson School and individuals like
John D. Rockefeller III for the attention which
they themselves are giving to excellence in the
public service. The Rockefeller Public Service
Awards, recognizing and honoring civilians in
the Federal Government for distinguished serv-
ice, focus public attention on the enormous variety
of opportunities and satisfactions in the public
service and enable their distinguished recipients
to pass on to others the knowledge which they
have gained from tlieir years of experience.

Some 10 years ago I made the remark that it
may well be that the most important single factor
of the 20th century is that the energy, wealth,
power, and imagination of the American people
are devoted to peace, liberty, and the economic
well-being of ourselves and others. For us to

642

Department of State Bulletin

keep this type of commitment in mind, we shall
need dedicated public servants of tlie highest
order. The world is moving much too fast for
us to stand still or to smile in satisfaction at
all that we have in possession.

So let us honor these unusual public servants
for the reality of their hold on truth. Let us also
remember, with Archibald MacLeish, that

Freedom is never an accomplished fact. It is always
a process. Which is why the drafters of the Declaration
spoke of the pursuit of happiness: They knew their Thu-
cydides and therefore knew that "The secret of happiness
is freedom, and the secret of freedom, courage."

And hei'e we give our thanks and our apprecia-
tion to these great public servants.

United States and Morocco Sign
Investment Guaranty Agreement

Press release 214 dated April 13

The Department of State annomiced on April
13 that the United States and Morocco have signed
an agreement which will provide additional en-
couragement for the mvestment of private Amer-
ican capital in Moroccan business enterprises.

The agreement, eflFected by an exchange of notes
between the two countries, extends the provisions
of the U.S. investment guaranty program to
American private investments in Moroccan busi-
ness ventures. Tlie program is administered by
the U.S. International Cooperation Administra-
tion as part of the Mutual Security Program.

Under the agreement the U.S. Govermnent will
provide guaranties that American jjrivate capital
invested in Moroccan enterprises, and local cur-
rency receipts from such investments, will remain
convertible into dollars. The program also pro-
vides guaranties against losses due to expropria-
tion or damage resulting from war.

The U.S. Government guaranties will be avail-
able for new U.S. private investments of capital
goods, services, patents, and loans which are ap-
proved for purposes of the ICA guaranty by the
Government of Morocco. For this insurance the
U.S. investor will pay a premium of one-half of
1 percent per year for the amount of investment
guarantied under each of the three types of
insurance.

The agreement with Morocco makes it the fifth
African nation to participate in the investment

guaranty program. Other African nations par-
ticipating are Ghana, Liberia, Sudan, and Tunisia.
Negotiations are now in process with other Afri-
can countries, including some of the newly inde-
pendent nations.

Altogether 51 countries have instituted the
investment guaranty program. However, mutual
security legislation was amended in 1959 to limit
the program's operation to economically under-
developed areas. The program is presently opera-
tive in 37 countries and dependent territories of
some others. As of December 31, 1960, a total of
$560.8 million in ICA guaranties had been issued
for investments in countries already participating
in the program, and applications in process exceed
$1.4 billion.

Inquiries and applications for guaranties should
be addressed to the Investment Guaranties Divi-
sion, International Cooperation Administration,
Washington 25, D.C.

THE CONGRESS

President Recommends Participation
in Effort To Save Nubian Monuments

The White House on April 7 made public the
following letter from President Kennedy to the
Speaker of the House, Sam Rayiurn. An identi-
cal letter was also sent to Lyndon B. Johnson,
President of the Senate.

White House press release dated April 7

April 6, 1961
Dear Mr. Speaker: Pursuant to Section 502(c)
of the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as amended,
I transmit herewith my recommendations for par-
ticipation by the United States in the international
campaign initiated by UNESCO to preserve the
ancient temples and other monuments m the Nile
Valley which are now threatened with inundation
as a result of the construction of the Aswan High
Dam.

I consider it to be in the interests of the United
States to assist in rescuing these historic remains

May ?, 1967

643

of a former civilization from destruction — and
to join the international effort to conduct explora-
tion and research in the threatened area of Nubia
before it is submerged for all time.

The significance of these ancient monuments
has been discussed by President [Gamal Abdul]
Nasser of the U.A.R. who recently said ". . . we
pin our hopes on the preservation of the Nubian
treasures in order to keep alive monuments wliich
are not only dear to our hearts — we being their
guardians — but dear to the whole world which
believes that the ancient and the new components
of human culture should blend in one harmonious
whole." Reflecting similar sentiments, President
[Ibrahim] Abboud recognized Sudan's responsi-
bility to the rest of the world for the ancient monu-
ments within its borders ". . . since the history
of the Sudan is but a part of the history of
Mankind."

The United States, one of the newest of civiliza-
tions, has long had a deep regard for the study of
past cultures, and a concern for the preservation
of man's great achievements of art and thought.
We have also had a special interest in the civili-
zation of ancient Egypt from which many of our
own cultural traditions have sprung — and a deep
friendship for the people who live in the valley
of the Nile. In keeping with this tradition, and
this friendship, I recommend that we now join
with other nations through UNESCO in prevent-
ing what would otherwise be an irreparable loss
to science and the cultural history of Mankind.

The international effort now under way to save
the many ancient temples in the United Arab Re-
public and Sudan is an operation of a magnitude
that cannot be bome by one or even a few nations.
Its total cost is estimated at 75 - 100 million dol-
lars. Because of the immense size of the task, the
Director General of UNESCO, at the request of
the Governments of the United Arab Republic
and of the Sudan, has appealed to all nations and
peoples to join in a common undertaking to save
these historic monuments from destruction.

In return for assistance, the Governments
of the United Arab Republic and of the Sudan,
in declarations of October 1, 1959 and October 24,
1959, respectively, have offered to cede, with cer-
tain exceptions, at least half of the finds to parties
carrying out excavations in Nubia. The U.A.R.
Government has also declared its willingness to
authorize excavations outside the threatened area

at sites in Lower, Middle and Upper Egypt, and
has stated it is prepared to cede, with a view to
their transfer abroad, certain Nubian temples and
a large collection of antiquities which are now
part of Egyptian state collections. It is also my
understanding that the Government of the United
Arab Republic is prepared to extend the above
privileges and benefits to American museums and
institutions if effective financial assistance from
the U.S. Government is forthcoming.

The United Arab Republic has itself pledged
the Egyptian pound equivalent of $10 million for
the UNESCO campaign, to be paid over the next
seven years. Seven other nations have either paid
in or pledged contributions. Still others are fur-
nishing assistance in kind, have sent expeditions
to the area, or are seriously considering financial
assistance. To date the United States Govern-
ment has made no financial contribution to the
program, and only modest funds have been forth-
coming from private sources.

It is important to note that all United States
contributions to this international campaign can
be in the form of U.S. owned Egyptian currency
generated under P.L. 480. The total of all the
contributions recommended below can be met
from the portion of these currencies available for
U.S. use which is determined to be in excess of
U.S. prospective requirements.

The task of saving the Nubian monuments can
be conveniently divided into two parts: (A) the
preservation of the massive temples of Abu
Simbel; and (B) the preservation of the temples
on the Island of Philae and the remaining lesser
temples in the threatened area.

(A) The cost of preserving Abu Simbel — dedi-
cated to Rameses II and Queen Nefertari, and
built in the 13th century B.C. — has been estimated
at approximately 60 to 80 million dollars. Two
major plans have been advanced for saving these
monuments: One recommends building a coffer
dam around them ; and the other proposes to sever
the temples from the rock cliff of which they are
a part and lift them 200 feet to the future level
of the Nile. Each of these plans entails serious
difficulties, and further studies are being made.
Therefore I feel it would be premature to recom-
mend, at the present time, that any U.S. funds be
provided for this purpose.

(B) The preservation of the Philae temples,

644

Department of State Bulletin

the lesser temples, and also the exploration of the
threatened region.

1. The second most important group of monu-
ments are the temples on the Island of Pliilae —
known as the "Pearl of Egypt." Kecent engi-
neering studies have indicated that these monu-
ments can be saved at a cost of approximately 6
million dollars. There would be no more effective
expression of our interest in preserving the cul-
tural monuments of the Nile Valley than an Amer-
ican offer to finance the preservation of these
temples. I am directing that the Egyptian pound
equivalent of 6 million dollars be set aside for this
purpose. AVlien required an appropriation to
cover the use of this sum will be sought.

2. The cost of preserving the lesser temples in
the U.A.R. and in the Sudan will be approxi-
mately 9.6 million dollars. I recommend an ap-
propriation covering the use of the Egyptian
pound equivalent of 2.5 million dollars as the
U.S. contribution toward the removal of these
temples.

3. In addition to preserving these monuments
there is a pressing need for extensive archeological
and prehistory research in the Nubia. Much of
the threatened area, particularly in the Sudan,
still remains unexplored by archeologists. There-
fore, a large-scale program of investigation and
exploration must be undertaken if the undiscov-
ered treasures and antiquities of this region are
not to be lost forever. For this purpose the Egyp-
tian and Sudanese Governments have thrown
open the Nubia to archeological teams from other
countries, and several institutions in the United
States have either sent exi>editions to the area or
have expressed their desire to do so. I recom-
mend an appropriation covering the use of the
Egyptian pound equivalent of 1.5 million dollars
for grants to American archeological expeditions
and groups doing related research in Nubia which
are prepared to meet their own dollar require-
ments. These grants will be administered by the
United States.

4. Of course Egyptian pounds cannot be used

to finance either the preservation of temples or
exploration and research in the Sudan. However,
the Government of the U.A.R. has indicated its
willingness to permit the conversion of the Egyp-
tian pound equivalent of $500,000 into Sudanese
currency. Therefore I will set aside this amount
to be converted for use in the Sudan from the
sums I am requesting for research and for preser-
vation of the lesser temples.

5. I intend to appoint a commission of govern-
ment officials and leading Egyptologists to make
plans for the acquisition and distribution of the
antiquities ceded to the United States as a result
of our contribution.

In making these funds available the United
States will be participating in an international
effort which has captured the imagination and
sympathy of people throughout the world. By
thus contributing to the preservation of past
civilizations, we will strengthen and enrich our
own.

Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Small Business Exports and the World Market. Report
of the Senate Select Committee on Small Business on
encouragement and expansion of exports by small busi-
ness. S. Rept. 80. March 27, 1961. 42 pp.

Sugar. Report, together with individual views, to ac-
company H.R. 5463. S. Rept. 125. March 28, 1961.
12 pp.

Reemployment of Foreign Service Officers or Employees.
Report to accompany S. 644. S. Rept. 127. March 28,
1961. 3 pp.

Extension of Sugar Act. Conference report to accompany
H.R. .5463, H. Rept. 212. March 29, 1961. 2 pp.

Trading With the Enemy Act. Report of the Senate
Judiciary Committee made by its Subcommittee To
Examine and Revievp the Administration of the Trading
With the Enemy Act. S. Rept. 132. March 29, 1961.
8 pp.

Commending Project Hope. Report to accompany S. Con.
Res. 8. S. Rept. 138. March 80, 1961. 2 pp.

May I, 7967

645

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Scheduled May 1 Through July 31, 1961

GATT Contracting Parties: 18th Session Geneva May 1-

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America: 9th Session Caracas May 1-

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: 9th Session . . . New York May 1-

14th International Cannes Film Festival Cannes May 3-

ICEM Executive Committee: 17th Session Geneva May 3-

UPU Executive and Liaison Committee Bern May 4-

FAO/UNICEF Joint Policy Committee: 3d Session Rome Mav 8-

ILO Inland Transport Committee: 7th Session Geneva May 8-

NATO Ministerial Council Oslo May 8-

Inter- American Nuclear Energy Commission: 3d Meeting Washington May 9-

WMO Executive Committee: 13th Session Geneva May 11-

ICEM Council: 14th Session Geneva May 11-

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 20th Plenary Meeting . . . Tokyo May 15-

PAHO Executive Committee: 43d Meeting Washington May 16-

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 2d Session Rome May 18-

FAO Group on Grains: 6th Session Rome May 18-

FAO European Forestry Commission: 11th Session Rome May 22-

11th Inter-American Conference Quito May 24-

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commissioner Geneva May 25-

for Refugees: 5th Session,

UNESCO Executive Board: 59th Session Paris May 25-

ITU European VHF/UHF Broadcasting Conference Stockholm May 26-

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: Scien- Woods Hole, Mass May 29-

tific Committee.

WHO Executive Board Geneva May 29-

ILO Governing Body: 149th Session (and its committees) Geneva May 29-*

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 34th Session Rome May 30-

International Rubber Study Group: Enlarged Management Com- London May

mittee.

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on Tokyo May or June

Abstention Reports.

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on Tokyo May or June

Scientific Reports.

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 11th Washington June 5—

Annual Meeting.

International Labor Conference: 45th Session Geneva June 7-

FAO Expert Meeting on Economic Effects of Fishery Regulation . . . Ottawa June 12-

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 21st Session Geneva June 12-

8th International Electronic, Nuclear, and Motion Picture Exposition. Rome June 12-

FAO Council: 35th Session Rome June 19-

FAO/OIE Meeting on Emerging Diseases of Animals Ankara June 19-

International Whaling Commission: 13th Meeting London June 19-

11th International Berlin Film Festival Berlin June 25-

7th International Congress on Large Dams Rome June 26-

lAEA Board of Governors: 22d Session Vienna June

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 27th Session New York June

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: Expert Working Group London June

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session Geneva July 4-

8th Inter-American Travel Congress Rio de Janeiro July 5-

FAO Technical Meeting on Plant Exploration and Introduction .... Rome July 10-

Development Assistance Group: 5th Session Tokyo July 11-

WMO Regional Association III (South America): 3d Session Rio de Janeiro July 11-

IBE Council: 27th Session Geneva July

24th UNESCO/IBE Conference on Public Education Geneva July

FAO North American Forestry Commission: 1st Session Mexico, D.F July

South Pacific Commission: Meeting of Urbanization Committee . . . Noumea July

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Apr. 14, 1961. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following
is a list of abbreviations: ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food
and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic Energy

Agency; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO,

Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North
Atlantic Treaty Organization; OIE, International Office of Epizootics; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization;
U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; UNICEF, United
Nations Children's Fund; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological
Organization.

646 Department of State Bulletin

President Kennedy Reaffirms
U.S. Support for NATO

Remarks hi/ President Kennedy^

I am delighted to offer tlie warm welcome of
the United States Govermnent to the Chiefs of
Staii' of the nations of NATO as you assemble
here for a meeting of the Military Committee.
We, of course, take satisfaction in having your
representatives with us regularly, in permanent
session, but it is especially good today to have in
Washington the Military Committea itself. More-
over, it is for me much more than a ceremonial
pleasure to meet with you.

You hold a critical responsibility in the affairs
of NATO, and I want to talk with you about
the substance of the task and about the necessary
relation between you as military officers and
others of us as political leaders.

NATO, as you gentlemen know, is at a turning
point in its military planning. In Supreme
Headquarters and in many of the capitals of the
Alliance, work on our future needs is going ahead.
As part of this effort, we in the Government of
the United States are now well advanced in a
careful study of our own view of the military
policy of NATO.

Vice President Johnson explained last week in
Paris' our belief that there should be a rein-
forcement of the capabilities of NATO in con-
ventional weapons. NATO needs to be able to
respond to any conventional attack with con-
ventional resistance which will be effective at
least long enough, in General [Lauris] Norstad's
phrase, to force a pause. To this end we our-
selves mean to maintain our own divisions and
supporting units in Europe and to increase their
conventional capabilities.

In addition to strengthened conventional forces
we believe that NATO must continue to have an
effective nuclear capability. We hope to consult
closely with our allies on the precise forms wliich
the nuclear deterrent should take in future years.
In his address last week Prime Minister Mac-

' Made before the Military Committee of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization at Washington, D.C., on
Apr. 10 (White House press release) .

" Bulletin of Apr. 24, 1961, p. 581.

millan pointed out the urgency of this question.
The United States means to do its full share in
working toward a good solution of the problem,
and we believe that the clarity and firmness of
our own commitment to the full defense of Europe
can be helpful in this direction.

I do not want to go further today in the elab-
oration of these matters. The proper first forum
for their consideration in NATO is, of course, the
North Atlantic Council, and, moreover, questions
of this importance also require careful discussions
in each country at the very highest levels of
government.

But before I turn to other matters let me
comment briefly on one further military point.
In our studies we have found a serious need for
a sensitive and flexible control of all arms, and
especially over nuclear weapons. We propose to
see to it, for our part, that our military forces
operate at all times under continuous, responsi-
ble command and control from the highest au-
thorities all the way downward — and we mean
to see that this control is exercised before, during,
and after any initiation of hostilities against our
forces, and at any level of escalation. We believe
in maintaining effective deterrent strength, but
we believe also in making it do what we wish,
neither more nor less.

In stating this doctrine I am reaffirming prin-
ciples to which the responsible military leaders of
NATO have always adhered — but I am also assur-
ing you that the political leadership of the United
States will apply both energy and resources in this
direction.

And this brings me to my second main point.
NATO is remarkable among the alliances of his-
toi-y in its combination of political, military, eco-
nomic, and even psychological components. Wliat
NATO is, at any time, depends not only upon its
forces in being but upon the resolution of its
leaders, the state of mind of its peoples, and the
view of all these elements which is held by the
Kremlin.

In this situation it is clearly necessaiy that there
should be close understanding between political
leaders and the senior military officers. In our
countries, of course, final responsibility always
rests with political authorities, and we also have
a tradition of respect for the professional judg-
ment of professional soldiers. But in NATO,

May 1, 7961

647

from the beginning, it has been essential that
neither class of men should accept any arbitrary
division of our problems into "the political" and
"the militaiy." The crucial problems have all
been mixed. Political leaders have had a duty
to share M-ith tlieir senior officers a full under-
standing of the political purposes of the Alliance,
and military leaders for their part have had to rec-
ognize that in NATO all the important military
problems are political problems too.

This recognition of the interconnection between
policy and force is an even more compelling neces-
sity today, especially in all the questions which
relate to the command, the deployment, and the
possible use of nuclear weapons.

In the months ahead, as we share in the framing
of NATO's policy and in new decisions which
may guide us safely toward the future, we shall
need to have the closest and most understanding
communication, not only from country to country
but from soldier to civilian. Political planning
must be aware of military realities, and military
plans in turn must be responsive to political con-
siderations— among them such varied and impor-
tant matters as resource capabilities, national
attitudes, and other Alliance objectives like our
common purpose to advance the economic welfare
of the whole free world. Our force goals, our mil-
itary policy, our deployments, and our war plans
themselves must all reflect the purposes and spirit
of our great community. Military and political
problems are not separable, and military and po-
litical men must work ever more closely togetlier.

I hold an office which by our very Constitution
unites political and militaiy responsibility, and
therefore it is no more than my duty to pledge my
own best effort to keep tliese two kinds of prob-
lems together in my mind. I ask the same of you.

In ending, gentlemen, let me turn for one
moment from our problems to our accomplish-
ment. NATO has kept the peace of Europe and
tlie Atlantic through 12 dangerous years, and in
that time our community has grown in strength
and in well-being. This is no small accomplish-
ment. I offer to you, and through you to all of
NATO's armed forces, the thanks and congratula-
tions of the people and Government of the United
States. Let us go on together in this higli task
of guarding a free community's peace.

President Emphasizes Importance
of EPC Meeting

White House press release dated April 14

Following is a statement hy President Kennedy
on the occasion of the departure of the U.S. dele-
gation to the meeting of the Economic Policy
Committee of the Organization for European
Econom,ic Cooperation at Paris, ApHl 18-19?-

The United States delegation leaves this week-
end to participate in the Paris meeting of the
Economic Policy Committee of the Organization
for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC),
April 18-19. Now that the U.S. has ratified the
convention establishing the Organization for Eco-
nomic Cooperation and Development (OECD) = —
the body which will succeed OEEC — the Paris
meeting takes on a high and symbolic significance.
It will be the first meeting of the Economic Pol-
icy Committee to be conducted within the new
spirit of the OECD — a spirit which the United
States has undertaken to foster by assuming the
responsibilities of full membership.

We are entering a new era in which the day-to-
day economic affairs of the Western nations are
becoming more and more closely intertwined. We
face problems and opportunities to which we must
respond in full awareness of the common stake in
sound decisions. To overcome recession and un-
employment, to achieve and maintain high rates
of growth, to encourage world economic develop-
ment— these are no longer merely independent na-
tional goals to be pureued by each of our 20-
member countries in isolation from the otliers.
They are also common goals which call for
sustained common action through economic pol-
icies which reflect our common interests.

The strength of the delegation which will rep-
resent us at the EPC meeting underscores the im-
portance wliich we attach to this new departure
in our economic relations -with Western Europe
and Canada and the seriousness with which we
have accepted our obligations in the new Organi-
zation. The delegation includes Walter W. Hel-
ler, Chairman of the Council of Economic Ad-

' For a list of the members of the U.S. delegation, see
Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 573.

' For background, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8 ; Mar.
6, 1961, p. 326 ; and Apr. 10, 1961, p. 514.

648

Department of State Bulletin

visers, as head of the delegation ; Robert V. Roosa,
Under Secretary of the Treasury; Ambassador
John W. Tuthill, Ahernate U.S. Permanent Rep-
resentative to the OEEC; William McChesney
Martin, Jr., Chairman of the Boaixl of Gover-
nors of the Federal Reserve System ; and Edwin
M. Martin, Assistant Secretary of State for Eco-
nomic Affairs.

It is our hope to develop in the OECD a con-
tinuous working partnership in a spirit of flexi-
bility and mutual accommodations among the of-
ficials responsible for economic policy in these
20 countries. The Paris meetings will be the first
of many designed to build and strengthen rela-
tionships for dealing with common economic prob-
lems as they unfold.

The American people will follow with deep
interest and high hopes the progress of this new
venture in Western cooperation and unity.

U.N. Security Council Considers
Jordanian Complaint Against Israel

Statement by Francis T. P. Plimpton'^

The United States Government regrets that a
case involving a breach of the armistice agree-
ment between Jordan and Israel is again before
the Security Council. This is the first time in 2
years we have had to deal with such a problem.
At the same time it is appropriate that the discus-
sion has centered on the specific issue brought be-
fore us by Jordan, and I am hopeful that we can
continue to concentrate our attention on that
specific issue.

In our view the rehearsal for a military parade
conducted by Israel in Jerusalem on March 17 in
preparation for the Independence Day parade of
April 20 was contrai-y to the General Armistice
Agreement. A violation of the armistice agree-
ment involving only a holiday parade may or may
not constitute a threat to peace, as has been al-
leged. The degree to which such a violation of the
armistice agreement might become a threat to the
peace depends primarily on the respective atti-

Hlade in the Security Ck>uneil on Apr. 11 (U.S./U.N.
press release 3687). Mr. Plimpton is Deputy U.S. Repre-
sentative in the Council.

tudes of the parties. In this connection I note
that the distinguished representative of Israel has
sought to reassure the Government of Jordan of
the peaceful nature of the Israeli celebration.

It may well be that both parties in the past have
been responsible for violations of article VII of
the armistice agreement, violations involving vary-
ing amounts and types of military equipment. It
may well be that these violations were not hostile
in intention and, in substance, constituted no
threat to the peace. And it may well be that the
parade proposed by the Israeli Government for
the 20th of April will, in substance, not constitute
a threat to the peace. But the crucial question is :
What effect do such violations have on the force
of the armistice agreements and on the attitudes
of the parties toward them ?

In the case before us, one of the parties has
lodged a complaint with the Mixed Armistice
Conmiission, and the Commission has decided that
the episode did indeed constitute a violation of the
General Armistice Agreement. If we do not act
wisely now, we may be faced with a series of
formal complaints submitted by both parties
which will erode the armistice agreement and the
will of the parties to carry it out. That would in-
deed constitute a threat to the peace. Such a situ-
ation can easily be avoided by adlierence in the
future not only to the substance but to the form
of the armistice agreement.

It is true that the Mixed Armistice Commission
might have been able to handle this matter in
another way, perhaps along the lines of the ex-
perience of the 1958 Israeli military parade in
Jerusalem, which, we understand, was held pur-
suant to arrangements worked out in the field by
the Commission. But this has not happened.
Instead we have before us a specific finding by the
Mixed Armistice Commission made according to
the proper procedures.

We believe the authority of the truce super-
vision machinery on the spot should be upheld.
We realize the imperfections of the armistice
agreements. We are aware that all parts of the
agreement are not fully implemented and that
others are occasionally violated. Nevertheless we
are convinced that the armistice agreement and
the machinery to carry it out is an essential ele-
ment of peace and stability. We support the
armistice agreements fully.

May h I96I

649

It is fundamental to the continuation of the
present state of relative tranquillity in the area
tliat both parties to the armistice agreement ob-
serve it in spirit and in letter. We sincerely hope
that all concerned will take stej^s to insure that
tlie agreement is not again violated. All parties
should refrain from acts which might tend to in-
crease tension. Two wrongs do not malce a right.
Any retaliatory violations of tlie armistice agree-
ment by either party, particularly for violations
that are not ill-intentioned, could unnecessarily
lead to seriotis circumstances. Given the frank ill
nature of peace in the Middle East, both Israel and
Jordan have a particularly heavy responsibility
for the exercise of patience and statesmanship.
The United States Government hopes that the
Council will indicate its support for the principle
that the effectiveness of the United Nations Truce
Supervision Organization machinery should be
maintained and supported.

My Government has tabled the draft amend-
ment before us as an addition to tlie draft resolu-
tion cosponsored by Ceylon and the United Arab
Eepublic.^ We are in accord with the position
taken by the proposed draft resolution. Neverthe-
less we believe that this Council should take this
opportunity to reaffirm its continuing concern that
the General Armistice Agreements, so long as
they shall govern the relationships between Israel
and its Arab neighbors, must be complied with
fully and in good faith. Over the years this
Council has spent a considerable portion of its
deliberations in endeavoring to assist the parties
to the General Armistice Agreements in main-
taining the tranquillity and stability in the Pales-
tine area.

The purpose of the United States amendment is
to put again on record the fact that compliance
with the General Armistice Agreements is not a
unilateral obligation. Neither party to any of the

- The joint draft resolution (U.N. doe. S/4784) endorsed
the decision of the Jordan-Israel Mixed Armistice Com-
mission of Mar. 20 and urged Israel to comply with this
decision. The U.S. amendment added a paragraph re-
questing the members of tlie Mixed Armistice Commission
to cooperate so as to Insure that the General Armistice
Agreement will be complied with. The joint draft reso-
lution, as amended, was adopted by the Security Council
on Apr. 11 by a vote of 8 to 0, with 3 abstentions (Ceylon,
U.A.R., U.S.S.R.).

General Armistice Agreements can expect that
the other party will fully honor the provisions of
that agreement if it itself is not prepared to show
good faith in compliance. So long as the full
General Armistice Agreements are in effect and
still govern the relations of the parties, tliis Coun-
cil must, we submit, take every appropriate
opportunity to demonstrate its continued deter-
mination to insure their efl'ectiveness.

WMO Commission for Hydrologicai
Meteorology Meets In U.S.

Press release 203 dated April 11

The United States will serve as host to the first
session of the Commission for Hydrologicai Me-
teorology of the World Meteorological Oi'ganiza-
tion (WMO), which will be convened in the in-
ternational conference suite of the Department
of State on April 12, 1961.

Max A. Kohler, Chief Research Hydrologist,
Hydrologic Services Division, U.S. Weather Bu-
reau, is serving as first president of the Commis-
sion and will preside at the opening session.

At the third congress of the WMO in April
1959 the United States urged the creation of a
Technical Commission for Hydrologicai Meteor-
ology to deal with the Organization's work in the
field of water resources, and the Chief of the U.S.
Weather Bureau recommended that the United
States serve as host to the first session.

Invitations were issued to member countries of
the United Nations and its specialized agencies,
as well as to approximately 12 nongovernmental
organizations interested in hydrology. Of the 108
member states and territories eligible to attend,
it is estimated that about 40 will send delegations.
Approximately 70 delegates are expected to attend
the meetings.

The Commission will develop its work program
and will discuss the i-elationship of the Organi-
zation with other international groups concerned
with water resources. Technical matters to be
considered include river forecasting techniques,
observation networks, publication and exchange
of data, and standardization of tenninology, codes,
and units. The conference will be in session
until April 26.

650

Department of State Bulletin

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

IAEA Board of Governors

The Department of State announced on April
5 (press release 193) that the following are the
members of the U.S. delegation to the 21st ses-
sion of the Board of Governors of the Interna-
tional Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which is
scheduled to be held at Vienna, April 5-14.

Oovernor

Robert E. Wilson, Commissioner, Atomic Energy Com-
mission

Alternates

Edward L. Brady, U.S. Mission to the International

Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna
Mose L. Harvey, U.S. Mission to the International Atomic

Energy Agency, Vienna

Advisers

Joseph W. Clifford, International Affairs Division, Atomic
Energy Commission

Dwight M. Cramer, U.S. Mission to the International
Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna

Betty C. Gough, U.S. Mission to the International Atomic
Energy Agency, Vienna

John A. Hall, Assistant General Manager for Interna-
tional Affairs, Atomic Energy Commission

Ernest L. Stanger, Office of United Nations Political and
Security Affairs, Department of State

John P. Trevithielv, U.S. Mission to the International
Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna

This session of the Board will consider, among
other things, an amendment of the IAEA statute
giving greater representation for Africa and the
Middle East on the Board of Governors, the pro-
gram and budget for 1962, and a request from
Yugoslavia for a reactor and nuclear fuel.

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law

The Department of State announced on April
13 (press release 217) that the following would
be members of the U.S. delegation to the Diplo-
matic Conference on Maritime Law, which will
be held at Brussels, April 17-30 :

U.S. Representative

Bobert E. Seaver (chairman) , Chief, International Affairs
Division, Maritime Administration, Department of
Commerce

Alternate U.S. Representatives

Leavenworth Colby, Chief, Admiralty Division, Depart-
ment of Justice

May 1, 1961

Ely Maurer, Assistant Legal Adviser for Economic Affairs,
Department of State

Advisers

Arthur M. Boal, Tompkins, Boal and McQuade, New York,
N.Y.

William D. English, Office of General Counsel, Atomic
Energy Commission

Richard C. Hagan {secretary of delegation), Office of
International Conferences, Department of State

John W. Mann, Assistant Chief, Shipping Division, De-
partment of State

Leonard J. Matteson, Bigham, Englar, Jones and Houston,
New York, N.Y.

Howard Meyers, U.S. Mission to the European Commu-
nities, Brussels

Marcus Rowden, U.S. Mission to the European Commu-
nities, Brussels

This Conference is being convened for the dual
purpose of considering at the governmental level
(1) an international convention governing third-
party liability for certain damage which might
result from operations of nuclear-powered ships
and (2) an international convention on the unifi-
cation of certain rules relating to the carriage of
passengers by sea and specifying the liability to
each passenger in event of his death or personal
injury. In addition the Conference will be asked
to recognize an official status for the traditional
Diplomatic Conference, which since the early
1900's has formulated international conventions
in the field of maritime law.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography^

General Assembly

United Nations Conference on Diplomatic Intercourse and
Immunities. Guide to the Draft Articles on Diplomatic
Intercourse and Immunities adopted by the Interna-
tional Law Commission. A/CONP. 20/8. January 25,
1961. 105 pp.

Letter of January 24 from the chairman of the Soviet
delegation addressed to the President of the General
Assembly concerning the question of the future of
Ruanda-Urundi. A/-16S9. January 28, 1961. 2 pp.

Letter of January 31 from the permanent representatives
of Burma, India, the Soviet Union, and the United
Arab Republic addressed to the President of the General
Assembly concerning the question of the future of
Ruanda-Urundi. A/4691. January 31, 1961. 2 pp.

' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y.
Other materials (mineographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States.

651

Security Council

Report from the special representative of the Secretary-
General in the Congo on the situation in Orientale and
Kivu Provinces. S/4745, February 22, 1961, 9 pp. ;
Add. 1, February 23, 1961, 1 p.

Report addressed to the Secretary-General by his special
representative in the Congo concerning Patrice Lu-
mumba, consisting of an exchange of letters between
the special representative and Mr. Tshombe. S/4688/
Add. 2. February 25, 1961. 6 pp.

Report dated February 24, 1961, to the Secretary-General
from his special representative in the Congo on the
civil war situation in the three main sectors of the
Congo. S/4750, February 25, 1961, 6 pp.; Add. 1,
February 25, 1961, 1 p. ; Add. 2, February 25, 1961, 2 pp ;
Add. 3, February 25, 1961, 1 p.; Add. 4, February 28,
1961, 2 pp. ; Add. 5. March 1, 1961, 2 pp. ; Add. 6, March
2, 1961, 3 pp. ; Add. 7, March 7, 1961, 3 pp.

Report dated February 27, 1961, to the Secretary-General
from his special representative in the Congo on inci-
dents in L6opoldville involving personnel. S/4753/Corr.
1. February 28, 1961. 1 p.

Report of the Secretary-General on certain steps talien in
regard to the implementation of the Security Council
resolution adopted on February 21, 1961. S/4752/Corr.
1, February 28, 1961, 1 p.; Add. 1, March 3, 1961, 11
pp.; Add. 2, March 5, 1961, 3 pp.; Add. 3, March 6,
1961, 4 pp. ; Add. 4, March 9, 1961, 3 pp.

Report dated March 2, 1961, to the Secretary-General
from his special representative in the Congo on U.N.
protected areas. S/4757, March 2, 1961, 4 pp. ; Add. 1,
March 3, 1961, 4 pp.

Economic and Social Council

Economic Commission for Africa

International action for commodity stabilization and
the role of Africa. E/CN.14/68. November 5, 1960.
40 pp.

United Nations programs for technical assistance in
public administration. E/CN.14/89. November 16,
1960. 10 pp.

Report of the worlishop on extension of family and
child welfare services witliin community development
programs held at Accra from November 21 to Decem-
ber 3, 1960. E/CN.14/79. December 1960. 82 pp.

Transport problems in relation to economic development
in west Africa. E/CN.14/63. December 6, 1960.
125 pp.

The impact of Western European integration on African
trade and development. E/CN.14/72. December 7,
1960. 101 pp.

Economic Bulletin for Africa, Vol. 1, No. 1, part A,
Current Economic Trends. E/CN.14/67. December
27, 1960. 132 pp.

African economic statistics. E/CN.14/67 (statistical
appendix). December 27, 1960. 18 pp.

Regional cartographic conference for Africa. E/CN.
14/78. December 29, 1960. 14 pp.

Community development in Africa. Report of a U.N.
study tour in Ghana, Nigeria, Tanganyilia, and the
United Arab Republic, October 15-Deeember 3, 1960.
E/CN.14/S0. December 30, 1960. 29 pp.

Work of the Commission since the second session. Re-
port of the Executive Secretary. E/CN.14/97. Jan-
uary 10, 1961. 42 pp.

Conference of heads of African universities and uni-
versity colleges. Held at Khartoum December 20-22,
1960. E/CN.14/86. January 11, 1961. 27 pp.

Programme of Work and Priorities. E/CN.14/87/Rev.
1. January 1961. 24 pp.
Population Commission. Progress of work during 1959-60

and program of work for 1961-62 in the field of popula-
tion. E/CN.9/164. January 4, 1961. 20 pp.

TREATY INFORMATION

U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty
of Amity and Economic Relations

Press release 186 dated April 3

A treaty of amity and economic relations
between the United States and Viet-Nam was
signed on April 3 at Saigon. Ambassador [El-
bridge] Durbrow signed the treaty for the United
States, and Vu van Man, Minister of Foreign
Affairs, for Viet-Nam.

The treaty is the first of its type to be entered
into between the two countries. It affirms the
friendly and cooperative spirit prevailing in the
relations of the two countries and records the
mutual acceptance by them of a body of prin-
ciples designed to promote the continued growth
of those relations along mutually beneficial lines.

The new treaty contains 14 articles. It is of
the short, simplified type of general treaty that
the United States has been negotiating with a
number of countries but contains the general sub-
stance of the normal treaty of friendship, com-
merce, and navigation. Each of the two
countries :

(1) agrees to accord witliin its territories, to
citizens and corporations of the other, treatment
no less favorable than it accords to its own citi-
zens and corporations with respect to carrying on
commercial and industrial activities;

(2) formally endorses high standards regard-
ing the protection of persons, their property and
interests ;

(3) recognizes the need for special attention
to the stimulation of the international movement
of investment capital for economic development;
and

(4) affirms its adherence to the principles of
nondiscriminatory treatment of trade and
shipping.

For the United States, the conclusion of this
treaty represents a further step in the program
being pursued for the extension and moderniza-
tion of its commercial treaty structure and the
establishment of conditions favorable to foreign
investment. For Viet-Nam, it constitutes further

652

Department of State Bulletin

indication of tlie intent to pursue a policy devoted
to promoting the economic growth of the
coimtry.

The treaty will be transmitted as soon as
possible to the Senate for advice and consent to
ratification. In Viet-Nam the treaty requires the
approval of the National Assembly. Wlien the
ratification processes of both Governments have
been completed, it will enter into force 1 month
after exchange of ratifications.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Effected by exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro Octo-
ber 10, 1960, and March 17, 1961. Entered into force
March 17, 1961.

France

Agreement on cooperation in intercontinental testing in
connection with experimental communications satel-
lites. Effected by exchange of notes at Paris March 31,
1961. Entered into force March 31, 1961.

Morocco

Agreement relating to Investment guaranties authorized
by section 413(b)(4) of the Mutual Security Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 847; 22 USC 1933). Effected
by exchange of notes at Rabat March 31, 1961. Entered
Into force March 31, 1961.

Viet-Nam

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 USC 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at Saigon March 25,
1961. Entered into force March 25, 1961.

Automotive Traffic

Convention on road traffic with annexes. Done at Gen-
eva September 19, 1949. Entered Into force March 26,
1952. TIAS 2487.

Accession deposited: Rumania (with reservations),
January 26, 1961.

Economic Cooperation

Convention on the Organization for Economic Co-opera-
tlou and Development and supplementary protocols
nos. 1 and 2. Signed at Paris December 14, 1960.^
Ratification deposited: United States, April 12, 1961.

Fisheries

Convention for the establishment of an Inter-American
Tropical Tuna Commission and exchange of notes of
March 3, 1950. Signed at Washington May 31, 1949.
Entered into force March 3, 1950. TIAS 2044.
Adherence deposited: Ecuador, April 7, 1961.

Postal Services

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail, with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3,
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202.
Ratification deposited: Poland, February 23, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961."
Accession deposited: Haiti, March 29, 1961.

BILATERAL

Austria

Counterpart settlement agreement, with related exchange
of notes of March 10 and 28, 1961. Signed at Vienna
March 29, 1961. Enters into force on the date that the
Government of Austria notifies the United States that
the agreement has been ratified.

Brazil

Agreement providing for a grant to the Government of
Brazil to assist in the acquisition of certain nuclear
research and training equipment and materials.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

' Not in force.

' Not in force for the United States.

Confirmations

The Senate on March 28 confirmed the following
nominations :

William Attwood to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Guinea. (For biographic details, see Department of State
press release 196 dated April 5.)

Anthony J. Drexel Biddle to be Ambassador to Spain.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 191 dated April 4.)

William McCormick Blair, Jr., to be Ambassador to
Denmark. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 195 dated April 5.)

Aaron S. Brown to be Ambassador to Nicaragua. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
179 dated March 31.)

J. Kenneth Galbraith to be Ambassador to India. ( For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
183 dated April 3.)

Edwin O. Reischauer to be Ambassador to Japan.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 197 dated April 5.)

John S. Rice to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of the
Netherlands. ( For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 199 dated April 7.)

Edward G. Stockdale to be Ambassador to Ireland.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 180 dated March 31.)

Kenneth Todd Young to be Ambassador to Thailand.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 189 dated April 4.)

fAay 1, 1961

653

Appointments

Clark S. Gregory as International Cooperation Admin-
istration representative in tiie Federation of Rhodesia
and Nyasaland, effective April 10. (For biographic de-
tails, see Department of State press release 216 dated
April 13.)

PUBLICATIONS

Weather Stations — Cooperative Program on Guadeloupe
Island. TIAS4610. 4 pp. 5(f.

Agreement between the United States of America and
France, extending the agreement of March 23, 1956, as
supplemented. Exchange of notes — Signed at Paris
December 23, 1959, and July 25, 1960. Entered into force
July 25, 1960. Operative retroactively July 1, 1959.

Defense — Weapons Production Program. TIAS 4611. 12

pp. io«;.

Arrangement between the United States of America and
France. Exchange of notes — Signed at Paris Septem-
ber 19, 1900. Entered into force September 19, 1960.

Commission for Educational Exchange. TIAS 4612. 3

pp. 5<J.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Spain, amending the agreement of October 16, 1958. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Madrid June 3 and October 18,
1960. Entered into force October 18, 1960.

Recent Releases

For sale }>y the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publication, tchich may be ob-
tained from the Department of State.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4604. 2 pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States of America and
India, amending the agreement of September 26, 1958.
Exchange of notes— Signed at New Delhi May 13 and 21,

1959. Entered into force May 21, 1959.

Tracking Station. TIAS 4605. 6 pp. 5(}.

Agreement between the United States of America and

the Federation of Nigeria. Signed at Lagos October 19,

1960. Entered into force October 19, 1960.

German Assets in Spain— Termination of Obligations
Arising From Accord of May 10, 1948. TIAS 4606. 10
pp. lO^'.

Protocol between the United States of America, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
and the French Republic and Spain — Signed at Madrid
August 9, 1958. Entered into force July 2, 1959. With
exchange of notes.

International Development Association. TIAS 4607. 30
pp. 15(^.

Articles of agreement between the United States of
America and Other Governments. Approved at Washing-
ton by the Executive Directors of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development January 26, 1960.
Signed for the United States of America August 9, 1960.
Instrument of acceptance by the United States of America
deposited August 9, 1960. Entered into force September
24, I960.

Interchange of Patent Rights and Technical Information
for Defense Purposes. TIAS 4608. 10 pp. 10<t.
Agreement between the United States of America and
Portugal — Signed at Li.sbon October 31, 1960. Entered
into force October 31, 1960.

German External Debts. TIAS 4609. 5 pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States of America and
Other Governments, amending the administrative agree-
ment of December 1, 1954, as amended. Signed at Bonn
August 29, 1960. Entered into force August 29, 1960.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: April 10-16

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to April 10 which appear in
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 186 of April 3,
193 of April 5, and 200 of AprU 7.

Subject

Rusk : Massachusetts Institute of

Technology.
GuUion : "Disarmament Issues and

Prospects."
WMO Commission for Hydrological

Meteorology.
U.S. participation in international

conferences.
Mo.scow film festival.
Renegotiation of certain tariff con-
cessions by Japan.
Rusk : arrival of Chancellor Adenauer.
Berle : Bar Association of City of New

York.
Cultural exchange (Jordan).
Reception for African ambassadors.
Harriman : Westinghouse conference

(excerpts).
Visit of Chancellor Adenauer to Texas

(rewrite).
Rusk: Rockefeller Public Service

Awards.
Investment guaranty agreement with

Morocco.
Bowles : National (Council of Churches.
Gregory sworn in as ICA representa-
tive in Rhodesia and Nyasaland

(biographic details).
Delegation to Diplomatic Conference

on Maritime Law (rewrite).
Visit of Prime Minister of Greece

(rewrite).
Miss Willis sworn in as Ambassador to

Ceylon (biographic details).
Visit of President of Indonesia.
Bunn appointed Counsel to President's

Disarmament Adviser (biographic

details).

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

201

4/10

202

4/10

203

4/11

*204

4/10

*205
t206

4/11
4/12

207

208

4/11
4/12

«209
*210
*211

4/12
4/12
4/12

212

4/12

213

4/12

214

4/13

215
*216

4/13
4/13

217

4/13

t21S

4/14

*219

4/14

•220
*221

4/14

4/15

654

Department of State Bulletin

May 1, 1961

Ind

e X

Vol. XLIV, No. 1140

Africa. Africa Freedom Day (Kennedy) . . . 638

American Principles. The Foundations of World
I'artnersliip (Bowles) 629

American Republics

The Inter-Anieriean System and the Program for

Economic and Social Progress (Berle) .... 617
Pan American Day (Kennedy) 615

Atomic Energy

Disarmament Issues and Prospects (GuUion) . . 634
IAEA Board of Governors (delegation) .... 651

Civil Service. Rockefeller Public Service Awards

(Rusk) 640

Communism. The Foundations of World Partner-
ship (Bowles) 629

Congress, The

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign Pol-
icy 645

President Recommends Participation in Effort To

Save Nubian Monuments (543

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Gregory) 654

Confirmations ( Attwood, Biddle, Blair, Brown, Gal-

braith. Reischauer, Rice, Stockdale, Young) . . 653
Rockefeller Public Service Awards (Rusk) . . . 640

Disarmament. Disarmament Issues and Prospects

(Gullion) 634

Economic Affairs

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (dele-
gation) 651

The Inter-American System and the Program for

Economic and Social Progress (Berle) .... 617

President Emphasizes Importance of EPC Meeting

at Paris 648

U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty of Amity and Eco-
nomic Relations 652

Germany. President Kennedy and Chancellor Ade-
nauer Hold Informal Talks (Adenauer, Kennedy,
Rusk, text of joint communique) 621

International Law. Diplomatic Conference on

Maritime Law (delegation) 651

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 646

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (delega-
tion) 651

IAEA Board of Governors (delegation) .... 651

Pan American Day (Kennedy) 615

President Emphasizes Importance of EPC Meeting

at Paris 648

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology

Meets in U.S 650

Israel. U.N. Security Council Considers Jordanian

Complaint Against Israel (Plimpton) .... 649

Jordan. U.N. Security Council Considers Jordan-
ian Complaint Against Israel (Plimpton) . . . 649

Morocco. United States and Morocco Sign Invest-
ment Guaranty Agreement 643

Mutual Security

Building an International Commimity of Science

and Scholarship (Rusk) 624

The Foundations of World Partnership (Bowles) . 629

Gregory appointed ICA representative in Federa-
tion of Rhodesia and Nyasaland 654

President Recommends Participation in Effort To

Save Nubian Monuments 643

United States and Morocco Sign Investment Guar-
anty Agreement 643

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President

Kennedy Reaffirms U.S. Support for NATO . . 647

Presidential Documents

Africa Freedom Day 638

Pan American Day 615

President Congratulates Soviets on Orbiting a Man

in Space 639

President Emphasizes Importance of EPC Meeting

at Paris 648

President Extends Greetings to First President of

Togo 639

President Kennedy and Chancellor Adenauer Hold

Informal Talks 621

President Kennedy Reaffirms U.S. Support for

NATO 647

Publications. Recent Releases 654

Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Gregory appointed ICA

representative 654

Science

Building an International Community of Science

and Scholarship (Rusk) 624

President Congratulates Soviets on Orbiting a Man

in Space 639

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology

Meets in U.S 650

Sudan. President Recommends Participation in
Effort To Save Nubian Monuments 643

Togo. President Extends Greetings to First Pres-
ident of Togo 639

Treaty Information

Current Actions 653

U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty of Amity and Eco-
nomic Relations 652

U.S.S.R. President Congratulates Soviets on Orbit-
ing a Man In Space 639

United Arab Republic. President Recommends
Participation in Effort To Save Nubian Monu-
ments 643

United Nations

Current U.N. Documents 651

President Recommends Participation in Effort To

Save Nubian Monuments 643

U.N. Security Council Considers Jordanian Com-
plaint Against Israel (Plimpton) 649

Viet-Nam. U.S. and Viet-Nam Sign Treaty of

Amity and Economic Relations 652

Name Index

Adenauer, Konrad 621

Attwood, William 653

Berle, Adolf A 617

Biddle, Anthony J. Drexel 653

Blair, William McCormick, Jr 653

Bowles, Chester 629

Brown, Aaron S 653

Galbraith, J. Kenneth 6.53

Gregory, Clark S 654

Gullion, Edmimd A 634

Kennedy, President . . . 615,621,638,639,643,647,648

Plimpton, Francis T. P 649

Reischauer, Edwin O 653

Rice, John S 653

Rusk, Secretary 623, 624, 640

Stockdale, Edward G 653

Young, Kenneth Todd 653

the J
Department
of
State

United States
Government Printing Office

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

Washington 25, D.C.

PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. $300

(GPO)

OFFICIAL BUSINESS

CUBA

This 36-page pamphlet gives a clear-cut presentation of the existing
situation in Cuba and its hemispheric implications. Its contents in-
clude : The Betrayal of the Cuban Kevolution ; The Establishment of
the Communist Bridgehead; The Delivery of the Revolution to the
Sino-Soviet Bloc ; and The Assault on the Western Hemisphere.

In its concluding section the pamphlet states, in part,

". . . The United States, along with other nations of the
hemisphere, expresses a profound determination to assure future
democratic governments in Cuba full and positive support in
tlieir efforts to help the Cuban people achieve freedom, democracy,
and social justice.

"We call once again on the Castro regime to sever its links with
the international Communist movement, to return to the original
purposes which brought so many gallant men together in the
Sierra Maestra, and to restore the integrity of the Cuban
Revolution."

Publication 7171

20 cents

Order Form

To: Supt. of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.

Enclosed find:

{cash, check, or money
order payable to
Supt. of Does.)

Please send me copies of CUBA.

Name:

Street Address :

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•the department of state

The

OFFICtAL

WEEKLY RECORD

OF

UNITED STATES

FOREIGN POLICY

Vol. XLIV, NoAll41 ~v <? • / May 8, 1961

THE LESSON OF CUBA • Address by President Kennedy . 659

UNITED STATES AND SOVIET UNION EXCHANGE

MESSAGES IN REGARD TO EVENTS IN CUBA . . 661

U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY DEBATES CUBAN COM-
PLAINT • Statements by Ambassador AdUii E.
Stevenson and Texts of Resolutions 667

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF

APRIL 17 686

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS IN THE

AMERICAS • Statements by Secretary of the Treas-
ury Douglas Dillon 693

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1141 • Publication 7181
May 8, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Qovernment Printing Ofllce

Washington 25, D.O.

Price:

62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Buli.etin as the source will be
appreciated.

T/i« Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Sert^ices, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the fieltl of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
interruitional affiiirs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
anil interna tioruil agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
natiorutl relations are listed currently.

The Lesson of Cuba

Address hy President Kennedy ^

The President of a great democracy such as ours,
and the editors of great newspapers such as yours,
owe a common obligation to the people: an obli-
gation to present the facts, to present them with
candor, and to present them in perspective. It is
with that obligation in mind that I have decided
in the last 24 hours to discuss briefly at this time
the recent events in Cuba.

On that unhappy island, as in so many other
areas of the contest for freedom, the news has
grown worse instead of better. I have emphasized
before that this was a struggle of Cuban patriots
against a Cuban dictator. Wliile we could not be
expected to hide our sympathies, we made it re-
peatedly clear that the armed forces of this coun-
try would not intervene in any way.

Any unilateral American intervention, in the
absence of an external attack upon ourselves or an
ally, would have been contrary to our traditions
and to our international obligations. But let the
record show that our restraint is not inexhaustible.
Should it ever appear that the inter-American
doctrine of noninterference merely conceals or ex-
cuses a policy of nonaction — if the nations of this
hemisphere should fail to meet their commitments
against outside Communist penetration — then I
want it clearly understood that this Government
will not hesitate in meeting its primary obliga-
tions, which are to the security of our Nation.

Should that time ever come, we do not intend to
be lectured on "intervention" by those whose char-
acter was stamped for all time on the bloody streets
of Budapest. Nor would we expect or accept the
same outcome which tliis small band of gallant

^ Made before the American Society of Newspaper Edi-
tors at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 20 (White House press
release; as-delivered text).

Cuban refugees must have known that they were
chancing, determined as they were against heavy
odds to pursue their courageous attempts to regain
their island's freedom.

But Cuba is not an island unto itself; and our
concern is not ended by mere expressions of non-
intervention or regret. This is not the first time
in either ancient or recent history that a small
band of freedom fighters has engaged the armor
of totalitarianism.

It is not the first time that Communist tanks
have rolled over gallant men and women fighting
to redeem the independence of their homeland.
Nor is it by any means the final episode in the
eternal struggle of liberty against tyranny, any-
where on the face of the globe, including Cuba
itself.

Mr. Castro has said that these were mercenaries.
According to press reports, the final message to
be relayed from the refugee forces on the beach
came from the rebel commander when asked if he
wished to be evacuated. His answer was : "I will
never leave this country." That is not the reply
of a mercenary. He has gone now to join in the
mountains countless other guerrilla fighters, who
are equally determined that the dedication of those
who gave their lives shall not be forgotten and that
Cuba must not be abandoned to the Communists.
And we do not intend to abandon it either.

The Cuban people have not yet spoken their final
piece, and I have no doubt that they and their
Kevolutionary Council, led by Dr. Miro Car-
dona — and members of the families of the Revolu-
tionary Council, I am infonned by the Doctor
yesterday, are involved themselves in the islands —
will continue to speak up for a free and independ-
ent Cuba.

Meanwhile we will not accept Mr. Castro's at-
tempts to blame this Nation for the hatred with

May 8, I96I

659

which his onetime supporters now regard his re-
pression. But there are from this sobering epi-
sode useful lessons for all to learn. Some may be
still obscure and await further information.
Some are clear today.

First, it is clear that the forces of communism
are not to be underestimated, in Cuba or anywhere
else in the world. The advantages of a police
state — its use of mass terror and arrests to prevent
the spread of free dissent — cannot be overlooked
by those who expect the fall of every fanatic tyrant.
If the self-discipline of the free cannot match the
iron discipline of the mailed fist — in economic,
political, scientific, and all the other kinds of
struggles as well as the military — then the peril
to freedom will continue to rise.

Secondly, it is clear that this Nation, in concert
with all the free nations of this hemisphere, must
take an even closer and more realistic look at the
menace of external Communist intervention and
domination in Cuba. Tlie American people are
not complacent about Iron Curtain tanks and
planes less than 90 miles from our shores. But a
nation of Cuba's size is less a threat to our survival
than it is a base for subverting the survival of
other free nations throughout the hemisphere. It
is not primarily our interest or our security but
theirs which is now, today, in the greater peril.
It is for their sake as well as our own that we must
show our will.

The evidence is clear — and the hour is late. We
and our Latin friends will have to face the fact
that we cannot postpone any longer the real issue
of the survival of freedom in this hemisphere
itself. On that issue, unlike perhaps some others,
there can be no middle ground. Together we must
build a hemisphere where freedom can flourish
and where any free nation under outside attack
of any kind can be assured that all of our re-
sources stand ready to respond to any request for
assistance.

Third, and finally, it is clearer than ever that
we face a relentless struggle in every corner of the
globe that goes far beyond the clash of armies or
even nuclear armaments. The armies are there,
and in large number. The nuclear armaments are
there. But they serve primarily as the shield be-
hind which subversion, infiltration, and a host of
other tactics steadily advance, picking off vulner-
able areas one by one in situations which do not
permit our own armed intervention.

Power is the hallmark of this offensive — power
and discipline and deceit. The legitimate dis-
content of yearning peoples is exploited. The
legitimate trappings of self-determination are
employed. But once in power, all talk of discon-
tent is repressed — all self-determination disap-
pear— and the promise of a revolution of hope is
betrayed, as in Cuba, into a reign of terror. Those
who staged automatic "riots" in the streets of
free nations over the effort of a small group of
yomig Cubans to regam their freedom should re-
call the long rollcall of refugees who cannot now
go back — to Hungary, to north Korea, to north
Viet-Nam, to East Germany, or to Poland, or to
any of the other lands from which a steady
stream of refugees pours forth, in eloquent testi-
mony to the cruel oppression now holding sway
in their homelands.

We dare not fail to see the insidious nature of
this new and deeper struggle. We dare not fail
to grasp the new concepts, the new tools, the new
sense of urgency we will need to combat it —
whether in Cuba or south Viet-Nam. And we
dare not fail to realize that this struggle is taking
place every day, without fanfare, in thousands of
villages and markets — day and night — and in
classrooms all over the globe.

The message of Cuba, of Laos, of the rising din
of Communist voices in Asia and Latin America —
tliese messages are all the same. The complacent,
the self-indulgent, the soft societies are about to
be swept away with the debris of history. Only
the strong, only the industrious, only the deter-
mined, only the courageous, only the visionary
who determine the real nature of our struggle can
possibly survive.

No greater task faces this Nation or this ad-
ministration. No other challenge is more deserv-
ing of our every effort and energy. Too long we
have fixed our eyes on traditional military needs,
on armies prepared to cross borders or missiles
poised for flight. Now it should be clear that this
is no longer enough — that our security may be lost
piece by piece, country by coimtry, without the
firing of a single missile or the crossing of a single
border.

We intend to profit from this lesson. We intend
to reexamine and reorient our forces of all kinds —
our tactics and other institutions here in this com-
munity. We intend to intensify our efforts for a
struggle in many ways more difficult than war,

660

Department of State Bulletin

where disappointment will often accompany us.
For I am convinced that we in this country and
in the free world jjossess the necessary resources,
and all the skill, and the added strength that
comes from a belief in the freedom of man. And
I am equally convmced that history will record

the fact that this bitter struggle reached its cli-
max in the late 1950's and early 1960's. Let me
then make clear as the President of the United
States that I am determined upon our system's
survival and success, regardless of the cost and
regardless of the peril.

United States and Soviet Union Excliange Messages in Regard to Events in Cuba

On April 18 the Soviet Government released
the text of a message to President Kennedy in re-
gard to events in Cuba ^ from Nikita S. Khni-
shchev. Chairman of tlie Council of Ministers of
tlie U.S.S.E., together with a Soviet Government
statement on the subject. President Kennedy re-
plied to the message from Chairman Khrushchev
on the same day, and Mr. Khruslichev sent a sec-
ond message to the President on April 22. Fol-
lowing are texts of the three messages, the Soviet
Government statement, and a statement released
hy the Department of State on April 22 following
receipt of the second Soviet message.

PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO MR. KHRUSHCHEV

White House press release dated April 18

April 18, 1961
Mr. Chairman: You are under a serious mis-
apprehension in regard to events in Cuba. For
months there has been evident and growing re-
sistance to the Castro dictatorship. More than
100,000 refugees have recently fled from Cuba into
neighboring countries. Their urgent hope is nat-
urally to assist their fellow Cubans in their strug-
gle for freedom. Many of these refugees fought
alongside Dr. Castro against the Batista dictator-
ship; among them are prominent leaders of his
own original movement and government.

These are unmistakable signs that Cubans find
intolerable the denial of democratic liberties and
the subversion of the 26th of July Movement by
an alien-dominated regime. It cannot be surpris-

ing that, as resistance withm Cuba grows, refu-
gees have been using whatever means are available
to return and support their countrymen in the con-
tinuing struggle for freedom. Wliere people are
denied the right of choice, recourse to such strug-
gle is the only means of achieving their liberties.

I have previously stated,^ and I repeat now, that
the United States intends no military interven-
tion in Cuba. In the event of any military inter-
vention by outside force we will immediately honor
our obligations under the inter-American system
to protect this hemisphere against external ag-
gi-ession. While refraining from military inter-
vention in Cuba, the people of the United States
do not conceal their admiration for Cuban patriots
who wish to see a democratic system in an inde-
pendent Cuba. The United States govermnent
can take no action to stifle the spirit of liberty.

I have taken careful note of your statement that
the events in Cuba might affect peace in all parts
of the world. I trust that this does not mean that
the Soviet government, using tlie situation in Cuba
as a pretext, is planning to inflame other areas of
the world. I would like to think that your gov-
ernment has too great a sense of responsibility to
embark upon any enteqirise so dangerous to gen-
eral peace.

I agree with you as to the desirability of steps

' For background, see also pp. 659 and 667.
May 8, 1967

" At his news conference on Apr. 12 President Kennedy
stated that "there will not under any conditions be . . .
an intervention in Cuba by United States armed forces.
This Government will do everything it possibly can — and
I think it can meet its responsibilities — to make sure that
there are no Americans involved in any actions inside
Cuba."

661

to improve the international atmosphere. I con-
tinue to hope that you will cooperate in oppor-
tunities now available to this end. A prompt
cease-fire and jDeacef ul settlement of the dangerous
situation in Laos, cooperation with the United
Nations in the Congo and a speedy conclusion of
an acce^jtable treaty for the banning of nuclear
tests would be constructive steps in this direction.
The regime in Cuba could make a similar con-
tribution by permitting the Cuban people freely
to determine their own future by democratic
processes and freely to cooi^erate with their Latin
American neighbors.

I believe, Mr. Chairman, that you should recog-
nize that free peoples in all parts of the world do
not accept the claim of historical inevitability for
Communist revolution. l^Tiat your government
believes is its own business; what it does in the
world is the world's business. The great revolu-
tion in the history of man, past, present and fu-
ture, is the revolution of those determined to be
free.

John F. Kennedy

MR. KHRUSHCHEV TO PRESIDENT KENNEDY

Dnofflcial translation

April 18, 1961

Mr. President : I address this message to you at an
alarming hour which is fraught with danger against
universal peace. An armed aggression has been started
against Cuba. It is an open secret that the armed bands
which have invaded that country have been prepared,
equipped, and armed in the United States. The planes
which bomb Cuban towns belong to the United States of
America, the bombs which they drop have been put at
their disposal by the American Government.

All this arouses in the Soviet Union, the Soviet Govern-
ment, and the Soviet people an understandable feeling
of indignation. Only recently, exchanging views through
our representatives, we tallied with you about the mutual
wish of the parties to exert joint efforts directed toward
the improvement of relations between our countries and
the prevention of a danger of war. Your statement a
few days ago to the effect that the United States of
America would not participate in military actions against
Cuba created an impression that the leading authorities
of the United States are aware of the consequences \vhich
aggression against Cuba could have for the whole world
and the United States of America itself.

How are we to understand what is really being done
by the United States now that the attack on Cuba has
become a fact?

It is yet not too late to prevent the irreparable. The
Government of the U.S. can still prevent the flames of
war kindled by the interventionists on Cuba from spread-

ing into a conflagration which it will be impossible to
cope with. I earnestly appeal to you, Mr. President,
to call a halt to the aggression against the Republic of
Cuba. The military techniques and the world political
situation now are such that any so-called "small war"
can produce a chain reaction in all parts of the world.

As for the U.S.S.R., there must be no mistake about our
position. We will extend to the Cuban people and its
Government all the necessary aid for the repulse of the
armed attack on Cuba. We are sincerely interested in
the relaxation of international tension, but if others go
in for its aggravation, then we will answer them In full
measure. In general it is impossible to carry on affairs
in such a way that in one area the situation is settled and
the fire is put out, and in another area a new fire is lit.

I hope that the U.S. Government will take into con-
sideration these reasons, dictated only by concern that
steps should not be permitted which might lead the world
to a catastrophe of war.

Khrushchev
Chairman of the V.S.S.R. Council of Ministers

SOVIET GOVERNMENT STATEMENT, APRIL 18

Unofficial translation

The Government of the Republic of Cuba has an-
nounced that in the morning of 15 April airplanes of
the U.S. B-26 bomber type subjected separate districts
of the capital of Cuba — Havana — and a number of other
inhabited localities to barbarous bombing. There were
many killed and injured among the inhabitants of the
capital.

Following the bombing, early in the morning of 17
April armed forces of the interventionists landed at
various places on the Cuban coast. The landing took
place under the cover of U.S. aircraft and warships.

Cuban Government troops and the People's Militia are
engaged in fighting the invading gangs.

In connection with the invasion of Cuba the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union states :

The attack on Cuba is an open challenge to all freedom-
loving peoples, a dangerous provocation against peace
in the area of the Caribbean Sea, against universal peace.
There can be no justification of this criminal invasion.
The organizers of the aggression against Cuba are en-
croaching on the inalienable right of the Cuban people
to live freely and independentl.v. They are trampling
underfoot the elementary norms of international rela-
tions, the principles of peaceful coexistence of states.

The Cuban nation has not threatened and is not threat-
ening anyone. Having overthrown the tyranny of the
bloody despot Batista, lackey of the big U.S. monopolies,
the Cuban nation has embarked upon the pursuit of an
independent policy, of raising its economy, and imijroving
its life. It demands to be left in peace, to be left to
build its life in conformity with its national ideals.

Can small Cuba with its population of 6 million
threaten anyone — and such a big state as the United
States at that? Of course not. Yet since the first days
of the victory of the national revolution in Cuba the

662

Deparfment of State Bulletin

United States became the center where the counter-
revolutionary elements thrown out from Cuba gathered,
where they were formed into gangs and armed for
struggle against the popular government of Fidel Castro.
Recent events show that the present U.S. Government,
which declared itself heir to Roosevelt's policy, is in
«ssence pursuing the reactionary imperialist policy of
Dulles and Eisenhower so condemned by the nations.

The U.S. Government declared through President
Kennedy that the basic controversial question on Cuba is
not a matter of a quarrel between the United States and
Cuba but concerns the Cubans alone. The President said
that he advocated a free and independent Cuba. In fact,
however, everything was done on the territory of the
United States and the countries dependent on it to pre-
pare an aggressive attack on Cuba. But for the open
aggressive policy of the United States towards Cuba
would the counterrevolutionary gangs of the hirelings of
U.S. capital have been able to create the so-called Cuban
Government on U.S. territory? What territory served
as a starting point for the piratical attack on Cuba?

It was the territory of the United States and that of
the neighboring countries which are under Its control.
Whose are the arms with which the counterrevolutionary
gangs are equipped? They are U.S. arms. With whose
funds have they been supported and are they being main-
tained? With funds appropriated by the United States.

It is clear from this that it Is precisely the United
States which is the Insplrer and organizer of the present
bandit-like attack on Cuba. Why did the United States
organize this criminal attack on the Cuban Republic?
Because, after the overthrow of the tyranny of Batista,
the Cuban people were finished with the plunder and
exploitation of their homeland by foreign monopolies.
These monopolies do not wish to concede anything to the
I)eople of Cuba, the peoples of Latin America. They fear
that Cuba, building its independent life, will become an
example for other countries of Latin America. With the
hands of base mercenaries they want to take from the
Ouban people their right to determine their own fate, as
they did with Guatemala.

But every nation has the right to live as it wishes, and
no one, no state has the right to impose its own way of
life on other nations. The Cuban nation has passed
through a long, harsh, and difficult school of struggle for
its freedom and independence against foreign oppressors
and their accomplices, and it will not be brought to its
knees, will not permit the yoke of foreign enslavers to
be placed upon its shoulders. All progressive mankind,
all upright people are on the side of Cuba.

The Government of the Soviet Union states that the
Soviet Union, as other peace-loving countries, will not
abandon the Cuban people in their trouble nor will it
refuse it all necessary aid and support In the just struggle
for the freedom and independence of Cuba.

The Soviet Government, at this crucial moment, for
the sake of preserving universal peace, appeals to the
Government of the United States to take measures to
stop the aggression against Cuba and intervention in
Cuba's Internal affairs. Protection of and aid to the
counterrevolutionary bands must be stopped immediately.

The Soviet Government hopes that It will be under-
stood in the United States that aggression goes against
the interests of the American people and is capable of
jeopardizing the peaceful life of the population of the
United States Itself.

The Soviet Government demands urgent study by the
U.N. General A.s.sembly of the question of aggressive ac-
tions of the United States, which has prepared and
unleashed armed intervention against Cuba.

The Government of the U.S.S.R. appeals to the gov-
ernments of all member states of the United Nations to
take all necessary measures for the lumiedlate cessation
of aggressive actions against Cuba, the continuation of
which may give rise to the most serious consequences for
universal peace.

In this hour, when the sovereignty and independence of
Cuba, a sovereign member of the United Nations, are in
danger, the duty of all countries members of the United
Nations is to render It all necessary aid and support.

The Soviet Government reserves the right, If armed
intervention in the affairs of the Cuban people Is not
stopped, to take all measures with other countries to
render the necessary assistance to the Republic of Cuba.

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, APRIL 22 ^

The President has received a long polemical
letter from Chairman Klirushchev relating to
Cuba.

The United States Government's views and at-
titudes toward the situation in Cuba and toward
Soviet activities there have been set forth clearly
and in detail in the President's letter, in his speech
of April 20 before the American Society of News-
paper Editors/ and in his press conference of
April 21. The President will not be drawn into
an extended public debate with the Chairman on
the basis of this latest exposition of the Commu-
nist distortion of the basic concepts of the rights
of man.

Mr. Khrushchev's letter asks, "Wliat freedom
do you mean ?" Our answer is simple. This Na-
tion was committed at its birth to the proposition
that the people of all comitries should have the
right freely to determine their own future by
democratic processes and freely to cooperate with
their neighbors. The people of the United States
believe that the right of self-determination is fun-
damental and should apply throughout the world.
We reject the right of any narrow political group-

^ Read to news correspondents by Lincoln White, Di-
rector of the Office of News.
* For text, see p. 659.

May 8, 1961

663

ing or any country to arrogate to itself the power
to determine "the real will of the people."

People must be free to express their views, free
to organize to make their views effective, free to
publish and disseminate their views, and free to
vote in secret for those whom they would choose
to direct their affairs. Wliere these freedoms are
absent, the "will of the people" is an empty phrase.

History records no single case where commu-
nism has been installed in any country by the free
vote of its people.

Throughout the world everyone knows that, in
countries where Communist minorities have taken
power, these freedoms have ceased to exist and
those who would assert them are mercilessly re-
pressed. Cuba is a tragic example.

The political history of the world has been a
long struggle to assert the fundamental rights of
the human being and to establish political insti-
tutions which make possible the true expression of
the popular will. To attain and maintain these
goals requires endless creative struggle. That
struggle goes forward day by day in every quarter
of the globe.

MR. KHRUSHCHEV TO PRESIDENT KENNEDY

Dnoffici.ll translation

April 22, 1961

Mb. President : I received your reply of 18 Api-il. You
write that the United States does not intend to carry out
a military intervention in Cuba. Hovrever, numerous
facts known to the entire world, and certainly known bet-
ter by the Government of the United States of America
than anybody else — present a different story. However
much the opposite is assured, it is now indisputably as-
certained that the preparations for the intervention, the
financing of armament, and the transfer of hired gangs
which have invaded the territory of Cuba were indeed
carried out by the United States.

The armed forces of the United States of America have
directly participated in implementing the piratic assault
on Cuba. American bombers and fighter planes supported
the operation of the hirelings who have entered Cuban
territory and participated in the military acts against the
armed forces of the lawful government and people of
Cuba.

Such are the facts. They illustrate the direct partici-
pation of the United States of America in the armed ag-
gression against Cuba.

In your message you took the stand of justification and
even eulogy of the assault on Cuba, this crime which has
shocked the whole world.

The organization of military aggression against Cuba —
only because the way of life chosen by its people does not

correspond to the tastes of the leading circles in the
United States and the North American monopolies acting
in Latin America — you seek to justify by reasoning about
the devotion of the U.S. Government to the ideals of "free-
dom." I take the liberty to ask : What freedom do you
mean?

The freedom to strangle the Cuban people with the
bony hand of starvation by means of economic blockade?
Is this freedom? The freedom to send military planes over
the territory of Cuba, to expose to barbaric bombardment
peaceful Cuban cities, to set fire to sugar cane plantations?
Is this freedom?

History knows numerous examples when, under the
excuse of the defense of freedom, bloody reprisals were
carried out against the people, colonial wars were waged,
and one country after the other was taken by the throat.

Apparently, in the case given, you mean the aspiration
of the U.S. Government to reestablish in Cuba this kind
of "freedom" under which the country would dance to the
tune of a stronger neighbor, and the foreign monopolies
again could plunder the national riches of Cuba and
make profit out of the blood and sweat of the Cuban
people. But the Cuban people made their revolution
against exactly this kind of "freedom," driving out Batista
who, perhaps, faithfully served the interests of his foreign
masters but who was a foreign element in the body of the
Cuban nation.

Thus you, Mr. President, express solicitude about a
band of enemies chased out by their nation, who have
found refuge under the wing of those who try to hold
Cuba under the muzzle of the arms of their cruisers and
minesweepers. But why are you not moved by the destiny
of the 6-million-strong Cuban nation? Why do you not
wish to reckon with its inalienable right to freedom and
independent life, with its right to arrange its internal
affairs as it thinks fit? Where is the code of international
law, or, finally, of human morality, with the aid of which
* such a position could be justified? In short, they do
not exist.

The Cuban people have expressed their will once again
with a degree of clarity which could not leave a single
doubt even with those who prefer to close their eyes to
reality. They have shown that they not only know their
interests best, but know also how to defend them. Cuba
today is, of course, not the Cuba which you identified
with the band of traitors who fought against their own
nation. This is the Cuba of workers, peasants, and In-
telligentsia. This is a nation which has rallied closely
round its revolutionary government headed by the na-
tional hero, Fidel Castro. And this nation, judging by
all things, has met the interventionists in a worthy man-
ner. Surely this is true evidence of the real will of the
people of Cuba. I think this is convincing. And if this
is so, then surely the time is ripe to draw sober conclu-
sions from it.

As for the Soviet Union, I have said many times and
I aflSrm again : Our Government does not seek any advan-
tages or privileges in Cuba. We have no bases in Cuba
and do not intend to establish any. This is well known
to you, and to your generals and admirals. If, despite
this, they still insist on scaring people with inventions

664

Department of State Bulletin

about "Soviet bases" in Cuba, they do it for the benefit

of simpletons. However, the number of such simpletons

is ever diminishing, including, I hope, in the United States.

I would like to take this opportunity, Mr. President, to

/^xjiress my opinion as to your declarations, and the decla-

» rations of some other U.S. statesmen, that rockets and

other armaments might be placed on Cuban territory and

used against the United States.

From this a conclusion is drawn as if the United States
had a right to attack Cuba — either directly or through the
/enemies of the Cuban people whom you arm with your
/ weapons, train on your territory, maintain with the money
of U.S. taxpayers, transport by the transport units of your
armed forces, at the same time striving to mask the fact
that they are fighting the Cuban people and its legal
government.

You also refer to some duty of the United States "to

/defend the Western Hemisphere against external aggres-
sion." But what kind of duty can it be in this case?
No one has a duty to defend rebels against the legal
government in a sovereign state, which Cuba is.

Mr. President, you are taking a very dangerous path.
Think about it. Xou speak about your rights and obliga-
/tions. Certainly, everyone can have pretensions to these
rights or those rights, but then you must also permit
other states to base their acts in analogous instances on
the same kind of reasons and considerations.

You declare that Cuba is allegedly able to use its terri-
tory for acts against the United States. This is your
/assumption, and it is not based on any facts. We, how-
ever, on our side, are able now to refer to concrete facts
and not to assumptions : In some countries bordering
directly on the Soviet Union by land and by sea there are
now governments which conduct a far from wise policy,
governments which have concluded military agreements
with the United States and have put their territory at its
disposal to accommodate American military bases there.

In addition, your military people openly declare that
these bases are directed toward the Soviet Union. Even
so, this is clear to all : If you consider yourself to be in
the right to implement such measures against Cuba which
have lately been taken by the United States of America,
you must admit that other countries, also, do not have
lesser reason to act in a similar manner in relation to
states on whose territories preparations are actually
being made which represent a threat against the security
of the Soviet Union. If you do not wish to sin against
elementary logic, you evidently must admit such a right
to other states. We, on our side, do not adhere to such
views.

We consider that the reasonings voiced on this subject
in the United States are not only a highly free inter-
pretation of international law, but, speaking frankly, a
blunt preaching of perfidious policy.

Certainly, a strong state always can, if it wishes, find
an excuse to attack a weaker country and then ju-stify
. .the attack, alleging that this country was a potential
threat. But is this the morality of the 20th century?
This is the morality of colonizers and brigands who were
conducting precisely this policy some time ago. Now, in
the second half of the 20th century, it is impossible to

follow the piratic morality of colonizers anymore. All of
us are now witnesses to the fact of how the colonial
system falls to the ground and fades away. The Soviet
Union, for its part, does its best to contribute to this,
and we are proud of it.

Or let us consider U.S. activities in regard to China.
In reference to what legal norms can one justify these
activities? It is known to all that Taiwan is an integral
part of China. This has also been recognized by the U.S.
Government, whose signature was put on the Cairo
Declaration of 1943. However, later on the United States
seized Taiwan or, actually, entered on the path of rob-
bery. The Chinese People's Republic declared its natural
aspiration to reunite the territory of Taiwan with the
rest of the Chinese territory. But what was the United
States reaction to this? It declared that armed force
would be used to prevent the reunion of this seized
Chinese territory with the rest of China. It threatens
war in case China takes steps aiming at the reimiflcation
of Taiwan. And this from a country which has officially
recognized Taiwan as belonging to China ! Is this not
perfidy in international policy?

If such methods prevailed in relations between states
then there would be no room for law, and instead of it
lawlessness and arbitrariness would take its place.

Thus, Mr. President, your sympathies are one thing,
and actions against the security and independence of
other nations, undertaken on the strength of those sym-
pathies, is quite another matter. Naturally you can ex-
press your sympathies toward the imperialist and colonial-
ist countries and this does not astonish anyone. You,
for instance, cast your vote with them in the United Na-
tions. This is a question of your morality. But what
was done against Cuba — this is not morality. This is
warlike action.

I wish to stress that if the United Nations is destined to
attain true strength and fulfill the functions for which it
was created — at the present time this Organization, un-
fortunately, represents an organism that is contaminated
with the germs of colonialism and imperialism — then the
United Nations must resolutely condemn the warlike ac-
tions against Cuba.

The question here is not only one of condemning the
United States. It is important that the condemnation of
aggression should become a precedent, a lesson which
should also be learned by other countries with a view to
stopping the repetition of aggression. Because if one
starts to approve, or even to condone, the morality of ag-
gressors, this can be taken as a guide by other states, and
this will inevitably lead to war confiicts, any one of which
may suddenly lead to World War III.

The statement which you made in your last speech to
the press representatives must greatly alarm the whole
world, for, in essence, you speak openly about some right
of yours to use military force when you consider it neces-
sary, and to suppress other nations each time you your-
self decide that the expression of will by those nations
represents "communism." What right do you have, or
what right has anyone, to deprive a nation of the pos-
sibility of deciding according to its own desire to choose
its own social system?

May 8, 1961

665

Have you ever thought that other countries could pre-
sent you with similar demands, and could say that you, in
the United States, have a system which gives rise to wars,
pursues imperialistic policies, policies of threats and at-
tacks on other states? There are all grounds for such
accusations. And Lf we assume the premises which you
yourself proclaim now, then, obviously, we can require
the change of the system in the United States.

We, as you know, are not embarking on this road. We
support peaceful coexistence among all states and nonin-
terference in the internal affairs of other countries.

You hint at Budapest, but we can tell you straight,
without hints, that it is you, the United States, which
crushed the independence of Guatemala by sending your
hirelings there, as you are trying to do in the case of
Cuba as well. It is the United States, indeed, and not
any other country which has so far been mercilessly ex-
ploiting and keeping in economic dependence the Latin
American countries and many other countries of the
world. Everyone is aware of that. And according to your
logic, Mr. President, obviously, actions could also be or-
ganized against your country from without, which would
put an end once and for all to this imperialist policy, the
policy of threats, and the policy of reprisals against
freedom-loving peoples.

As to your anxiety about emigrants, expelled by the
Cuban people, I would say the following in this
connection :

You, of course, know that in many countries there
are emigrants who are not satisfied with the regime pre-
vailing in those countries from which they fled. If such
abnormal practices are introduced in the relations be-
tween states as for such emigrants to be armed and used
against the countries from which they have fled, then
we can surely say that this will inevitably lead to con-
flicts and wars. And, therefore, one should refrain from
such unwise activities because this is a slippery and
dangerous road which might lead to world war.

In your answer you considered it to be appropriate to
touch on problems not related to the theme of my mes-
sage— among them, in your interi>retation, the problem
of the historical inevitability of the Communist
revolution.

I am only able to evaluate it as a tendency to divert
from the main question — the question of the aggression
against Cuba. Under suitable conditions we are also
ready to exchange views on the question regarding the
ways and means for the development of human society,
although such a question is not being solved by disputes
between groups or individual persons, regardless of the
high position they may occupy in the state. The fact of
whose system will turn out to be the better will be
solved by the peoples.

You, Mr. President, have spoken frequently and much
about your wish to see Cuba liberated. But all acts of
the United States In regard to this small country con-
tradict this. I do not even mention the last armed as-
sault on Cuba, which was organized with the aim of
changing its inner structure by force.

It was no one but the United States, indeed, which
thrust on Cuba the cabalistic condition of the Havana
agreement almost 60 years ago and created on its territory

its Guantanamo military base. But the United States of
America is the most powerful country in the Western
Hemisphere, and no one in this hemisphere is able to
threaten you with military invasion. It follows, there-
fore, that if you continue to maintain your military base
on the territory of Cuba against the clearly expressed
wish of the Cuban people and government, this base serves
not for defense from aggression by any foreign powers,
but has the aim of suppressing the will of the Latin
American peoples. It has been created for the imple-
mentation of gendarmery functions and for keeping the
Latin American peoples in political and economic
dependence.

The Government of the United States is now thundering
against Cuba. But this only shows one thing — your lack
of confidence in your own system, in the policy carried
out by the United States. And this is understandable
since this is a policy of exploitation, the policy of en-
slaving underdeveloped countries. You have no faith in
your system, and this is why you are afraid that the
example of Cuba might infect other countries.

But aggressive, bandit acts cannot save your system.
In the historical process of developing mankind, every
nation has been, and will be, deciding its own destiny on
its own. As for the U.S.S.R., the peoples of our country-
solved this problem over 43 years ago definitely and
irrevocably.

We are a socialist state and our social system is the
most just of all that have existed to date because by us
he who labors is also the master of all means of pro-
duction. This is indeed an infectious example, and the
sooner the necessity for transition to such a system is
understood, the sooner all mankind will have a truly
just community. At the same time, also, wars will be
ended once and for all.

You did not like it, Mr. President, when I said in my
previous message that there could be no firm peace in the
entire world if the flame of war was raging anywhere.
But this is precisely so. Peace is indivisible — whether
anyone likes it or not. And I can only affirm what I said :
Things cannot be done in such a way that in one region
the situation is made easier and the conflagration
dampened, and in another one a new conflagration is
started.

The Soviet Government has always consequently de-
fended the freedom and independence of all nations. It
is obvious, then, that we cannot recognize any U.S. rights
to decide the fate of other countries, including the Latin
American countries. We regard any interference by one
government in the affairs of another — and armed inter-
ference, especially — as a breach of all international laws,
and of the principles of peaceful coexistence which the
Soviet Union has been unfailingly advocating since the
first days of its establishment. If it is a duty of all
states and their leaders, in our times more than ever
before, to refrain from acts which might threaten uni-
versal peace, it concerns even more the leaders of great
powers. This is my appeal to you, Mr. President.

The Soviet Government's position in international
affairs remains unchanged. We wish to build up our re-
lations with the United States in such a manner that
the Soviet Union and the United States, as the two

666

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

most powerful states in the world, would stop sabre-
rattliug and bringing forward their military or economic
advantage, because this will not result in improvement
of the international situation, but in its deterioration.
We sincerely wish to reach an agreement with you and
other countries of the world on disarmament, as well as
other problems the solution of which would facilitate
peaceful coexistence, recognition of the people's right to
the social and political system which they themselves

have established in their countries, and would also facil-
itate true respect for the people's will and noninterfer-
ence in their internal affairs.

Only under such conditions is it actually possible to
speak about coexistence, as coexistence is only possible
if states with different .social systems submit to interna-
tional law, and recognize as their highest aim the insur-
ing of peace in the entire world. Only under such cir-
cumstances will peace rest on a sound basis.

U.N. General Assembly Debates Cuban Complaint

Following is a series of statements made in Com-
mittee I {Political and Security) of the V.N. Gen-
eral Assembly by U.S. Representative Adlai E.
Stevenson during debate on the Cvban complaint,
together with the texts of ttoo resolutions.

STATEMENT OF APRIL 15

U.S. delegation press release 3697

I am glad to see that Dr. [Raul] Roa [Cuban
representative] has suddenly recovered from his
illness. This has been my first opportunity to
listen to Dr. Roa on the sins of the United States
and on the virtues of Castro's Cuba, and I must say
that it is quite an experience. We have heard a
number of charges by Dr. Roa, and now, if I may,
I should like to impose on the committee long
enough to report a few facts.

Prime Minister Castro's Air Force chief and his
private pilot have asked for political asylum in the
United States. The Air Force chief, Roberto
Verdaguer, and his brother Guillermo landed a
Cubana Airlines cargo plane at Jacksonville,
Florida, on Friday of tliis week. These men will
be given a hearing in Miami on Monday by immi-
gration officials, and their request for political
asylum will be considered in accordance with the
usual procedures and practices.

There is also the matter of the bombing and
rocket attacks which, according to reports, were
made this morning on airports in Habana and
Santiago and on Cuban Air Force headquarters at
San Antonio de los Baiios and to which Dr. Roa
has referred.

Dr. Roa has made a number of charges that are

without any foundation. I reject them categori-
cally, and I should like to make several points
quite clear to the committee.

First, as the President of the United States said
a few days ago,^ there will not be under any con-
ditions— and I repeat, any conditions — any inter-
vention in Cuba by the United States armed
forces.

Secondly, the United States will do everything
it possibly can to make sure that no Americans
participate in any actions against Cuba.

Thirdly, regarding the events which have re-
portedly occurred this morning and yesterday, the
United States will consider, in accordance with its
usual practices, the request for political asylum.
This principle has long been enshrined as one of
the fundamental principles of the Americas and,
indeed, of the world. Those who believe in free-
dom and seek asylum from tyranny and oppres-
sion will always receive sympathetic understand-
ing and consideration by the American people and
the United States Government.

Fourthly, regarding the two aircraft which
landed in Florida today, they were piloted by
Cuban Air Force pilots. These pilots and certain
other crew members have apparently defected
from Castro's tyranny. No United States person-
nel participated. No United States Government
airplanes of any kind participated. These two
planes to the best of our knowledge were Castro's
own Air Force planes, and, according to the pilots,
they took off from Castro's own Air Force fields.

I have here a picture of one of these planes. It

^ See footnote 2, p. 661.

May 8, 796/

667

has the markings of Castro's Air Force right on
the tail, which everyone can see for himself. The
Cuban star and the initials FAR — Fuerza Aerea
Revolucionaria — are clearly visible. I should be
happy to exhibit it to any members of the com-
mittee following my remarks.

As it is well known, the United States has long
had under careful surveillance United States air-
fields in the southeastern part of tliis country in
order to prevent alleged takeoffs from our shores
to Cuba. AVe will continue to keep these airfields
under perpetual surveillance.

Now, let me read the statement which has just
arrived over the wire from the pilot who landed
in Miami. He said,

I am one of the twelve B-26 pilots who remained in the
Castro Air Force after the defection of Diaz Lanz and
the purges that followed. Three of ray fellow pilots and
I have planned for months how we could escape from
Castro's Cuba. Day before yesterday, I heard that one
of the three, Lieutenant Alvaro Gallo, who is the pilot
of the B-26, No. FAR-915, had been seen talking to an
agent of Ramiro Valdes, the G-2 chief. I alerted the
other two and we decided that probably Alvaro Gallo,
who had always acted somewhat of a coward, had be-
trayed us. We decided to take action at once. Yesterday
morning I was assigned the routine patrol from my base
San Antonio de los Bauos over a section of Pinar del Rio
and around the Isle of Pines. I told my friends at Campo
Libertad, and they agreed that we must act at once. One
of them was to fly to Santiago. The other made the ex-
cuse that he wished to check out his altimeter, and they
were to take off from Campo Libertad at 6 a.m. I was air-
borne at 6 :0.5. Because of Alvaro Gallo's treachery we
had agreed to give him a lesson, so I flew back over San
Antonio where his plane is stationed and made two
strafing runs at his plane and three others parked nearby.
On the way out, I was hit by some small-arms fire and
took evasive action. My comrades had broken off earlier
to hit airfields which we agreed they would strike. Then
because I was low on gas I had to go on into Miami because
I could not reach our agreed destination. It may be that
they went on to strafe another field before leaving, such
as Playa Baracoa, where Fidel keeps his helicopter.

Now, I should like members of this committee to
know that steps have been taken to impound the
Cuban planes which have landed in Florida and
they will not be permitted to take off for Cuba.

Let me make one concluding observation of a
general character prior to our more extensive dis-
cussion of this matter on Monday. As President
Kennedy said just a few days ago,^ the basic issue
in Cuba is not between the United States and
Cuba ; it is between the Cubans themselves. Any-

one familiar with the history of Cuba, however,
knows one thing in particular — the history of
Cuba has been a history of fighting for freedom.
Regardless of what happens, the Cubans will fight
for freedom. The activities of the last 24 hours
are an eloquent confirmation of this historic fact.

STATEMENT OF APRIL 17

U.S. delegation press release 3699

Dr. Roa, speaking for Cuba, has just charged
the United States with aggression against Cuba
and invasion coming from Florida. These
charges are totally false, and I deny them cate-
gorically. The United States has committed no
aggression against Cuba, and no offensive has
been launched from Florida or from any other
part of the United States.

We sympathize with the desire of the people
of Cuba — including those in exile who do not
stop being Cubans merely because they could no
longer stand to live in today's Cuba — we sym-
pathize with their desire to seek Cuban independ-
ence and freedom. We hope that the Cuban
people will succeed in doing what Castro's revo-
lution never really tried to do: that is, to bring
democratic processes to Cuba.

But as President Kennedy has already said,

. . . there will not under any conditions be ... an
intervention in Cuba by United States armed forces.
This Government will do everything it possibly can —
and I think it can meet its responsibilities — to make sure
that there are no Americans involved in any actions
inside Cuba.

I wish to make clear also that we would be op-
posed to the use of our territory for mounting an
offensive against any foreign government.

Dr. Roa has also charged my country — which
fought for Cuban independence — with literally
everything else, including releasing hounds
against children and keeping slavery alive and
crucifying the mandates of man and God. I must
say, if such lurid oratory is a fair example of
Dr. Roa's literature, that I shall read more for
entertainment if not for enlightenment.

We have heard Dr. Roa's colorful challenges
and his denunciation of the United States pajDer
on Cuba ^ as the most low and astigmatic litera-

' News conference of Apr. 12, 1961.

" Department of State publication 7171 ; for sale by
the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. ; price, 20 cents.

668

Department of Sfate Bulletin

ture he has ever seen. Well, when it comes to
astigmatism, I would remind Dr. Roa what the
gospel says in the Book of Matthew, "And why
beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brother's
eye, but considerest not the beam that is in thine
own eye?"

It is my privilege now to discuss some of the
beams in Cuba's eyes about the United States.

But first let me say that on Saturday Dr. Roa
paid me the compliment of saying that he was
familiar with my books and writings and was
therefore surprised by my attitude about events
in Cuba. He said there must be two Stevensons.

Well, I confess that I am flattered that Dr. Roa
lias read some of my writings, but I am not sure
that I equally appreciate his suggestion that I
am so versatile that there are two of me. Dr. Roa
will find that on the siibject of tyranny — be it of
the right or the left— be it of the minority or the
majority — be it over the mind, or spirit, or body
of man — that I have only one view — unalterable
opposition. That he evidently has not read what
I think on that subject very carefully does not
surprise me.

Dr. Roa's Two Views on Hungarian Revolution

But if there are not two Stevensons, I suggest
that on the subject of uprisings and communism
Dr. Roa seems to have two views. Perhaps there
are two Roas. In his book entitled En Pie, pub-
lished in 1959, Dr. Roa included an essay on the
Hungarian revolution and its suppi'ession by the
Soviet Army. I should like to quote, if I could,
certain brief portions of Dr. Roa's essay, in an
English translation which, although it may not do
justice to the eloquence of the original language,
nevertheless indicates Dr. Roa's views at that time.
At that time he wrote:

The brutal methods employed by the Soviet Army to
suppress the patriotic uprising of the Hungarian people
have given rise to the strongest feelings of repulsion on
the part of the free world, and the repercussions of these
feelings in the intellectual areas subject to the Kremlin
are breaking up the dogmatic unity of the Communist
movement on the cultural level. The crimes, excesses
and outrages perpetrated by the invaders have evoked
strong censure and numerous desertions among the trained
seals and charlatan lackeys of Moscow. The implacable
brainwashing and systematic hardening of the sensi-
bilities to which the heralds and palfreys of Marxist
dichotomist doctrine are subject seem to have failed in
this case.

Dr. Roa then cited what he called "representa-
tive opinions, judgments and pronomicements" of
intellectuals in many countries of many political
creeds, including the Communist, in condemna-
tion of "Soviet infamies and depredations in Hun-
gary," to use his own words. His essay concluded
with this smnmation:

In Belgium, Holland, Norway, Sweden, England, Den-
mark and the United States of America, the most elevated
men of science and the most eminent writers have closed
ranks with the Hungarian patriots. The free voice of our
America has already let itself be heard in a ringing
document which I had the honor of signing. And also
that of the Asiatic an<? African peoples who are fighting
for the advent of a world wherein will reign justice,
equality and respect for human rights.

If valor is not always accompanied by good fortune,
nevertheless, the battles fought on behalf of liberty and
culture against despotism and barbarism are never lost.
The case of Hungary once more corroborates the patent
validity of this statement.

Now, though it may seem paradoxical, Mr.
Chairman and gentlemen, I must tell you that I
am in entire agreement with the judgments in
Dr. Roa's essay of 1959.

But in October 1960 the Cuban Foreign Min-
istry, under Dr. Roa's direction, gave an orienta-
tion lecture to its employees in which the Hun-
garian revolution was characterized as follows:

The Himgarian counterrevolution of 1956 was directed
by North American imperialism to divert world attention
from the Suez aggression : participating in the counter-
revolution were fascist elements of the former Nagy gov-
ernment of Hungary, war criminals from West Germany
and other foreign countries, leaders of the Roman
Catholic Church who had lost lands and political power,
and members of the Hungarian labor party, intellectuals
and students who desired the restoration of capitalism ;
Soviet troops entered Hungary at the request of the legiti-
mate government, and the U.S.S.R. also gave economic aid.

Well, gentlemen, for flexibility and agility I
am afraid I would have to concede that even two
Stevensons are no match for one Roa.

In reading these conflicting characterizations of
the Hungary revolution, one by Dr. Roa and the
other by his Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I was
reminded of certain other parallels between Hun-
gary and Cuba. The Castro regime and its for-
eign collaborators are using the same methods
now to suppress the patriotic uprising of the Cu-
ban people as were used in 1956 to suppress the
Hungarian people. Cuban patriots are now called
traitors, mercenaries, criminals, and tools of im-
perialism in the same way as the patriotic Him-

May 8, 1961

669

gai'ian workers of 1956 were then and are still
being slandered by such false allegations.

Patriots become traitors and mercenaries evi-
dently very quickly in the idiom of Dr. Koa. My
recollection is that Batista said the same things,
using tlie same, identical words to describe Dr.
Castro, Dr. Roa, and their countless associates who
had fled from the tyranny in Cuba.

No, Dr. Eoa, our gi-eat champions of human
freedom, Jefferson and Lincoln, will not have to be
reburied because of our sympathy for today's
freedom fighters, wherever they are.

Castro's Program of Betrayal

Dr. Roa's description of the detailed reports in
the United States papers and magazines about the
activities of the Cuban refugees illustrates some-
thing that I hope no member here will overlook.
It illustrates how fi-ee the press is in this country.
We don't have to wonder what would happen if a
newspaper in Habana exercised the same freedom.
We don't have to wonder, because it has already
happened; the free press of Cuba has long since
been crushed.

I want to remind the committee that there was
great sympathy in the United States for the pro-
claimed goals of the Cuban revolution when it
took place ; that as soon as the Castro regime came
to power the United States accorded it prompt
recognition ; that in the spring of 1959 the United
States stood ready to supply the Castro govern-
ment with economic assistance; that the hope of
my fellow citizens has always been that Dr. Castro
would live up to the pledges of freedom and de-
mocracy that he uttered from Sierra Maestra to
the Cuban people. Instead, Dr. Castro chose to
embark on a systematic betrayal of these pledges.
He has presided over a methodical and shameless
corruption of his own revolution. To conceal his
program of betrayal, he has followed the classical
course of all tyrants: He has raised the specter of
a foreign enemy whose alleged malevolence can
serve as an excuse for tightening the screws of
tyranny at home. And so, in the course of 1959,
he began the anti-United States campaign that in
recent months has risen to so strident a crescendo.
He closed his door to the American Ambassador in
Habana. He conjured up the ghost of a Yanqui
imperialism. By demanding that the American
Embassy in Habana be reduced to a handful of
persons, he eventually forced our Government to

break diplomatic and consular relations with his
regime.^

Wliat is even more important. Dr. Castro has
accompanied his attack on my country by an ever-
widening assault on the entire hemisphere. We
must not forget that Dr. Roa has described Presi-
dent [Arturo] Frondizi of Argentina in terms so
revolting that I will not repeat them. The official
Cuban radio has poured shrill invective on the
goveiTunents and on the leaders throughout the
hemisphere; and the more democratic and pro-
gressive the government, the more the Castro re-
gime recognizes it as a mortal enemy and the more
savage becomes its abuse.

In time his assault has expanded to include the
whole conception of the inter- American system
and the Organization of American States. Dr.
Castro has repeatedly proclaimed his purpose, to
quote his own words, "to convert the Cordillera
of the Andes into the Sierra Maestra of the
hemisphere." He has avowed his ambition to
overthrow the free governments of the Americas
and to replace them by regimes modeled in his
own tyrannical image. If Dr. Castro stands to-
day an outlaw in the hemisphere, it is through his
own desire, his own determination, his own deci-
sion to establish a new tyranny in Cuba. If the
Castro regime is iDerishing, it is from self-inflicted
wounds.

Fears of the Castro Regime

Wliat Dr. Roa seeks from us today is the pro-
tection of the Castro regime from the natural
wrath of the Cuban people. We have all read
the recent newspaper stories about these activities
whicli he has described with such lurid oratory —
of men who hope to return to Cuba for the pur-
pose of establishing a free government in their
homeland. At least some members of such groups
have been captured or imprisoned or executed by
Cuban firing squads. We have given asylum to
tens of thousands of Cuban citizens who have
been forced to flee from their homeland to these
shores. These exiles nurse a natural, burning
desire to bring freedom to Cuba, and toward that
end they work with the dedicated concentration
which Jose Marti and other Cuban exiles in the
United States have sliown in the tradition which
is now nearly 100 years old.

But what does the present Cuban regime have

* For background, see Bulmtin of Jan. 23, 1061, p. 103.

^70

Department of State Bulletin

to fear from these gi'oups? What accounts for
Dr. Koa's agitation? Is Dr. Roa demanding that
the Cuban exiles throughout the Americas be
suppressed and controlled in the same ruthless
manner as the people within Cuba today ?

It cannot be that he fears the armed might of
small armed bands of resistance fightere. His
Prime Minister has often boasted of the armed
strength of Cuba. Cuba has by far the lai'gest
ground forces of any country in Latin America,
possessed, by Dr. Castro's own admission, with
ample supplies of automatic rifles, machineguns,
artillery, grenades, tanks, and other modem
armament obtained from his new friends. Well
over 30,000 tons of Soviet equipment has arrived
in the last few months. This includes at least
15 Soviet 50-ton tanks, 19 Soviet assault gims,
15 Soviet 35-ton tanks, 78 Soviet 76-millimeter
field guns, 4 Soviet 122-millimeter field guns, and
over 100 Soviet heavy machineguns. Over 200
Soviet and Czechoslovak military advisers are in
Cuba, and over 150 Cuban military personnel have
been sent to the bloc for training.

In view of all of this, we must look for the
answer to Castro's fears somewhere else: in the
internal situation in Cuba and in Prime Minister
Castro's own experience with the difficidties which
small dissident groups can cause for a dictator
who has betrayed his own revolution, as in the
case of Batista.

If the Cuban Government is so deeply con-
cerned about a few isolated groups, it must be be-
cause Dr. Castro has lost confidence in his own
people. He evidently really believes that small
armed groups are likely to find support enough
to become dangerous. If this is the case, it seems
a remarkable confession of doubt as to whether
his own people approve his regime and its prac-
tices, and Dr. Castro is surely right to be afraid.
Even with full government control of the press,
the radio, television, all forms of communication,
every evidence, including the daily defections of
his close associates and supporters, suggests that
the people of Cuba are rejecting this regime./

Challenge to the Hemisphere

Let me make it clear that we do not regard the
Cuban problem as a problem between Cuba and
the United States. The challenge is not to the
United States but to the hemisphere and its duly
constituted body, the Organization of American

States. The Castro regime has betrayed the
Cuban revolution. It is now collaborating in
organized attempts by means of pi-opaganda,
agitation, and subversion to bring about the over-
throw of existing governments by force and re-
place them with regimes subsei-vient to an extra-
continental power. These events help to explain
why the Cuban Government continues to bypass
the Organization of American States, even if they
do not explain why Cuba, which is thus in open
violation of its obligations under inter- American
treaties and agreements, continues to charge the
United States with violations of these same
obligations.

Soon after tlie Castro government assumed
power, it launched a program looking to the ex-
port of its system to other countries of the hemi-
sphere, particularly in the Caribbean area. The
intervention of Cuban diplomatic personnel in the
internal affairs of other nations of the hemisphere
has become flagrant. Cuban diplomatic and
consular establishments are used as distribution
points for propaganda material calling on the
peoples of Latin America to follow Cuba's
example. Even Cuban diplomatic pouches des-
tined for various Latin American countries have
been found to contain inflammatory and sub-
versive propaganda directed against friendly
governments.

In public support of these activities Prime Min-
ister Castro, President [Osvaldo] Dorticos, Dr.
Roa himself, and many other high-ranking mem-
bers of the revolutionary government have openly
stated that "the peoples of Latin America should
follow Cuba's example." They have frankly de-
clared that the Cuban system is for export. On
August 30, 1960, Prime Minister Castro said:
"^Vliat happened in Cuba will someday happen in
America, and if for saying this we are accused of
being continental revolutionaries, let them accuse
us." But in case that was not clear enough it was
followed 2 days later by Mr. Roa's statement that
the Cuban revolution "will act as a springboard
for all the popular forces in Latin America follow-
ing a destiny identical to Cuba."

And as late as March 4th of this year, last
month, President Dorticos did not hesitate to urge
a group of Latin American agricultural workers
meeting in Habana to "initiate similar move-
ments in their own countries" when they returned
home. He promised them the "solidarity of a

May 8, J96I

671

people "who have already won their victory and
are ready to help other people achieve theirs."

In spite of all of this, Dr. Roa now tells us that
the revolutionary government wants only to live
in peace, that it does not threaten its neighbors,
that it has not attempted nor intends to export its
revolution.

Statements of Soviet Russian and Chinese Com-
munist leaders indicate that, by Dr. Castro's own
actions, the Cuban revolution has become an in-
strument of the foreign policies of these extra-
continental powers. The increasingly intimate
relationship between Cuba and the Soviet Union,
the People's Republic of China, and other coun-
tries associated with them, in conjunction with the
huge shipments of arms, munitions, and other
equipment from the Sino-Soviet bloc, must there-
fore be matters of deep concern to independent
governments everywhere.

The Castro regime has mercilessly destroyed the
hope of freedom the Cuban people had briefly
glimpsed at the beginning of 1959. Cuba has
never witnessed such political persecution as exists
today. The arrests, the prisons bulging with po-
litical prisoners, and the firing squads testify to
this. Since the Castro regime came to power,
more than 600 persons have been executed, with a
shocking disregard of the standards of due process
of law and fair trial generally accepted and prac-
ticed in the civilized community of nations. The
Government has even threatened to replace its
slogan for this year — "the year of education" —
with a new slogan — "the year of the execution
wall."

There is no democratic participation of the
Cuban people in the determination of their des-
tiny. Staged rallies, at which small percentages
of the population are harangued and asked to ex-
press approval of policies by shouts or show of
hands, represent the procedure of a totalitarian
demagog and not free and democratic expression
of opinion through the secret ballot.

The Cuban farm worker who was promised his
own plot of land finds that he is an employee of
the state working on collective or state-run farms.
The independent labor movement, once one of the
strongest in the hemisphere, is today in chains.
Freely elected Cuban labor leaders, who as late
as the end of 1960 protested the destruction of
workers' rights, were imprisoned for their pains.

or took asylum in foreign embassies, or fled the
country to escape imprisonment.

When in addition the people are confronted,
despite aid from the Sino-Soviet bloc, with a dras-
tic reduction in their standard of living, it is not
surprising opposition to their present master
grows.

Roster of the Disillusioned

Such conditions have led to a steady stream of
defections and escapes — ^not by members of the
previous government but by Castro's own officials.

In his speech on Saturday afternoon. Dr. Roa
referred to those Cubans fighting to free their
homeland from tyranny as "traitors and mer-
cenaries." The Soviet representative, in support-
ing Dr. Roa, embellished the characterization by
calling these freedom fighters "human beings who
are capable of selling tlieir own father and their
mother for a consideration." Now, Dr. Roa well
knows that the men of whom he speaks ai'e not
traitors or mercenaries. He is familiar with their
contribution to the revolution. The reasons for
their defection are no mystery to him. Many of
them are his friends and associates of long stand-
ing, both in government service and at the Univer-
sity of Habana. Mr. [Valerian A.] Zorin
[Soviet representative], on the other hand,
might be excused perhaps for not being familiar
with the revolutionary background of some of
these Cuban patriots.

I think it might be instructive for him and for
the members of the committee to laiow who some
of these people are. They make an impressive
list : the first provisional president of the Revolu-
tionary Government, Dr. Manuel Urrutia, who
had asserted m defiance of Batista and in defense
of Castro the right of Cubans to resort to arms to
overthrow an unconstitutional government; the
first Prime Minister, Dr. Jose Miro Cardona, who
is chairman of the Revolutionary Council, which
seeks the rescue of the betrayed revolution; and
the first President of the Supreme Court, Dr.
Emilio Menendez.

It also includes nearly two-thirds of Castro's
first Cabinet, such as Minister of Foreign AlTairs
Roberto Agramonte, Minister of the Treasury
Rufo Lopez Fresquet, Minister of Labor Manuel
Fernandez, Minister of Agriculture Humberto
Sori Marin, and Minister of Public Works IManuel

672

Departm&nf of State Bulletin

Kay. In otlier fields a similar compilation can be
made: companions in arms of Fidel Castro such
as Sierra Maestra commanders Huber Mates,
Nino Diaz, and Jorge Sotus; and rebel Air Force
leaders such as Pedro Diaz Lauz and the
Verdaguer brothers; labor leaders such as David
Salvador and Amaury Fraginals; editors and
commentators such as Bohemia director Miguel
Angel Quevedo, Luis Conte Agiiero, and the
notoriously anti-American Jose Pardo Llada; and
even such confidants as Juan Orta, the head of the
Prime Minister's own offices.

The roster of disillusioned, persecuted, im-
prisoned, exiled, and executed men and vromen
Tvho originally supported Dr. Castro — and who are
now labeled as "traitors and mercenaries" by Dr.
Eoa because they tried to make the Castro regime
live up to its own promises — is long and getting
longer. These are the men who are now leading
the struggle to restore the Cuban revolution to its
original premises.

In his letter of February 23, circulated in docu-
ment A/4701, Dr. Roa claims that it is the policy
of the United States "to punish the Cuban people
on account of their legitimate aspirations for the
political freedom, economic development and
social advancement of the under-developed or
dependent peoples of Latin America, Africa, Asia
and Oceania."' Such a ludicrous charge deserves
no serious reply. But I should remind Dr. Castro
that he had many friends in the United States at
the time he took power in Cuba. The ideals which
he then expressed of establishing honest and
efficient government, perfecting democratic proc-
esses, and creating higher standards of living, full
employment, and land reform were welcomed
warmly both in the United States and in other
parts of the Western Hemisphere. I sincerely
wish that was still the case.

Problem Created by Cuban Revolution

The problem created in the Western Hemisphere
by the Cuban revolution is not one of revolution.
As President Kennedy said on March 13,°

. . . xxslitical freedom must be accompanied by social
change. For unless necessary social reforms, Including
land and tax reform, are freely made, unless we broaden
the opportunity of all of our people, unless the great mass
of Americans share in Increasing prosperity, then our al-

' md., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

liance, our revolution, our dream, and our freedom will
fail. But we call for social change by free men — change
in the spirit of Washington and Jefferson, of Bolivar and
San Martfn and Marti — not change which seeks to imjwse
on men tyrannies which we cast out a century and a half
ago. Our raotto is what it has always been — progress yes,
tyranny no. . . .

No, the problem is not social change, which is
both inevitable and just. The problem is that
every efl'ort is being made to use Cuba as a base
to force totalitarian ideology into other parts of
the Americas.

The Cuban Government has disparaged the
plans of the American states to pool their re-
sources to accelerate social and economic develop-
ment in the Americas. At the Bogota meeting
of the Committee of 21 in September 1960 the
Cuban delegation missed few opportunities to in-
sult the rejjresentatives of other American states
and to play an obstructionist role. They refused
to sign the Act of Bogota and thereby to take part
in the hemisphere- wide cooperative effort of social
reform to accompany programs of economic de-
velopment. The Cuban official reaction to Presi-
dent Kennedy's Alliance for Progress program for
the Americas was in a similar vein. In a speech
on March 12, 1961, Dr. Castro denounced the pro-
gram, portraying it as a program of "alms" using
"usurious dollars" to buy the economic independ-
ence and national dignity of the countries which
participate in the program. This is insulting to
the countries which participate in the program.
But equally important, he chose to ignore the
underlying premise of the program: a vast co-
operative effort to satisfy the basic needs of the
American peoples and thereby to demonstrate to
the entire world that man's unsatisfied aspiration
for economic progress and social justice can best
be achieved by free men working within a frame-
work of democratic institutions. The hostility
of the Castro regime to these constructive efforts
for social and economic progress in the Americas —
and even the language — recalls the similar hos-
tility of the U.S.S.R. to the Marshall plan in
Europe.

Dr. Castro has carefully and purposefully de-
stroyed the great hope the hemisphere invested in
him when he came to power 2 years ago. No one
in his senses could have expected to embark on
such a course as this with impunity. No sane
man would suppose that he could speak Dr.

May 8, 1967

592231—61 3

673

Castro's words, proclaim his aggressive intentions,
carry out his policies of intervention and subver-
sion— and at the same time retain the friendship,
the respect, and the confidence of Cuba's sister re-
publics in the Americas. He sowed the wind and
reaps the whirlwind.

It is not the United States which is the cause
of Dr. Castro's trouble : It is Dr. Castro himself.
It is not Washington which has tui'ned so many
thousands of his fellow countrymen against his
regime — men who fought beside him in the Cuban
hills, men who risked their lives for him in the
underground movements in Cuban cities, men who
lined Cuban streets to hail him as the liberator
from tyranny, men who occupied the most promi-
nent places in the first government of the Cuban
re\-olution. It is these men who constitute the
threat — if threat there is — to Dr. Castro's hope of
consolidating his power and intensifying his
tyramiy.

It is Dr. Castro's own policy which has deprived
tliese men of the hope of influencing his regime by
democratic methods of free elections and repre-
sentative government. It is Dr. Castro who, by
denying Cuban citizens constitutional recoui-se,
lias driven them toward the desperate alternative
of resistance — just as Batista once did.

Let us be absolutely clear in our minds who these
men are. They are not supporters of Batista;
they fought as passionately and bravely against
Batista as Dr. Castro himself. They are not
champions of the old order in Cuba ; they labored
day and night as long as they could to realize the
promises of the Cuban revolution. They will not
turn the clock back, either to the tyranny of Batista
or to the tyraimy of Castro. They stand for a new
and brighter Cuba which will genuinely realize
the pledge which Dr. Castro has so fanatically
betrayed — the pledge of bread with freedom.

U.S. Attitude Toward Castro Regime

The problem which the United States confronts
today is our attitude toward such men as these.
Three years ago many American citizens looked
with sympathy on the cause espoused by Castro
and offered hospitality to his followers in their
battle against the tyranny of Batista. We cannot
expect Americans today to look with less sympathy
on those Cubans who, out of love for their country
and for liberty, now struggle against the tyranny
of Castro.

If the Castro regime has hostility to fear, it is
the hostility of Cubans, not of Americans. If to-
day Castro's militia are limiting down guerrillas
in the hills where Castro himself once fought, they
are hunting down Cubans, not Americans. If the
Castro regime is overthrown, it will be overthrown
by Cubans, not by Americans.

I do not see that it is the obligation of the United
States to protect Dr. Castro from the consequences
of his treason to the promises of the Cuban revolu-
tion, to the hopes of the Cuban people, and to
the democratic asjDirations of the Western
Hemisphere.

It is because Dr. Castro has turned his back on
the inter -American system that this debate marks
so tragic a moment for all citizens of tlie Western
Hemisphere. It is tragic to watch the historic as-
pirations of the Cuban people once again thwarted
by tyramiy. It is tragic to see bitterness rise with-
in a family of nations united by so many bonds of
coimnon memory and common hope. It is tragic
to watch a despotic regime drive its own people
toward violence and bloodshed. The United
States looks with distress and anxiety on such
melancholy events.

Our only hope is that the Cuban tragedy may
awaken the people and governments of the Ameri-
cas to a profound resolve — a resolve to concert
every resource and energy to advance the cause of
economic growth and social progress throughout
the hemisphere, but to do so under conditions of
human freedom and political democracy. This
cause represents the real revolution of the Ameri-
cas. To this struggle to expand freedom and
abundance and education and culture for all the
citizens of the New World the free states of the
hemisphere summon all the peoples in nations
where freedom and independence are in temporary
eclipse. We confidently expect that Cuba will be
restored to the American community and will take
a leading role to win social reform and economic
opportunity, human dignity and democratic gov-
ernment, not just for the people of Cuba but for
all the people of the hemisphere.

[In a further intervention Ambassador Stevenson said:]

I will detain you only a moment because I agree
with Mr. Zorin's suggestion that we adjourn imtil
this afternoon.

But I must intervene long enough to say that,
while I was not here at the United Nations at that
time, I recall no such complaints of aggression

674

Department of State Bulletin

against a small country from Mr. Zorin when Cas-
tro's followei-s were organizing their revolt against
Batista on the shores of the United States. Wliy
is it that the distinguished representative of the
Soviet Union is so concerned about a revolt against
Dr. Castro ? Cuba is no smaller today than it was
then and far more defensible — thanks to the
U.S.S.K.

FIRST STATEMENT OF APRIL 18

U.S. delegation press release 3701

I have listened with much interest to the mes-
sages from the Soviet Union just received " and
expect to be able to read to the committee the
President's reply in the course of the day.

Let me add for myself that I agree with the
Soviet protest in at least one respect : Tlie United
States is not endangered by Cuba. But what the
Soviet statement disregards is that many Cubans
are themselves endangered by the regime in Cuba.

I am also glad to hear the representative of the
Soviet Union say that his Government believes
that no people has the right to enforce upon an-
other its way of life. With that we emphatically

SECOND STATEMENT OF APRIL 18

U.S. delegation press release 3704

I am grateful to the distinguished representa-
tive of Mexico for his thoughtful, scholarly, and
temperate address, as I am to others who have at-
tempted to make constructive contributions to this
discussion.

This morning I said that I would read to the
committee the message of the President of the
United States in reply to Mr. Khrushchev's mes-
sage, which Mr. Zorin read to us this morning.
The message was handed to the Soviet Ambassa-
dor in Washington at 7 o'clock this evening and
was immediately released to the press. I would
have delivered it to you before, but this is the
first opportunity I have had to speak. The mes-
sage reads:

[At this point Ambassador Stevenson read the text of Presi-
dent Kennedy's message to N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the
Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. For text, see page 661.]

I am afraid that the time has now come for me

' For texts, see p. 662.

to comment on and correct some of the innuendoes,
the half-truths, the falsehoods about the Cuban
affair which the committee has heard for many
hours. I said yesterday :

Dr. Roa . . . has .iust charged the United States with
aggression against Cuba and invasion coming from Flor-
ida. These charges are totally false, and I deny them
categorically. The United States has committed no ag-
gression against Cuba, and no offensive has been launched
from Florida or from any other part of the United States.

We sympathize with the desire of the people of Cuba-
including those in exile who do not stop being Cubans
merely because they could no longer stand to live in to-
day's Cuba — we sympathize with their desire to seek
Cuban independence and freedom.

But we hope, as I have also said, that the Cuban
people will succeed in doing what Dr. Castro
promised to do: to bring to Cuba social reform,
free institutions, and honest democratic govern-
ment. We in the United States regret that Dr.
Castro's promises are forgotten and that he is con-
verting that beautiful, rich island into an outpost
of the new imperialism. With its history of gal-
lant struggle for freedom, what has happened in
Cuba is all the more tragic.

I have listened here to every kind of epithet and
abuse of my country. All of the familiar Com-
munist words have been poured in a torrent on a
nation that has fought in two world wars to de-
feat the designs of tyrants and protect your free-
dom as well as ours ; a nation that bore the greatest
burden of the fir-st great battle for collective secu-
rity in Korea and the protection of a small country
from cynical and unprovoked attack by its neigh-
bor; a nation that has poured out its treasure to
aid the reconstruction and rehabilitation, the de-
fense and prosperity, of friends and foes alike,
with a magnanimity without historical precedents.
And for our pains the words that reverberate in
this chamber are too often "greedy monopolists,"
"mercenaries," "economic imperialists," "ex-
ploiters," "pirates," "aggressors," and all the fa-
miliar Communist jargon, including the worst
of all — "counterrevolutionary" — which of course
means anti-Communist. And I must say that after
listening to this I welcome the healthy and whole-
some suggestion of the representative of Ecuador
that we declare a moratorium on epithets and
poison in our discussion.

Not content with calling us all the names in the
glossary of epithets and abuse, not content with
confiscating all of our properties, with closing our

May 8, 1961

675

Embassy, with persecuting our citizens, I have
heard the United States denounced over and over
for not buying our assailant's sugar — and at a
price above the world market. I am reminded of
the little boy who killed his mother and his father
and then pleaded for clemency on the ground that
he was an orphan.

But I assure you that Cuba is no orphan. Cuba
has a new and powerful friend, just like Little Red
Riding Hood in the fable. And now that their
imperialist invasion of Cuba has succeeded and the
Cuban revolution has been conformed to their pat-
tern, we hear them deny the right of revolution to
another people — the Cubans. I heard no such
bitter protests when Mr. Castro was establishing
his foothold in the Cuban mountains after return-
ing from abroad with his followers.

Invalidity of Cuba's Charges

But let me comment on the many accusations
about activities in the United States. I repeat
again what I said yesterday : No invasion has taken
place from Florida or any other part of the United
States, and we are opposed to the use of our terri-
tory for launching a military attack against any
foreign country. Dr. Roa has alleged, and others
have faithfully repeated, countless instances of
United States intervention in Cuba through air
actions, arms, supplies, ships, and so forth. A
careful examination of his speech will show, how-
ever, not one bit of evidence of United States in-
volvement. But the facts, or the want of them,
are evidently no deterrent to lurid rhetoric and
accusation by some among us.

The whole world knows and no one denies that,
since Dr. Castro betrayed his revolution, there has
been a rising tide of discontent and resistance by
Cubans both inside and outside of Cuba ; sabotage,
violence, and guerrilla fighting within Cuba have
been daily news for many months. But it is not
true, as the representative of Rumania claimed
yesterday, that this has been caused by aircraft
proceeding from United States territory and "pi-
loted by Americans," to quote his words.

It is not true any more than it is true, as Dr. Roa
and others have repeated, that an invasion has been
launched from Florida.

A few other examples of the invalidity of Dr.
Roa's charges against the United States Govern-
ment may be of interest to the committee in the
consideration of this matter. First Dr. Roa asked

a series of questions about particular types of arm-
aments, some of which he displayed in photo-
graphs. It is true, as Dr. Roa implied, that most
of this armament is used by United States armed
forces. It is also true, which he did not imply, that
most of these types of arms, including 57-milli-
meter antitank guns, are widely distributed
throughout the armies of Latin America, Europe,
and other parts of the world. Most, if not all, of
these arms, including those which are only sold
originally on a government-to-government basis,
are freely available on private arms markets.
Every one of the weapons has been accessible to
many nations on a licensed basis, including Cuba
and other Latin American nations. The Castro
army itself, furthermore, has stocks of many, if
not all, of them.

Secondly, Dr. Roa also repeated charges about
pirate flights of United States planes from Florida
over Cuba, which he says now number 50. I con-
clude that the story grows in tellmg, like the fish
story. A report that a plane flying over Cuba
came from a northerly direction is apparently Dr.
Castro's only evidence that it came from the United
States.

The Cuban Government, I am sure, knows that
the United States has established the most vigor-
ous and elaborate system of controls in peacetime
history to prevent the unauthorized flight of air-
craft from the United States over Cuba. Wliere
specific evidence has been brought to our attention,
we have attempted to investigate, as is clearly set
forth in document A/4537. Some of these investi-
gations have demonstrated that some flights did
originate in the United States. It was because
of this that the United States established this
elaborate control system. But the investigations
have also demonstrated the hypocrisy and deceit
of the Cuban Government. In at least one of these
flights— in March 1960— the pilot, William Sher-
galis, admitted that he was an agent of Castro and
had been directed to make the flight in order to
fabricate evidence of an alleged United States
provocation. Since admitting this he has been
held constantly in jail in Cuba. The Shergalis
operation was organized through the head of
Prime Minister Castro's own offices, Juan Orta,
who only last week defected and sought asylum in
a Latin American embassy in Habana.

The latest flight of which Dr. Roa complains
was the one on 24 March which, he tells us, the

676

Department of State BuUetin

Castro government forced down at Jose Marti
Airport. This case is similarly instructive.
Wliat Dr. Roa did not say was that this plane was
on its way to Nicaragua, that it had received flight
clearance from the Cuban authorities, that clear-
ance was revoked — but not until after the plane
was already on its way — that it was carrying spare
tractor parts and a banana pulping machine, and
that the Cuban Government has since released the
fliers.

Thirdly, another example of Dr. Roa's charges
is that a ship named the Western Union was ap-
prehended on 31 March in Cuban waters and that
it had on board 180,000 gallons of high-octane gas-
oline, that planes flew over the Cuban Coast Guard
vessel involved and dropped tear gas, and finally
that the ship was engaged in anti-Cuban activities.

The circumstances in this case have been care-
fully investigated, and I am able to report the
facts. The Weste?^ Union had no relation to any
United States Government operation; it was en-
gaged in a cable repair job wliich had no relation
to Cuba. The burden of Dr. Roa's charge that
the Western Union carried 180,000 gallons of high-
octane gasoline is also untrue. It was carrying no
gasoline except its own fuel. The Western Union
is a 90-ton schooner. One hundred and eighty
thousand gallons of high-octane gasoline weighs
540 tons. Need I say any more ?

The Western Union was not within Cuban terri-
torial waters. It was fully 6 miles from tlie Cuban
shore when it was intercepted and illegally forced
within Cuban coastal waters. American air-
craft, which were dispatched in reply to its signals
of distress, limited their activities to observation.
No tear gas was used.

In the fourth place, Dr. Roa has also alleged
that, before the regime of Fidel Castro, Cuba's
economic dependence upon the United States was
such as to make it a kind of colony of the United
States. He cited the Cuban sugar quota in the
United States market as an illustration or proof
of his charge. In fact the relationship between
Cuba, as the privileged foreign supplier of sugar
to this country, and the United States, as the prin-
cipal market for Cuban sugar, has been of con-
sidei-able mutual advantage to Cuba and the
United States. In return for the assurance which
Cuba gave of a secure and close source of supply
of sugar, Cuba received a quota — a preferential
tariff at any rate — and a United States market

price which was normally higher than the world
market price. Under this agreement Cuba sup-
plied about 71 percent of tl^e United States sugar
imports and earned in 1959 alone — the fii'st year
of Dr. Castro's regime — $350 million from sugar
exports to the United States.

The Castro regime denounced this quota ar-
rangement as "economic bondage," to quote their
words. Yet when the United States after long
delay finally and reluctantly terminated the ar-
rangement because of Cuban economic policies, its
action was attacked as economic aggression. The
Castro government cannot have it both ways. If
the arrangement was economic bondage, its ter-
mination could hardly be economic aggression.

Record of Promises Made by Castro

In the fiftli place. Dr. Roa said yesterday that
the United States was trying to force Cuba back
to the Constitution of 1940, which he described as
a political expression of colonial economic struc-
ture. I should like to dwell on this charge for
a moment. Dr. Roa implies that there was some
evil nature in that Constitution; but Dr. Castro
liimself made the restoration of the Constitution
of 1940 a cornerstone of the program he prom-
ised the Cuban people after he assumed power.

In 1953 m his celebrated speech entitled "His-
tory Will Absolve Me," delivered at his trial fol-
lowing the attack on Cuartel Moncada, Dr.
Castro described the program of his revolutionary
movement. The first part of his speech read as
follows :

The first revoUitionary law would have returned power
to the people aud would have proclaimed the Constitu-
tion of 1940 the supreme law of the land in order to effect
its implementation aud punish those who had violated
it.

Later in the speech he said :

Recently there has been a violent controversy concern-
ing the validity of the Constitution of 1940. The Court
of Social and Constitutional Rights ruled against it in
favor of the laws. Nevertheless, honorable magistrates
I maintain that the 1940 Constitution is still in power.

This was the attitude Dr. Castro held at least
once about the 1940 Constitution. I say this only
to set the record straight. But I also wish to say
equally directly that what happens constitution-
ally in Cuba is a Cuban question. We hold no
brief for any constitutional solution, 1940 or any
other, and this is up to the Cubans, of course. It

May 8, 1967

677

may also interest the conxmittee to know in con-
nection with tliis question that at that time Dr.
Castro also made the following statement :

You are well aware that resistance to despots is legiti-
mate. This is a universally recognized principle and our
Constitution of 1940 expressly makes it a sacred right,
in the second paragraph of article 40: "It is legitimate
to use adequate resistance to protect previously granted
individual rights."

I ask the committee, then, to ponder the signifi-
cance of that statement of Dr. Castro in the light
of what is happening between Cubans today.

Let us look at the record of promises made by
Dr. Castro prior to the fall of Batista and how
lie has betrayed the Cuban people themselves, for
in this lies the reason for the revolution of today.
Dr. Roa claimed that Castro is fulfilling, not
denying, his revolution. Yesterday Dr. Roa asked
why do we in the United States say "betrayed,"
and then he answers his question by saying, "be-
cause we have been true to the revolution." Well,
let us see.

The Declaration of Sierra Maestra of July 12,
1957, was the promise held out to the Cuban
people. Its principal pledges were, and I quote
them for the enliglitenment of the committee:

Immediate freedom for all political prisoners, civil
and military.

Absolute guarantee of freedom of information, both of
newspapers and radio, and of all the individual and polit-
ical rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

Democratization of union politics, holding free elec-
tions in all unions and industrial federations.

Immediate beginning of an intensive campaign against
illiteracy and of civic education, emphasizing the duties
and rights which the citizen has both in the society and
the fatherland.

Establi.shment of an organization for agrarian reform
to promote the distribution of barren lands and the eon-
version into proprietors of all lessee-planters, partners
and squatters who possess small parcels of land, be it
property of the state or of private persons, with prior in-
demnification to the former owners.

And now let us see what has happened accord-
ing- to the record of what I have called "betrayal."

On political prisoners whom he promised to
free, the Castro regime now holds a conservatively
estimated 15,000 political prisoners. The national
prisons, such as the Isle of Pines prison, tlie Ca-
baiia, and El Principe, are overflowing, as are the
smaller provisional prisons, local jails, and places
of confinement. Concentration camps have been
built. Some 2,000 political j^risoners, for exam-

ple, are being held incommmiicado in a special
camp at Minas del Frio in the Sierra Maestra
mountains. Perhaps some of you have read in the
press this morning that the prisoners now include
the distinguished Roman Catholic prelate, Aux-
iliary Bishop of Habana Monsignor Eduardo
Boza Masvidal. The news story says that he is
accused of the "counterrevolutionary" crime of
having United States currency in his possession
and lionrding medicine. Monsignor Masvidal was
originally a strong supporter of the social reforms
of the revolution.

Freedom of Press Obliterated

And now, on the subject of freedom of informa-
tion, for which Dr. Castro promised an absolute
guarantee. Freedom of the press, as we know, has
been completely obliterated. Not a single inde-
pendent newspaper remains in Cuba. And those
Cuban newsmen who tried to uphold the princi-
I^les of freedom have either been dismissed, im-
l^risoned, driven into exile, or silenced in some
other way.

The Castro regime began its campaign against
a free press at an early date. Five newspapers
were confiscated by the Government on 1 January
1959. Two sections of the Code of Special Defense
gave tlie Cuban Government power to act against
those who criticized the Government in the press or
on the radio or on television.

El Pais and Excelsior became insolvent in Feb-
ruary 1960 and on March 15, 1960, were incorpo-
rated into a Government printing establishment.
Avance and El Mundo were intervened by the
Government in January and February 1960.
Dlario de la Marina and Prensa Libre were taken
over by force in May of 1960 by a small handful of
armed pro-Castro employees. Other papers in
Habana and in other parts of the island have met
tlie same fate. By August 1960, Infornweioii. re-
mained as the only daily not in Government hands
and, together with a few periodicals of the Catho-
lic Church, constituted the entire free press in
Cuba. In December 1960 Injormacion^ under
economic pressure exerted by the Government, was
forced to close. In the same month the Govern-
ment closed down the few remaining Catholic
publications. Freedom of the press was dead.

Cuba's radio and television stations have also
come under Government control. Not one inde-
pendent station remains. The last to be taken was

678

Deparfmenl of State Bulletin

the extensive and popular CMQ complex — radio
chain, television channels 6 and 7, and the news sta-
tion Radio Reloj — which was not formally inter-
vened until 12 September 1960. With the
Government in control of all radio and television
stations, the only voice heard in Cuba today is the
propaganda of the Castro regime.

Suppression of Civil Liberties

Now let me turn to individual rights, which
were also guaranteed. Civil liberties in Cuba have
been suppressed. The process has been steady and
thorough. It has been accomplished through the
standard guise of suppressing so-called "counter-
revolutionary" action. When the revolutionary
govermnent assumed power on January 1, 1959,
it immediately instituted a policy of "social pro-
phylaxis" against elements of the Batista regime.
Law number 1 of 21 February 1959 fonned the
basis for a new system of military justice. Close to
550 so-called "war ci'iminals" were summarily
tried and shot, and some 2,000 were sentenced to
long prison terms during the first 6 months under
tliis law. Originally the "revolutionary justice"
system applied only to military personnel and
civilians in the service of tyranny, that is, the Ba-
tista regime. Gradually, however, the revolution-
ary government enlarged the area of competence
of the militaiy courts, and on July 8, 1959, an
amendment to the fundamental law made "those
guilty of counterrevolutionary crimes and those
who injure the national economy or the public
treasui-y liable to the death penalty."

The concept of what constitutes a counterrev-
olutionai-y crime was not, and has never been,
defined. Further amendments and enlargements
were made in the law in 1959.

On November 13, 1959, the civil courts were
ruled incompetent to receive and judge counter-
revolutionary cases. The granting of provisional
freedom to those accused of counterrevolutionary
crimes was denied where there exists "reasonable
evidence of culpability."

The record since then is one of steady expansion
of the system of summary military justice based
on undefined counterrevolutionary crimes and at
the expense of civilian courts.

The suppression of guarantees for civil liberties
has also been accomplished through the destruc-
tion of the independence of the judiciary. That
campaign began early in 1960 with the attacks on

the courts by members of the regime who did not
like some of the decisions dealing with agrarian
reform matters. In July 1960 the Bar Association
came under fire. The Habana Bar Association
was forcibly taken over by the militia on July 5.
The National Bar Association was prevented by a
mob from holding its assembly on July 23. Inter-
ference with the independence of the judiciary
came to a head during November and December
1960. On November 14, 1960, the President of the
Supreme Court, Dr. Emilio Menendez, resigiied
and took asyliun. In a letter addressed to the
President of the Republic, Dr. Dorticos, giving
his reasons, he stated :

The government over which you preside has deviated
from that initial and salutary root and with the passage
of each day it becomes increasingly evident that the
executive is absorbing the general functions of govern-
ment, thereby taking away from the judicial branch the
inherent and indispensable functions for the fulfillment
of its broad tasks and transcendental mission.

A month later the regime began the purge of
the judicial branch. On December 20 the Castro
regime put through a decree reducing the nimiber
of Supreme Court, magistrates from 32 to 15, sus-
pending all tenure rights throughout the judicial
branch, giving the Government a free hand to dis-
miss, transfer, or demote personnel without re-
striction, and providing for other changes in the
Supreme Court. With this measure the last
vestiges of an independent judiciary vanished
from Cuba.

These are the ways in which civil liberties have
been guaranteed by the Castro regime.

Castro has converted the Cuban Confederation
of Workers from an independent labor organiza-
tion for promoting the welfare of the laboring
classes to a mechanism of the state for disciplin-
ing, indoctrination, and propaganda. Between
that time and December 1960, over 200 principal
officers of national federations who had been
elected during the spring of 1959 from candidates
proposed by Castro's own July 26th Movement
were deposed under the pretext of being counter-
revolutionaries. One of these was the Secretary
General of the Cuban Federation of Workers,
David Salvador, who went imderground to form
an opposition group known as the Movement of
November 30th. He now languishes in a Castro
prison. While the anti-Communist leadership of
the CTC was being purged, the basic fmiction of
the labor organization was being transformed.

May 8, 1967

679

In August 1960 the Minister of Labor was em-
powered to determine wage rates in state-owned
and mixed entei-prises and to establish production
norms or minima which the worker is obliged to
meet. This completed the centralization of au-
thority in the Ministry over promotion, hiring
and firing of workers, all collective bargaming,
and all labor disputes.

Machinery of Indoctrination

On education, where Castro promised an inten-
sive campaign against illiteracy and of civic edu-
cation, what has happened? The revolutionary
government is turning the machinery of enlight-
enment into machineiy of indoctrination. Only
doctrines and ideas which agree with the "Castro
philosophy" can now be taught, and only teachers
who are politically acceptable to the regime can
teach them.

University autonomy, a concept respected by
even the worst of Cuba's past tyrants, has now
been abolished. By January 1961 over 75 percent
of the faculty had either been purged or had
resigned and fled. At the secondary and primary
school levels the Castro regime has also intro-
duced strict control over teachers and subject
matter taught. Textbooks have been rewritten
to fit the pi-opaganda line of the Government and
teachers given the choice of either accepting the
new orientation or being ousted. The regime is
moving ahead with its plans to establish large
communal school-cities where thousands of chil-
dren will be taken away from their home envii-on-
ment for concentrated education and indoctrina-
tion.

In the field of illiteracy Castro has made much
of his campaign to teach all Cubans to read and
write by the end of 1961. In fact this campaign
is being used as an instrument for indoctrination.
A teaching manual prepared by the Cuban Min-
istry of Education for guidance of teachers con-
tains a chapter entitled "Friends and Enemies."
Let me quote just one paragraph :

We consider as our friends those countries who have
already succeeded in obtaining absolute liberty, and who
help honestly and disinterestedly the nations who fight
against the colonialist yolie imposed by the imperialists.
Those countries are the Soviet Union, Communist China
and the other socialist states.

This is the type of civic education which is being
given to the Cuban people under this regime.

Finally, Dr. Castro promised in his agrarian
reform to make shareholders and squatters into
proprietors of their land and to compensate the
former owners. This promise was intended to
break up large landlioldings and to distribute
them among individual farmers. This promise
was to answer the aspirations of Cuban farmers
who wanted to own and till their own land. It
has not been carried out. On the contraiy, many
small holdings have been consolidated into larger
farms. The large farms have not been parceled
out but have been converted into cooperatives and
state farms. Landholding in Cuba is now more
consolidated than it was before the Castro-led
revolution. The overwhelming percentage of
Cuba's 14.5 million acres of tillable land is owned
or administered by the Cuban Government. The
National Agrarian Reform Institute has become
the sole latifundista in Cuba.

With respect to indemnification for seized
property, I am not aware that any compensation
has been paid to either Cuban or foreign owners.

These are the ways in which this revolution has
been betrayed. The regime has seized land
promised to the people. It has turned an educa-
cational system promised for the people into a
system of indoctrination for the state. It has
destroyed the free labor movement. It has denied
both civil and political rights, purging the
judiciary and substituting vague comiterrevolu-
tionary crimes under summary military courts for
civilian justice. It has abolished the once lively
free press of the Cuban people. These are the
reasons why Cubans today are seeking to restore
the revolution to its original premises. These
are the reasons why it is a Cuban and a liemi-
splieric, and not a United States, problem.

What the Republic of Cuba is seeking from us
today is the protection of the Castro regime from
the wrath of these people. Dr. Castro has the
largest land army in Latin America. It is well
equipped with large quantities of modem arms
from Eastern Europe. It has himdreds of Soviet
and Czech advisers. If, as Dr. Roa claims, the
regime has the backing of tlie people of Cuba, it
is difficult to explain Cuban attitudes toward the
rest of the Americas for the last 18 months.

The problem which Cuba has created is not one
of revolution or of social change. And the
leaders of the present opposition to Castro, leaders
who were once Dr. Castro's closest suppoi-ters —

680

Department of State Bulletin

his first President, his first Prime Minister, his
first Chief Justice, the head of Castro's own
oiEce, two-thirds of his first Cabinet, companions-
in arms in the Sien-a Maestras — they do not want
to tuna back the clock to a Batista dictatorsliip
but to restore tlie revokition to its original ideals.
Because these people truly desire social justice
with freedom, they are now called mercenaries
and traitors.

Cuban People's Uprising Against Oppression

The current uprising in Cuba is the product of
the progressively more violent opposition of the
Cuban people to the policies and practices of this
regime. Let us not forget that there have been
hundreds of freedom fighters in the mountains of
central Cuba for almost a year; that during the
last 6 months skirmishes with the Castro police,
attacks upon individual members of his armed
forces, nightly acts of sabotage by the revolution-
aries, have been increasing in number and inten-
sity. Protest demonstrations have taken place by
workers whose trade-imion rights have been be-
trayed, by Catholics wliose fi'eedom of expression
and worship has been circumscribed, by profes-
sional men whose right to free association has
been violated. The response of the Castro regime
has been repression, arrests without warrant, trial
without constitutional guarantees, imprisonment
without term and without mercy, and, finally, the
execution wall.

Let me be absolutely clear: that the present
events are the uprising of the Cuban people
against an oppressive regime which has never
given them the opportunity in peace and by demo-
cratic process to approve or to reject the domestic
and foreign policies which it has followed.

For our part, our attitude is clear. Many Amer-
icans looked with sympathy, as I have said, on the
cause espoused by Dr. Castro when he came to
power. They look with the same sympathy on
the men who today seek to bring freedom and jus-
tice to Cuba — not for foreign monopolies, not for
the economic or political interests of the United
States or any foreign power, but for Cuba and for
the Cuban people.

It is hostility of Cubans, not Americans, that Dr.
Castro has to fear. It is not our obligation to
protect him from the consequences of his treason
to the revolution, to the hopes of the Cuban people.

and to the democratic aspirations of the hemi-
sphere.

The United States sincerely hopes that any dif-
ficulties which we or other American countries
may have with Cuba will be settled peacefully.
We have committed no aggression against Cuba.
We have no aggressive purposes against Cuba.
We intend no military intervention in Cuba. We
seek to see a restoration of the friendly relations
which once prevailed between Cuba and the United
States. We hope that the Cuban people will
settle their own problems in their own interests
and in a manner which will assure social justice,
true independence, and political liberty to the
Cuban people.

[In a further intervention Ambassador Stevenson said:]

Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to say a word to
make sure that the United States was not trem-
bling with fear after Mr. Zorin's attack.

Mr. Zorin said he camiot understand why I am
interested in the internal affairs of Cuba. He said
it was ridiculous. Well, perhaps I could help my
distinguished colleague from the Soviet Union.
I am interested because it is internal matters in
Cuba that are the reason for the external problems
about Cuba. The distinguished delegate of the
Soviet Union even challenged my right to speak
here about Cuba — how I deemed it possible. Well,
I deem it possible because truth is always germane
and we have heard a great deal that is untrue.

STATEMENT OF APRIL 20

U.S. delegation press release 3706

Although I am loathe to speak as often or as
long as the representative of the Soviet Union,
this is, after all, an item that involves the United
States and not the U.S.S.R. So I have some
fuial words that I should like to say in this debate.
I am grateful to those of my colleagues who have
expressed respect for my country and for the
honesty of its spokesmen here and in Washington.

First let me say that we don't deny that the
exiles from Cuba have received the sympathy of
many people inside and outside the United
States — even as Dr. Castro had the sympathy of
many in the United States, Mexico, and elsewhere.
But the extent to which so many speakers have
deliberately confused this with intervention and

May 8, 1961

681

aggression by the United States Government has
exceeded all bounds of fact or fancy.

Obviously the incessant reiDetition of such
charges as though they had been proved reveals
a greater anxiety to mislead and to corrupt world
opinion than to keep the discussion on the tracks.

Let me commence where I started a couple of
days ago. I said at the outset of this debate about
Cuba:

"The United States sincerely hopes that any
difSculties which we or other American countries
may have with Cuba will be settled peacefully.
We have committed no aggression against Cuba.
We have no aggressive purposes against Cuba.
We intend no military intervention in Cuba." I
repeat, no military intervention in Cuba. "We
seek to see a restoration of the friendly relations
which once prevailed between Cuba and the
United States. We hope that the Cuban people
will settle their own problems in their o\vn in-
terests and in a maimer which will assure social
justice, tnie independence, and political liberty
to the Cuban people."

Since I said those words, I have heard a tor-
rent— a deluge — of ugly words from Communist
speakers here accusing the United States of ag-
gression and invasion against Cuba. I will resist
the temptation to invite attention to the record
of aggression of the countries represented by
some of those speakers — or to inquii'e as to which
country has really intervened in Cuba, which
country has perverted the Cuban revolution, and
why these same speakers are so emotional about
the revolt of the Cuban refugees against the new
tyranny in Cuba and the new imperialism in the
world.

Let me just ask — if this was a United States
military operation, do you think it would succeed
or fail? How long do you think Cuba could re-
sist the military power of the United States?
Perhaps the best evidence of the falsity of the
shrill charges of American aggression in Cuba is
the melancholy fact that this blow for freedom
has not yet succeeded. And if the United States
had been in charge I submit that fighting would
hardly have broken out on the day debate was to
start in this committee.

Aside from these loud charges of aggression,
I have also heard the Communists echo over and
over like parrots the old theme that the United

States is trying to impose economic slavery — this
time on Cuba.

Some of tliese speakers are evidently miaware —
or perhaps they don't care — about the fact that I
have written and talked about the need for eco-
nomic and social reform and political democracy
throughout Latin America for years. I would
also remind these cold warriors that President
Kennedy has recently proposed a large and
thoughtful program of social reforms and eco-
nomic assistance to Latin America.'

But I confess I have no hope that the Com-
munist speakers will be any more interested in the
truth tomorrow than they were yesterday or today.

There are those who will say that m the last 48
hours the Cuban people have spoken.

Who can doubt the outcome if the events of the
last few days had given the Cuban people the
opportunity to choose between tyranny and
freedom ?

The Cuban people have not spoken.

Their yearning to be free of Castro's execu-
tions, of his betrayal of the revolution, of his con-
trolled press, and of his yoke and rule by mailed
fist has not been extinguished. The more than
100,000 refugees from his tyranny are undeniable
proof of the historic aspirations of the Cuban peo-
ple for freedom. The Cubans will continue to
look forward to the day when thej' can determine
their own future by democratic processes and
through free institutions.

And what are the lessons to be learned? For
those Cuban patriots who gave their lives, the
lesson is one of tragic finality. But what of those
who live on and will shape the future? The
events of the last few days are indelible reminders
to all of us in the Western Hemisphere. The
penetration of force from outside our hemisphere,
dominating a puppet government and providing
it with arms, tanks, and fighter aircraft, is already
dangerously strong and deep. It is now demon-
strably stronger, deeper, and more dangerous to
all of us who value freedom than most Americans^
and most of our neighbors in the Western Hemi-
sphere— have been willing to think.

If there is hope in the events of the last few
days it is that it will awaken all of us in the
Americas to a renewed determination to mobilize
every resource and energy to advance the cause of

' Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

682

Department of State Bulletin

economic growth and social progress throughout
the hemispliere — to foster conditions of freedom
and political democracy. They summon all of us
to expand freedom and abundance with education
of all peoi^les. If we dedicate ourselves with
renewed resolve to bringing greater social reform,
greater economic opportunity, greater human
dignity, the sacrifices of tlie last few days will not
have been m vain.

A Problem for the World Community

The world community is also faced with a prob-
lem in Cuba.

Tlie United Nations Organization is designed to
preserve and defend the teri'itorial integrity and
political independence of its members. Perhaps
we have learned in the 15 years of our life to deal
reasonably well with the problems of maintaining
"territorial integrity," that is, with the problem
of preventing armies from marching across
borders. But what of "political independence"?
Here is the challenge of Cuba, of Laos, of the
Congo — and, I fear, of other crises yet to come.
The free nations of the world cannot permit
political conquest any more than they can tolerate
military aggression. My Government, for its
part, is unwilling to accept such a pattern of inter-
national life. And I humbly suggest that new and
small states everywhere should seriously ponder
this lesson of the Cuban episode.

As the President of the United States said this
afternoon,' the message of Cuba, of Laos, of the
rising din of Commimist voices in Asia and Latin
America — these messages are all the same. I hope
that the lessons which these developments teach
us are not lost on all of us here. There are many
small coimtries whose institutions may not yet be
so firmly secured that they can be impervious to
the insidious type of subversion of which we are
speaking. Tliis internal battle is frequently si-
lent but deadly. Can we ignore what is happen-
ing in a small country like Viet-Nam, whose free-
dom is in danger by guerrilla forces operating
under Communist direction from the north and
seeking to overthrow the freely elected govern-
ment of that country ? In 1960 alone Communist
guerrillas killed, wounded, or captured within
south Viet-Nam thousands of Vietnamese soldiers

and civilians. I say to you with deep humility
and firm resolve that whether infiltrations are in
Viet-Nam, in Cuba, or in Laos, each such en-
croachment on the freedom of these people is a
threat to the freedom of all peoples. The new
states of Africa in particular, with their newly
won freedom, can profit by the example of Cuba.
Political independence which they cherish can be
impaired and lost by subversion. Let aU those
who value liberty stand guard. The test of free-
dom is the right to choose — not once but again
and again. When this right is lost, freedom is lost,
as Castro's Qiba so tragically shows.

The United States then will vote for the resolu-
tion introduced by the seven coimtries of Latin
America.^

We will vote against the Soviet and Kumanian
resolutions.^"

We also find that the Mexican resolution ^^ is
unacceptable, particularly because it makes no ref-
erence to the Organization of American States or
to cooperation in the Western Hemisphere.

On the other hand, we find, as I have said, the
seven-power Latin American resolution an appro-
priate decision of this matter.

I end by paying my respects to the Cuban exiles
and to the patriots within Cuba. They have had
one aim in view — not to restore the past, not to
frustrate Cuba's social revolution, but to prevent
its further perversion. They have fought for the
revolution they thought they made when they
ousted Batista — a revolution based not only on so-
cial justice but on personal freedom, civil liberties,
and due process of law. They have fought to end
the rule of arbitrary arrest, the packed tribunal,
and the firing squad. Freedom is the issue, free-
dom from an alien, imported despotism. It is for
this that countless patriots have died for countless
years.

As we know from the past, the fortresses of
tyranny may not fall at the first blow, least of all
when the dictator has piled up arms and vastly
expanded his military strength. Even Cuban
courage is not enough to counter such brute
strength. Not all the passionate desire of French-
men to be free, not all the coldblooded courage of

' See p. 659.

' U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.276.

'° U.N. docs. A/C.1/L.277 and L.274.

" U.N. doe. A/C.1/L.275.

May 8, 1961

683

the French underground, could roll back the Nazis.
Not all the gallantry of Hungary's workers and
students, not all the drive and resources of its
freedom fighters, could withstand the onslaught of
Russia's armed divisions. But their struggle for
freedom was not the less authentic because the
Russians wiped it out. And so long as any Cuban
longs for freedom, Castro's tyranny is not secure.
The longing will not cease. Of this we can be
sure. A hundred thousand Cubans have escaped
already. Thousands more will follow. To them
we say that the door is open and that the Uiiited
States respects and upholds their right of asylum
as one of the most fundamental of the rights of
man.

Right of Asylum

How much freedom would any of us have today
if the right of asylum had been wiped out?
Throughout the 19th century's struggle for free-
dom and national independence, great leaders of
the emergent peoples were sustained and succored
by the liberal powers of Europe when the fortunes
of politics turned against them. Italy's Garibaldi
was a hero in London. So was Hungary's
Kossuth.

In this century, it was in America that the father
of Czechoslovakia, Thomas Masaryk, not only
found asylum but set up the state which for 20
years between the wars enjoyed the freedom of
true democracy.

How would France have recovered its splendid
sense of identity and history if General de Gaulle
had found no refuge from the Nazis in embattled
Britain?

Indeed, even those who now mock at the con-
ceptions of human dignity inherent in the right
of asylum were saved from disaster by this same
right. It was to London that Marx fled from the
police. It was in London that Lenin studied out
of reach of Czarist autocracy, and such past and
contemporary heroes of the Americas as Francisco
Miranda, Jose Marti, and Eomulo Betancourt,
who all sought and received asylum in the United
States. And where did Fidel Castro seek aid and
shelter?

So long as Americans remain a free people, just
so long will they uphold the right of asylum as a
fimdamental human right. This will not change.
Nor, I profoundly believe, will the pressure to be
free stop. I do not deny that since the war the

area of tyranny has widened in some parts of the
world. In these areas people cannot protest their
position publicly or make clear their profound
desire for liberty. But it remains a fact that tliou-
sands upon thousands have registered their protest
in the only way open to them. They have escaped.

Castro's refugees are but a page in this unhappy
history. In Korea a great majority, not only of
north Korean prisoners but of Chinese prisoners
as well, opted not to return to Communist
tyranny. Tibetans have streamed across India's
frontiers to escape Chinese oppression. Tens of
thousands fled from Hungary and now live in
many lands here represented. Most revealing of
all, over 3 million Germans have escaped from
East Germany — "voting with their feet" against
the regime. Gentlemen, there is no stream in the
opposite sense. People fly to freedom, not away
from it.

I would urge you not to be deafened by violent
words designed to paint the Cuban freedom fight-
ers as "running dogs of imperialism," "capitalist
lackeys," "mercenaries," and all the other familiar
and repellent jargon of the Communist world.
This evening I am informed that three of the six
members of the Cuban Revolutionaiy Council had
sons engaged in this enterprise. Juan Verona had
a son, a nephew, and two brothers ; Miro Cardona
had a son : Hevia his only son. And yet I hear
these speakers call this "an adventure of American
mercenaries." The Cuban refugees are but a part
of a great multitude of men who have left their
homes, who have lost their all, who have risked
death and disaster sooner than live in chains.

Wliy? Because they long for security against
unpredictable arrest, against the midnight knock
on the door. They long to be free from malevo-
lence and informers and spite. They seek a society
in which a man may speak his mind ; they want for
themselves and their children a political system in
which the law is a shield, not a trap, and in which
the power of an omnipotent state does not exercise
over them the terror of a nameless death.

These are not small things. Cubans thought
them worth dying for when with Fidel Castro they
fought to overthrow Batista. They think so now,
wlien they fight to overthrow the tyranny that
Castro has set up in its place. And the struggle
for freedom will continue — as it always has and
always must. For these are rights so precious to
the soul of man that the longing for them cannot

684

Department of State Bulletin

be quenched. I believe that men will continue to
be ready to die for them — as the Cuban freedom
fighters have done this week.

And I believe that no despot will ever finally
have quiet sleep because of the human heart's un-
slumbering desire to be free.

This is our faith. This is the faith of the free
society in wliich we live. And I believe this is and
will ultimately be the faith of all mankind.

TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS
Mexican Draft Resolution '^

The General Assembli/,

Having heard the statements made by the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Cuba, by the representative of the
United States of America and by other representatives,

Deeply concerned over the situation described therein,
the continuation of which is liliely to endanger peace,

Considering that it is a permanent aim of the United
Nations to develop friendly relations based on respect for
the principle of equal rights and self-determination of
peoples,

Firmly believing that the principle of non-intervention
in the internal affairs of any State imposes an obligation
on Members of the United Nations to refrain from en-
couraging or promoting civil strife in other States,

Mindful that it is the duty of all States, under Article
33 of the Charter, to seek the pacific settlement of disputes
by the means enumerated therein,

1. Makes an urgent appeal to all States to ensure that
their territories and resources are not used to promote a
civil war in Cuba ;

2. Urges them to put an immediate end to any activity
that might result in further bloodshed ;

3. Requests them to co-operate, in keeping with the
spirit of the Charter, in the search for a peaceful solution
to the present situation.

Seven-Power Resolution >3

The General Assembly,

Having heard the statements made by the Minister for
External Relations of Cuba, the representative of the
United States of America and other representatives.

Deeply concerned over the situation disclosed therein,
which is disturbing world public opinion and the contin-
uation of which could endanger world peace.

Recalling the last two paragraphs of the Security
Council resolution of 19 July 1960" and the peaceful
means of settlement established at the Seventh Meeting
of Consultation of Foreign Ministers of the American
Republics,

Considering that the States Members of the United
Nations are under an obligation to settle their disputes
by negotiations and other peaceful means in such a
manner that international peace and security, and justice,
are not endangered.

Exhorts all Member States to take such peaceful action
as is open to them to remove existing tension.

Letters of Credence

Dahomey

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee-
public of Dahomey, Louis Ignacio- Pinto, pre-
sented his credentials to President Kennedy on
April 17. For texts of the Ambassador's remarks
and the President's reply, see Department of
State press release 222 dated April 17.

Indonesia

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee-
public of Indonesia, Zairin Zain, presented his
credentials to President Kennedy on April 17.
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 225 dated April 17.

Upper Volta

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee-
public of Upper Volta, Frederic Guirma, pre-
sented his credentials to President Kennedy on
April 17. For texts of the Ambassador's remarks
and the President's reply, see Department of
State press release 224 dated April 17.

Niger

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Ee-
public of Niger, Issoufou Saidou Djermakoye,
presented his credentials to President Kennedy
on April 17. For texts of the Ambassador's re-
marks and the President's reply, see Department
of State press release 223 dated April 17.

"^U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.275; adopted in Committee I on
Apr. 21 by a vote of 42 to 31 (Including U.S.), with 25
abstentions. The vote in plenary session on the same day
was 41 to 35, with 20 abstentions ; the resolution therefore
failed of adoption because it lacked the necessary two-
thirds majority.

"U.N. doc. A/RES/1616(XV) (A/C.1/L.276, as amend-
ed) ; adopted in plenary session on Apr. 21 by a vote of
59 (including U.S.) to 13, with 24 abstentions. The draft
resolution as adopted in Committee I contained an oper-
ative paragraph 1 which read as follows: "Exhorts those
Member States which belong to the Organization of Amer-
ican States to lend their assistance with a view to achiev-
ing a settlement by peaceful means in accordance with
the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United
Nations and of the charter of the Organization of Ameri-
can States, and to report to the United Nations, as soon
as possible, within the present year, the measures they
have taken to achieve settlement by peaceful means." On
a separate vote this paragraph failed of adoption by a
vote of 56 (including U.S.) to 32, with 8 abstentions.

" For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 8, 1960, p. 204.

May 8, 796J

685

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of April 17

Press release 227 dated April 17

Secretary Rusk : I shall be leaving here shortly
to meet Prime Minister Caramanlis of Greece and
his official party. Although we have had a num-
ber of Prime Ministers and other distinguished
foreign statesmen in this country on informal or
so-called working visits, this is the first official
visit in the technical sense which we are having.
Mr. Caramanlis will be 8 days in the United States,
and we are looking forward very much to his
Tisit.

Situation in Laos

The Soviet reply to the British proposals [on
Laos] was received here in the middle of the night.
There are several documents involved and we are
giving them careful study, but it should be recog-
nized that this is a reply to the British and not
to the United States. We have not yet heard from
our own Embassy about any comments which
might have been made there.

Our first impression, however, is that, while it
retains most of the constructive elements of the
Soviet reply of April 1,^ the present answer does
not fully clarify the key point of the timing of the
cease-fire and the mechanisms for this verification.
This, of course, is a very critical matter in terms
of the possibility of bringing the situation to a
peaceful and satisfactory conclusion.

We are, of course, concerned with the situation
on the ground because what happens in Laos has a
great deal to do with the possibilities of a peaceful
settlement in that country, and we shall follow the
events in that country very closely where we, of
course, have means for determining what might be
in the minds of those on the other side.

Tiie Issue in Cuba

The question of Cuba is being debated today in
the General Assembly of the United Nations.^
There have been many reports of further disorders
in Cuba and additional landings on the Cuban
coast. These are being made the subject of inflam-
matory charges against the United States by the
Castro regime. Since this debate cannot easily go
on in two places simultaneously, I do not wish to
pursue it in detail here, but I do wish to make a
few observations.

The issue in Cuba is not between Cuba and the
United States but between the Castro dictatorship
and the Cuban people. This is not the first time
that dictators have attempted to blame their trou-
bles with their own people on foreigners. Nor is
it the first time that refugees from tyranny have
attempted to join their own countrymen to chal-
lenge a dictatorial regime. Dr. Castro himself
was such a refugee who attracted much sympathy
and practical support, both inside and outside
Cuba, when it appeared that he was fighting tyr-
anny instead of practicing it.

There is no secret about the sympathy of the
American people for those who wish to be free,
whether in distant parts of the world or in our
own neighborliood. We are not indifferent to
intrusion into tliis hemisphere by the Communist
conspiracy which, as recently as December 1960,
declared its intentions to destroy free institutions
in all parts of the world. We shall work together
with other governments of tliis hemisphere to meet
efforts by tliis conspiracy to extend its penetration.
The present struggle in Cuba, however, is a strug-
gle by Cubans for their own freedom. There is
not and will not be any intervention there by

' For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 545.

' See p. 667.

686

Department of State Bulletin

United States forces. The President has made
this clear as well as our determination to do all we
possibly can to insure that Americans do not par-
ticipate in these actions in Cuba.^

We do not have full information on what is hap-
pening on that island. Much of what we have
comes from the Castro i-egime itself and indicates
that serious imrest and disorders are to be found
in all parts of the country. I am not able, there-
foi'e, to answer detailed questions about what is
a confused scene. The American people are en-
titled to know whether we are intervening in Cuba
or intend to do so in the future. The answer to
that question is no. What happens in Cuba is for
the Cuban people themselves to decide.

Now, gentlemen, I shall try to take a few of your
questions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, does your categorical state-
ment that loe are not going to intervene in Cuba,
■period, mean that this administration is abandon-
ing the traditional reservation that loe reserve tlie
right to intervene to protect American lives?

A. That particular question is one for the fu-
ture, and I would not wish to relate it particularly
to Cuba because of the debate now going on in the
United Nations at this very moment.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in the past the Soviet Union^-
indeed Premier Khrushchev — has said that the
Soviets luould go to the aid of Cuba. I believe at
one point Premier Khrushchev said '■^rockets will
-fly.'''' What would our attitude be in the event of
intervention by the Soviets to help the Castro
regime?

A. I would not wish to answer a hypothetical
question of that sort this morning.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us what contact
our Government is maintaining, if any, with tlie
so-called Revolutionary Council in New York,
toliose representatives came doivn and called on
you a few days ago, and would you tell us \ohen the
last contact with that group %oas?

A. I am very sorry not to answer questions on
Cuba, but I must stand on the statement I have
just made.

Q. Mr. Secretary , can you ansioer questions
about the U.S. Immigration Service?

' See footnote 2, p. 661.

A. Why don't you ask it, and I will see.
(Laughter.)

Q. Well, there is a very puzzling case of this
pilot who landed in Miami, after saying he had de-
fected from the Cuban Air Force. The Immigra-
tion Service, although his picture was printed —
Castro has challenged us to produce him to verify
the story that he told. Why do toe not allow tlie
press to see this man? Is the Immigration Serv-
ice making policy for the State Department?

A. I think this is a question which started as one
on the Immigration Service and became one on
Cuba, and I would not wish to answer that this
morning.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there is another question tliat
arises. If the rebels succeed in establishing a solid
foothold in Cuba, ivould loe be prepared to con-
sider or to grant diplomatic recognition?

A. That is a question for the future, into which
I can't go this morning.

Q. Mr. Secretary, I will get off Cuba —

A. Thank you. (Laughter.)

Q. With respect to the situation in Laos — and
you have already explained what the diplomatic-
note situation is — more practically than that, do
you believe that there is an element of stalling
in the Russian handling of this matter in order
to enable the pro-Communist elements to consoli-
date their position there?

A. Well, there is of course a close connection
between the pace of diplomatic discussion and
what happens on the ground in Laos. We feel
that the situation in Laos is dangerous and that
the diplomatic discussion ought to move promptly
in order to bring that dangerous situation under
control. The question of stalling is one which
turns upon how discussions relate to what is hap-
pening, and we are of course watching that very
closely. I would not want to characterize that
particular point at the time, but it is obviously
a very critical point.

Role of Prince Souvanna Phouma

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you say what role
you loould expect Prince Souvanna Phouma to
play in any broadened government in Laos? I
believe he is arriving here tom,orrow.

May 8, 1967

687

A. We ourselves have no special role for
Souvanna Pliouma in mind. The constitution of
a government in Laos is for the Laotian leaders
themselves. This is not a matter which can be
easily negotiated out internationally because the
constitution of a government is essentially a do-
mestic matter and, since government personalities
change, it does not lend itself to international
agreement very easily. Incidentally, we under-
stand that Prince Souvanna Phouma, because of
the necessity of going down to the Black Sea to
see Mr. Khrushchev, may delay his arrival here
for a day.*

Q. Mr. SecretaT'y, Mr. Khrushchev said in an
interview this morning that, lohile there are
neutral nations, there are no neutral men. He
loas talking about the tripartitism, I think, that
they are trying to fractice noiv. In the light of
that, hoio would you characterize Souvanna
Phouma?

A. Well, I wouldn't wish to characterize Sou-
vanna Phouma in terms of that declaration of
Soviet policy. As you know, that policy is under
study itself in a great variety of ways these days — •
in the attack on the Secretary-General in the
United Nations, in the so-called tripartite pro-
posals for t\\& control machinery in the nuclear
test talks, and in other respects. We believe that
on the issues raised by the manifesto put out by
the Communist siunmit last December there are
very far-reaching issues in which those who wisli
to be free must be concerned. I think this idea
that no one, that no individual, can be neutral
strikes at the heart of the possibilities of inter-
national organization ; it strikes at the heart of the
peaceful processes of adjudication, mediation, and
would set the world back a very long way indeed
in settling disputes by peaceful means.

Q. Mr. Secretary, at the risk of receiving a
"no", sir, could you tell me whether this Govern-
ment is sympathetic toward those who are fighting
tyranny?

A. I have indicated so in my statement earlier.

* On Apr. 18 the Department of State was informed
that Prince Souvanna Phouma on that day had notified
the American Embassy at Moscow, through his secretary,
that he had canceled his plans to visit Washington in
order to return to Laos on schedule.

Q. Mr. Secretary, wJiafs your latest informa-
tion on the situation on the ground in Laos? Are
the pro-Communist rebels advancing?

A. There seemed to be in the most recent day
or two some troop movements of minor sorts which
may be indicative, and the Soviet supply, of course,
is continuing. And we are watching both of those
very closely.

Q. Mr. Secretary, without going into the spe-
cifics of the Cuban physical action, could you
amplify for us the United States position on ma-
terial aid to the Cuban forces opposing Castro
in relation to our commitments under the OAS
[Organization of American States'] agreements?

A. I would not wish to get into tliat question
in the middle of debate in New York this morning.

Q. Mr. Secretary, on Cuba, did we have any
advance word that any such attack or invasion
was coming this morning?

A. Again I would prefer not to get into that
question.

Question of Cease-Fire in Laos

Q. Mr. Secretary, in regard to Laos, can you
tell us how you feel the situation m,ay develop in
the next few days? Is there very much time to
continue to wait before you decide what to do?

A. I think the most immediate step is to clarify
immediately this question of a cease-fire and the
means to be taken to insure that a genuine cease-
fire is in effect. We have no problems about the
meeting, about the calling of an international con-
trol commission. As far as we are concerned, we
have no problems about a conference to try to
find a peaceful settlement of this question. But
we do have problems about a prolonged delay in
establishing a cease-fire which would open the
way for the negotiations which might bring this
situation to a settlement.

Q. Can you say whether the latest Soviet reply
on this subject has advanced the prospect for a
cease-fire or simply left it up in the air?

A. I think, pending clarification, it would be
difficult to be precise on tliis point, quite frankly.
This is a matter which we are studying now and
on which we will be in touch with other govem-

688

Depatim&nt of State Bulletin

ments again and presumably again with the
Soviet Union.

Q. Mr. Secretary., there has ieen some criticism
in Congress that the policy you are pursuing in
Laos, that is, the international confer'ence and the
establishment of neutralism there, would lead to
the introduction of Communists into the govern-
ment who could then subvert that government and
it would quickly go behind the Iron Curtain.
What assurance can you give on that point?

A. Well, a government which is capable of sub-
verting the country to communism is, of course,
not a government which can sustain a country in
a neutral, independent position. I have had a
chance to discuss these matters with a number of
the congressional leaders and congressional com-
mittees, and this is something, of course, which is
much involved in discussions that lie ahead of us.

Q. Mr. Secretary, tvould you tell us tohether
we invited Prince Phouma to visit Washington?

A. Yes, we indicated to him that if he could
arrange a schedule to come here we should be very
happy to see him. He comes here, of course, as a
private citizen, not as an alleged official of the
Laotian Government.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you spoJce of keeping a close
watch on the situation on the ground in Laos.
How does that relate to the way in which things
were left after the SEATO conference? ^ If the
situation on the ground in Laos reaches a certain
point, do these appropriate steps that were re-
ferred to in the communique automatically go in-
to effect?

A. The SEATO governments are among those
who are keeping a close watch on the situation in
Laos, and this obviously is something which they
all had in mind when they issued their statement
at the SEATO conference. I would not suppose
that in matters of this sort there is anything con-
tmgent ahead of us, that is, that could possibly
be called automatic when governments are dealing

'^ For text of a communique issued after the seventh
annual Ministerial Meeting of the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization, together with statements by Secretary
Rusk, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 547.

' Ibid., Apr. 24, 1061, p. 579.

' I hid., May 1, 1961, p. 621.

with as complicated and difficult situations as this
one.

Strengthening the NATO Alliance

Q. Mr. Secretary, noio that the visits of Prime
Minister MacmiUan'^ and Chancellor Adenauer''
are over, could you give us some indication of your
thinking, the administration'' s thinking, on
methods, prospects, for improving the cohesion of
the North Atlantic Alliance?

A. There are a number of ways in which we
hope to move, and these will be, of course, dis-
cussed among other governments members of
NATO and of the Atlantic Community, particu-
larly at the forthcoming Oslo conference. For
example, we believe that a good deal can be ac-
complished by a greater amount of consultation
among the members on important issues that are
before the member governments and before the
Atlantic Community. "We feel there is a great
deal of informal and, indeed, active cooperation
among the members of the Atlantic Commmiity
in the economic field which will be dealt with
mider the OECD [Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development]. AVe think that
there are a variety of ways in which this great al-
liance can be strengthened, and we shall be dis-
cussing those fully with other members between
now and the Oslo meeting and continuing from
that point on for a considerable period.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in that connection, how
loould you assess then the actions and statements
of President de Gaulle regarding NATO and the
position of the French Government regarding the
payment for the Congo action?

A. These are questions which we shall, of
course, be discussing with the French Govern-
ment. As you know, the President is going over
to visit with General de Gaulle a little later.
France is a very important member of the At-
lantic Commimity and of the Western Alliance,
and these are matters which Avill, of course, be
fully discussed with them.

Q. Mr. Secretary, according to our best infor-
mation, is there a full-scale invasion of Cuba
under way, or is this merely a landing of guer-
rilla forces?

May 8, 1961

689

A. I would not have supposed from the press
reports tliat I have heard that anything is hap-
pening that could be called a full-scale invasion.
There have been a lot of incidents and a lot of
groups active in that situation over the months
since the large-scale defections from the Castro
regime occurred. But I have seen nothing that
would lead me to characterize it as a large-scale
invasion.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is there an American policy
on the use of American soil, or on forbidding the
use of American soil, to train, equip, or other-
wise get together for Cuban forces against Castro?
Do %oe have a policy one way or another that
you can state?

A. What is going on in Cuba is not taking
place from Amex'ican soil.

Q. Mr. Secretary, at your last press confer-
ence,^ you indicated that something might be done
regarding Guhan imports into the United States —
that it was imminent. Can you throw any more
light on that?

A. Yes, that has been reserved for somewhat
further study because of some technical ques-
tions that were encountered. This has not been
brought to a final answer as yet.

Q. When you say '■'■technical,^^ do you mean
treaties here or abroad, or just what?

A. There were some technical and legal ques-
tions about the kinds of control that we had in
mind that we had to study further.

Q. Mr. Secretary, has the Department been in
touch with the Amalgamated Clothing Workers''
Union in an effort to delay the boycott that they
are threatening to impose on the first of May on
Japanese imported tooolen suits?

A. Officials have been in touch with them. I
am not personally immediately sure whether
from the Department of State or from other
departments.

Q. Returning to Laos, Mr. Secretary, in view of
the Commmjmist advances and strengthening of
position in Laos, do you believe that Russia is
truly interested in a genuine cease-fire?

A. This is what we are now in the process of
finding out. In the discussions that have gone on
the Soviets have indicated that they believe that

' Ihid., Mar. 27, 1961, p. 433.
690

Laos should be an Austrian-type neutral — inde-
pendent Laos. We think that that is a satisfac-
toi-y answer in Laos. Now the problem is whether
both sides mean the same things by that kind of
language.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in order to clarify further a
point which has been asked before: You said in
your statement that we sympathize with the groups
which seek to overthrow tyranny, and I think Mr.
[Charles] Shutt asked specifically whether we
were sympathetic toward the anti-Castro groups
which are specifically trying to overthrow the
Castro reginne at this moment. Would you answer
to that point?

A. Well, I think I indicated in my statement
that there is no doubt we are sympathetic to those
who are fighting for freedom.

Q. Mr Secretary, is the United States Navy
now, or is it prepared to stop armaments moving
to Castro?

A. The President has indicated that there will
be no intervention by U.S. forces in Cuba.

Q. What ahout the Russian arms and things
of that nature?

A. I will leave those answers unless and until
the question arises in another way.

Geneva Nuclear Test Talks

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us how you see
the progress in the nuclear test-ban talks in

Geneva?

A. There has been little to add in the most
recent days about the negotiations there. The
discussions now will try to fill out the subjects
that will be necessary to discuss in concluding a
treaty. Some very serious questions have already
arisen. I mentioned the one, for example, on the
tripartite control of the inspection mechanism.
But we do want to find out exactly which are the
central and key issues by further discussion, and
I have nothing in detail to report on that this
morning.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in that connection, in vieio of
the Walter Lippmann interview with Mr. Khru-
shchev this morning, wouldn't you suppose — do
you still have any hope that any kind of an agree-
ment could be reached? He seemed to slam the
door pretty hard, didnH he?

Department of Stale Bulletin

A. They have indicated that they feel very
strongly about this matter of the tripartite thesis
and international organizations. But we would
like to find out what their attitude is on the entire
range of important issues in the nuclear test ban
to see whether we can't resolve these questions.
But there is obvious difficulty in that this tri-
partite problem remains.

Thank you, gentlemen.

The Press: Thank you.

President Kennedy Salutes Korea
on Anniversary of Revolution

Statement ty President Kennedy

White House press release dated April 18

Today the Korean Government and people are
celebrating the first anniversary of the April 19
Revolution in the Republic of Korea. I should
like to salute the Korean Government and people
on this important occasion and express the respect
and admiration which tlie American people have
in their hearts for the Korean people, who have
so courageously demonstrated their devotion to the
cause of political democracy and social progress.

On this significant anniversary I should like to
affirm to the Korean people once again that the
United States shares their hopes and ideals and
that my Government intends to continue to assist
the Korean Government in every possible and ap-
propriate way in its efforts to lead the Korean
people toward the better life they so greatly desire
and deserve.

U.S. To Give Additional $15 Million
To Aid Korean Economy

Press release 233 dated AprU 17

Secretary Rusk announced on April 17 that the
United States will contribute an additional $15
million to aid in the reconstruction, I'ehabilitation,
and growth of the Korean economy. Five million
dollars of tliis grant will be given in regular aid,
and $10 million will be given in agricultural
commodities.

This action illustrates the continuing desire of

the United States to assist the Korean people in
their progress toward the establishment of a self-
supporting economy in Korea.

President Bourguiba of Tunisia
Visits United States, May 3 13

The Department of State announced on April 21
(press release 247) that arrangements were being
completed for the state visit of Habib Bourguiba,
President of the Tunisian Republic, to the United
States this spring at the invitation of President
Kennedy.

The President and !Mrs. Bourguiba will arrive
at Washington from Canada on May 3. The
party will leave AVashington on May 6 on a trip
that will include stops at Knoxville, Tenn., Dallas,
Tex., and New York City. They will depart for
Ireland on May 13.

Fund To Settle Persecutee Claims
Established by Austria

Press release 235 dated April 18

The Department of State has been inf onned that
on April 14, 1961, the Austrian Parliament com-
pleted legislative action which established a Fund
for the Settlement of Certain Property Losses of
Political Persecutees {Fond zur Ahgeltung geiois-
ser Vermoegensverluste poUtisch Verfolgter).

The fund, established pursuant to an agreement
between the United States and Austria in May
1959,^ in implementation of article 26 of the Aus-
trian State Treaty, will have a capital in the
equivalent amount of $6 million for the settlement
of claims of persons who were subject to racial, re-
ligious, or political persecution in Austria from
March 13, 1938, to May 8, 1945, and whose bank
accounts, securities, mortgages, or money were the
subject of forced transfers or were confiscated by
Nazi authorities. The fund will also settle claims
of persecutees as defined above for their payments
of the discriminatoiy taxes known as Reichsflucht-
steuer and Suehneleistvmg der Juden (JUVA).
The fund will be exempt from Austrian taxes, and
payments from the fund will not constitute income

^ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 4253.

May 8, 1961

691

on which the recipients are liable for Austrian
taxes.

All persecutees who sustained losses in the
above-enumerated categories are entitled to file
claims regardless of their present residence.
Claim fonus will be available in the near future at
the Austrian Embassy, 2343 Massachusetts Ave.,
Washington, D. C, or at the nearest Austrian con-
sulate. Austrian consulates are located in New
York, Chicago, Detroit, Portland (Oreg.), San
Francisco, Los Angeles, Dallas, Miami, Atlanta,
Cleveland, Boston, and Seattle, and inquiries for
further information should be directed to Aus-
trian representatives.

It is estimated that there are some 12,000 resi-
dents of the United States who emigrated from
Austria and who suffered some form of persecu-
tion during the Nazi period. Many of these in-
dividuals will be in a position to claim benefits
under the new fund.

Volume XI in German War Documents
Series Released by Department

Press release 236 dated April 19, for release April 24

A further volume of documents on German
foreign policy was released on April 24 by the
Department of State. This is the 14th such
volume of the cooperative project of the United
States, Great Britain, and France, publishing au-
thoritative texts of documents from the archives
of the former German Foreign OiRce captured
by Allied forces at the close of World War II.

The volume begins on September 1, 1940, fol-
lowing the Vienna Award, which established the
wartime boundaries of Hungary and Rumania,
and it terminates at the end of January 1941.

The 738 documents of this volume are presented
in chronological order, but the analytical list of
papers presents them by topic, enabling the reader
easily to follow any main subject.

As is customary in this series, the selection of
documents has been made jointly by the British,
French, and U.S. editors, who share responsibility
for the selections made. Under a reciprocal ar-
rangement some of the volumes are edited and
printed by the British and some by the U.S. Gov-
ernment. This volume has been edited by the
U.S. editors and printed at the U.S. Government
Printmg Office. A British edition bound from

flat sheets printed at the Government Printing
Office is being released simultaneously with the
U.S. edition.

Copies of the volume. Department of State
publication 7083, can be obtained from the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print-
ing Office, Wasliington 25, D.C., for $4.75 each.

Fingerprinting Regulations Amended
for Certain Nonimmigrant Aliens

Press release 249 dated April 22

The Federal Register on April 22 published
regulations ^ of the U.S. Immigration and Nat-
uralization Service amending the requirements
for fingerprinting nonimmigrant aliens who re-
main in this country longer than 1 year. Under
these regulations nonimmigrant aliens who are na-
tionals of countries that fingerprint U.S. citizens
in like circumstances will be required to be finger-
printed when they have been here 1 year. Finger-
printing is waived for other nonimmigrant aliens,
regardless of the length of their stay here, pro-
vided they maintain their legal status as nonimmi-
grants.

The new regulations are based on an agreement
of April 5, 1961, between the Secretary of State
and the Attorney General for the implementation
of section 8 of the act of September 11, 1957, which
authorized the waiver of the fingerprinting re-
quirement. The agreement of April 5, 1961, re-
places one dated October 9, 1957,^ under which
fingerprinting was waived for all nonimmigrant
aliens during the first year of their stay in this
comiti-y. Under both agreements fingerprinting
is waived on a reciprocal basis for all nonimmi-
grant visa applicants.

According to available information, the follow-
ing countries apply a fuigerprinting requirement
to nonimmigrant U.S. nationals staying in their
territory :

Bolivia Monaco

Brazil Nicaragua

Cbile Peru

Colombia Philippines

Ethiopia Portugal

Hong Kong Spain

Malaya Venezuela

'26 Fed. Reg. 3563.

" For background, see Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1957, p. 682.

692

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Economic and Social Progress in the Americas

The Board of Governors of the Inter- American
Development Bank held its second annual meeting
at Rio de Janeiro, April lO-H. Following are
statements made hy Douglas Dillon, Secretary of
the Treasury, who is the U.S. Governor of the
IDB.

ARRIVAL STATEMENT, APRIL 8

I am delighted to find myself, at long last, in
your wonderful city of Rio de Janeiro.

You must be aware that the Brazilian people
have a special place m the hearts of my country-
men. Together we have shared decades of friend-
ly relations, in good times and bad, which date
back to the days of your empire. We remember
our comradeship in arms during World War II,
when Brazilians and Americans fought and died
side by side. We recall with admiration the in-
numerable occasions where the statesmen of
Brazil have forthrightly taken the lead in defend-
ing the democratic ideals, in promoting solidarity
among the American Republics, and in furthering
the progress of free men everywhere. We know
that the friendship between our two peoples will
continue to flourish in the critical months and
years ahead. We wish you well in your efforts
to realize the great promise of this vast land, and
we pledge our full cooperation in helping to meet
the social and economic aspirations of the Bra-
zilian people.

The second annual meeting of the Board of
Governors of the new Inter- American Develop-
ment Bank, which is taking place here in Rio
de Janeiro, is a welcome opportunity for me to
join with representatives of the other Americas
in discussing the vital social and economic prob-

lems we are all determined to solve through co-
operative action. During the first few months of
its operations, the Bank has shown that it is
destined to be a dynamic force for growth and
progress. I hope that this meeting will reinforce
the confidence of the people of Brazil and of the
hemisphere in this important institution.

During the past 3 weeks in Washington Ambas-
sador [Walther] Moreira Salles and I have been
discussing the ways in which the United States,
along with other governments and the interna-
tional institutions, can work with the Government
of Brazil in carrying forward its important new
program to achieve steady economic growth under
conditions of financial stability. I look forward
to conversations with your Finance Minister, Dr.
Clemente Mariani, during my stay here, and I
hope that he will find it possible to visit Wash-
ington soon to continue the discussions initiated
by Ambassador Moreira Salles.

Before leaving Brazil I hope to visit your ex-
citing new capital, Brasilia, which has captured
the imagination of the entire world.

STATEMENT AT IDB MEETING, APRIL 11

It is a special pleasure for me to meet with
you in my new capacity as a Governor of the
Inter-American Development Bank. The con-
cept of the Bank as a vital instrument of inter-
American cooperation has been close to my heart
since 1958, when I had the high privilege of
mforming the Inter-American Economic and
Social Council of United States support for this
new and long dreamed-of joint venture.^

' BtTLLETiN of Sept. 1, 1958, p. 347.

May 8, 1967

693

We are all grateful to the Government and the
people of Brazil for inviting us to this gracious
and hospitable city of Rio de Janeiro. The fame
of Eio as a world metropolis is too well established
for us to enrich it further by our remarks. But
we can and do extend our warm thanks to the
friendly people of this lovely city for making our
stay so very pleasant.

I also cannot fail to congratulate our chairman,
the distinguished Minister of Finance of Brazil,
for tlie inspiration which he has given to our
deliberations by the wisdom of his words. It is
fitting that the first birthday of the Bank is be-
ing celebrated here in Brazil, whose genius gave
us the noble concept of Operagdo Panamericana?
Operation Pan America, born of onrushing social
change and the awakening aspirations of the peo-
ple, speaks to the hearts of the men and women
of the Americas. It is a spiritual call to action,
action to raise the living standards of the many
millions who now stiiiggle in poverty and to give
their lives real meaning in terms of personal
freedom and individual dignity.

More than a century ago democracy raised its
voice throughout Latin America in a revolution-
ary grito for liberty. Operation Pan America
is the grito of the 20th century, an insistent and
inexorable demand for liberation from the liuman
misery created by crushing economic and social
conditions. The governments and the peoples of
the hemisphere are responding to the call. At
San Salvador, a year ago, we joined in inaugu-
rating the Inter-American Bank.^ At Bogota,
last fall, we joined in launching an unprecedented
social development program for Latin America,
a program which substantially enlarged the re-
sponsibilities of the Bank.^ The stage is now
set for us to join together again in a vast, ex-
panded effort to achieve our goals through prac-
tical and concrete measures affecting all aspects of
economic and social life.

President Janio Quadros in his message last
month to the National Congress stated :

As was recognized by the Act of Bogota, in which the
major practical and theoretical points of Operation Pan
America were consecrated, the solution of the problems

= For background, see ibid., June 30, 1958, p. 1090, and
Oct. 13, 19.58, p. 574.

" Ihid., Feb. 15, 1960, p. 263.
* lUd., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 533.

694

which afflict the Continent will depend substantially on
economic progress. That economic progress will not be
stimulated until the Governments of America decide to
pass from the plane of theoretical formulations to the
terrain of the practical execution of adequate measures.

To "pass from the plane of theoretical formula-
tions to the terrain of the practical execution of
adequate measures" — and to do so on a compre-
hensive scale — this is the veiy purpose of the
Alianza fara el Progreso proposed by President
Kennedy.^ In President Kennedy's words:

If we are to meet a problem so staggering in ita
dimensions, our approach must itself be equally bold, an
approach consistent with the majestic concept of Opera-
tion Pan America. Therefore I have called on all the
people of the hemisphere to join in a new Alliance for
Progress ... a vast cooperative effort, unparalleled in
magnitude and nobility of purpose, to satisfy the basic
needs of the American people for homes, worli and land,
health and schools — techo, trahajo y tierra, salud y
escuela.

"What are the economic and social goals we must
pursue in carrying forward an alliance for
progress ?

I think these goals can be defined as growth,
stability, and social equity for the individual.
These three goals go hand in hand. They are not
isolated objectives. Indeed, if they are to serve
the people — and in our hemisphere the well-being
of the people is the supreme purpose of govern-
ment— they must form an indissoluble trinity.

Stability and Economic Growth

Economic stability is not an end in itself. It
is a means to promote steady and widely shared
economic growth. To induce an adequate rate of
savings, to channel investment into truly produc-
tive undertakings, to strengthen popular confi-
dence in democratic processes, to attract foreign
enterprise, in short to promote a balanced develop-
ment of the economy, there must be reasonable
price stability. This in turn requires effective
budget management and tax administration.
Credit policies should be designed to foster
growth. They should also be designed to avoid
speculative excess. Foreign exchange policies
should realistically relate internal prices and cost
to world markets. These views, I believe, are now
well settled in the thinking of those responsible for
economic and financial policy in the developing

= /f)i(i., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

Department of State Bulletin

countries. The heavy loiijinin costs of severe in-
flation have been widely recognized. The illusion
that such inflation can provide a quick and easy
way to better living standards has been dispelled.
Of course economic stability by itself will not
guarantee economic growth. This is especially
true in the developing countries, where bold and
positive efi'orts must be made in both the govern-
mental and private sectors to help create the con-
ditions for growth.

I have heard it said that some Latin Americans
believe the TTnited States is concerned only with
financial stabilization progi-ams in Latin America.
If there are any doubts on this score let me dispel
them here and now: The United States is con-
cerned, and deeply concerned, with much more
than stability. We do not accept economic stag-
nation as a tolerable condition for the Americas.
Development, growth, progress, broadly based and
widely shared — these must be our primary objec-
tives. Stabilization and growth are not alterna-
tives in conflict with each other.

On the contrary they are mutually reinforcing
objectives which, when pursued simultaneously,
promote improvement in living standards at the
most rapid and continuous rate possible. Social
equity for the individual, our third goal, is in
many ways the most important. Development
will not produce true economic progress if its
benefits are restricted to the privileged few and
denied to the many who today are sadly under-
privileged. Social equity for the individual must
be a prime target of our endeavor. Our spiritual
traditions demand no less. Moreover, people are
the single most powerful factor in economic de-
velopment. Without social equity for the indi-
vidual, democracy will languish and free govern-
ment will disappear. The move rapidly toward
these interrelated goals — the Alliance for Prog-
ress proposed by President Kennedy — calls for a
concerted maximum effort over the next decade.
This would involve the fonnulation by each Latin
American country of its own long-term plans for
development, as well as the establishment of spe-
cific targets and priorities. These plans would
not only inspire surging national efforts; they
would also provide solid foundations for the ef-
fective use of external assistance — from the Inter-
American Bank, from the United States and other
industrialized comitries, and from the interna-
tional institutions of the free world.

May 8, 7967

Inter-American Development Bank
Publishes First Annual Report

The Inter-American Development Bank an-
nounced on April 11 that it had on that day pub-
lished its first annual report summarizing its ac-
tivities during 1960. The report was presented to
the second annual meeting of the Bank's Board of
Governors at Rio de Janeiro on April 12 by Felipe
Herrera, President of the Bank.

The report describes the Bank's organization and
policies and contains financial statements on ordi-
nary capital resources and the fund for special
operations. It also discusses economic and social
problems of Latin America today, including popula-
tion growth, raw-materials prices, and balance of
payments.

By September 30, 1960, according to the report,
member countries had paid in 99.6 percent of first
installments due This amounted to the equivalent
of $75,769,000 in ordinary capital resources and
$72,882,500 in resources of the fund for special
operations. By the end of 1960, the Bank had
received 194 applications for loans and 174 inquir-
ies, dealing with industrial, social, agricultural,
mining, transportation, electric power, and other
projects. Three-fourths of these applications came
from private agencies or individuals and one-fourth
from public agencies. At the end of the year the
Bank had 91 applications on an active status, in-
volving about $200 million in loan requests.

Copies of the report are available upon request
from the Office of Information, Inter-American
Development Bank, Washington 25, D.C.

Social Development Program

The new social development progi-am embodied
in the Act of Bogota will be an important part
of the Alliance for Progress. We are confident
that this program can be started quickly, with the
Inter- American Bank taking a leading role. As
you know. President Kennedy has proposed to our
Congress " that, of the $500 million to be provided
as a first stejj in implementing social development
vmder the Act of Bogota, $394 million be admin-
istered by the Bank and $6 million by the Organ-
ization of American States. In the normal course
of our legislative process these funds should be-
come available within the next 2 months. Social
development, we are all agi'eed, must be accom-
panied by economic development.

' For text of the President's message, see ibid., p. 474.

695

Planning and resources, both national and inter-
national, must be devoted to the expansion of
industry, agriculture and mining, transport and
power, and commercial enterprise. The United
States is, therefore, prepared to devote substan-
tial resources, over and above the present flow of
public and private capital, to basic economic de-
velopment as a part of the Alliance for Progress.
President Kennedy has submitted to the Congress
a new overall program of foreign economic assist-
ance' to assure the availability of United States
public capital for these purposes in Latin Amer-
ica, as well as in other developing countries. This
assistance will be available, on a long-range basis,
both for specific projects and for general economic
support of well-conceived development programs.
Terms of repayment are to be adjusted to national
ability to repay and will include the use of long-
term, interest-free loans.

We also hope that the Alliance for Progress
will lead to an increase in development assistance
to Latin America from the other industrialized
countries of tlie free world. Two weeks ago, in
London, the members of the Development Assist-
ance Group agreed upon a significant declaration
of policy.^ They called for an expansion of the
aggregate volume of the resources presently flow-
ing to the developing countries, for aid on an as-
sured and continuing basis, and for greater assist-
ance in the form of grants and loans on favorable
terms. A larger supply of external public capital
and its more systematic application for develop-
ment programs should bring about a greater flow
of foreign private investment, particularly invest-
ment in the production and distribution of goods
and services for expanding domestic markets.
Wlien the new Organization for Economic Coop-
eration and Development is established sometime
later this year,° the Development Assistance
Group will become a subsidiary body of the
OECD.

Through the Organization of American States,
Latin America should have a close working re-
lationship with tlie OECD. The United States
will strive to bring this about. We do not foresee

any difEculty, for I understand that Mr. Thorkil
Kristensen, the distinguished European states-
man, who will be the Secretary General of the

' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

* For texts of a communique and resolutions, see ibid.,
Apr. 17, 1061, p. 553.

'For background, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8; Mar. 6,
1961, p. 326 ; and Apr. 10, 1961, p. 514.

OECD, shares this view.

Long-Range Programing and Planning

I have spoken of the need for self-help and
effective national plaiming in carrying forward
the Alliance for Progress. The phrase "self-
help" should not be interpreted to mean condi-
tions imposed upon a country as the price of
external assistance. Quite the contrary, self-help
is the key to the entire development process.
Without it, outside assistance would be totally in-
effective. The great bulk of resources for devel-
opment, human and material, must come from
within the developing countries. External as-
sistance can be a critically important supplement
to their own efforts. But it can be effective only
when the developing coimtries make full use of
their own resources on their own behalf.

It is for this reason that long-range planning
and programing for economic and social develop-
ment are so important to the concept of the Alli-
ance for Progress.

As we see it, development planning does not
imply regimentation of economies through gov-
ernmental controls. It does mean consistent pro-
graming of public investment aimed at broad
development targets — programing supplemented
by economic and social policies designed to acti-
vate a nation's energies and resources, including
the indispensable private sector. It means good
monetary management. It means the mobiliza-
tion of each country's resources in a manner best
calculated to bring into the common endeavor the
savings and earnings of all the people. It means
the encouragement of private enterprise through
tax and other policies. It means the building of
roads and dams. It means the extension of mar-
keting, distribution, and banking systems. It
means the opening up of agricultural lands and
the reformation of outdated systems of land
tenure.

Let us not deceive ourselves. The adoption and
execution of well-planned programs based upon
self-help will call for discipline and sacrifice.
These burdens will bear most heavily upon the
more favored classes of society. Great as these
sacrifices may be, I am confident that they will be

696

Departm&nt of State Bulletin

made. For tlie challenge which the Americas face
is clear and unmistakable. We cannot, we dare
not, let it go unanswered.

Using Inter-American Economic Machinery

The vast effort required in plamiing, in self-
help, and in the chamieling of external resources
into development makes it mandatory that we
make full use of our inter- American machinery.
The Bank, the Inter-American Economic and
Social Coimcil, and the Economic Commission
for Latin America — each must play its part. An
excellent beginning has already been made with
the creation of the new Committee on Coopera-
tion by our President, Senor Felipe Herrera, and
his colleagues. Dr. Eaul Prebisch of ECLA and
Dr. Jose Mora of the OAS [Organization of
American States]. The opportunity to organize
in concrete terms the new substantive programs
envisaged in the Alliance for Progress will be
provided by the forthcoming special ministerial
meeting of lA-ECOSOC. The United States
will have specific suggestions to present at that
meeting, and we will warmly welcome the sug-
gestions of others.

Meanwhile I should like to outline some of our
thinking :

It may, for example, be desirable to make use
of a limited number of special working groups in
areas where individual country experience can
be beneficially exchanged or where multilateral
considtations may be needed, as in the formulation
of methods for employing surplus food in social
development projects.

We attach great importance to the annual re-
view of economic and social problems and prog-
ress as envisaged by the Act of Bogota. These
reviews should provide both a continuing sense of
direction and a stimulus for even greater efforts.
The all-important thing is that there be contin-
uous and productive work from which the mem-
ber nations can really benefit. Surveys and
reports serve no useful purpose unless they pro-
duce concrete results. We are also convinced that
the staff of lA-ECOSOC must be built into an
outstandingly competent and creative secre-
tariat— a goal which we are happy to note is well
on its way to fulfillment under the able leader-
ship of Sr. Jorge Sol. The Inter- American Bank
is destined to play a vital role in both the eco-

nomic and social development sectors of this great
new effort, not only as a lender of funds but also
as a provider of technical assistance, as a policy
coordinator with other international agencies, and
as a source of information and assistance to the
United States in the operation of its foreign aid
programs.

The Inter- American Bank has been chosen by
our governments to carry the principal respon-
sibility for administering the fund for social de-
velopment. We believe in the multilateral,
cooperative concept which inspired its organiza-
tion. The distinguished President of the Bank,
Felipe Herrera, whose eloquent speech we have
just heard, was ideally chosen to direct the Bank's
efforts in fulfilling this responsibility. He, to-
gether with the Executive Directors and the pro-
fessional staff, are men of broad experience,
intellectual stamina, objectivity, and personal in-
tegrity— men well deserving of the trust reposed
in them.

Our trust has been sustained by the Bank's per-
formance. In the short period of its existence
the Bank has already approved $50 million in
loans to private and public enterprises in eight
Latin American countries : six loans for $23,750,-
000 from its ordinary capital resources and four
loans for $26,500,000 from its funds for special
operations. It has also provided technical assist-
ance to several countries through its wide-ranging
missions. Its record of accomplishment is out-
standing. It has given high priority to providing
urgently needed funds for the economic develop-
ment of small- and middle-size private enterprises.
Two of its loans met a need which is basic in many
Latin American countries : increased supplies of
potable water and expanded sanitation. These
loans provide graphic examples of how economic
and social progress can be combined in sound
loans.

As testimony to the soundness of the Bank's
operations 15 private financial institutions of my
coimtry have participated with the Bank in its
operations. This, too, is something of a record
for an international bank still in its infancy. The
Bank has also moved quickly into areas where
economic frustration has retarded the march of
progress. It has faced up to hard problems.
Loans to break the grip of stagnation have been
extended to Bolivia, Haiti, Paraguay, and to the
northeast region of our host comitry, Brazil.

May 8, 7961

697

There is a quality in the Bank's growth which
has a special significance — the pervading spirit of
unanimity and brotherhood in what the Bank
does after tlioroughgoing examination and dis-
cussion of complex issues. The management and
directors have not once failed to arrive at a de-
cision which all could consider a wise and forward
step.

This is a happy augury for the future success of
our Alliance for Progress. Earlier in my remarks
I said that we of the United States do not accept
economic stagnation as a tolerable condition for
the Americas. We regard both economic stagna-
tion and social injustice as totally intolerable. To
us, therefore, economic and social progiess in the
hemisphere is not merely a dream ; it is an essential
step in the attainment of the possible. We have
the essential instruments in our grasp. Let us
here resolve to use them wisely and well.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

with annexes. Done at
Entered into force March

Automotive Traffic

Oonvention on road traffic,
Geneva September 19, 1949.
26, 1952. TIAS 2487.

Acknowledged rights and obligations of Belgium: Congo
(Leopoldville), March 6, 1961.

Aviation

Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e), and 61 of the
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 1591)
by providing that sessions of the Assembly of tlie Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization shall be held not
less than once in 3 years instead of annually. Done at
Montreal June 14, 19.54. Entered Into force December
12, 1956. TIAS 3756.
Ratification deposited: Ivory Coast, March 20, 1961.

Health

Con.stitution of the World Health Organization
for signature at New York July 22, 1946
force April 7, 1948. TIAS 1808.
Acceptance deposited: Mauritania, March 7, 1961.

Law of tlie Sea

Convention on the territorial sea and contiguous zone;
Convention on the high seas ; '

Opened
Entered into

Convention on the continental shelf.'
Done at Geneva April 29, 1958.
Ratification deposited: United States, April 12, 1961.

Convention on fishing and conservation of the living re-
sources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29,
1958.'

Ratification deposited: United States (with an under-
standing), April 12, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961.^

Ratifications deposited: Viet-Nam, March 3, 1961 ; Paki-
stan (with a reservation), March 11, 1961; Union of
South Africa and Territory of South-West Africa,
March 15, 1961.

Weather

Convention of the World Meteorological Organization.
Done at Washington October 11, 1947. Entered into
force March 23, 1950. TIAS 2052.
Accession deposited: Dahomey, April 14, 1961.

BILATERAL
Bolivia

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at La Paz April 7, 1961.
Entered into force April 7, 1961.

Colombia

Agreement relating to the furnishing of military equip-
ment, materials, and services by the United States to
Colombia. Effected by exchange of notes at Bogotfi
April 3, 1961. Entered into force April 3, 1961.

France

Amendment to the agreement of June 19, 19.56 (TIAS
3689), for cooperation concerning the civil uses of
atomic energy. Signed at Washington September 30,
1960.
Entered into force: April 14, 1961.

Iran

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of July 26, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4.544, 4592,
and 4598). Effected by exchange of notes at Washing-
ton April 10 and 17, 1961. Entered into force April 17,
1961.

United Kingdom

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation
of a space-vehicle tracking and communications station
on Canton Island. Effected by exchange of notes at
London April 6, 1961. Entered into force April 6, 1961.

Viet-Nam

Agreement relating to the exchange of official publica-
tions. Effected by exchange of notes at Saigon April 4,
1961. Entered into force April 4, 1961.

' Not in force.

" Not in force for the United States.

698

Department of State Bulletin

May 8, 1961

Vol. XLIV, No. 1141

Index

American Republics

Economic and Social Progress in the Americas

(Dillon) 693

Inter-American Development Bank Publishes First

Annual Report 695

Austria. Fund To Settle Persecutee Claims Estab-
lished by Austria 691

Claims and Property. Fund To Settle Persecutee

Claims Established by Austria 691

Cuba

The Lesson of Cuba (Kennedy) 659

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of April 17 . . 686
U.N. General Assembly Debates on Cuban Com-
plaint (Stevenson, texts of resolutions) . . . 667
United States and Soviet Union Exchange Mes-
sages in Regard to Events in Cuba (Kennedy,
Khrushchev, Soviet statement, Department state-
ment) 661

Dahomey. Letters of Credence (Ignacio-Pinto) . 685

Economic Affairs

Economic and Social Progress in the Americas

(Dillon) 693

Inter-American Development Bank Publishes First

Annual Report 695

Germany. Volume XI in German War Documents

Series Released by Department 692

Immigration and Naturalization. Fingerprinting
Regulations Amended for Certain Nonimmigrant

Aliens 692

Indonesia. Letters of Credence (Zain) .... 685
International Organizations and Conferences
Economic and Social Progress in the Americas

(Dillon) 693

Inter-American Development Bank Publishes First

Annual Report 695

Korea

President Kennedy Salutes Korea on Anniversary

of Revolution 691

U.S. To Give Additional $15 Million To Aid Korean

Economy 691

Laos. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
April 17 686

Mutual Security. U.S. To Give Additional $15

Million To Aid Korean Economy 691

Niger. Letters of Credence (Djermakoye) . . . 685

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary

Rusk's News Conference of April 17 686

Presidential Documents

The Lesson of Cuba 659

President Kennedy Salutes Korea on Anniversary

of Revolution 691

United States and Soviet Union Exchange Messages

in Regard to Events in Cuba 661

Publications. Volume XI in German War Docu-
ments Series Released by Department .... 692

Treaty Information. Current Actions 698

Tunisia. President Bourguiba of Tunisia Visits

United States, May 3-13 691

U.S.S.R. United States and Soviet Union Exchange
Messages in Regard to Events in Cuba (Kennedy,
Khrushchev, Soviet statement. Department state-
ment) 661

United Nations. U.N. General Assembly Debates
Cuban Complaint (Stevenson, texts of resolu-
tions) 667

Upper Volta. Letters of Credence (Guirma) . . 685

Name Indew

Dillon, Douglas 693

Djermakoye, Issoufou Saidou 685

Guirma, Frederic 685

Ignacio-Pinto, Louis 685

Kennedy, President 659,661,691

Khrushchev, Nikita S 661

Rusk, Secretary 686

Stevenson, Adlai E 667

Zain, Zairin 685

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: April 17-23

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Sabject

Dahomey credentials (rewrite).

Niger credentials (rewrite).

Upper Volta credentials (rewrite).

Indonesia credentials (rewrite).

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

Rusk : news conference.

Mrs. Chanlett appointment.

Rusk-Caramanlis : exchange of greet-
ings.

Foster resigns as IAEA representative
(biographic details).

Cultural exchange (U.S.S.R.).

Satterthwaite sworn in as Ambassador
to Union of South Africa (biographic
details).

Aid to Korean economy.

Telles sworn in as Ambassador to
Costa Rica (biographic details).

Austrian fund for persecutee claims.

New volume on German war docu-
ments.

Williams: Patriots' Day celebration.

Visit of Greek Prime Minister (re-
write).

Study on Communist takeover in north
Korea published (rewrite).

U.S. delegation to Sierra Leone inde-
pendence day ceremonies.

The Conference of Berlin {The Pots-
dam Conference), 1945 published.

Talbot sworn in as Assistant Secretary
for Near Eastern and South Asian
Affairs (biographic details).

Delegation to CENTO meeting.

Nolting sworn in as Ambassador to
Viet-Xam (biographic details).

Maun sworn in as Ambassador to Mex-
ico (biographic details).

Visit of President of Indonesia (re-
write).

Visit of President of Tunisia (rewrite) .

FingerpriDting of nonimmigrant aliens.

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

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224

225

»226

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4/17
4/17
4/17
4/17

227

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t229

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4/17

*230

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*231
*232

4/17
4/17

233
*234

4/17
4/18

235
236

4/18
4/19

t237

t238

4/19
4/19

t239

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*242

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This 121-page report represents the findings of a State Depart-
ment research mission sent to Korea on October 28, 1950, to con-
duct a survey of the north Korean regime as it operated before
the outbreak of hostilities on June 25, 1950. Its findings are
based on information obtained from interrogations both of former
officials and people who lived under the north Korean regime,
extensive north Korean and Russian documents captured by the
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Vol. XLIV, No. 1142 May 15, 1961

DEPOSITORY

FOREIGN AID: THE GREAT DECISION OF THE

SIXTIES • by Acting Secretary Bowles 703

THE ATLANTIC COMMUNITY AND THE NEW

NATIONS e by Under Secretary Ball 714

U.S. WELCOMES BRITISH-SOVIET PROPOSALS ON

LAOS • Department Statement and Texts of U.K.-
U.S.S.R. Proposals 710

UNITED STATES AND AFRICA: A COMMON TRA-
DITION • by Assistant Secretary Williams 730

UNITED STATES COLLECTIVE DEFENSE ARRANGE-
MENTS (map) 722

WILLIAM H. SEWARD AS SECRETARY OF STATE

• Article by Richard S. Patterson 728

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1142 • Publication 7189
May 15, 1961

Tot sale by the Superintendent of Documents

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Note: Contents of this publication are not
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The Department of State BULLETIN,
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Foreign Aid: The Great Decision of the Sixties

iy Acting Secretary Bowles ^

Anyone who has studied the spectacular head-
lines of the past few weeks Imows that we Ameri-
cans are standing at a crossroads in our relations
throughout the world. Last week President
Kennedy outlined the crisis we face in the fol-
lowing words : ^

The message of Cuba, of Laos, of the rising din of
Communist voices in Asia and Latin America — these
messages are all the same. The complacent, the self-
indulgent, the soft societies are about to be swept away
with the debris of history. Only the strong, only the
industrious, only the courageous, only the visionary who
determine the real nature of our struggle can possibly
survive.

In the same statement President Kennedy de-
clared that we intend to profit from our lessons.
This, he said, calls for a hard look at ourselves,
our objectives, and the means by which we seek
to fulfill them.

In our years of experience with foreign affairs,
I believe we have learned several basic truths.
We know that military strength is imperative,
and our Government is determined that our mili-
tary capabilities shall become more effective and
more versatile. However, we have also learned
that military strength by itself is not enough. If
guns and tanks are placed in the hands of people
who do not have anything which they feel worth
defending, such weapons are utterly futile.

We also know the tremendous importance of
economic and social growth in the imderdeveloped
areas of the world. At the same time, we have
learned that, unless this growth provides tangible
benefits for the many as well as for the few, it
will not produce an orderly or happy society.

' Address made before the Methodist National Con-
vocation on Christian Social Concerns at Washington, D.C.,
on Apr. 26 (press release 262).

' Bulletin of May 8, 1961, p. 659.

The world struggle in which we are involved
will not be won by gmis or money alone. Indeed,
in the long run, ideas and people are likely to
represent the decisive element of power.

Against this backgroimd, I want to speak with
you today about one of the most fundamental
elements of American foreign policy — our pro-
gram for the development of physical and human
resources in other lands. This has been popu-
larly known as our "foreign aid" program.

This program is not new. For approximately
13 years it has developed in a piecemeal and
somewhat haphazard fashion, as a response to
special crises and changing circumstances.

As we enter the decade of the 1960's the Ameri-
can people and the American Congress face a
critical decision concerning the future of this
vitally important effort. I believe that our
decision will affect our national destiny and the
destiny of other nations for generations to come.

In our generation America has been confronted
by three historic economic decisions. Twice we
responded with boldness and imagination and
thereby changed the course of history. The third
challenge lies just ahead. The question before
us now is whether or not we will meet this chal-
lenge with the same vigor and realism which en-
abled us to surmount similar obstacles in the past
and to write stirring new chapters in the history
of our country.

Two Historic Challenges

The first great challenge came in the winter of
1941. Hitler's Stukas and Panzer divisions had
conquered virtually all of continental Western
Europe. The Nazis were exploiting the human
and industrial resources of this area to build a
war machine with the capacity to dominate the

May 15, 1961

703

entire world. Britain was struggling for its very
life, against odds which many people considered
hopeless.

It was at this point that President Franklin
Delano Eoosevelt proposed the lend-lease
program.

Most people believed that these proposals faced
inevitable defeat. The American people, they
said, were indifferent to tlie fate of Britain and
Europe. The United States was self-sufficient.
"VVliy should we be concerned about events abroad ?
Others said that the United States economy with
nearly 8 million unemployed could not afford
the cost of helping the British. Still others con-
tended that the British cause was already lost and
that we would be pouring money down a rathole.
But a great many Americans, including the Presi-
dent, understood that America's own freedom
could not survive indefinitely with the European
Continent under Nazi domination.

Franklin Roosevelt took the case to the people,
and the people responded. With an outpouring
of public support, the Congress approved the lend-
lease program. Britain was saved and Western
civilization was given a new chance. Four years
later Nazi tyranny had been totally defeated.

Our second great challenge occurred shortly
after the end of World War II. Europe stood on
the brink of collapse. Cities and factories had
been bombed out of existence, mines were closed
down, and many farms lay fallow. There was
vast unemployment and runaway inflation. A
large part of Eastern Europe had already been
conquered by Soviet arms, and nearly 200 Soviet
Army divisions stood on the borders of these
countries. Throughout Western Europe Com-
munist agents were taking full advantage of the
economic distress to sow confusion and chaos and
to pave the road for the seizure of absolute power.
After having fought a costly and bloody war
to avoid the domination of Europe by forces hos-
tile to the United States, we faced a strong pos-
sibility that a new tyranny might quickly result
from chaotic political and economic forces.

The American people, however, were concerned
with problems nearer at hand. Taxes were high,
our Government divided between a Democratic
President and a Republican Congress. We were
in the midst of the greatest peacetime inflation in
history. Every piece of machinery and can of
food sent abroad added to our own inflation.

We had helped save Em-ope from the Nazis.
Wliy couldn't they handle their own problems and
let us alone ? Wliy should we make a second, and
perhaps equally fruitless, attempt to save Europe?

But once again America found leaders who
understood the nature of the crisis and its impact
upon America's future. In the State Department
we had Secretary Marshall and Dean Acheson,
men of great intelligence and responsibility. In
Harry Truman we had a President who was pre-
pared to exercise leadership under difficult politi-
cal conditions. And there were also men of vision
and toughness in the Congress, on both sides of the
aisle. I refer to such individuals as Vandenberg
of Michigan, Herter of Massachusetts, Russell of
Georgia, and Fulbright of Arkansas.

And so once again the American people re-
sponded to direct, honest explanations. And a
bold new program was devised to meet this new
and unpi-ecedented challenge. The Greek-
Turkish aid program, the Marshall plan, and then
NATO combined to halt the Communist aggres-
sion against Greece, forestall the threat of ag-
gression against Turkey, and lay the foundations
for the economic recoveiy of Western Europe.

It is noteworthy that, in the 13 years since the
Marshall plan got under way, Western Europe
has achieved a measure of political stability and
economic prosperity unparalleled in its history.
Since that time there have been no military hos-
tilities anywhere in Europe nor have there been
any Communist territorial gains anywhere on the
European Continent.

Economic Challenge for America in the 1960's

Today we face the third great economic chal-
lenge of the past quarter century. This challenge
involves the future of more than half of the
world's peoples, who live in non-Communist Asia,
Africa, and Latin America.

These peoples are now engaged in the most
gigantic revolution of history, a revolution even
more fundamental and much more far-reaching
than the Industrial Revolution in the West during
the 18th and lOtli centuries. This revolution was
not created by the Coimnunists or Socialists ; it is
a revolution that springs directly from the needs
and aspirations of the people and has produced its
own dynamics. Its basic objectives are increasing
freedom, economic progress, and human dignity.

704

Department of State Bulletin

The mainspring of this world revolution was
our own American Revolution. We were the first
colonial nation that sought and won independence.
We were the first to experiment with popular
democracy and to undertake a system of vmiversal
education.

Since 1945 more than 30 nations containing
about 800 million people, formerly colonies, have
gained independence. These new nations are
now engaged in building the elementary institu-
tions of nationhood.

And yet the revolution of which I speak is far
more than a revolution against colonial rule. It
is a revolt by hundi-eds of millions of human
beings against poverty, injustice, disease, ig-
norance, and oppression.

These conditions are not new. In many lands
peoples have suffered for centuries. What is new
is the knowledge that the technical means are now
available to end this privation and suffering.
What is new is a fierce detei-mination to end them
once and for all — to bring about new conditions
of life which offer justice, progress, and oppor-
tunity to all peoples.

And the peoples involved in this revolution are
in a great huriy. They will not agree to wait a
little longer, to have patience, to permit events to
take their natural course. The better life they
need has been slow in coming. Now they want it
right away.

Yet the goals which the emerging peoples of
Asia, Africa, and Latin America have set for
themselves cannot be reached imder conditions of
freedom unless capital and technical assistance
are provided from abroad. If this assistance is
not forthcoming, there can be only one outcome:
an effort to squeeze the necessary savings for de-
velopment out of their already impoverished peo-
ple by totalitarian methods.

U.S. Objectives in Extending Aid

This, then, is the global economic challenge
confronting America in the 1960's.

Are we able and willing to help the lesser de-
veloped nations achieve their economic goals
imder conditions of freedom? Or will our in-
difference and ineptness leave them no alternative
but to accept totalitarian shortcuts?

As in 1941, during the lend-lease debate, and in
1947 and 1948, during the debate on the Marshall

plan, we again hear the voices of the critics and
the skeptics. Many Americans say that the fate
of the lesser developed peoples is no concern of
ours. Others say that the task is hopeless. Still
more ask why the United States, which is itself
suffering from depressed areas, unemployment,
and other economic problems of its own, should
concern itself about economic and social condi-
tions in other parts of the world.

These questions and criticisms require us to ask
some tough-minded questions about the real pur-
poses and methods of our foreign assistance pro-
grams. What for instance are we trying to
achieve ?

Is our purpose charity ?

Concern for the welfare of others is a pai-t of
our Christian tradition. Long before our Gov-
ernment instituted foreign aid programs, a great
many individual Americans contributed from their
own pockets to send missionaries, doctors, tech-
nicians, and teachers to foreign lands. But gen-
erosity is not the basic motive for foreign aid.

Is our aim to create markets for American
business ?

Obviously foreign assistance is a stimulus to the
American economy. It produces business and
jobs and permits other peoples to build thriving
economies which offer long-term advantages to
our own economic life.

Nevertheless, we are not giving this assistance
primarily for the purpose of imderpinning
American prosperity. Nor are we trying to buy
allies or friends or to purchase votes in the
LTnited Nations. Such things are not for sale.
Nor are we simply reacting to the economic pi"es-
sures of the world Communist movement. The
Communist nations have undertaken a substantial
economic program of their own, designed to pene-
trate and subvert free nations. Although this
challenge must be met our own long-range pur-
poses are more positive and more fimdamental.

Wliat then is the reason for large-scale Amer-
ican overseas economic assistance committed over
a period of years ?

It is no secret that we are engaged in a titanic
world striiggle unparalleled in history. The
Communist system now embraces approximately
one-third of the human race. It has vast human
and material resources. Its science and industry
are galloping forward. The Communist leaders
have openly proclaimed their determination that

May IS, 1961

705

the Communist system shall eventually embrace
the entire planet. They have spoken of this de-
velopment as "inevitable" and have been devoting
a great deal of effort to pushing the "inevitable"
along.

We cannot be sure whether the Communist
leaders will resort to war to achieve their am-
bitions. Although we hope they will not, we mvist
be aware that they are prepared to use all avail-
able weapons to achieve their purpose — political,
diplomatic, economic, technical, scientific, psycho-
logical, and cultural. They are engaged in what
may be truly described as a "total" offensive
agamst all those who refuse to accept their views
and authority.

Dealing With the Challenge

How can the United States most effectively deal
with this challenge ?

One way would be to resist Communist pres-
sures on a piecemeal basis — to engage in a sort
of fly-swatting technique. We could offer most of
our assistance to those countries which have the
noisiest Coimnunist minorities and give only
limited aid to those countries which lack them.

Such an approach tends to convert local com-
munism into a sort of "natural resource." A
country would receive assistance not on a basis of
its needs but on the basis of the degree and im-
mediacy of the Communist danger.

Furthermore, such an approach puts us in an
eternally defensive position. It means that we
must forever react to Commimist initiative with-
out a constructive program of our own. This has
happened too often in the past years, as American
aid has been directed toward one crisis after
another.

Our other alternative is to use American skills
and resources to help build a world partnership in
wliich all nations interested in freedom, security,
and progress can cooperate.

Most of the peoples of the world share the same
fundamental wants and needs. They seek free-
dom to think and to express themselves. They
want adequate food, clothing, and shelter. They
want dignity as hvunan beings. They want an
opportunity for religious expression and spiritual
growth. They want education for themselves and
their children.

These values are conmion to all free cultures.
Indeed the principles contained in the Sermon on

the Mount are common to all the world's great
religions. These principles, which are also em-
bodied in our Declaration of Independence and
our Bill of Rights, reflect the aspirations of human
beings in all parts of the world.

These foundations for a world partnership of
non-Communist nations already exist in terms of
common values. It is our task to build on these
foundations by common effort. We must use our
resources boldly and imaginatively to create a new
non-Communist world society that offers all its
members security, opportunity, and human prog-
ress.

Let us make it clear that our assistance pro-
grams are not designed to check or divert the
world revolution which I have described. This
revolution could not be stopped even if we wished
to do so. And we have no such desire. Our pur-
pose is to help this revolution achieve its ti"ue goals
because we know that such a development will
contribute to our own security and well-being.

The real basis of the world revolution is not
Marxism but our own American Revolution, with
its promise for national freedom and personal
dignity.

The Communists are bending eveiy effort to
capture control of national revolutions and to
pervert them into the paths of tyranny. They
see each new independent nation struggling
with the problems of social organization,
education, and economic development as a glow-
ing opportunity for Communist penetration and
domination. Unless the new nations are given
help in forming the institutions and skills basic to
modern society, some will collapse into disorder, as
happened in the Congo. In other countries where
social justice is too long denied, violent revolutions
will lead to new and more brutal forms of tyranny.
This happened in Cuba, on our very doorstep.

The dangers are obvious. The United States
cannot long survive as an isolated island in a
hostile world. Yet the opportunities are equally
obvious. We have the material means, with a
minimum sacrifice on our part, to help the merging
peoples to build nations which can endure and
grow in the manner of their own choosing. We
have the opportunity to help build a world society
composed of many cultures and civilizations,
bound together by a fundamental faith in free-
dom and human dignity.

What I have said provides the background and

706

Departmenf of Stale Bullelin

purpose of the foreign assistance program which
President Kennedy has submitted to the
Congress.''

Concern for tlie welfare of underprivileged
people should become a central premise of Amer-
ican diplomacy. This is not merely a continu-
ation of previous aid programs. We have taken
a fundamental new look at our policies of assist-
ance and have developed new concepts and
methods.

New Elements in Foreign Aid Program

Let us examine briefly some of the basic new
elements in the Pi'esident's proposals.

In the first place the new program embodies a
new concept of the nature of the needs of the
emerging countries. It is not enough to build
bridges and factories and roads. Free societies
must be built "from the gi'ound up," with first
emphasis upon development of human resources.
We need to help new nations to build their political
and social institutions, to develop skills in govern-
ment and administration, to achieve minimal re-
quirements in education, and to acquire the basic
skills of industry, agriculture, and business.

The new progi'am recognizes that the most im-
portant resources in any country are not its farm
lands, its factories, its mines, or its water re-
sources— but its people. A substantially increased
emphasis will be given to the development of
these human resoui'ces.

The new program also recognizes that economic
and human development is not a short-term, over-
night affair. It requires long-range planning,
both by the country jDroviding the assistance and
by tlie country using the assistance.

Tlie program also aims at the elimination of the
stopgap, hold-the-line types of aid, which simply
keep a country's head above water. We seek
instead to inaugurate real programs of develop-
ment which ultimately yield a self-sustaining rate
of growth and eventual freedom from the neces-
sity of outside aid.

Next, the new program recognizes that our
assistance cannot be truly effective without inten-
sive cooperation and effort on the part of the
receiving countries, particularly with respect to
internal reforms. We have no intention of attach-
ing political strings to our aid, of requiring other

' For text, see ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.
May 15, 1961

countries to support U.S. policies and views as a
condition to receiving aid. At the same time we
must insist that they undertake the internal eco-
nomic and social measures which are necessary to
make the aid effective. There is little value, for
example, in building a dam or a bridge to aid the
economy of a new nation unless the result is
meaningful not only to a handful of privileged
people but to the general population.

Modern technical knowledge is already widen-
ing the highly explosive gap between the rich and
the jjoor. An aid program which further widens
this gap defeats its own purpose. An irrigation
program which brings into cultivation millions of
acres of new land may contribute nothing conse-
quential to political and social stability if the prof-
its go to a small group of landlords and the mass
of individual farmers receive no advantage for
themselves.

We have seen that economic progress alone can-
not make for orderly political growth. If the hu-
man factors have been ignored, increases in output
may indeed increase the likelihood of the bloody
political explosion which we are most anxious to
avoid.

This central principle requires constant reem-
phasis : Peaceful, orderly growth in Asia. Africa,
and Latin America is possible only through the
boosting of production, achieved simultaneously
with the creation of the sense of belonging which
results from individual participation in construc-
tive community efforts and leading to the sense of
justice which comes only when the peoi^le know
that the fruits of added production are being
fairly distributed.

Another important element of the new pro-
gram is to combine various agencies and activities
into a single agency. The purpose here is not only
to prevent duplication and waste but also to per-
mit sensible planning for the needs of a whole
country or nation, rather than planning limited
to particular projects.

If we wish to develop the economic and social
structure of the country, it is essential to consider
the country as a unit and not to support particular
agricultural, mineral, or industrial projects with-
out reference to the nation's total needs. There
must be a rational relationship among projects
and a carefully devised system of priorities. It is
true that almost any developmental project can
benefit the receiving country to some extent. But

707

often the benefit is minimal if it is not carefully
related to the total needs of the comitry. A good
road is usually valuable, but we must always ask
in a particular coimtry whether a road is the first
thing needed.

A final important element of the new program is
our effort to obtain the cooperation of other in-
dustrialized nations to carry forward a world-
wide development program. The task is not one
for the United States alone, however great our
own responsibility may be. Many of the countries
of Western Europe have obtained a substantial
measure of prosperity, and we must look to them
to carry an increasing share of tlie burden of eco-
nomic and technical development.

Tlie partnership we seek must tnily be a world
partnership, not a relationship between the United
States and the lesser developed nations but rather
a relationship between all of the industrial na-
tions and those who have need of their skills and
resources.

It is significant that several nations of Western
Europe are already providing substantial amomits
of technical and developmental assistance to Asia
and Africa. We have high hopes that they will
provide considerably more in the years ahead. It
is also significant that these countries were among
the beneficiaries of the Marshall plan — our first
major aid program — and that the success of this
program has made it possible for them to con-
tribute to the worldwide needs now confronting
us.

One of the most important features of the new
program, which is related to all of the elements
I have described, is the proposal for long-term
borrowing authority. It should be recognized
that this concept is not new. There are 22 existing
lending programs wliich have sucli authority un-
der Federal law. These include such established
and tested programs as the Reconstruction Fi-
nance Corporation and the Federal deposit insur-
ance program.

This borrowing authority is necessary for a
truly effective program of developmental assist-
ance. It provides the only means by which we
can engage in successful long-range planning,
wliich is made difficult if not impossible under the
imcertainties of year-to-year funding. It pro-
vides a powerful incentive to induce other coun-

tries to undertake the necessary steps toward
internal reform and social justice. If we are un-
able to make long-range conmiitments toward ma-
jor economic and social improvements, many
governments will feel that significant measures
toward internal reform are politically infeasible.
It will tend toward the most effective use of each
aid dollar by reducing the temptation of aid ad-
ministrators to rush ahead to spend funds during
the year for which they have been appropriated,
although with added time more careful study
could be given. Finally, this borrowing author-
ity is necessary if we are to induce other indus-
trialized nations to carry their fair share of the
total burden of developmental assistance.

The Great Decision of the 1960's

The program which President Kennedy has pro-
posed is a vital step forward toward meeting the
crisis which exists in more than half of the world
today. However, I do not want to imply that it
represents a final answer to the problems I have
described. The great decision of the 1960's is not
a decision which will be made in a single year or
by a single piece of legislation. There will be fu-
ture years and futui-e legislation in which our
present programs must be reexamined.

The amomits of money authorized, the form of
administration, the priorities as to utilization — all
these things are tremendously important. But
most important of all is the need to demonstrate
our detei-mination to see that our developmental
programs are adequate for the job that history
has thrust upon us in the changing circumstances
of this tumultuous world. They must be sufficient
in size and concept to furnish the building blocks
for free-world security.

So again we have arrived at a crossroads.

In 1941 our national leaders realized that Amer-
ica itself would be gravely threatened if Britain
fell, and in spite of the forebodings of the pessi-
mists who told us that the public would never
understand, we acted boldly and effectively. In
1947 and 1948 our leaders again saw that the col-
lapse and conquest of Western Europe could
eventually mean our own destruction, and again
we put politics aside to join hands and do what
was required of us.

It is important today that we have the same

708

Deparfment of State Bvlletin

clear vision as we stand on the threshold of a third
great decision.

Again there will be many who will warn us that
the American people are not ready for action.
They will insist that the purposes and operations
of economic assistance are not widely understood.
They will point to our own recent economic slow-
down and declare that the American people can-
not afford to consider the needs of others.

Those who hold this view, like those who held
similar views in the past, are selling America
short. They underestimate the capacity of the
present leadership under President Kennedy.
They also vmderestimate the wisdom of our lead-
ers in the Congress and the basic good sense of the
American people.

The fate of America is intimately and inextri-
cably bound up with the fate of the billion and a
half people living in the lesser developed areas of
the world. Our survival no longer depends upon
guns and tanks and bombs alone. It depends upon
events in far-oil lands whose names come strangely
to our ears. It depends upon the income of the
rice growers in southeast Asia, upon the sense of
dignity and worth of a citizen of the Congo, and
upon the security and courage of a man in West
Berlin. The struggle for human freedom cannot
be compartmentalized.

And let us remember that we not only have a
great obligation to ourselves — and to others — but
also an enormous opportunity. We are standing
at one of the momentous watersheds of history,
where the currents of human affairs divide and
run their coui-se for great distances.

With enough vision and courage we can not
only win the immediate struggle to preserve free
civilization but we can help mankind to win the
older struggle to master his physical environ-
ment— to eliminate hunger, disease, ignorance,
and misery. In this connection let us remember
the words of Arnold Toynbee:

"Our age will be well remembered not for its
horrifying crimes or its astonishing inventions but
because it is the first generation since the dawn of

History in which mankind dared to believe it
practical to make the benefits of civilization avail-
able to the whole human race."

President Sends Message of Support
and Friendship to General de Gaulle

Following is an exclmnge of messages between
President Kennedy and Gen. Charles de Gaidle,
President of the French Republic.

White House press release dated April 24

President Kennedy to General de Gaulle

April 23, 1961

Dear General de Gaulle : In this grave hour
for France, I want you to know of my continuing
friendship and support as well as that of the
American people. Your personal achievements
in bringing the resurgence of France as a great
champion of freedom have won the esteem of all
those who cherish liberty. The course you have
chosen to settle the tragic problem of Algeria
cannot but meet the approval of those who believe
in the principles of democracy and who seek a
durable understanding among nations of the
world. With warm personal wishes,
Sincerely,

John F. Kjennedt

General de Gaulle to President Kennedy

April 24, 1961
Dear Mr. President : I was deeply touched by
the message which you sent me and I thank you
very sincerely for the sentiments wliich you ex-
pressed to me in your name and in the name of
the American people.

Be assured, dear Mr. President, of my pro-
foundly cordial sentiments.

Charles de Gaulle

May 15, 1961

709

U.S. Welcomes British-Soviet Proposals on Laos

On April 21^, the British and Soviet Ambas-
sadors, as repi'esentatives of the cochairmen of
the Geneva Conference on IndochirM, called on
Secretary Riisk to present docmnents concerning
Laos. These included a copy of the cochairmen's
call for a cease-fire, a copy of their letter to Prime
Minister Nehru of India requesting the recall of
the International Commission for Supervision
and Control in Laos to verify the cease-fire, and
an invitation to Mr. Busk to attend a H-nation
conference on Laos to convene at Geneva on
May 12. Following is a Department statement of
April 25, together with texts of the three docu-
ments.

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT OF APRIL 25'

The United States welcomes this development
which we hope will bring about a peaceful settle-
ment in Laos. As the United States has made
clear in the past, the first essential step is that a
cease-fire be put mto effect prior to the convening
of the conference. The United States will, there-
fore, observe the situation on the ground in Laos
very closely. With respect to the International
Control Commission, it is the understanding of
the United States that the role of the Coimnission
will be limited to verifying the cease-fire. The
United States hopes that the Commission will be
able to proceed to Laos as soon as feasible.
Should a verified cease-fire be brought about, the

' Read to news correspondents by Lincoln White,
Director of the Office of News.

' Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 543.

' For text of tlie agreement on the cessation of hostili-
ties in Laos, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955:
Basic Documents, voL I, Department of State publication
6446, p. 775.

United States hopes to see emerge from the con-
ference the peaceful, united, and unalined Laos of
which President Kennedy spoke on March 23.^
For its part, the United States will do its full
share in reaching tliis objective.

TEXTS OF U.K.-U.S.S.R. PROPOSALS ON LAOS

Message From the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva
Conference on Indo-China on the Cease-Fire in Laos

The co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference on Indo-
Ohina, represented by the Governments of the Soviet
Union and Great Britain, are following with great con-
cern the situation which has developed in Laos.

2. They proceed from the fact that if this situation is
not changed the position in Laos may become a serious
threat to peace and security in South-East Asia. They
note at the same time that real conditions exist for
normalizing the situation in Laos in accordance with the
national interests of the Laotian people, on the basis
of the Geneva Agreements of 1954.^ The co-Chairmen
have in view the understanding already reached that
an International Conference to settle the Laotian prob-
lem is to be called in Geneva on the 12th of May this
year.

3. The co-Chairmen call on all Military Authorities, par-
ties and organizations in Laos to cease fire before the
convening of the International Conference on Laos, and
they call on appropriate representatives to enter into
negotiations for concluding an agreement on questions
connected with the cease-fire.

4. The co-Chairmen call on the people of Laos to co-
operate with the International Commission for Super-
vision and Control in Laos and to render it assistance,
when it arrives in the country on their instructions, in
exercising suiiervision and control over the cease-fire.

Home
Secretary of State for Foreiff^n. Affairs of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain aud Northern Ireland.

A. Gromyko
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics.

710

Department of State Bulletin

Message From the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva
Conference on Indo-China to the Government of
India on Convening the International Commission
for Supervision and Control in Laos

The co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference on Inilo-
China, represented by the Governments of the Soviet
Union and Great Britain, are following with great con-
cern the situation which has develofjed in Laos.

2. They note that real conditions exist for normalizing
the situation in Laos in accordance with the national
interests of the Laotian people on the basis of the Geneva
Agreements of 1954. They have in view the understand-
ing already reached that an International Conference for
settling the Laotian problem is to be called in Geneva on
the 12th of May this year.

3. The co-Chairmen have addressed to all military au-
thorities, parties and organizations in Laos a call for a
cease-fire and for the carrying out by appropriate repre-
sentatives of negotiations for concluding an agreement
on questions connected with the cease-fire.

4. The co-Chairmen propose to the Government of India
that it should convene in Delhi the International Com-
mission for Supervision and Control in Laos. They have
in view that the Commission will discuss the question of
the tasks and functions which should be allotted to it
after the cease-fire in Laos, and will present an appro-
priate report to the co-Chairmen who will consider the
Commission's report and give it directions on going to
Laos to carr.v out the work of controlling the cease-fire.

5. The co-Chainnen in their message on the cease-fire
in Laos called upon the population of Laos to co-operate
with the International Commission for Supervision and
Control in Laos, when it arrives in the country of their
instructions, and to render it assistance in exercising
supervision and control over the cease-fire.

6. The co-Chairmen are sending a copy of this message
to the other two members of the International Commission
for Supervision and Control in Laos — the Governments of
the Polish People's Republic and of Canada.

Home
Secretarii of State for Foreign Affairs of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

A. Geomtko
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics.

Message From the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva
Conference on Indo-China to the Countries
Participating in the International Conference for
the Settlement of the Laotian Question

The co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference on Indo-
China, represented by the Governments of the Soviet
Union and Great Britain, have examined the situation
which has developed in Laos and taken note that at
present there exist real conditions for the normalization
of the situation in that country. They have in view that
the Governments of Burma, Cambodia, Canada, The

Chinese People's Republic, The Democratic Republic
of Viet Nam, France, India, Laos, The PolLsh People's
Republic, The Republic of Viet Nam, Thailand, The Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, The United Kingdom, and
The United States of America, have expressed agreement
to participate in an International Conference, which would
have the character of the Geneva Conference of 1954
with the broader membership proposed by the Head of
State of Cambodia, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, for the
.settlement of the Laotian problem.

2. The co-Chairmen have addressed to all military au-
thorities, parties and organizations in Laos a call for a
cease-fire and for the carrying out by appropriate repre-
sentatives of negotiations for concluding an agreement on
questions connected with the cease-fire and have also sent
to the Government of India a message with a request to
convene in Delhi the International Commission for super-
vision and control in Laos.

3. The co-Chairmen expressed the hope that the Gov-
ernment of The United States of America will send its
delegation to the International Conference on the Laotian
question, which will be held in Geneva and will begin its
work on the 12th of May this year. They have in view
that the participating countries will be represented at the
Conference by Ministers of Foreign Affairs.

Home
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

A. Gromtko
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet
Socialist RepuWcs.

Secretary Rusk and Korean Foreign
Minister IVleet To Exchange Views

Joint Statement

Press release 259 dated April 25

Foreign Minister Yil Hyung Chyung, Eepublic
of Korea, and Secretary of State Dean Rusk,
United States of America, met in Washington to-
day [April 25] and, in a most cordial and friendly
atmosphere, exchanged views frankly on problems
of common interest.

Secretary Rusk expressed his Government's
continued support for the efforts of the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Korea, the only lawful
government in Korea, to achieve unification of
Korea in accordance with the provisions of the
United Nations Charter and resolutions. Partic-
ular reference was made to the resolution recently
adopted by the Political Committee of the United
Nations which provided that the north Korean
regime could not participate in the deliberation

May 15, 1961

711

on Korea unless it first unequivocally accepted the
competence and authority of the United Nations.^
It was agreed by Foreign Minister Chyung and
Secretary Rusk that the north Korean response
failed in all respects to meet these conditions. In-
deed, the north Korean regime once more re-
iterated its defiance of the competence and au-
thority of the United Nations. Under these cir-
cumstances, they agreed, no useful purpose could
be served by the presence of representatives of
northern Korea mitil the conditions set forth by
the United Nations Political Committee have been
met.

Minister Chyung expressed the deep gratitude
of the Korean Government and people for the
economic and military assistance given by the
United States. Minister Chyung also requested
Secretaiy Rusk to continue to give full coopera-
tion and assistance to the Korean Government in
achievmg economic stabilization and self-
sufficiency by providing long-range and compre-
hensive aid. Secretary Rusk stated that the record
of United States economic cooperation and as-
sistance for the Republic of Korea amply demon-
strates United States interest in Korean economic
development and willingness to cooperate with the
Korean Government in this connection. At the
same time, the Secretary welcomed the Foreign
Minister's statements with respect to increased
emphasis in the Republic of Korea on long-range
economic development.

They agreed that the Governments of the Re-
public of Korea and the United States will make
every effort, through negotiations, for timely con-
clusion of a status-of-forces agreement.

They reviewed, in particular, the current situa-
tion in the Far East, and agreed to consult with
each other with respect to the peace and security
of that area.

They also exchanged views on the various issues
now outstanding between Korea and Japan. Tliey
recognized that the early normalization of the
relations between Korea and Japan was in the
interest of the two countries concerned and in the
interest of the peace and security of that part of
Asia.

They also discussed tlie forthcoming visit to
the United States this smnmer by Prime Minister
Dr. Jolin M. Chang.

' See p. 736.
712

U.S. and Indonesian Presidents
Meet for Informal Talks

President Suhamo of the Republic of Indonesia
made an informal visit to Washirigton, D.O.,
April 2^-25, at the invitation of President
Kennedy. Follotoing is an exchange of greetings
between the Presidents on Dr. Sukamo^s arrival
at Andrews Air Force Base^ the text of a joint
co7nmunique issued at the close of their talks, and
a list of the principal members of Dr. Sukamo^s
party.

EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS

White House press release dated April 24

President Kennedy

I want to take this opportunity to welcome the
President of the Republic of Indonesia. His
country has always held the imagination of the
people of the United States. Near to my o^vn city
of Boston — the town of Salem — its seal is a ship,
and the words are "To the farthest island of the
Indies." From the beginning of our country,
fi'om the first voyage of Columbus, which was
intended to reach his country, down through the
18th century and the 19th century, his countiy has
attracted the youngest and the bravest of our
countrymen who have sailed to those islands.

We have, however, an even greater interest in
his country today, and it is a source of satisfac-
tion to me that the United States played, I think,
a useful and helpful role in the eai-ly days when
his countiy was first becoming established.

We wish that the relations between his country
and the United States should be intimate and I
close. We seek for our country what he seeks for
his comitry — a better life for his people, a life of
independence, a life of security.

I am particularly glad also to welcome him here
because he is in a very real sense the father of his
country. Throughout his life he has devoted
himself to the independence of his country. He
occupies the unique role in the life of his coimtry
and his people that was occupied by the early
founders of this country. And, therefore, in
welcoming him once again to the shores of the
United States, we welcome a distinguished na-
tional leader, father of his coimtry, and a leader
in the world.

Therefore, Mr. President, it is a gi-eat honor

Departmenf of State Bulletin

for me to welcome you here to the United States
and to tell you that the people of this coimtry are
happy to have you here again.

President Sukarno

Mr. President, I am happy to be on American
soil again for the fifth time. I think America is
the only country in the world which I have visited
so often, of course for certain reasons.

When I came here the first time in 1956, in my
speech I said that I have come to see for myself
the center of an idea. And 2 years ago in Los
Angeles I said this time I come to the Unit«d
States to see for myself one of the center's of
action.

The United States occupies a very distinguished
part, a vei-y distinguished place, in the hearts of
the Indonesian people. And really I am very
grateful to the President of the United States,
President Kemiedy, that he has invited me to call
on Washington to see him, to have talks with him.

President Kennedy called me 2 minutes ago the
father of the Indonesian nation, and it is to my
opinion not true. I am not the father of the
Indonesian nation. I am just a small mouthpiece
of the Indonesian nation. I express the aspira-
tions, the longings, the wishes of the Indonesian
nation. I am not the father of the Indonesian
nation. Without my nation I am nothing.
Without my nation I am just the man next door.
But, yes, I have, together with my nation,
struggled for freedom, and I am now working
hard, together with my nation, for the establish-
ment of a just and prosperous society in Indo-
nesia, and for peace in the world, for cooperation
amongst nations in the world.

And it is my vivid hope that America and
Indonesia shall always be close friends.

Thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation to
come, and my best wishes for you, for the pros-
perity of the American nation.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated April 25

President Kennedy and President Sukarno com-
pleted today in Washington a series of discussions
on a wide range of matters of mutual interest.
First Deputy First Minister of Indonesia, Johan-
nes Leimena ; the Secretary of State, Dean Eusk ;

Indonesian Foreign Minister Subandrio; the Act-
ing Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern
Aifairs, John M. Steeves; the United States Am-
bassador to Indonesia, Howard P. Jones ; and In-
donesian Ambassador to the United States, Zairin
Zain, participated in the discussions.

The two Presidents welcomed this opportunity
to renew their friendship and to reaffirm the spirit
of cooperation and confidence which has charac-
terized the relations between their two countries.

The two Presidents discussed the recent emer-
gence of the new nations in Asia and Africa. Both
Presidents welcomed the newly found freedom of
these countries and agreed that their genuine as-
pirations can best be fulfilled through mutual co-
operation both within and without the United
Nations. Both Presidents recognize that these
new countries must be alert to any attempts to
subvert, their cherished freedom by means of im-
perialism in all its manifestations.

President Kennedy stated that the Indonesian
Eight-Year Development Plan provides further
opportunity for the two nations to work together.
He offered to provide the services of a top-level
economic team to consult with their Indonesian
counterparts regarding the best way in which the
United States might assist in achieving the goals
of this plan.

Both Presidents expressed gratification at the
high degree of cooperation between their countries
and noted, in illustration, the successful visit to
Indonesia of the hospital ship, the SS Hope^
sponsored by the People-to-People Health
Foundation.

Both Presidents recognize that the disarmament
problem must be considered in relation to the gen-
eral world situation. Both men agreed that the
successful conclusion of a treaty ending nuclear
tests, while not in itself a solution to the problem
of disarmament, would be a first and most sig-
nificant st«p.

Both Presidents strongly and unreservedly sup-
port the goal of a neutral and independent Laos.

Both Presidents expressed pleasure that Presi-
dent Sukarno's travel schedule had provided an
opportunity for them to meet for this informal
and worthwhile exchange of views.

MEMBERS OF PARTY

The Department of State announced on April
21 (press release 246) that the following were the

MoY 75, 7967

713

principal members of President Sukarno's party
during his visit to Washington :

Dr. J. Leimena, First Deputy First Minister

Dr. Subandrio, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Second
Deputy First Minister

Dr. Zairin Zain, Ambassador of the Eepublie of Indonesia

Notohamiprodjo, Minister of Finance

Major General Suprajogi, Minister of Production

Professor Dr. Prijono, Minister of Education

Gunaway, Attorney General

Brigadier General Dr. Suharto, Minister of Small Indus-
tries

Moersalin Daeng Mamangung, Representative of the Navy

and Representative of the Mutual Help Parliament

Mohamed Ichsan, Minister of State

Henli Ngantung, Deputy Governor of Djakarta, Member
of the Supreme Advisory Council

A. M. Dasaad, Member of the Supreme Advisory Council

Colonel Sudirgo, Representative of the Army, Director of
the Military Police Corps, Member of the Body for Su-
pervising the Activities of Government Agencies

Lieutenant Colonel Sudomo, Representative of the Air
Force, Member of the Provisional People's Congress

Soehardjo Hardjowardojo, Head of the President's House-
hold

Mohammed Choesin, Head of Protocol Bureau of the De-
partment of Foreign Affairs

Colonel Kretarto, Military Secretary to the President

The Atlantic Community and the New Nations

by Under Secretary Ball ^

You came to Washington tliis year too late for
the splendid burst of cherry blossoms, but you
did not come too late to get a sense of life in
this troubled, yet resolute, capital of the New
Frontier.

For April, if it has not lived up to Mr. Eliot's
refrain as the cruelest month — and I'm not sure
that it hasn't — has served up some of her chilliest
blasts on the international front. Even the open-
ing of the baseball season got lost in the news
from once faraway places — Laos, Viet-Nam, West
New Guinea, Algeria. And no list of disturbing
headlines, arriving now almost daily like the
messengers of catastrophe in the old Greek drama,
is complete without mention of Cuba.

Nor can we ignore the wingless passage during
a recent cold clear night of a modern Icarus with
the euphonious name of Yuri Alekseyevitch
Gagarin. AVhat a strange comment it is on the
distribution of resources within the Soviet econ-
omy— a major in the Eussian Air Force rocketing
around the planet at 18,000 miles an hour— to
earn a four-room apartment in Moscow!

We know, if there had ever been any doubts.

' Address made before the American Society of Inter-
national Law at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 27 (press
release 266).

that life in the 1960's is not going to be dull. Nor
will this new decade be a happy one for the soft,
the fainthearted, for those who lack vision. We
simply cannot ignore the smell of yeasty change
in the air and the cracking of the crust of the
old cakes of custom. If we are to live and pros-
per, if in fact we are even to survive in the tur-
bulent new world, we must understand these
revolutionary forces and, where possible, guide
them.

I fold it hard, therefore, to understand the neo-
conservatism which seems to be the current fad.
If we spend too much time in useless pining for
a world that never was, we shall be engulfed by
the relentless tides of a world in becoming.

One does not, after all, get to understand earth-
quakes by passing resolutions against volcanoes.
These riptides of revolt surging around our planet
today have been released by a massive, seismic,
social convulsion — the crumbling of old systems
and the creation, often in violence and blood, of
new systems.

And this has occurred in a world made difficult
and hazardous by the existence of a dynamic,
expansive Communist power founded upon the
negation of the values in which we believe — a
communism which has achieved a mastery of the

714

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

new Faiistian forces of science and teclinology
that are the cumulative fruit of a millennium of
scientific inquiry.

The existence of Communist power makes in-
trinsically complex jjroblems more complex and
injects a pervasive element of danger, but it is
not the proximate cause of the changes that are
taking place so rapidly. This is an age of revolu-
tion ; it would have been an age of revolt if Lenin
had never crossed Germany in a sealed train —
even if today a Russian Social Democrat sat in
Moscow and humanist mandarins ruled in
Peiping.

But if communism did not create the revolu-
tionary forces in the world, it does continue to
exploit them and to exploit those fundamental
conditions which have produced these revolution-
ary forces.

The first of these conditions, of course, has re-
sulted from the weakening and crumbling of old
power systems, the colonial structures that were
critically undermined by two major wars.

The second springs from the new technology.
Manlrind is launched on a second industrial rev-
olution that promises to be much more rapid and
world-encompassing than that first Industrial
Revolution which began in the black hills of
Lancashire in the 18th centuiy, when the power
of steam was brought together with coal and iron
ore.

The third arises from what the population
pundits call demogi-aphy. The world which most
of us have regarded (in a rather parochial and
egocentric way) as forming the primaiy concern
of civilized man — the Western World of the
Renaissance — is no longer the madisputed center
of power.

Population Trends

Some of you may have noted 3 weeks ago, in a
routine United Nations report, the startling fact
that sometime during this calendar year 1961 the
three-billionth human being will be born into the
world. The odds are long that this child will not
be born into any of the some dozen Western coun-
tries which have a high standard of living. It is
most likely that he will be born into some strug-
gling country desperately unable at present to
feed, clothe, educate him, or find for him a place at
the workbench. He will be born, so to speak, with
a begging-bowl in his hand.

Something like 200 babies are being born every
minute, and if I talk to you tonight for one-half
hour those 30 minutes wiU see the coming into
this world of 6,000 new human beings. (Can one
think of a better reason for short speeches?)

Only 8 of the 200 human beings bom this min-
ute will be citizens of the United States. One will
be a Canadian, two will be British, two German,
three Japanese. Ten will be citizens of the Soviet
Union; seventeen of some Latin American coim-
try. But now we come to large figures. Thirty-
four will be citizens of India, and more than fifty,
or one in every four, are, right now, being bom
on the mainland of China.

The trend and direction of these figures is ob-
vious. The areas of most rapid population growth
are Asia and Latin America. Latin America
passed the U.S.A. in 1950. If present curves are
extrapolated, in the year 2000 tliere will be about
350 million U.S. Americans, 600 million Latin
Americans — almost double. In 1900, la belle
rpoqiie., there was one European for every two
Asians. By the end of this century there will be
less than one European for every five Asians.

Happily enough, in spite of this fantastic pop-
ulation explosion, we have not yet heard the hun-
gry cry for more living space — lebensraum — so
strident in the 1930's. Mankind today seems to be
putting greater hope in science and teclinology as
the best way to master the population problem.

The factors I have just singled out are all, of
course, interrelated. Technology, the ironic boon
of modem medicine, by reducing death rates is
bringing about a staggering population increase.
The shattering of old systems is releasing the pent-
up energies of the peoples awakening from cen-
turies of stagnation. The existence of an aggres-
sive Communist power center has given the emerg-
ing peoples an illusion that they have a free choice
of relying upon the assistance of either the West-
ern World or Moscow, and that there is little
difTerence between them. When Communists
speak of the brotherhood of man, it is Cain step-
ping up to plan the future for Abel.

We Americans face, therefore, a world in which
we are a meager minority and a world that some-
times appears to be hostile and often impatient
with us, given to striking attitudes something less
than chimimy. But we cannot just dismiss it as a
world we never made.

In this world of 3 billion souls, let us make a

thay 15, 1961

715

rough, horseback estimate of how the population
is distributed around the planet :

One billion are behind the Iron Curtain, a world
stretching from the Brandenburg Gate to the Yel-
low Sea and locked in the jaws of communism —
the U.S.S.R., Red China, and the 100 million cap-
tive peoples of Eastern Europe.

There are 2 billion people in the non-Communist
world, and all of them in this sense are free na-
tions. Some of them have proclaimed themselves
"neutral" in the cold war. Tliis is a neutrality
we in the United States respect, although worth
noting in passing is the recent statement of Nikita
Khrushchev — "While there can be neutral nations,
there can be no neutral men."

The real distinction among these many free na-
tions is not any dividing line on a political map.
It is the division between some dozen or more
nations with advanced industrial economies —
mostly lying to the north of the Tropic of Can-
cer— and some four score with primitive or only
recently developing economies, most of which lie
to the south. Twice as many people live in the
economically less advanced as in the more ad-
vanced nations.

I am convinced that every American who fol-
lows world events with some care, who reads one
or more of the responsible newspapers, who is
broadly aware of the great forces that are moving
in the world, will agree with the President's stir-
ring words at the inaugural : *

To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the
globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we
pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for
whatever period is required — not because the Communists
may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but be-
cause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many
who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

But unfortunately there are many of our fellow
citizens who read little but the comic strips or
sports pages, many who find the world scene dis-
quieting and therefore prefer to ignore it. And
if one diligently ignores the world it is easy
enough to rationalize a policy of doing nothing.

I am sure you are familiar with the current
cliches: Foreign assistance programs amount to
pouring money down a rathole. Americans can
no longer afford to squander ftmds in such an
improvident manner; we are no longer as strong
as we thought we were. We have balance-of-pay-

' For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.
716

ments problems and we ought to be spending our
money at home.

Such counsels of defeat do not truly represent
American opinion. We, as a nation, have prided
ourselves on our realism and on our ability to face
hard facts. And the mid-20th century is no time
for us to become pharisees who prefer to walk on
the other side of the street — particularly when, as
in this case, the other side of the street is a cliff.

Perhaps, after all, much of the responsibility
lies with us in the Government, who must explain
the problem with more lucidity. But some of the
difficulty arises from the fact that our whole assist-
ance program has grown up in a rather haphazard
manner in response to immediate needs rather than
in accordance with a well-articulated philosophy.
After all, none of us, I think, fully foresaw the
speed with which the whole structure of colonial
arrangements would come tumbling down or, in
the immediate postwar period, fully tmderstood
the magnitude or urgency of the task which lay
before us.

History of U.S. Aid Programs

We have been in the business of aiding under-
developed areas for about 12 years. I date the
beginning with Mr. Truman's point 4 proposals in
1949. Tlie Marshall plan, which was then at mid-
program, was a quite different matter.

I mention this point because there has been some
confusion about it. The problem we faced when
we undertook the Marshall plan was far simpler
than the problem we face today. Wliat we at-
tempted to do through the Marshall plan was to
provide the marginal resources that would enable
the nations of Western Europe to rebuild their
shattered economies. Our contribution of aid,
while large in absolute figures, was only about 13
percent of the total investment which those na-
tions themselves were able to mobilize.

I say that tlus task was relatively simple for we
were dealing with nations which are some of the
most advanced and sophisticated in the world,
nations with developed industrial traditions, great
reservoirs of skills and know-how, populations
used to industrial discipline, strong and, for the
most part, stable governments and governmental
institutions, et cetera. In other words, all we had
to do was to provide the necessary margin of
resources and they could do the job themselves.

Department of State Bulletin

But when Mr. Truman first announced the point
4 program in his inaugural address in 1949, we
embarked upon a wholly new kind of undertak-
ing— the endeavor to increase the standard of
living for peoples who in many instances had little
education, no experience in self-government, in-
adequate institutions, meager teclmological skills,
and no understanding of the kind of discipline re-
quired of an industrial society. The point 4 pro-
gram itself was extremely limited in scope. It
was based on a narrow concept of technical assist-
ance, and all that Mr. Truman asked of the Con-
gress in the way of the first year's appropriation
was $50 million.

The emphasis of our assistance effort was very
largely changed after the Korean war, when Sec-
retary Dulles began to forge a chain of military
alliances around the periphery of Communist
power. In his mind, economic aid was essential
to the construction of his alliance system. It
served first as an incentive to countries to join
our side or to let us put bases on their territory.
It served, secondly, as a means of helping those
countries to meet the additional burden imposed
on their economies by the maintenance of sub-
stantial bodies of armed forces. The very title of
the program, "Mutual Security," indicates this
new conception.

It was not until 1957, with the coming into be-
ing of the Development Loan Fimd, that we began
to forge for ourselves a modem philosophy of
economic development based on a better under-
standing of the forces of change at work in the
world.

This philosophy recognized that many of the
newly developing coimtries were reluctant to be-
come committed in the cold-war struggle just as
the United States had fought shy of commitments
in the struggles of the great powers during the
early days of our national existence. It was de-
termined, therefore, that we should not limit our
assistance merely to those nations which were pre-
pared to enter into alliance with us. If we could
provide them with the means by which they could
help themselves to build strong and stable econ-
omies, they could then use their energies construc-
tively. And a nation busily engaged in improving
its economic lot and in building stable institutions
would not be easily swept into the Commimist
orbit.

May IS, 1961

593080—61 3

The New Foreign Aid Program

This is the philosophy that has guided us in
rethinking and recasting our whole foreign assist-
ance program. The new program, the product of
this concentrated exercise, was foreshadowed in
the President's foreign assistance message last
month.^ It is expected that it will be submitted
to Congress in 3 weeks or so.

I shall not describe to you tonight the manner
in which we have sought to design the new pro-
gram, both in content and administration, to make
it responsive to the new philosophy to which I
have referred. Certain points, however, deserve
at least brief mention.

In the President's message, you will recall, he
proposed that the various agencies now admin-
istering separate aspects of foreign assistance be
consolidated to form a single agency headed by a
Director responsible to the Secretary of State. By
strengthening the field missions and by redesign-
ing the staff services in Washington, we hope to
place much greater emphasis on the long-range
plamiing which is essential to an effective use of
resources in a recipient country. In the past
most of our development funds have been used to
finance specific projects not always related to a
total country development plan. But in our new
program we intend to put a much greater em-
phasis on nation-building, on the financing of eco-
nomic development plans which provide for the
phased development of a nation's resources.

In order for this effort to be effective, the Presi-
dent proposes to ask Congress for a loan fimd out
of wliich moneys could be committed over a period
of 5 years. By having the authority to commit
fimds beyond the annual appropriation cycle, the
effectiveness of the whole effort should be enor-
mously increased.

I cannot put too much emphasis on the need for
such a fimd. No nation can plan its development
over a period of years imless it has some assurance
of the level of resources that will be available to
it. Moreover, the ability to commit fimds in ad-
vance will enable the United States to impose
much sterner criteria. It will enable us to insist
that recipient nations pursue certain necessary
lines of economic and fiscal policy if they are to re-
ceive the funds promised for succeeding years.

' Tor text, see iMd., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

717

At the same time, governments of developing na-
tions will find it easier to impose stern conditions
on their own people if they can hold out the prom-
ise of a reward in tJie form of future assistance.

The ability to commit funds in advance is,
therefore, essential to an efficient aid program.
Our experience has clearly demonstrated this.
The limitation of assistance commitments to the
annual appropriation cycle has I'esulted in the
expenditure of millions of dollars that might
otherwise have been saved.

Steps Toward a Cooperative Effort

If Congress approves the new program, the
United States should be able to increase the effec-
tiveness of its aid to the underdeveloped coun-
tries. But it cannot — nor should it — attempt by
itself to imdertake the whole burden of assistance
that is required. The task of assisting the mider-
developed coimtries is not for us alone; it is a
common task for all the economically advanced
countries of the free world. Within the past 2
months we have taken major steps to transform
this task into a cooperative effort.

The instrument for brmging about this coopera-
tion is the DAG, the Development Assistance
Group, which has been established in Paris and
which 10 nations, including the United States and
Canada, have so far joined. As you may know, the
United States has recently become a party to a
treaty which will create a major new organiza-
tion known as the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (the OECD).
When this new organization comes into existence,
not later than next fall, the Development As-
sistance Group will become the Development
Assistance Committee of the OECD.

Three weeks ago I attended a meeting of the
Development Assistance Group in London which
adopted two resolutions of major importance.*
Those resolutions expressed the agreement of the
member nations that the development task was a
common task to which each nation should con-
tribute in accordance with its ability. In addition,
the resolutions provided for the appointment of
a full-time chairman of the DAG to be nominated
by the United States Government. Steps have al-

*IUd., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 553.

ready been taken, through the DAG, to assure, for
the first time, that the member nations will have
information on a current basis as to the assistance
being provided by each member nation to each
recipient country. TMs information will pro-
vide the basis for a much greater cooperative
effort.

Since the chairman of DAG will be informed
of the plans of each member government, he will
be able to arrange for cooperation of other mem-
ber governments. Let us assume, for example,
that the chairman is informed that the United
States proposes to finance a cement plant and a
hydroelectric installation in coimtry A. Both of
those projects are provided for in a 5-year plan
which coxmtry A has developed. The DAG chair-
man may then approach the governments of the
other member countries, suggesting that each un-
dertake to finance additional projects within coun-
try A's plan.

It is not intended that the DAG itself will ad-
minister aid programs. But, by serving as a
clearinghouse for information and by providing
facilities for systematically suggesting projects to
member governments, it should bring about a
much more effective mobilization of the total re-
sources of the mdustrialized world than has here-
tofore been the case.

In addition, through DAG we should be able
to assure a fairer sharing of the burden of pro-
viding assistance among the economically ad-
vanced nations. It is difficult to work out any
precise formula for burden-sharing, altliough
this is one of the tasks assigned to the chairman of
DAG. Not only is it hard to develop an adequate
measure of a country's ability, but it is not easy
to compare types of aid wliich are different in
quality.

How, for example, can one compare 5-year com-
mercial credits with 50-year loans ? How can one
compare the sale of surplus wheat to be paid for
with local currencies with the outright grant of
assistance funds?

I do not expect, therefore, that we shall ever
arrive at a precise formula for burden-sharing
that will be intellectually satisfying to everyone.
I do tliink that we may develop some general prin-
ciples and even some rough measures that will be
useful to us. In a very general way we have

718

Department of State Bulletin

suggested, as j'ou may have heard, that the total
foi-eign assistance effort of the industrialized coun-
tries should aggregate about 1 percent of their
total gross national product. This does not mean,
however, that the effort of any one country should
be 1 percent of its GNP. Accomit must be taken
of such factors as the principle that rich nations
should bear proportionately a greater burden than
poor nations or that some comitries bear a larger
burden of other types of common effort — such as
the common defense.

But the 1 percent figure may nonetheless be use-
ful, for it does suggest that the burden need not
be too mordinately heavy for any of us. After
all, does anyone question that the devotion of 1
percent of our gross national product is too high
a price to pay to help the less developed nations of
the world attain growth and stability in this time
of turbulence and danger?

Problems of Nation-Building

We have learned a great deal in the past few
years about the problems of nation-building and
the means whereby we can assist the emerging
coxmtries to develop their resources, both human
and material. But I do not think that we have
yet learned nearly enough. Certainly, in de-
scribing for you some of the measures which the
new administration is planning to take, I am not
suggesting that we have foimd all the answers,
and it would be highly presumptuous of me to
pretend that in this speech I can give you what
our GI"s used to call "the approved solution."

We are confident, however, that the task upon
which we are embarked is by no means a fruitless
one. If we are sufficiently resolute in our purpose
and diligent in our efforts, then, during the next
decade, countries representing a total population
in excess of one-half billion people can be helped
over the hump. By strenuous exertions on the
home front and with substantial outside help,
they should achieve the necessary momentum to
bring them to the goal of self-sustaining growth.

If we can achieve this, we shall have refuted an
essential element in Mr. Khrushchev's credo. De-
scribing his recent interview with Mr. Khru-
shchev, Mr. Walter Lippmann has written :

... of the talk which dealt with the revolutionary

movement among small nations. Mr. Khrushchev spoke
specifically of three of them — Laos, Cuba and Iran. But
for him these three are merely examples of what he re-
gards as a worldwide and historic revolutionary move-
ment— akin to the change from feudalism to capitalism —
which is surely destined to bring the old colonial countries
into the Communist orbit. I could detect no doubt or
reservation in his mind that this will surely happen, that
there is no alternative, that while he will help this mani-
fest destiny and while we will oppose it, the destiny
would be realized no matter what either of us did.

In reading these lines with my breakfast coffee
the other morning I was struck by the thought that
the old dialectic had become a kind of Communist
kismet. But we Americans, being free men, have
never been historical determinists, and I think that
President Kemiedy spoke eloquently for people
far beyond the borders of the United States when
he addressed these comments to Mr. Klirushchev : '

I believe, Mr. Chairman, that you should recognize that
free peoples in all parts of the world do not accept the
claim of historic inevitability for the Communist revolu-
tion. What your government believes is its own business ;
what it does in the world is the world's business. The
great revolution in the history of man, past, present and
future, is the revolution of those determined to be free.

The history of the past two decades has borne
out the President's words. In their national revo-
lutions the new statesmen of the new nations with
very few exceptions have looked to the American
Revolution — to Jefferson not Djzherjinsky, to
James Madison and not Karl Marx. For it was
indeed we Americans who fired the shot heard
round the world. If today it comes back in louder
and louder echoes (and sometimes in ricochets),
most of the new nations are still singing our song.
They are closer to Lincoln than Lenin.

It is our duty and our destiny at this critical
point in histoiy to lend the new nations a helping
hand — and m so doing to bring about a world of
far greater security both for ourselves and for
others. This is a task becoming to our future and
worthy of our past, for, after all, we ourselves
were a new nation not too many years ago and we
can quite properly repeat the words of a poet who
was not Mr. Eliot:

"All things fall and are built again,
And those that build them again are gay."

'Hid., Mays, 1961, p. 661.

May IS, 1961

719

U.S. and Germany Agree on Partial
Settlement of Postwar Debt to U.S.

Press release 258 dated April 25
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

In an exchange of notes on April 25, 1961,
at Bonn, the Govemment of the United States
and the Government of the Federal Kepublic of
Germany agreed that the claim of the United
States of America against the Federal Republic
of Germany arising from postwar economic as-
sistance extended to Germany will be partially
settled on April 28, 1961, through payment
amounting to $587 million by the Deutsche
Bundesbank. At the request of the United States,
part of this payment will be made initially in
deutsche marks to be available for conversion into
dollars through the foreign exchange market.

The agreement for settlement of this indebted-
ness, signed at London on February 27, 1953,^
provided for payment to the United States of
$1 billion with interest over a period of 35 years.
Semiannual payments of interest beginning July
1, 1953, and of principal installments beginning
July 1, 1958, have been made by the Federal E©-
public under this agreement as they became due.

On March 31, 1959, the Federal Republic also
made an advance payment of $150 million on its
indebtedness to the United States for postwar
economic assistance. These advance payments are
permitted under the terms of the agreement.

After the payment amounting to $587 million
is made on April 28, 1961, there will remain a
principal amoimt of $200,370,547.79 still owing
to the United States under the agreement. The
arrangement set forth in the exchange of notes
dated April 25, 1961, provides, in conformity
with the former arrangement, for payment of
interest on the remaining principal at the rate of
214 percent per annum, payable semiannually,
from July 1, 1961, through July 1, 1965, and semi-
annual payments of both principal and interest
from January 1, 1966, tlirough July 1, 1987.

The U.S. note was signed by Ambassador Walter
C Cowling and the German note by State Secre-
tary Dr. H. van Scherpenberg.

TEXT OF U.S. NOTE

April 25, 1961

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to your
Excellency's note of April 25, 1961, which, in
agreed translation, reads as follows :

Mk. Ambassador : I have the honor to inform your
Excellency that the Deutsche Bundesbank, in concur-
rence with the Government of the Federal Republic of
Germany, is prepared to purchase a partial amount of
$587 million of the remaining outstanding claim of the
United States of America, based on the Agreement for
the settlement of the claims of the United States of
America resulting from postwar economic assistance
(other than surplus property) to Germany, dated Febru-
ary 27, 1953, in conjunction with the exchange of notes
signed in Bonn on March 20, 1959' (hereinafter called
the "Agreement"). In view of this plan of the Bundes-
bank, the Federal Government is prepared to make the
following Agreement with the Government of the United
States of America :

1. The Government of the United States of America
agrees to the purchase of a partial amount of $587
million of the claim of the United States of America
arising from the "Agreement" against payment of the
equivalent of $587 million.

2. The purchase of the claim shall be effected on April
28, 1961. As soon as the Deutsche Bundesbank pays
the equivalent of $587 million to the United States of
America, the Government of the United States will
assign to the Deutsche Bundesbank a partial amount of
$587 million of the claim of the United States of
America against the Federal Republic of Germany result-
ing from the "Agreement".

3. The principal amount of $200,370,547.79 and in-
terest thereon still owed to the United States of America
under the "Agreement" together with interest ac-
cruing on the sum of $587 million being paid hereunder,
from January 1, 1961 to April 28, 1961, will be paid by
the Federal Republic of Germany to the United States
of America in accordance with the attached amortiza-
tion schedule.

4. The details of the procedure to be applied in im-
plementing the purchase of the claim by the Deutsche
Bundesbank, including the establishment for a limited
time of a Deutsche Mark account at the Bundesbank
in the name of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York
as fiscal agent for the United States, will be agreed
between the Deutsche Bundesbank and the Export-Im-
port Bank. Both Governments will cooperate in this
operation as necessary.

I have the honor to suggest that if the Government of
the United States of America agrees with the above
proposals, this note and the corresponding reply of your
Excellency to it should be regarded as an Agreement be-
tween our two Governments to enter into force on the
day of the receipt of your reply.

I have the honor to inform your Excellency that

1 For background, see Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 373.
720

'For text, see Hid., Apr. 13, 1959, p. 516.

Department of State BulSetin

the Government of the United States of America
accepts the foregoing proposals and accordingly
agrees that your Excellency's note and this reply
shall constitute an Agreement between the two
Governments.

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.

Walter C. Dowlinq

Department Publishes Documentary
History of Potsdam Conference

Press release 241 dated April 21, for release May 6

The Department of State released on May 6 a
two-volume documentary compilation on the Pots-
dam Conference of 1945. These volumes, sub-
titled The Conference of Berlin {The Potsdam
Conference), 1945, form a part of the series en-
titled Foreign Relations of the United States,
which began a century ago with a volume for
1861. The U.S. Government is the first of the
participating governments to issue a detailed
documentary history of the Potsdam Conference.

The first of tlie two volumes is devoted ex-
clusively to pre-Conference papers dealing with
the background of the Conference, while volume
II contains the United States minutes of the Con-
ference, Conference documents (including an
annotated text of the Protocol of Proceedings),
and supplementary papers. The volumes contain
not only papers from the files of the Department
of State but also relevant infonnation from the
files of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Depart-
ment of the Army and from the private papers
of various officials who were present at Potsdam,
including President Truman, Secretary of State
Byrnes, Secretary of War Stimson, and Polish
Deputy Prime Minister Mikolajczyk. The vol-
umes also contain maps, photograplis, and
facsimiles.

The volumes deal with a wide range of subject
matter, since the conferees were discussing prob-
lems of occupation, reconstruction, and peace-
making in Europe, on the one hand, and problems
of prosecuting the war against Japan, on the
other. Among European questions, problems re-
lating to Germany, Poland, Austria, and the
Balkans contribute most of the bulk of the docu-
mentation. There are also included papers re-

lating to China, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine,
Tangier, and Turkey.

The two volumes of Foreign Relations of the
United States: The Conference of Berlin {The
Potsdam Conference), 19Jf5, may be purchased
separately from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Wash-
ington 25, D.C. The price for volume I (cxxviii,
1088 pp., 1 map) is $6 (buckram). The price for
volume II (clxxvi, 1645 pp., 5 maps, 8 photo-
graphs, 2 facsimiles) is $6.50 (buckram).

World Trade Week, 1961

A PROCLAMATION"

Whereas a fundamental aim of United States policy is
the development of an international economic environ-
ment that will foster the material well-being and political
independence of all free peoples ; and

Whebeas an effective United States commercial policy
in support of this aim requires a vigorous domestic econ-
omy, an expanding international commerce, and an equi-
librium in our international payments ; and

Wheeeas American business is being challenged In a
highly competitive international economy to strive veith
greater vigor to develop expanding opportunities for the
sale of American products in foreign markets :

Now, thekefobe, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the
United States of America, do hereby proclaim the week
beginning May 21, 1961, as World Trade Week; and I
request the appropriate officials of the Federal Govern-
ment and of the State and local governments to cooperate
In the observance of that week.

I also urge business, labor, agricultural, educational,
and civic groups, as well as the i)eople of the United
States generally, to observe World Trade Week with
gatherings, discussions, exhibits, ceremonies, and other
appropriate activities designed to promote continuing
awareness of the importance of world trade to our econ-
omy and to our relations with other nations.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this 22d day of

April in the year of our Lord nineteen hun-

[seal] dred and sixty-one, and of the Independence

of the United States of America the one

hundred and eighty-fifth.

/f^/Av'U^'t,

By the President :
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.

' No. 340S ; 26 Fed. Reg. 3555.

May 15, 7967

721

UNITED STATES COLLECTIVE DEFENSE ARRANGEMENTS

F^

.r9

3 {p

m

NORTH ATLANTIC TREAH (15 NATIONS)

A treaty signed April 4. 1949, by which
"the parties agree that an armed attack
against one or more ol them In Europe
or North America shall be considered an
attack against them all; and . . . each of
them . - . will assist the . . . attacked by
taking forthwith. Individually and In
concert with the other Parties, euch
action as It deems necessary including
the use of armed force . . "

RIO TREATY
(21 NATIONS)

A treaty signed September 2, 1947, which
provides that an armed attack against
any American State "shall be considered
as an attack against all the American
States and . , . each one . . . undertakes
to assist In meeting the attack . . ."

I UKITED STATIS 22 [I SALVADOR 29 PERU

1 UNITED STATES

9 LUXEMBOURG

2 CANADA

ID PORTUGAL

3 ICELAND

11 FRANCE

4 NORWAY

12 ITALY

5 UNITED KINGDOM

13 GREECE

G NETHERLANDS

14 TURKEY

7 DENMARK

15 FEDERAL REPUBLIC

8 BELGIUM

OF GERMANY

May 1. 1961

16 MEXICO
IT CUBA

18 HAITI

19 DOMINICAN

REPUBLIC

20 UONDDRAS

21 GUATEMALA

23 NICARAGUA

24 COSTA RICA

25 PANAMA

26 COLOMBIA

27 VENEZUELA

28 ECUAUOR

30 BRAZIL

31 BOLIVIA

32 PARAGUAI

33 CHILE

34 ARGENTINA

35 URUGUAY

ANZUS (Australia-New
Zealand-United States)
TREATY
(3 NATIONS)

A treaty signed Septem-
ber I, 1951. whereby each
of the parties "recognizes
that an armed attack In
the Paclflc Area on any of
the Parties would be dan-
gerous to Its own peace
and safety and declares
that It would act to meet
the common danger In
accordance with Its con-
stitutional processes."

1 UHinO STATES

36 NEW ZEALAND

37 AUSTRALIA

an *

paclflt
ttie°'^

6"- s

and ■
party "■

wlt» '^
procf

II

,*'"* the

"".« , "th,,

"In the

- C'^x

lie nize

clflc ine'
.parti ui(,

f- a
H .hi

1 1 IIS

A treaty signed January 19,
I860, whereby each party
"recognizee that an armed
attack against either Party
in the territories under the
administration of Japan
would be dangerous to Its
own peace and safety and
declares that It would act
to meet the common dan-
ger in accordance with Its
constitutional pnavlslons
and processes." The treaty
replaced the security treaty
signed September 8. 1951.

1 UNITED STATES
33 JAPAN

REPUBLIC OF KOREA
(South Korea) TREATY
(BILATERAL)

A treaty signed October
1, 1953, whereby each
party "recognizes that an
armed attack in the Pa-
cific area on either of the
Parties . . , would be dan-
gerous to Its own peace
and safety" and that each
Party "would act to meet
the common danger In
accordance with Its con-
stitutional processes."

I UNITED STATES
40 REPUBLIC OF KOREA

SOUTHEAST ASIA TREATY
(8 NATIONS)

A treaty signed Septem-
ber 8, 1954, whereby each
Party "recognizes that
aggression by means of
armed attack In the
treaty area against any of
the Parties . . . would en-
danger Its own peace and
safety" and each will "In
that event act to meet
the common danger In
accordance with Its con-
stitutional processes."

I UNITED STATES
5 UNITED KINGDOM
II FRANCE

36 NEW ZEALAND

37 AUSTRALIA

38 PHILIPPINES

41 THAILAND

42 PAKISTAN

REPUBLIC OF CHINA
(Formosa) TREATY
(BILATERAL)

A treaty signed Decem-
ber 2. 1954, whereby each
of the parties "recognizes
that an armed attack In
the West Pacific Area di-
rected against the terri-
tories of either of the
Parties would be danger-
ous to Its own peace and
safety." and that each
"would act to meet the
common danger In ac-
cordance with Its consti-
tutional processes." The
territory of the Republic
of China Is deflned as
"Taiwan (Formosa) and
the Pescadores."

1 UNITED STATES
43 REPUBLIC OF CHINA
(F0RM8SA)

President and Greek Prime Minister
Discuss Problems of Mutual interest

The Prime Minister of Greece^ Constantine
Caramanlis, made an official visit to the United
States, April 17-24, at the invitation of President
Kennedy.^ Following is an exchange of wel-
coming remarks hettoeen Secretary RusTc and Mr.
Caramanlis on April 17, an exchange of toasts be-
tween the President and the Prime Minister at a
state luncheon at the White House on that day, an
address by the Prime Minister before the House of
Representatives on April 18, the text of a joint
commv/niqtbe issued at the close of his Washington
visit on April 20, and a list of the members of his
official party.

EXCHANGE OF WELCOMING REMARKS

Press release 229 dated April 17
Secretary Rusk

Mr. Prime Minister and Mrs. Caramanlis, I am
delighted to have the honor to welcome you to
Washington on behalf of the President and the
American people. We have looked forward to
this opportunity to meet you and to establish
warm and cordial ties between your Government
and this administration. Your visit, wliich is the
first official visit of a Greek Prime Minister since
the war, demonstrates the close and friendly re-
lations existing between our two countries. I am
sure that during your visit here you will be im-
pressed by the high regard which the American
people hold for the people of Greece.

Our country owes much to yours. Many of our
most cherished concepts are a heritage from
Greece. Americans and Greeks remain imited
in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and in
the United Nations in their devotion to freedom,
peace, and justice, at home and throughout the
world.

The American people have followed with satis-
faction the remarkable progress made by Greece
in recent years. We are proud to have been as-
sociated with the Greek people in their great effort

^ The Department of State announced on Apr. 14 (press
release 218) and Apr. 19 (press release 238) that the
Prime Minister and members of his party would depart
from Washington on Apr. 20 for a visit to New York
City and would leave for Paris on Apr. 24.

to rehabilitate and develop the Greek economy.
As true friends and allies we wish you well as you
continue these achievements in the future.

Mr. Prime Minister, it is a privilege to have
this opportunity on behalf of the President and
the people of the United States to wish you a
warm welcome and a pleasant sojourn in our
country.

Prime Minister Caramanlis

To the American nation, friend and ally, I ex-
tend the warm greetings of Greece.

I am happy because President Kennedy's cour-
teous invitation gives me the opportunity of inter-
preting to you the feelings of gratitude, esteem,
and admiration of the Greek people toward the
United States of America. A conmion faith in
the same ideals and common sacrifices for their
survival create between our two countries strong
bonds. Tlie Greeks don't forget that the United
States' interest in their country began with the
revival of modem Greece and continued in recent
years in the form of aid and Allied support to
their country.

This exactly shows that the Americans recall
that under the Acropolis was born democracy and
that the Greek nation held upright the banner of
liberty and human dignity and always paid for
it the price of supreme sacrifice.

Today this same flag has been taken in their
sturdy hands by the Americans. This inspires
confidence and stirs the hopes of all free people,
wherever they are, under whatever conditions
they live.

I feel certain that with God's help America will
pursue her way toward prosperity and progress
and will prove equal to the expectations of her
friends as well as to her historic mission.

EXCHANGE OF TOASTS

White House press release dated April 17

President Kennedy

Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Caramanlis, ladies and
gentlemen : It is a great pleasure for me to wel-
come you to the shores of the United States once
again. Someone once said everyone is either an
Athenian or a Spartan. In any case, we are all
Greeks in the great sense of recognizing the well-
spring from which all of our efforts began.

724

Department of State Bulletin

I am sure that sometimes the Greeks get tired
of hearing about ancient history, because they are
concerned with making history today. But we
look to ancient Greece for inspiration, and we look
to modern Greece for comradeship.

Ajid it is a source of pleasui'e to me today, as
President, to welcome them, and also to recall that
I was a Member of Congress in 1947 when Presi-
dent Tniman put forward the Truman doctrine.
Congressman Halleck, who is now Minority
Leader of the House, was then, I believe. Majority
Wliip, and the Majority Leader at that time was
Congressman Martin — one of the few occasions
when Mr. Rayburn was not the Speaker — but they
did indicate their strong support. While there
were some questions in dispute in the 80th Con-
gress, that was not one of them. But the immedi-
ate support which President Truman as the Presi-
dent received from Members of Congress on both
sides — Republican and Democratic — indicates our
awareness of the vital role that Greece has to play
in the life of Europe, our common obligation to
Greece, and our common hope for the future.

So that I must say — on a day in which I believe
we celebrate the birthday of the Foreign Min-
ister— this first luncheon we have had at the White
House where ladies have been permitted to be pres-
ent, attended by distinguished citizens of my own
country, many of whom are of Greek extraction
and all of whom are great citizens of this country
and have been greatly interested in furthering
good relations between the United States and
Greece, it is a great pleasure to welcome you both
here, and I ask you all to rise and drink with me a
toast to the King of Greece.

Prime Minister Caramanlis

Mr. President, I am particularly happy of the
opportunity offered me by your courteous invita-
tion to be with you today. My assistants and my-
self consider that this invitation is a manifestation
of the interest borne by the United States to
Greece, to its people, and to its problems. I wish
to assure you that the Greek nation deeply appre-
ciates this interest and has for your great country
feelings of admiration and confidence.

We Greeks often forget the evil that many, at
times, have done to us. But we never forget those
friends who helped us in difficult times and
granted us their effective support. For this reason

we gratefully remember the Truman doctrine and
the practical interest subsequently displayed by
the United States for preserving Greek independ-
ence and developing our economy.

We know that our friends do not forget Greece's
contribution in the creation of those spiritual and
moral values which are the heritage of modem
civilization. They do not forget, either, the sac-
rifices undergone by the Greek nation through
thousands of years in the defense of freedom and
justice.

Even in the most recent past, at the conclusion
of a war at the price of immense sacrifice to Greece,
the Greeks were confi-onted with a dire and bloody
3-year struggle, when international communism
launched its attack for the enslavement of their
country. This struggle was won, thanks to Allied
assistance and the valuable American aid, with
Greek blood only.

Mr. President, Greece lies at one of the most
sensitive areas of the world and has felt the conse-
quences of international upheavals, even when she
has not been their center. More than any other
coimtry she needs peace, because in addition to the
scarcity of her natural resources she was subjected
to the heaviest destruction as a result of repeated
enemy aggressions.

Greece is following a sincere policy toward all,
a policy based on the faithful observance of the
charter of the United Nations and honest fulfill-
ment of international obligations. She believes
that international legality is the best way to secure
the maintenance of peace and at the same time the
safeguard of freedom.

Mr. President, now, as the elected leader of the
American people, you assume the responsibility
of governing this great country and dealing with
the tremendous problems emanating from the pres-
ent international situation. In this high mission
the hopes of all free men are turned to you, with
confidence and with optimism.

In coping with present-day difficulties Greece
will be found steady on the side of her NATO
allies, contributing to their endeavors for peace,
for freedom, and for justice. True to her history
Greece always stands guard vigilantly of those
political, moral, and spiritual values in which she
believes.

I raise my glass to you, Mr. President, to Mrs.
Kennedy, and to the prosperity of the American
nation.

May 15, 1961

725

ADDRESS TO HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ^

Mr. Speaker and Members of the House of Kep-
resentatives, I thank you warmly for the courteous
words you used to introduce me to the Members
of the House of Kepresentatives. I am aware of
the honor bestowed upon me, and I am glad the
opportimity is offered to me to interpret to all of
you the feelings of affection, admiration, and grati-
tude that Greeks feel towards your great country.
I experience a particular emotion to realize that
from this same rostrum, about 140 years ago,
echoed warm pro-Greek utterances, of a galaxy
of prominent Representatives, such as Daniel
Webster, Henry Clay, Albert Gallatin, and others
who spontaneously extended their moral support
to the Greek nation in the throes of its fight to
regain independence.

As an expression of the democratic faith, the
House of Representatives and the Senate, which
draw power from the free will of freemen, are
institutions honored not only in your country, but
also in all the free world at large. And this be-
cause American democracy has been the one which,
for the first time in history, carried out in actual
practice the ideal of democratic solidarity. When
the American Congress approved the Truman doc-
trine and, subsequently, the Marshall plan, a
historic turn was taking place, which decided the
fate of democracy all over the world. Each one
of you, gentlemen, at that time, through his vote,
recognized that the fight for freedom is indivisible,
and that it would not be enough to safeguard
democracy in your country, but it should have to
be defended in all those countries whose peoples
believed in it.

A prominent Greek author once said : "Free are
not the men who enjoy liberty, but those who
bestow liberty upon others."

We Greeks, not only as friends but also as your
fellow fighters in the frontline for the defense of
democracy, feel deep satisfaction and admiration
that the American Nation should respond to this
lofty expression of freedom.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dnted April 20

During his visit in Washington, April 17-20,
the Greek Prime Minister and the President of the

' Reprinted from the Congressional Record, of Apr. 18,
1961, p. 5791.

United States held cordial and friendly talks upon
subjects of mutual interest. The same atmosphere
characterized the talks of the Prime Minister with
the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense,
and other members of the Cabinet and personali-
ties of the United States administration.

The Greek Prime Minister expressed his thanks
for President Kennedy's invitation to visit the
United States officially and for the generous hos-
pitality accorded to him and his party.

With regard to the relationship between the two
countries it was agreed that it is based upon solid
and sincere friendship, mutual confidence and
loyalty to common ideals and the common purpose
of maintaining peace and safeguarding liberty
and justice. It was agreed that cooperation be-
tween the two countries in the political, economic
and cultural fields should be broadened. It was
also agreed that Greek- American ties, which have
been steeled in common struggles, should be fur-
ther tightened in the face of common dangers.

The Greek Prime Minister reviewed the prob-
lems in which Greece is vitally interested. These
problems, which include the difficult tasks facing
the Greek people in achieving economic develop-
ment and in raising the standard of living, met
with the wholehearted interest of United States
officials. Mr. Caramanlis expressed the grateful
appreciation of the Greek people for United States
aid in the past and for the determination of the
United States to continue to support the efforts of
Greece in carrying out its programs of economic
development.

The Americans expressed admiration for the
stability and progress prevailing in Greece and
recognized that these are invaluable assets for the
free world.

Special attention was devoted to common de-
fense problems within the framework of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization. The need to
strengthen the defense of the Atlantic community
was recognized, as well as the importance of pro-
moting solidarity and the fulfillment by each mem-
ber of its obligations.

In this connection the situation in the Balkans,
and other areas of immediate interest for Greece,
were given particular attention because of their
importance in the maintenance of international
stability and peace. It was agreed that the two
governments would continue to consult closely with
each other regarding developments in these areas
and elsewhere.

726

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

It was recognized that progress toward world
security and peace would be advanced greatly
by reliable, controlled international disarmament
agreements and by agreed procedures for the
maintenance of peace and the settlement of dis-
putes in accordance with the principles of the
United Nations Charter. To uphold those prin-
ciples, determination was expressed to strengthen
the United Nations Organization.

The emergence of the new African states was
welcomed by both sides. Both cotmtries recog-
nized their responsibility to assist those new states
iia their growth and development.

MEMBERS OF OFFICIAL PARTY

The Department of State announced on April 14
(press release 218) that the following would ac-
company Mr. Caramanlis during his visit to the
United States:

Mrs. Caramanlia

Evanghelos Averoff-Tossizza, Minister of Foreign Affairs

Cliristian X. Palamas, Director General of the Ministry

of Foreign Affairs
Mrs. Palamas

Alexis S. L/iatis, Ambassador of Greece
Mrs. Liatis
Leonidas Papagos, Director of American and United

Nations Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
John Zacharakis, Private Secretary to the Prime Minister
John G. Gregoriades, Diplomatic Secretary
Constantine Goustis, Economic Adviser to the Prime

Minister, Ministry of Coordination
George Cavounidis, Director, Press Department, Office of

the Prime Minister

United States and India Resume
Aviation Consultations

Press release 251 dated April 24

Delegations from the United States and India
will begin civil aviation consultations at Wash-
ington on April 24. These discussions are a con-
tinuation of the consultations which ended in New
Delhi on October 19, 1960.^

' For background, see Buixetin of Nov. 7, 1960, p. 734.

The chairman of the U.S. delegation will be
Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Af-
fairs Edwin M. Martin. The chairman of the
Indian delegation will be M. M. Philip, Secretary,
Department of Ck>mmunications and Civil Avia-
tion, Ministry of Transport and Commimications.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

The U.S. Government and the Fature of International
Medical Research. Hearings before the Subcommittee
on Reorganization and International Organizations of
Senate Government Operations Committee. Appendix
on oversea medical research and assistance, exhibits
from nonofiBcial sources, and indexes to parts II and
III. 490 pp.

Extension of Mexican Farm Labor Program. Hearings
before the Subcommittee on Equipment, Supplies, and
Manpower of the House Agriculture Committee. March
6-17, 1961. 370 pp.

Amend Title I of Public Law 480. Hearing before the
House Agriculture Committee. March 15, 1961. 36 pp.

Inter- American Programs for 1961 : Denial of 1962 Budget
Information. Hearings before the subcommittee of
the House Committee on Appropriations. March 20,
1961. 354 pp.

Sale of Surplus Agricultural Commodities for Foreign
Currencies. Hearing before the subcommittee of the
Senate Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. March
24,1961. 37 pp.

Report on Audit of the Development Loan Fund, Fiscal
Year 1960. Letter from the Comptroller General of the
United States transmitting his report. H. Doc. 126.
March 28, 1961. 61 pp.

Recommendations and Conventions Adopted by the Inter-
national Labor Conference at Its Forty-fourth Session
at Geneva. Letter from Assistant Secretary of State
Brooks Hays transmitting texts of certain recommenda-
tions and convention adopted by the International
Labor Conference, June 1960. H. Doc. 132. April 10,
1961. 16 pp.

Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Canada-United
States Interparliamentary Group, Ottawa and Quebec
City, Canada, February 22-26, 1961. Report submitted
by Cornelius E. Gallagher, chairman of the House dele-
gation. H. Rept. 224. April 13, 1961. 15 pp.

Inter-American Social and Economic Cooperation Pro-
gram and the Chilean Reconstruction and Rehabilita-
tion Program. Report to accompany H.R. 6518. H.
Rept. 254. April 20, 1961. 3 pp.

Authorizing Documentation of Vessels Sold or Trans-
ferred Abroad. Report to aceomi)any S. 881. S. Rept.
179. April 20, 1961. 5 pp.

Continuation of Mexican Farm Labor Program. Report
to accompany H.R. 2010. H. Rept. 274. April 24, 1961.
10 pp.

Informal Entries of Imported Merchandise. Report to ac-
company H.R. 3668. H. Rept. 308. April 26, 1961.
2 pp.

May 15, 1961

727

William H. Seward as Secretary of State

hy Richard S. Patterson

Historical Office, Department of State

jmr AY 16, 1961, marks the 160th anniversary
l Irlof the birth of a notable American lawyer
Cj and statesman. Born in the village of
Florida in southern New York State in the year
1801, this man became the ranking Cabinet officer
under Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, was chief
adviser on foreign affairs throughout the Civil
War and for 4 years thereafter, and occupied the
office of Secretary of State of the United States for
a longer period than anyone else except Cordell
Hull. This man, who has been rated by various
American scholars as second only to John Quincy
Adams among the great Secretaries of State, was
William Henry Seward.

Educated at local schools and at Union College,
from which he graduated in 1820, Seward was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1822, began the practice of law
in 1823, and soon afterward became interested in
politics. Combining an independent mind with a
convivial temperament, determination with adapt-
ability, and idealism with practicality, Seward
won success in both law and public affairs. He
served as a member of the State Senate, 1830-34;
as Governor of New York, 1838-42 ; and as Sen-
ator from New York, 1849-61. In 1860 he was an
unsuccessful candidate for the Republican presi-
dential nomination.

On March 5, 1861, in his 60th year, Seward re-
ceived a commission as Secretary of State in Presi-
dent Lincoln's Cabinet, and he entered upon the
duties of that office the next day. Although wholly
without experience in international affairs, Sew-
ard possessed a statesmanlike grasp of the issues
of the time. Moreover, he was a shrewd politician,
accustomed to dealing with other politicians —
which is not the worst preparation for the practice

of diplomacy. Seward's large experience in pub-
lic life, his wide acquaintance with public officials,
his knowledge of men and affairs, his influence
within the Government, his rejjutation through-
out the country, and his genius of political wisdom,
all marked him as a man of destiny in a crucial
time. In taking office as Secretary of State, Sew-
ard felt and accepted the great challenge of his
life.

At the beginning of his term Seward made some
serious blunders. Between March 6 and April 12,
1861, when Fort Sumter was fired on, his actions
and recommendations did him no credit. But he
had the vital ability to learn and to grow. He was
soon dealing with the great problems and the mo-
mentous issues of the war with consummate skill
and judgment. Understanding that American
foreign policy must be in tune with American pub-
lic opinion, he drafted many state papers with the
dual objective of accomplishing a specific purpose
abroad and bolstering morale at home. It was he
who began publication of the series of annual vol-
umes of diplomatic correspondence now known as
Foreign Relations of the United States.

Throughout the war period Seward proved
himself repeatedly a deft, resourceful, courageous
diplomat. Among his first and most important
tasks was that of preventing the great nations of
Europe from recognizing the independence of the
Confederacy or intervening on its behalf. This
he accomplished by making it clear beyond ques-
tion that the United States would fight until the
Union was restored. By a simple use of protocol
he forestalled an offer of mediation or peace by
compromise that might have been damaging to
the Union cause. In the case of the Trent, which

736

Deparfmenf of Stale Bulletin

WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD
1801-1872

May 15, 1961

729

presented perhaps the most taxing diplomatic
problem of the war, he displayed outstanding in-
genuity. Obliged to yield to the demands of
Great Britain in the face of extreme popular ex-
citement, he managed nevertheless to place the
case on a basis both flattering to American pride
and ostensibly defensive of vital American in-
terests.

Maintaining sound perspective on the issue of
slaveiy in its relationship to European opinion,
he advised waiting to proclaim emancipation
until after a Union victory ; and subsequently he
lost no opportunity to characterize the war as one
"between fi-eedom and human bondage." He
adroitly defended a broad interpretation of the
doctrine of continuous voyage, and he protested
vigorously against the building of Confederate
privateers in British ports. Through Minister
Charles Francis Adams in London he pressed the
British Government into holding the Laird rams,
which might have turned the tide of the war to
the Confederacy; and his protests regarding the
Alahama provided a solid legal basis for later
monetai-y claims.

Nowhere, however, was Seward more skillful
than in his handling of the situation arising from
the French intervention and the establishment of
Maximilian's empire in Mexico. This interven-
tion, which extended through and after the war
period, provided the most serious challenge ever
offered to the Monroe Doctrine. Seward's diplo-
macy in this context gave that doctrine — although
he never mentioned it by name — a tremendous
resurgence of vitality.

After the war Seward's support of President
Johnson in the struggle over the method to be
employed in reconstructing the Southern States
•cost him popularity and influence, both of which
were dear to him; but the passing years have
demonstrated the wisdom of his long-range view.
Likewise, the years have confirmed the clarity of
lais foresight in seeking to acquire the Danish
West Indies and Hawaii. And time has more
than proved that his negotiation of the treaty of
1867 with Russia for the purchase of Alaska
was a great diplomatic achievement.

All in all, Seward's conduct of the office of
Secretary of State through 8 years of war and
reconstruction merits high commendation. Again
and again he demonstrated his mastei-y of the fine
art of diplomacy. Seward's greatness, however,

lies over and beyond his technical skill. It lies
in his devotion of his unique abilities to the
realization of lofty ideals and a broad vision —
ideals of human freedom, justice for all, and an
effective democratic process, and a vision of peace-
ful prosperity, hemispheric integrity, and a
boundless American destiny.

The reproduction on the preceding page is from
a portrait by Mathew B. Brady in the Depart-
ment's collection of oil paintings of the former
Secretaries of State. The original portrait, based
on a photograph taken about 1861, was purchased
by the Department from the Civil War photog-
rapher in 1878 for the sum of $250.

United States and Africa:
A Common Tradition

hy G. Mennen Williajns

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

It is indeed an honor to join in celebrating
Patriots' Day here in historic Lexington. Pa-
triots' Day is dear to the hearts of all Americans,
but it is more than that. The events of 1775 fore-
shadowed the enlargement of freedom in the
greater world. Thus it is altogether fitting that
you, as the descendants of those embattled Yankee
farmers, should have invited here today these dis-
tinguished representatives of the modern inde-
pendent African states.

When our forebears went on to achieve national
independence and to secure individual liberty, the
gain was not ours alone. It was but a first step in
the march of freedom, which so many other na-
tions came to join. Now, in our era, the great
movement continues.

There have been losses in the ranks of freedom,
as in Hungary, which we deeply mourn. These
we shall not forget, for freedom is indivisible and
its repression anywhere obliges all who hold free-
dom dear to count the loss as their own. Yet our
faith in freedom is constantly renewed, and never
more than in the recent experience of the African
peoples, so many of whom have now come to en-
joy the full individuality and dignity of nation-
hood.

* Address made at ceremonies celebrating Patriots' Day
at Lexington, Mass., on Apr. 19 (press release 237).

730

Department of State Bulletin

President Kennedy only 4 days ago reaffirmed
our dedication to freedom when he joined in a cele-
bration of Africa Freedom Day.^ He took oc-
casion there to remind us of the famous exchange
between Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Paine,
which began with Franklin saying, "Wliere free-
dom lives, there is my home." To which Paine
replied, ""WHiere freedom is not, there is my home."
From such sources, as from the fields of Lexington
and Concord, came the spirit which framed our
Declaration of Independence. As I believe my
African friends will agree, this is a text also for
our times. It is a living document, and a docu-
ment to live up to.

In the landscape of American history, April
19, 1775, stands as a great divide. On the far side
one sees the struggle of a colonial people groping
to search out and express a national identity and
to frame new principles of human rights and
democratic expression. On the near side one
views the even more severe test of a newly inde-
pendent people attempting, through the applica-
tion of these principles, to construct and maintain
living political institutions. The events that took
place at Lexington and Concord stand midway
between the firet uncertain impulse toward self-
government in the American Colonies and the
eventual formation of a constitutional govern-
ment.

As our own history suggests, a nation does not
become free simply through an act of dissociation
or political declaration. Such acts are only the
beginning. There remain the difficult tasks of
making independence secure, of responding to the
people's needs and aspirations, of erecting durable
and workable political institutions. Looking back
to its own beginnings the United States can well
appreciate the desires and dilemmas that beset the
new nations of Africa. President Kennedy spoke
to this point recently ^ in recalling the counsel of-
fered by George Washington in his Farewell Ad-
dress to the young Eepnblic.

This is not to say that the lessons of our own
early histoiy can be applied broadside today in
Africa. Nor do we presume to have developed
perfect institutions which we must therefore seek
to expoi-t. From my own observations in Africa
the peoples there will give expression, as they build

their societies, to their own traditions and per-
sonalities. Yet both we and they are bound to-
gether in a common commitment to freedom.

There is, indeed, a quite different historical set-
ting in Africa today than was true for us at the
end of the 18th centuiy. At the time of the
American Revolution, empires were still expand-
ing. Today, after the proofs of our own Revolu-
tion have borne fruit in the spread of civil rights
in colonialist countries, the great Western empires
are retiring at a pace unpi-ecedented in history.
I am not here detracting from the major role
played by African and Asian leaders. Quite the
contraiy. I think that many of these leaders, to-
gether with the representatives of former colonial
powers, have shown rare wusdom in achieving a
constructive transition to self-govermnent, avoid-
ing the scourge of violent separation of which our
6-year war of independence is but one example.
Thus the old colonial era is drawing to a close in
a great flowering of freedom, made all the more
vivid by its contrast to the simultaneous develop-
ment in recent years of a new imperialism, a new
ideology which disdains the human values we are
here to celebrate.

In another sense Africa cannot await the ver-
dict of history as did the United States. Our Na-
tion was permitted to develop in isolation. Com-
munications and transportation in the 18tli and
19th centuries prevented foreign powers from
exercising a determining influence on that de-
liberate growth. In an ever-shrinking and inter-
dependent world the new nations of today cannot
afford the luxui-y of a lengthy adolescence. They
must be able to respond to the expectations of
their peoples and assume full responsibilities of
mature government almost from the start. The
price of failure may be the loss of those very
values for which independence opened the way.

What then is the proper view of America's
interest in Africa? I think no better text is avail-
able than the words of President Kennedy him-
self:*

We want an Africa which is made up of a community
of stable and independent governments . . . where men
are given the opportunity to choose their own national
course free from the dictates or coercion of any other
country.

' Bulletin of May 1, 1961, p. 638.
'Ibid.

' Prom an address made by Senator John F. Kennedy
before the National Council of Women, Inc., at New York,
N.Y., on Oct. 12, 1960.

May IS, 7967

731

In translating this interest into effective action
there are some things that the American people
should more clearly understand about Africa.

First, Americans must become better acquainted
with Africa and its very new and very unique
problems. We cannot take for granted the future
of freedom in Africa. This is a time of gi-eat ex-
pectations in Africa, and we are inevitably
brought into these fresh hopes. A continent is
opening up to development, but, as was the case
with us in earlier times, a significant investment
from outside is necessary to progress.

Tlaere are needs for immediate assistance — to
education, to health, to agriculture. And there
are needs which can best be met through long-
term commitments to national economic develop-
ment, as envisioned in President Kennedy's new
foreign aid proposals.* Having talked with many
African leaders I can assure you that what is ex-
pected of us in the way of assistance is not so
much a question of large sums of money as it is
of timely and consistent help. The new African
leaders are in a race to keep abreast of the rising
aspirations of their peoples for a more abundant
life and the full realization of human dignity. As
they know our traditional attitudes in these mat-
ters, so they turn to us — and so, I trust, will we
respond in keeping with our fortunate position in
the world and with a due regard to our common
humanity, to peace, and to international stability.

I have spoken of human dignity, and here I look
not only to Africa. Perhaps I should say that
Africa looks to us, and very intently, to see how
we are progressing in resolving racial inequities
in America. I am afraid that no apologies suffice
for acts of race discrimination which some of our
African visitors have suffered. They are ugly acts
unworthy of our Nation, just as similar acts affect-
ing our own citizenry are ugly and unworthy.
But if we cannot be satisfied in this respect, we
can, I think, be encouraged that our Government's
policy is unequivocally directed to ending this
social blight and that our people are making and
will continue to make progress toward this goal.

Another question in African minds has had to
do with the American attitude toward the still-de-
pendent territories in Africa. It has been said of
us that, because we share in a great defensive al-
liance with European powers, we have therefore as

'For text of the President's message to Congress on
foreign aid, see Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

732

a rule taken the side of the colonialists in Africa.
While we cherish these great friendships, this
charge is, in all fairness, something less than a
true reading, and I could point to a good many
examples, among which most memorably is Suez.
We may have erred, in African eyes, on one or
another issue, and we may again. But let me state
clearly our finn intentions: First, the U.S. Gov-
ernment intends to consider African questions on
their own merits. Second, in the case of the de-
pendent territories, we are prepared to support our
conviction that just and democratic solutions,
based on the exercise of the right to self-deter-
mination by all the inhabitants, must be achieved.
We are, finally, unalterably opposed to the apart-
heid policy of the Union of South Africa.

We state these policies in candor, not to one side
or faction alone but to all men. We commend
them especially to men of good will who, often
from differing positions, are endeavoring to wrest
from historical processes the full promise of the
human brotherhood.

If there is an omen for us in this cherished an-
niversary of Patriots' Day, it is to recognize that
now as in 1775 all histoi-y is charged with the dy-
namism of man's craving for freedom. This is the
mighty force from which we have drawn our
independence as nations and our precepts of indi-
vidual human rights. And it is to preserve free-
dom that people and nations have made their most
heroic sacrifices and framed their noblest
compacts.

Let us therefore reaffiiTn to one another today
our attacliment to the cause of freedom, in Africa
as in America, and together in the world.

Campaign Launched in U.S. To Erase
Race Incidents involving Diplomats

Press release 267 dated April 27

The Department of State on April 27 launched
an interstate campaign to erase the dangers of
racial incidents involving foreign diplomats.

Representative of 17 States met for 3 hours
with State Department, Justice Department, and
Wliite House officials to explore ways in which
they might cooperate to prevent incidents arising
from policies of racial segregation in hotels, res-
taurants, and other public places.

The meeting was a followup to letters that Pres-

Depar/menf of State Bulletin

I

ident Kennedy wrote to seven Governors in the
Washington area last week, aslcing that State of-
ficials provide leadership in clearing up a situation
that is embarrassing to the United States and a
handicap in its conduct of foreign policy.

The President asked Angier Biddle Duke, Chief
of Protocol, to call the broader meeting as part of
the administration's overall desire for the advance-
ment of civil rights in the United States. Fred
Dutton and Frank Reeves, Special Assistants to
the President ; G. Mennen Williams, Assistant Sec-
retary of State for African Affairs; Carl T.
Rowan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Public Affaire; and Pedro A. Sanjuan, Assistant
to the Chief of Protocol, each pointed out reasons
why there is an urgent need for leadership by
State officials in this area.

Administration spokesmen emphasized that,
while they are interested in the short-range prob-
lem of assuring foreign visitors that they will face
no affront to their racial dignity, the administra-
tion wants to achieve a long-term solution by com-
pletely erasing racial discrimination and segrega-
tion in American public life.

The Governors' representatives, including sev-
eral from the Deep South, agreed to cooperate
with the Federal Government in a continuing ef-
fort to meet this problem. They offered specific
suggestions as to ways in which their States and
the cities therein might organize to see that proper
courtesies are extended to foreign visitors.

The conference decided that each Governor
would appoint a representative to maintain liai-
son between his State and the Department of
State.

Representatives of the various States agreed to
confer with their Governore and other State au-
thorities in order to obtain support for proposals
to alleviate and eliminate the difficulties which
have arisen when foreign diplomats travel outside
Washington. Proposals from each State are to be
submitted to the Chief of Protocol before June 14.

The group will meet again on June 14, when all
proposals will be examined with a view to imple-
mentation. Progress made during these two meet-
ings will be brought to the attention of the U.S.
Governors Conference to be held in Hawaii next
June.

Gov. John B. Swainson of Michigan attended
the meeting as an observer, as did Burke Marshall,
Assistant United States Attorney General.

Representatives of the States included: Ala-

hama^ Robert Bradley, legal adviser; California,
Thomas Benforf; Delaware, Charles L. Ferry,
Jr., judge of the Superior Court; Florida, Tom
Adams, secretai-y of state; Illinois, Richard Nel-
son; Maryland, William C. Rogers; Michigan,
Frederick B. Routh, Fair Employment Practices
Committee ; New Jersey, David M. Salz, assistajit
attorney general; New York, Berent Firele;
North Carolina, H. L. Riddle, Jr.; Ohio, Maurice
J. Connell, executive secretary to the Governor,
and Miss Mildred Cunningham; Pennsylvania,
Philip Collodner, special deputy attorney general,
Elliott Shirk, executive director of the Fair Em-
ployment Practices Commission, and James Tri-
marchi, secretary of the Commonwealth; South
Carolina, Samuel Stillwell; Tennessee, Ramon
Nelson, treasurer; Texas, Glenn Garrett, director,
Good Neighbor Commission ; Virginia, Peyton B.
Winfree, executive assistant to the Governor;
West Virginia, Richard W. Kyle, assistant to the
Governor.

President Congratulates Sierra Leone
on Independence; Embassy Set Up

MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release dated April 26

April 26, 1961

On the occasion of their independence, I wish
to extend to the Government and people of Sierra
Leone the heartiest congratulations and warmest
wishes of the people of the United States.

We in the United States have watched with
sympathy and admiration the progress of the peo-
ple of Sierra Leone toward this historic and wel-
come event, which is the result of fruitful coopera-
tion between the people of Sierra Leone and the
Government and people of the United Kingdom.
We are confident that this spirit of cooperation
will inspire Sierra Leone's future relationships
with all who hold freedom dear.

In expressing the best wishes of my country,
I speak for a people who cherish individual liberty
and independence, and who have made great sac-
rifices so that these vital principles might endure.
It is with special pleasure, therefore, that we wit-
ness the assumption by this new nation of its sover-
eign place in the world community.

I am keenly conscious of the friendship which

Moy 75, 1967

733

has marked the rekxtions of our two countries, and,
for the future, all Americans stand ready to work
with the people of Sierra Leone to reach the goals
we all share of health, enlightenment and material
well being. I am confident that in years to come
our two countries will stand as one in safeguarding
the greatest of all bonds between us, our common
belief in a free and democratic way of life.

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

The Department of State announced on April
27 (press release 264) that the American consulate
general at Freetown, Sierra Leone, was being ele-
vated to an Embassy on that day, ujDon the at-
tainment of independence of that former British
colony.

Herbert Reiner, a career Foreign Service officer,
who has been consul and consul general at Free-
town since September 1958, has been designated
Charge d'Affaires.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Fisheries

Declaration of understanding regarding the International
Convention for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries (TIAS
2089). Done at Washington April 24, 1961. Enters
into force on the date on which all governments parties
to the convention have hecome parties to the declara-
tion.
Signature: United States, April 24, 1961.'

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961.°
Accession deposited: Nigeria, April 11, 1961.

BILATERAL

Brazil

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of December 31, 1956, as corrected and amended
(TIAS 3725, 3864, 4074, 4144, 4183, 4239, 4311, 4639, and
4644). Effected by exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro
January 4 and April 18, 1961. Entered into force April
18, 1961.

Ecuador

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange.s of notes. Signed at Quito April 3,
1961. Entered into force April 3, 1961.

Honduras

Economic cooperation agreement. Signed at Tegucigalpa
April 12, 1961. Enters into force on the date the Gov-
ernment of Honduras notifies the United States that the
agreement has been ratified.

Iceland

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
10.54, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with memorandum of understandings. Signed at Rey-
kjavil£ April 7, 1961. Entered into force April 7, 1961.

Norway

Amendment to annex C of the Mutual Defense Assistance
Agreement of January 27, 19.50 (TIAS 2016), between
the United States and Norway. Effected by exchange of
notes at Oslo March 6 and 23, 1961. Entered into force
March 23, 1961.

Turkey

Amendment to the agreement for cooperation concerning
civil uses of atomic energy of June 10, 1955 (TIAS
3320). Signed at Washington April 27, 1961. Enters
into force on the day on which each Government shall
have received from the other written notification that
it ha.s complied with all statutory and constitutional
requirements for entry into force.

Agreement amending tlie agricultural commodities agree-
ment of January 20, 1958, as supplemented and amended
(TIAS 3981, 4056, 4132, 4160, and 41(il). Effected by
exchange of notes at Ankara March 29, 1961. Entered
into force March 29, 1961.

' With reservation as to acceptance.

' Not in force for the United States.

734

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Adjourned During April 1961

U.N. General Assembly: 15th Session (resumed March 7) .... New York Sept. 20, 1960-

Apr. 22, 1961

U.N. Plenipotentiary Conference on Diplomatic Intercourse and Vienna Mar. 2-Apr. 21

Immunities.

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development New York Mar. 27-Apr. 21

NATO Petroleum Planning Committee Washington Apr. 4-7

GATT Article XXII:1 Consultations With France Geneva Apr. 4-8

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 31st Session New York Apr. 4—28

FAO Advisory Committee on the Use of Food for Food-Deficient Rome Apr. 5-12

Peoples.

IAEA Board of Governors: 21st Session Vienna Apr. 5-14

IMCO Assembly: 2d Session London Apr. 5-14

IDB Board of Governors: 2d Meeting Rio de Janeiro Apr. 10-14

GATT Panel on Subsidies and State Trading Geneva Apr. 10-14

FAO Group on Cocoa: 4th Session Accra Apr. 10-19

ITU CCITT Special Study Group B, Study Group XI, and Study Geneva Apr. 10-19

Group XIII.

FAO Program Committee: 5th Session Rome Apr. 10-21

ILO Regional Conference of American States Members: 7th Ses- Buenos Aires Apr. 10-21

sion.

FAO Meeting on Dairy Problems in Latin America Sao Paulo Apr. 11-20

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 16th Session Geneva Apr. 11-28

WMO Commission for Hydrological Meteorology: 1st Session . . Washington Apr. 12-25

South Pacific Commission: 2d Technical Meeting on Cooperatives . Noumea Apr. 13-26

IMCO Council: 5th Session London Apr. 14 (1 day)

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 4th Session London Apr. 14 (1 day)

Inter-American Commission of Women: Extraordinary Assembly . Washington Apr. 17-21

Inter- African Labor Conference: 7th Meeting Abidjan Apr. 17-26

GATT Committee on Balance-of- Payments Restrictions Geneva Apr. 17-28

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law Brussels Apr. 17-30

OEEC Economic Policy Committee Paris Apr. 18-19

ITU CCIR Study Group VI-A (Ionospheric Propagation) .... Geneva Apr. 18-20

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: Committee on Geneva Apr. 18-21

Illicit Traffic.

ICAO Panel on Origin-and-Destination Statistics: 3d Meeting . . Paris Apr. 18-28

FAO Ad Hoc Meeting on Jute Rome Apr. 19-25

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Commodity Trade: Special Working New York Apr. 24-28

Party.

ICEM Subcommittee on Budget and Finance: 3d Session .... The Hague Apr. 24-29

CENTO Ministerial Council: 9th Meeting Ankara Apr. 27-29

In Session as of April 30, 1961

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed Geneva Oct. 31, 1958-

March 21).

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

U.N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing New York Apr. 17-

Territories.

U.N. ECOSOC Social Commission: 13th Session New York Apr. 17-

ITU Administrative Council: 16th Session Geneva Apr. 22-

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade . . . Geneva Apr. 24-

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 16th Session . . Geneva Apr. 24-

5th ICAO Meeting on Personnel Licensing/Aviation Medicine . . Montreal Apr. 25-

U.N. Commission on Sovereignty Over Natural Wealth and New York Apr. 25-

Resources: 3d Session.

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Party Rome Apr. 26-

on Electronic Data-Processing Machines.

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Apr. 27, 1961 . Following is a list of abbreviations: CCIR, Comite
consultatif international des radio communications; CCITT, Comite consultatif international telegraphique et tele-
phonique; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and
Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA,
International Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental
Committee for European Migration; IDB, Inter-American Development Bank; ILO, International Labor Organization;
IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO,
North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OEEC, Organization for European Economic Cooperation; U.N., United Nations;
WMO, World Meteorological Organization.

May 15, 196? 735

U.N. Seats Republic of Korea
for Debate on Korean Item

Following are stateinents made in Committee I
{Political aTid Security) hy Ambassadors Adlai
E. Stevenson and Charles W. Yost, U.S. Repre-
sentatives to the General Assembly, during debate
on the question of Korea, together with the text
of a resolution adopted hy the committee on
April 12.

STATEMENTS BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON
Statement of April 10

U.S. delegation press release 3685

Mr. Chairman, I presume that tlie first subject
is the one that was prematurely raised by the dele-
gate of the Soviet Union about seating a repre-
sentative of north Korea at this meeting.

The United States delegation has submitted a
draft resolution ^ at 9 o'clock this morning to in-
vite the representative of the Republic of Korea
to participate, without the right to vote, of coui-se,
in the discussion of the Korean question. The
Kepublic of Korea, I remind you, was established
in 1948 under United Nations auspices through
free elections observed by a United Nations com-
mission. The General Assembly, in its resolution
of December 12, 1948,= certified that the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Korea was lawful, was,
to quote the report, "based on elections which
were a valid expression of the free will of the
electorate . . . and ... is the only such Govern-
ment in Korea."

The Republic of Korea, moreover, has stated
its support for the United Nations and for the
United Nations principles on unification of the
country, which is the supreme desire of all
Korean people. The Republic of Korea has been
repeatedly recognized in the General Assembly
as fully qualified for membership in the United
Nations. In short, the Republic of Korea is now
and has been since its birth in close association
with the United Nations.

The north Korean regime to which the dis-
tinguished representative of the Soviet Union re-
ferred, however, has consistently rejected the
United Nations. It was set up after United

' U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 268.

° For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 19, 1948, p. 760.

Nations representatives had been refused admis-
sion to the area under its control. It has been
recognized by only a few governments. Its un-
provoked attack on the Republic of Korea in 1950
was the occasion of the first collective action by
the United Nations to repel aggression. The
north Koreans have repeatedly denied the com-
petence of the United Nations to deal with the
Korean problem. The authorities in the northern
part of Korea cannot claim to represent their
people on the basis of free elections. The seating
of a north Korean representative at a United
Nations deliberation would not, therefore, be con-
sistent with the attitude of that regime toward
the United Nations.

We firmly believe, therefore, that the committee
should decisively approve the invitation to seat
the representative of the Republic of Korea, a
government based on the free vote of two-thirds
of the Korean people, to participate in the dis-
cussion of this committee. We will, for the
reasons I have indicated, be obliged to oppose the
Soviet proposal to hear a representative of north
Korea.'

Statement of April 11

U.S. delegation press release 3688

Yesterday I proposed that the Republic of Ko-
rea, a child of the United Nations which the United
Nations has defended from aggression, should
have its representatives seated here to participate,
without vote, in our discussion of the Korean ques-
tion. In my innocence I must confess that I had
no idea that such a conflict of opinion would ensue.
I suspect most everything has been said on the
subject, but I trust you will forgive me if I pro-
long the debate a little longer.

I have been very much surprised and confounded
by some of the remarks I have heard here in the
last day. A number of delegates have expressed
their views on this question. While no one has
opposed the seating of representatives of the Re-
public of Korea, several delegates have argued
that both parties to a dispute are entitled to be
heard and that both the Republic of Korea and
the north Korean regime should therefore partici-
pate in this discussion. The view has been fre-
quently expressed that it is only fair that both
parties to the dispute be heard. Let us examine
for a moment this plausible position which has so

' U.N. doe. A/C.1/L.270.

736

Department of Slate Bulletin

often been compared to a court liearing both
parties to a controversy.

I believe we should ask ourselves, as some of
the delegates, including the distinguished delegate
of the United Kingdom has just done, whether
this case is comparable to a judicial proceeding or
whether it will profit either the north Koreans
or this body to liave representatives of north Ko-
rea seated here.

The Reiiublic of Korea is on record as support-
ing United Nations principles for the unification
of Korea. Its Government, freely elected, repre-
sents two-thirds of the Korean people. This Gov-
ernment has clearly and explicitly expressed its
support of the United Nations and the United Na-
tions resolutions on Korea, as indicated in the
supplementary report of the United Nations Com-
mission * and the Republic of Korea Government
memorandum of March 15, 1961.^

The north Korean regime, however, has repeat-
edly rejected the United Nations. At a political
conference held in Geneva in 1954 to work out a
basis for Korean unification, it and its supporters
took this position and refused to consider any
reasonable basis for achieving the unification of
this unhappy land. As recently as March 6 of
this year the north Korean government stated,
"In the light of the principles of its Charter, the
United Nations, from the start, has no authority
or ground whatever to consider the Korean ques-
tion one of the issues for postwar settlement.
The placing of the Korean question on the United
Nations agenda is illegal in itself." This docu-
ment also goes on to state that "the United Na-
tions has long since lost even moral authority to
have anything to do with the question of the uni-
fication of Korea."

In short, the north Koreans have consistently
refused to acknowledge that the United Nations
is competent to take action with respect to the
Korean question. Stated another way, north Ko-
rea has denied that this body has any jurisdiction
over the question of unification, and if they are
invited to participate in this discussion they will
simply deny that we have any right to discuss
unification.

Moreover, the north Koreans' attitude toward
the first collective security action under the
United Nations Charter, as expressed in the same

Communist Takeover in North Korea
Analyzed in Department Study

The Department of State announced on April 20
(press release 239) that it had released on that
day a study entitled North Korea: A Case Study
in the Techniques of Takeover. This report rep-
resents the findings of a State Department research
mission which was sent to Korea to determine how
the north Korean regime operated before the out-
break of hostilities in June 1950. Its findings are
based on information obtained from interrogations
both of former officials and people who lived under
the north Korean regime, extensive north Korean
and Russian documents captured by the United
Nations forces, and data previously available in
Departmental files.

Copies of this study, Department of State pub-
lication 7118, may be purchased from the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print-
ing Office, Washington 25, D.C., at 60 cents a copy.

*U.N. doc. A/44G6/Add. 1.
• U.N. doc. A/C.1/835.

broadcast of March 6, read this way : "The United
Nations has been reduced to a belligerent." We
must recall the north Korean regime, after having
rejected all United Nations efforts at peaceful uni-
fication over a period of over 2 years, laimched a
carefully prepared surprise attack at the very time
when the regime was advancing peaceful-unifica-
tion proposals similar to those it has recently put
forward. This attack was repelled by the forces of
16 United Nations members and the Republic of
Korea, at enormous cost and with hea%^ loss of
life. An armistice was signed in 1953, but no
final settlement has yet been reached. The north
Koreans, their attempted aggression repelled by
the United Nations, now seek to brand this inter-
national organization as a belligerent because it
took action to maintain international peace and
security in accordance with its charter and to
protect a small country.

Yesterday the distinguished delegate of Cyprus
suggested that, before we decide on seating repre-
sentatives of the north Korean regime as well as of
the Republic of Korea, we should know "whether
these two delegations would by that very act recog-
nize the jurisdiction of this committee and of the
General Assembly on the matter that concerns
them, and whether by being seated here they give
assurance by that fact that they will abide by the
resolutions of this committee and of the General
Assembly."

Moy 75, 796/

737

I say to the members of this committee that the
Eepublic of Korea, whose freely elected Govern-
ment represents a majority of the Korean people,
does so recognize the jurisdiction of tliis commit-
tee and of the General Assembly and that it will
abide by the United Nations resolutions. And it
is equally clear that the north Korean regime has
repeatedly and specifically rejected the competence
and authority of this body.

The Korean people earnestly desire the peaceful
unification of their nation in freedom and look to
the United Nations as their best hope to that end.
They are watching what we do here. So, I ven-
ture to say, are all of the world's peoples, who
surely do not make the mistake of calling the
United Nations a belligerent but rather look to
this body for the solution not only of the Korean
problem but of all j^roblems involving interna-
tional peace and security. The United Nations
and its principles offer our last best hope for prog-
ress toward a world of peace and freedom — as we
are so fond of saying.

Therefore I am bound to say that, vmtil north
Korea has acknowledged the competence of the
United Nations, it is useless to invite it to appear
and participate in any discussion of miification.

In conclusion I urge this committee not to in-
vite the north Korean regime to participate in our
discussion in view of its oft-stated position re-
jecting United Nations competence and authority
to deal with this question. If and when the north
Korean regime clearly acknowledges the compe-
tence and the authority of the United Nations to
deal with this question and demonstrates its will-
ingness to abide by United Nations resolutions
for the peaceful unification of Korea in freedom,
it would then be proper and useful, it would then
be constructive, to reconsider the question of north
Korean representation and participation because,
after all, gentlemen, our objective is unification
and not controversy and debate, and we wish that
the regime in north Korea felt the same way.

I would urge this committee to seat the repre-
sentatives of the Republic of Korea to participate
in our discussion without the right to vote.

[In a further Intervention Ambassador Stevenson said:]

Mr. Chairman, I have been misquoted by ex-
perts but never by an expert as accomplished as
Mr. [Valerian A.] Zorin [Soviet representative].
He says my views on this subject seemed to be un-

certain. Well, let me remove any doubt as to
what I said and what my views are.

I said that, \^■hen a party denies the jurisdiction
of the court and, indeed, denounces the court as a
lawbreaker, obviously it is useless for that party
to appear in a dispute with someone who acknowl-
edges the competence of the court and agrees to
abide by its decision.

Now, maybe as a result of Mr. Zorin's interest-
ing speech, I should take encouragement. Maybe
we should all find encouragement in what he has
just said. I think Mr. Zorin is about to tell us
that the north Koreans, like the south Koreans,
acknowledge the competence and the authority of
the United Nations in this matter. This would
be very good news to those of us who want to see
Korea unified and terminate the danger to peace
and security of this divided country.

In order to provide an opportunity for those of
us who want to hear the north Korean position at
the same time that we hear tlie south Korean
position, I would therefore propose an amend-
ment " to the amendment proposed by the dele-
gate of Indonesia.^ I would suggest that there be
added to the conclusion of his amendment to my
original proposal the following words : "provided
that the latter (referring to north Korea) first
unequivocally accepts the competence and the au-
thority of the United Nations within the terms of
the Charter to take action on the Korean ques-
tion, as the Republic of Korea has already done."

I would request, if we are proceeding to a vote,
that we have an opportunity to writ© up this pro-
posed amendment and circulate it because it will
be the first one considered in the order of
presentation.

Statement of April 12

U.S. delegation press release 3G90

Let me take advantage of this opportunity to
say to the distinguished delegate of the Soviet
Union that we congratulate his great country for
this remarkable scientific achievement that we
have read about in the newspapers this morning.*

' U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.273.

'The Indonesian amendment (A/C.1/L.272) read as j
follows : "After the words 'Decides to Invite a representa- '
tlve of the Republic of Korea,' insert the words 'as well
as a representative of the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea'."

' For a statement and a message by President Kennedy,
see Bulletin of May 1, 1961, p. 639.

738

Department of State Bulletin

It opens a new and limitless vista for the f iitiu'e
of earthbound man. Now that the Soviet scien-
tists have put a man into space and brought him
back alive, I hope that tliey will also help to bring
the United Nations back alive.

Yesterday the delegations of a number of coun-
tries appeared eager to discuss the unification of
Korea on terms that we consider unjust and
unfair. Today when equal conditions are pro-
posed tliey say that that is a serious business and
should be postponed. This decision does not con-
stitute on this matter a precedent for situations
except those where a party has been dealt with as
an aggressor before the United Nations — that is
the only precedent involved.

I must confess that I am distressed to hear sucli
distinguished representatives to the United
Nations say that north Korea should be invited
because they want to hear both sides and believe
in equality and justice, and then they deny equal-
ity of treatment to both parts of Korea, especially
when one has defied the United Nations and the
other has complied. Let us, I say, not do an
injustice to the innocent or an injury to the insti-
tution to avoid an issue that presents conflicting
views.

I must beg your indulgence to talk for a moment
on this proposition of postponement. As I have
already stated, the United States believes the rec-
ord on the Korean question clearly shows that the
Republic of Korea is in fact tlie duly constituted
representative of the majority of the people, recog-
nized as such by this Organization, and, more-
over, that the Government of the Eepublic has
made it clear that it will abide by the actions of
the United Nations on the Korean question.

In contrast, as I have also noted, the north
Korean regime has attacked the Republic of
Korea in an effort to solve tlie unification problem
by force. And when it failed, thanks to the
collective action of this Organization, the aggres-
sors denied the authority of tlie United Nations
and have refused to abide by its resolutions.

How then can the representatives of the north
Korean regime profit us or themselves by appear-
ing hei-e when tliey have denied our authority and
rejected our recommendations? Indeed they
have refused now and for many years past to even
admit the United Nations representatives to the
territory of north Korea. One could ask serious

questions as to the nature of a regime which takes
such an attitude of defiance, of disdain, of con-
tempt for this Organization.

Nevertheless, as I attempted to say yesterday,
we are prepared, especially for the benefit of those
nations who have become members of this body
since the bitter experience of 1950 to 19.53, to
admit representatives of the north Korean regime
to state their position, provided they first accept
the competence and authority of the United
Nations to take action, as the Republic of Korea
lias already done.

This proviso, I agree, is of profound importance,
as has been mentioned here frequently this morn-
ing and yesterday. The United Nations cannot
effectively discharge its responsibilities for peace
and for justice in this or on any question if groups
can deny in advance the authority of this body
and commit themselves in advance to reject its
decisions.

The nations of the world, in their search for
ever wider areas of harmony and of agreement in
international affairs, have agi'eed on the United
Nations as their best hope for the solution of ques-
tions which affect international peace and secu-
rity. It seems to us supremely important to safe-
guard the progi-ess already made through the
United Nations as the supreme forum for peace-
ful settlement of such questions.

The United Nations in opposing the aggression
against the Republic of Korea acted fully in ac-
cordance with the charter. Its armed forces, like
the local policeman, present one element of the
peacemaking machinery, as we know. Once the
armistice was signed, the United Nations as a
whole, like the local judge, constitutes another
element in the peacemaking machinery. In this
role it has a clear mandate to take action to settle
tliis vexatious problem. Yet its competence and
authority in both these roles are denied by north
Korea.

Wliat are the consequences of permitting those
who aggi-ess and then deny the United Nations'
role in collective security action — of permitting
them to participate in our debates ? I believe that
to do so would clearly undermine the basic prin-
ciples of our charter. And if these vital principles
are not maintained, what have we left? There
are those of us here who can defend ourselves
against aggression. But by what authority, if we
accept a denial of the fundamental principle of

May 15, 1961

739

collective security, does this body render aid
against aggression to those less adequately pre-
pared to resist ?

The United States does not want more debate,
more controversy, more cold-war maneuvers over
Korea. Wliat we want are solutions of the situa-
tions that divide and endanger us all over the
world. To this end we have offered an amend-
ment to the resolution on seating the Republic of
Korea. We hope that the committee will not ad-
journ, that it will not show any indecision or un-
certainty about its attitude on such an impoi'tant
matter of principle and of practice, and that the
resolution will be supported by all members of
this committee who believe in justice and equality
of treatment and want to preserve the authority
and influence of the United Nations.

Let me add a postscript. It seems to me that
with so many dangers in the world it is a great
pity for us to spend so much time in vain. I
would urge therefore that we proceed to a vote on
this preliminary matter and then get on with the
substance, which should not take long.

STATEMENTS BY AMBASSADOR YOST, APRIL 12
First Statement

U.S. delegation press release 3692

The United States amendment to the Indonesian
amendment has been criticized as creating a pre-
cedent placing qualifications on participating in
our debates. I believe this objection has been
entirely answered by Ambassador Stevenson this
morning and by the distinguished representative
of Peru this afternoon. Not only is such an ap-
proach dictated by the fact that north Korea has
rejected United Nations authority, but it is also
consistent with the charter itself, which is our real
guide in such circumstances. The pertinent pro-
visions of the charter have been cited and explained
by tlie distinguished representative of Peru. In
the light of the intent of these two articles [2(6)
and 35(2)], the propriety of our proposal would
seem to be clear.

I wish to explain also at this time how the
United States delegation will vote on the issues
before us. We will, of course, vote for our amend-
ment. If our amendment is adopted, we will vote

740

for the Indonesian amendment as modified.
Otherwise, we will vote against it. We will also
vote for the amended resolution as a whole.

Finally, after the vote we suggest that the repre-
sentative of the Eepublic of Korea should be seated
and the attention of the north Korean authorities
brought to the resolution. I suggest that, after
we might liear any explanations of vote but before
commencing the discussion of the substance of this
question, the committee might then properly sus-
pend further discussion of this item until Monday
[April 17]. This would allow time for a reply
from the north Korean authorities before the com-
mittee proceeds further.

Second Statement

U.S. delegation press release 3693

My delegation has voted for the resolution as
amended. We did not wish to take up the time
of the committee by a debate over language, but
we do consider it important to point out that the
application of the title given the north Korean
regime in the resolution in no way affects its status
nor do we recognize its authority. The United
States will continue to give full support to the
Republic of Korea as the only lawful government
in Korea at the same time that it will continue
to support the efforts of the United Nations for
the unification of Korea in freedom. We never-
theless look forward to the acceptance by the
north Korean regime of the competence and au-
thority of the United Nations to take action in
the Korean question.^

TEXT OF RESOLUTION ">

The First Committee

Decides to invite a representative of the Republic of
Korea as well as a representative of the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea, provided that the latter first
unequivocally accepts the competence and authority of
the United Nations within the terms of the Charter to
take action on the Korean question, as has already been

• For text of the reply from the north Korean regime,
see U.N. doc. A/C.1/S38. The committee took no action i
regarding seating a representative of north Korea. f

"U.N. doc. A/C.1/837 (L.26S as amended); adopted
in Committee I on Apr. 12 by a vote of 59 to 14, with 23
abstentions.

Department of State Bulletin

i

done by the Republic of Korea, to participate, without
the right to vote, in the discussion of the Korean
question."

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography'

Disarmament and the situation with regard to the ful-
fillment of General Assembly Resolution 1378 (XIV)
of November 20, 1959, on the question of disarmament.
Letter dated February 8, 1961, from the Chairman of
the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union addressed
to the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy,
New York, and circulated as a U.N. document at the
request of the Soviet U.N. representative. A/4704.
March 3, 1961. 3 pp.

General Assembly

United Nations Commission on Permanent Sovereignty
Over Natural Resources. The status of permanent
sovereignty over natural wealth and resources. Re-
vised study by the Secretariat. Volume I. A/AC.97/5/
Rev. 1. December 27, 1960. 315 pp.

Letter of January 31 from the Belgian permanent repre-
sentative addressed to the President of the General
Assembly concerning Ruanda-Urundi. A/4690. Feb-
ruary 1, 1961. 4 pp.

Note from the Advisory Committee on the Congo trans-
mitting two messages from the Chairman of the United
Nations Conciliation Commission on the Congo.
A/4696. February 18, 1961. 6 pp.

Complaint by the Government of Cuba regarding the
various plans of aggression and acts of intervention
being executed by the United States against Cuba, con-
stituting a manifest violation of its territorial integrity,
sovereignty, and independence, and a clear threat to
international peace and security. Letter dated Febru-
ary 23, 1961, from the Cuban Minister for External
Relations to the President of the General Assembly,
A/4701, February 28, 1961, 14 pp.; letter dated March
13, 1961, from the Cuban Minister for External Rela-
tions to the President of the General Assembly, A/4708,
March 14, 1961, 3 pp.

United Nations operations in the Congo. Report of the
Secretary-General on the 1961 cost estimates and financ-
ing. A/4703. March 1, 1961. 22 p.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

" Ambassador Stevenson speaking in plenary session on
Apr. 21 (U.S. delegation press release 3710) stated that:

"I should also like to say that I would face the inevi-
tability of forgoing discussion of the Korean item like-
wise with reluctance. But I am prepared to do so while
deeply regretting that we have been unable to hear from
the distinguished representatives of the United Nations
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of
Korea and from the distinguished Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Republic of Korea. Both of these gentle-
men, I remind the committee, were invited to participate
in our discussion of this question which evidently we will
not have sufficient time to undertake, despite its impor-
tance. Both of these gentlemen traveled half way around
the world to be with us and have given us generously of
their valuable time in placing themselves at the disposal
of our committee. On behalf of the United States I
deeply regret that circumstances have made it impossible
for us to proceed with this item."

* Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.

Confirmations

The Senate on April 6 confirmed the following
nominations :

Parker T. Hart to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia. ( For biographic details, see White House
press release dated March 22.)

G. Frederick Keinhardt to be Ambassador to Italy.
(For biographic details, see White House press release
dated March 10.)

Joseph C. Satterthwaite to be Ambassador to the Union
of South Africa. ( For biographic details, see Department
of State press release 232 dated April 17.)

Raymond Telles to be Ambassador to Costa Rica. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
234 dated April 18.)

Mrs. Jane Warner Dick to be the representative of the
United States on the Social Commission of the Economic
and Social Council of the United Nations. (For bio-
graphic details, see White House press release dated
aiarch 27.)

The Senate on April 13 confirmed the following
nomination :

Graham A. Martin to be the representative of the
United States to the 16th session of the Economic Com-
mission for Europe of the Economic and Social Council
of the United Nations.

The Senate on April 18 confirmed the following
nominations :

James Loeb to be Ambassador to Peru. (For bio-
graphic details, see Department of State press release
252 dated April 24.)

Thomas C. Mann to be Ambassador to Mexico. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
245 dated April 21.)

Walter P. McConaughy to oe an Assistant Secretary
of State. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 254 dated April 24.)

Teodoro Moscoso to be Ambassador to Venezuela. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
263 dated April 27.)

Ala/ 15, 1961

741

Leon B. PouUada to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Togo. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 256 dated April 25.)

Phillips Talbot to be an Assistant Secretary of State.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 242 dated April 21.)

Robert F. Woodward to be Ambassador to Chile.

Appointments

Grant for Nuclear Research and Training Equipment and
Materials. TIAS 4617. 3 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States of America and the
Republic of Korea. Exchange of notes — Signed at Seoul
October 14 and November 18, 1960. Entered into force
November 18, 1960.

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 4618.
8 pp. 10«'.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Switzerland, amending the agreement of June 21, 1956,
as amended — Signed at Washington June 11, 19G0. En-
tered Into force December 1, 1960.

W. Michael Blumenthal as Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Economic Affairs, effective April 3. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 185 dated
April 3.)

Mrs. Emil T. Chanlett as U.S. delegate to the Inter-
American Commission of Women, effective April 17. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
228 dated April 17.)

Tyler Thompson as Director General of the Foreign
Service, effective April 24. (For biographic details, see
Department of State press release 190 dated April 4. )

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale ty the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 2.5, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents,
except in the ca.sc of free publications, which may be
obtained from the Department of State.

United States Military Advisory Group to the Republic
of Korea. TIAS 4613. 3 pp. 5('.

Agreement between the United States of America and
the Republic of Korea, amending the agreement of Jan-
uary 26, 1050. Exchange of notes — Signed at Seoul
October 21, 1900. Entered into force October 21, 1960.

United States Educational Foundation in Finland. TIAS

4614. 3 pp. 5(*.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Finland, amending the agreement of July 2, 1952, as
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Helsinki Novem-
ber 14, 1960. Entered into force November 14, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4615. 3 pp.

5«(.

Agreement between the United States of America and
India, amending the agreement of November 13, 19.59, as
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington
November 3 and 9, 1960. Entered into force November
9, 1900.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4616. 7 pp.
lO,'.

Agreement between the United States of America and In-
donesia. Exchange of notes — Signed at Djakarta Novem-
ber 5, 1900. Entered Into force November 5, 1960. With
exchange of notes.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: April 24-30

iPress releases may be obtained from the OfBce of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to April 24 which appear In
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 218 of April 14,
229 of April 17, 237 of April 19, 239 of April 20, and
241 and 246 of April 21.

Subject

Cultural exchange.

U.S. participation In international con-
ferences.

Aviation consultations with India.

Loeb sworn in as Ambassador to Peru
(biographic details).

Berle: Woman's National Democratic
Club.

McConaughy sworn In as Assistant
Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs
(biographic details).

Ball : amending the Mutual Defense
Assistance Control Act of 1951.

Poullada sworn in as Ambassador to
Togo (biographic details).

Chayes : convention for prevention of
pollution of .sea by oil.

Agreement with Germany on partial
settlement of German postwar debt.

Rusk-Chyung : .ioint statement.

Rusk : departure for CENTO meeting.

Eleanor Dulles : "Africa — Hopes and
Contradictious."

Bowles : Methodist National Convoca-
tion on Christian Social Concerns.

Moscoso sworn in as Ambassador to
Venezuela (biographic details).

Post raised to embassy at Sierra Leone.

Rusk : arrival at CENTO meeting.

Ball : "The Atlantic Community and
the New Nations."

Campaign launched to erase race in-
cidents involving foreign diplomats.

Strom designated FSI director (bio-
graphic details).

Hays: "The South Looks Southward"
( excerpts ) .

Ball : appropriation of funds for Latin
^Vmerlean development program.

Cultural exchange (Canada).

BmU : "The New Frontier and the New
Nations."

Cleveland : American Society of Inter-
national Law (revised).

*Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

*248
*250

4/24
4/24

251
*252

4/24
4/24

t2o3

4/24

*2.j4

4/24

t255

4/25

»2.56

4/25

1257

4/25

258

4/25

259
t260
t261

4/25
4/25
4/26

262

4/26

*263

4/27

264

t265

260

4/27
4/27
4/27

267

4/27

*26S

4/28

*269

4/28

t270

4/28

*271

t272

4/2S
4/2S

t273

4/20

742

Department of State Bulletin

May 15, 1961

Ind

e X

Vol. XLIV, No. 1142

Africa. United States and Africa : A Common

Tradition (Williams) 730

American Principles. United States and Africa : A

Common Tradition (Williams) 730

Aviation. United States and India Resume Aviation

Consultations 727

Communism. Communist Takeover in Nortli Korea
Analyzed in Department Study 737

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to

Foreign Policy 727

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Blumenthal, Chanlett, Thompson) . 742

Confirmations (Dick, Hart, Loeb, Mann, Martin,
McCouaughy, Moscoso, PouUada, Reinhardt, Sat-
tertbwaite, Talbot, Telles, Woodward) .... 741

President Congratulates Sierra Leone on Independ-
ence: Embassy Set Up 733

William H. Seward as Secretary of State (Patter-
son) 728

Economic Affairs

U.S. and Germany Agree on Partial Settlement of

Postwar Debt to U.S. (te.xt of U.S. note) ... 720
World Trade Week, 1961 (text of proclamation) . 721

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Campaign
Launched in U.S. To Erase Race Incidents In-
volving Diplomats 732

France. President Sends Message of Support and
Friendship to General de Gaulle (De Gaulle,
Kennedy) 709

Germany. U.S. and Germany Agree on Partial
Settlement of Postwar Debt to U.S. (text of
U.S. note) 720

Greece. President and Greek Prime Minister Dis-
cuss Problems of Mutual Interest (Caramanlis,
Kennedy, Rusk, text of joint communique) . . 724

India. United States and India Resume Aviation
Consultations 727

Indonesia. U.S. and Indonesian Presidents Meet for
Informal Talks (Kennedy, Sukarno, text of joint
communique) 712

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 735

Department Publishes Documentary History of
Potsdam Conference 721

Mrs. Cbaulett appointed U.S. delegate to Inter-
American Commission of Women 742

United States Collective Defense Arrangements

(map) 722

Korea

Communist Takeover in North Korea Analyzed in
Department Study 737

Secretary Rusk and Korean Foreign Minister Meet

To E.xchange Views (text of joint statement) . . 711

U.N. Seats Republic of Korea for Debate on Korean
Item (Stevenson, Yost, text of resolution) . . . 736

Laos. U.S. Welcomes British-Soviet Proposals on

Laos (texts of documents) 710

Mutual Security

The Atlantic Community and the New Nations

(Ball) 714

Foreign Aid: The Great Decision of the Sixties

(Bowles) 703

United States Collective Defense Arrangements

(map) 722

Presidential Documents

President and Greek Prime Minister Discuss Prob-
lems of Mutual Interest 724

President Congratulates Sierra Leone on Independ-
ence ; Embassy Set Up 733

President Sends Message of Support and Friendship

to General de Gaulle 709

U.S. and Indonesian Presidents Meet for Informal

Talks 712

World Trade Week, 1961 721

Publications

Communist Takeover in North Korea Analyzed in

Department Study 737

Department Publishes Documentary History of

Potsdam Conference 721

Recent Releases 742

Sierra Leone. President Congratulates Sierra

Leone on Independence ; Embassy Set Up . . . 733

Treaty Information

Current Actions 734

United States Collective Defense Arrangements

(map) 722

U.S.S.R. U.S. Welcomes British-Soviet Proposals

on Laos (texts of docimients) 710

United Kingdom. U.S. Welcomes British-Soviet

Proposals on Laos (texts of documents) . . . 710

United Nations

Current U.N. Documents 741

U.N. Seats Republic of Korea for Debate on Korean

Item (Stevenson, Yost, text of resolution) . . 736

Name Index

Ball, George W 714

Blumenthal, W. Michael 742

Bowles, Chester 703

Caramanlis, Constantine 724

Chanlett, Mrs. Emil T . 742

Chyung, Yil Hyung 711

De Gaulle, Charles 709

Dick, Jane Warner 741

Hart, Parker T 741

Kennedy, President 709, 712, 721, 724, 733

Loeb, James 741

Maun, Thomas C 741

Martin, Graham A 741

McConaughy, Walter P 741

Moscoso, Teodoro 741

Patterson, Richard S 728

Poullada, Leon B 742

Reinhardt, G. Frederick 741

Rusk, Secretary 711, 724

Satterthwaite, Joseph C 741

Stevenson, Adlai E 736

Sukarno. Dr 712

Talbot, Phillips 742

Telles, Raymond 741

Thompson, Tyler 742

Williams, G. Mennen 730

Woodward, Robert F 742

Yost, Charles W 740

May 15, J96J

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North Korea:

a case study in the
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state

This 121-page report represents the findings of a State Depart-
ment research mission sent to Korea on October 28, 1950, to con-
duct a survey of the north Korean regime as it operated before
the outbreak of hostilities on June 25, 1950. Its findings are
based on information obtained from interrogations both of former
officials and people who lived under the north Korean regime,
extensive north Korean and Eussian documents captured by the
United Nations forces, and data previously available in Depart-
mental files.

Publication 7118

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FFICiAL
IVEEKLY RECORD
F

NITED STATES
OREiGN POLICY

Boston Public Library
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JUN2 2 1961

Vol. XLIV, No. 1143 May 22, 1961

DEPOSITORY

CHARTING A NEW COURSE IN FOREIGN AID •

Address by Secretary Rusk 747

THE NEW FRONTIER AND THE NEW NATIONS • by

Under Secretary Ball • 751

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF

MAY 4 756

ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS VS. COMMUNISM •

Remarks by Adolf A. Berle 763

AFRICA— HOPES AND CONTRADICTIONS • by Eleanor

Lansing Dulles 767

CENTRAL TREATY ORGANIZATION HOLDS NINTH

MINISTERIAL MEETING • Statements by Secretary
Rusk and Text of Final Communique 778

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1143 • Publication 7192
May 22, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington 26, D.O.

Price:

62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25

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Use of funds tor printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bollktin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White Bouse and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which tlie United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

Charting a New Course in Foreign Aid

Address hy Secretary Rv^k '

I am grateful for this chance to talk to the
leaders of American business about some of the
decisions facing us as we move into the decade of
the sixties. Some of these we can make our-
selves; some will be made by others. Together
they will have far-reaching eif ect upon our future ;
they may determine issues of war and peace, free-
dom and tyranny, and the prospects for a decent
world order.

My remarks will center around foreign aid — at
a time when the London Economist says that there
is desperate need for "the idealism of the old
world to redress the aid- weariness of the new." I
do not propose just now to talk about particular
amounts of money for specific purposes ; that will
come later when the Congress and the public take
up the President's proposals " for discussion.

What concerns me this evening is not a certain
number of dollars but whether we make history
or submit to it, whether we retreat into our dreams
or stir to realize them. For the decade of the
sixties will see decisions made which will have a
great deal to do with the shape of our world for
the rest of this century.

I would suppose that some of these are :

Wliether the established and productive so-
cieties of tlie West can combine their efforts to
create a world environment of expanding free-
doms and productivity essential to their own se-
curity and well-being.

Whether the Western World can build effective
ties of genuine partnership with peoples of other
areas, races, cultures, and circumstances.

' Made before the U.S. Chamber of Commerce at Wash-
ington, D.C., on May 3 (press release 2S6).

" For text of the President's message to Congress on
foreign aid, see Buixetin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

Wliether the large number of newly independent
nations can find solutions for their urgent prob-
lems through free institutions or will succumb to
the trap of totalitarian methods baited by the
promise of rapid development.

Whether governments of those living in misery
and want can evoke their primary asset, i.e. the
energies of the peoples themselves dedicated to the
task of making the sixties a decade of progress.

Wliether we ourselves can find the talent, the
persistence, the sopliistication, and the tact to
labor with others, in the words of the United
Nations Charter, "to promote social progress and
better standards of life in larger freedom."

"Wliether troubled manlvind can spin more
effectively "the infinity of threads which bind
peace together" in common tasks which make
natural allies of us all.

Basic Objectives of Extending Aid

My questions have had little to do with military
matters. We face formidable military threats and
shall need the combined arms of the free world to
meet them. Surely we must not learn all over
again that weakness can tempt aggression. Our
foreign aid program includes military aid to help
in building the common defense. But a primary
task of policy is to support our purposes and build
a decent world order by peaceful means if possible.
Power is not a matter of arms alone. Strength
comes from education, fertile acres, humming
workshops, and the satisfaction and pride of peo-
ples. A vibrant society is not subject to subver-
sion ; determined defense is the easier when there
is something to defend.

Nor have I emphasized the threat of commu-
nism. The threat is there, but foreign aid has more

tAay 22, I9dl

747

solemn purposes. In presenting the plan whicli
bore his name Secretary George Marshall put it :
"Our policy is directed not against any country or
doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation,
and chaos." '

It seems to me that, as we look back over the past
two decades, we have lost sight of the words of
George Marshall. The aid programs of these two
decades have been the creature of crisis and rapidly
changing events, and the original Marshall con-
cept has become blurred.

Foreign aid started with China in W?>8 as mili-
tary aid and became the great wartime weapon of
lend-lease. But even before the war was over, we
began a program of relief to war-ravaged re-
gions— a noble international effort known as
UNRRA [United Nations Relief and Rehabilita-
tion Administration] .

From relief we moved on to the historic Truman
doctrine aid, which saved Greece and Turkey from
military subversion, and from there to economic
assistance, with a program that reached its pin-
nacle in the Marshall plan — not only one of the
most dramatic strokes in liistory but also one of
the most successful.

With the dawning of the 1950's came a new
awareness of the needs of the underdeveloped na-
tions and the inauguration of the point 4 technical
assistance program. At the same time, however,
we became increasingly preoccupied with building
the military strength of the free world. The
NATO treaty among the North Atlantic nations
was followed in later years by the SEATO and the
CENTO treaties. We formed a network of mili-
tary bases throughout the world, and a massive
military aid progi'am that began in Europe soon
became global in scope. In the later fifties the
technique of bringing about economic development
through long-term loans to underdeveloped areas
was introduced into our aid program with the
establisliment of the Development Loan Fund.

The challenge now before us is different in char-
acter from that of the past. We must provide
military assistance, but the larger task is only in-
directly related to immediate security problems.
It is concerned with preventing them. Unlike
disaster relief, it is long-range in nature. Unlike
the Marshall plan, it deals with nations which lack
the governmental traditions, the industrial base,
and the trained manpower of a modern economy.

' Ibid., June 15, 1947, p. 1159.

As we enter the decade of the sixties we have an
opportunity to stand back a bit, to leai-n from our
experience of the past two decades, and to chart a
more effective and intelligent course for the future.

Lessons of the Past

What are the principal lessons to be learned?

The first is that, if our aid is to be effective, we
must have clear targets and objectives and a care-
ful plan for achieving them. Too often in the past
our aid has been governed less by the priorities
of a well-planned program than by the needs and
pressures of the moment : the need to preserve an
alliance or friendship or protect an American mili-
tary base; or tlie desire to counter a Communist
aid offer or save an economy from imminent col-
lapse. These needs were urgent; to some extent
they will persist. But aid granted in this fashion
is not necessarily best suited to the fostering of
long-term development and the attainment of self-
sustaining growth which will free nations of the
need for outside assistance. This must be the
paramount goal in the granting of aid in the
sixties.

The attainment of that goal will require a care-
fully thought-out, long-range development effort
in each counti-y assisted. This beare directly on
the second lesson of the past : that economic de-
velopment is not an overnight matter. It is a
time-consuming process that requires the steady
application of resources and energy. It will not
be achieved by hesitating, and sometimes spas-
modic, annual steps. The yearly authorization
and appropriations processes which govern the
present aid program are simply not suited to the
long-term economic development task of the
sixties.

Third, we must recognize that the capital and
financial assistance that brought such brilliant
success to the Marshall plan is not, by itself, ade-
quate to the requirements of the sixties. The
Marshall plan countries were highly developed,
with mature governments and institutions, skilled
and literate people. Today, however, we are
primarily concerned with assisting nations which
lack the governmental experience, the industrial
base, or the trained manpower of a modern econ-
omy. Hence we are talking about total develop-
ment— the building of a nation from its very
foundations. Esi^ecially is this true of the newly
emerging nations.

748

Department of State Bulletin

A fourth lesson is that various types of assist-
ance— loans, grants, technical assistance, food, and
so forth — must be coordinated and administered
by a single agency of the government. The aid
programs of the past decade have been the crea-
tures of unfolding and I'apidly changing events,
and today foreign assistance is administered by a
variety of agencies. Clearly this is not the way
to make the most effective use of each aid dollar.

Finally, we have learned that assistance is not
likely to achieve its purposes if it is imconcerned
with social objectives, if it merely serves to enrich
the rich and perpetuate the gap between rich and
poor that breeds discontent and revolt. The im-
poverished of centuries are awakening to the
knowledge tliat a better life can be theirs. Social
justice is an imperative of the 1960's. The fos-
tering of social justice must, therefore, be a major
objective of our aid programs — not because we
wish to interfere, not because we wish to dictate,
but simply because we wish our aid to be effective.

In charting our course for the sixties we must,
I believe, return to the words of George Marshall
and follow the goal he enunciated 14 yeare ago.
The purpose of our aid program, he said, "should
be the revival of a working economy in the world
so as to permit the emergence of political and
social conditions in which free institutions can
exist."

This is precisely the goal of the new aid effort
which President Kennedy has proposed to the
Congress. It seeks to take advantage of the les-
sons of the past two decades and to chart a new
course for the future.

Cardinal Points of New Aid Program

The cardinal points of this new program are :
First, improved and efficient administration.
Under the Pi'esident's proposal the existing aid
programs now being administered by separate
agencies will be brought under one roof, under a
single director.

Second, long-term financing. The heart of
President Kennedy's new program is his request
for authority to make commitments for develop-
ment loans over a 5-year period rather than on
the year-by-year basis under wliich the aid pro-
gram has been operating. This is essential to
making the most effective use of each aid dollar.
It is a necessity if the new aid administrator is
to—

relate our assistance to long-range coimtry plans
for the attainment of self-sustaining economic
growth ;

elicit maximum self-help efforts from those
assisted ;

stimulate long-term help from other industrial-
ized nations in a partnership effort to assist the
underdeveloped areas of the world.

To achieve these ends the President has asked
Congress for authority to borrow fmids from the
Treasury over a 5-year period. He has chosen
this method of long-term fuiancing for the aid
program principally because it has proved effec-
tive in some 22 existing lending programs of the
Federal Government, including many you know
well and support, such as the Reconstruction
Finance Corporation and the Federal Deposit In-
surance Corporation and, in the international
field, the Export-Import Bank.

This is not a new proposal in the aid field.
President Eisenhower recommended borrowing
authority for the Development Loan Fund in
1957.^ Nor will this deprive Congress of control
over the aid program. All of the nonlending
aspects of the program will continue to be subject
to the usual appropriation procedures, which will
afford Congress a full opportunity to review the
entire aid program.

The third cardinal point of the new aid pro-
gram is a strong effort by those assisted. This
involves not only the use of their own resources
but programs of social reform and the fostering
of social justice. The granting of long-term com-
mitment authority bears directly on this point, for
these self-help efforts will call for sacrifice on the
part of recipient nations — sacrifices they may
be reluctant to make in the absence of assurances
by us and otiiers of long-term assistance. Con-
versely, if we are unwilling to make a moderate
adjustment in our method of financing the aid
program, many countries may wonder why they
should take much more radical and difficult steps.

Fourth, the new aid effort will not be solely an
American effort. It will be a partnership effort
in which all of the industrial nations of the world
will join.

The Senate has recently approved United States
participation in an Atlantic grouping of nations

' For text of President Eisenhower's message to Con-
gress on the Mutual Security Program for 1958, see ihid.,
June 10, 1957, p. 920.

May 22, J96/

749

known as the Organization for Economic Cooper-
ation and Development — or OECD.° One of the
principal functions of this Organization is to co-
ordinate the aid programs of the various member
nations and to work toward formulas of equitable
sharing of the task of helping the underdeveloped
nations of the world. We have recently had one
meeting on tliis subject with our industrialized
friends in which an excellent start was made.^
Procedures for aid coordination were established,
a start was made on the question of burden shar-
ing, and our allies agreed to the naming of an
American chairman to head the OECD organiza-
tion. Another such meeting is scheduled to take
place in July.

The "Rightness" of Foreign Aid

In his inaugural address President Kennedy
said : '

To those people in the huts and villages of half the
globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we
pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for
whatever period is required — not because the Communists
may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but
because it is right.

It is right because the per capita output in the
imderdeveloped countries is about one-twentieth
of what it is in America; because 65 percent of
the peoples of these areas are illiterate, compared
to our 2 percent; because infant mortality is six
times greater, life expectancy a little more than
half. It is right because misery is a challenge to
the best there is in us, because the responsibilities
we accept are privileges, because we are the kind
of people we are.

Foreign aid would be impelling were there no
Sino-Soviet bloc, backing with energy and power
their doctrine of world revolution. But the bloc
is there, and what would be impellmg becomes a
matter of life and death for freedom itself. Be-
ginning in the midfifties the bloc has moved into
economic and technical assistance, with increas-

• For background, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 8 ; Mar. 6,
1961, p. 326 ; Apr. 10, 1961, p. 514.

• Ibid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 553.
''Ibid., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.

ingly large resources and with considerable effect.
They have found a device by which they hope to
leap over or outflank the bastions of the free world
and a means for pressing their campaign into
every continent.

I recall, some years ago, a consultation with a
distinguished Senator about an early aid program.
Having heard the proposal he said, "We must do
this, but if you want this kind of money you'll
have to come in here roaring." Eoar we did, but
the roaring was discordant; it confused our pur-
poses, misrepresented our motives, and impaired
our execution.

Vigorous public debate is vital to our democ-
racy, but we could add great strength to our
position if we could decide as a nation that foreign
aid is a national necessity of the greatest moment
in this period of dramatic historical change, that
we accept it as a long-term commitment and give
our President our steady and quiet support for
this instrument of action in a troubled and
dangerous world.

Vice President JoFinson To Tour
South and Soutlieast Asia

Press release 295 dated May 6

Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson will leave
Andrews Air Force Base on May 9 for a 2-week
tour of south and southeast Asia.

On May 10 he will stop at Honolulu, Hawaii,
where he will speak at dedication ceremonies for
the East- West Center.

After Hawaii, the Vice President will arrive at
Saigon, Capital of south Viet-Nam, on May 11.
There he will confer with President Ngo Dinh
Diem on steps that may be necessary to assist
south Viet-Nam to maintain its independence.

The Vice President will visit Manila on May 13
and Taipei on May 14 for high-level talks with
officials of the Governments of the Philippines
and the Republic of China.

In addition the Vice President will visit other
capitals of south and southeast Asia. Details of
the itinerary will be made available as soon as
they have been confirmed.

750

Department of Sfate Bulletin

The New Frontier and the New Nations

Jy Under Secretary Ball ^

I note that your main preoccupations this year
ai-e "the social aspects of development, both as the
basis of growth and as the desired end product."
I shall deal with nothing so profound. I shall
n^erely ti-y to sketch the broad political and pro-
cedural aspects of the pragmatic policies we in-
tend to adopt in the 1960's.

As a lonely lawyer fallen among economists I
shall, as a conditioned reflex, emphasize the insti-
tutional approach. For even in a time of revolu-
tionary change, of the melting away of old forms
and formulas, new institutions must be built, and
quickly. New procedures must evolve under
pressure, else we shall find no way to organize,
to channel into productive activity, a world of
desperate energies that threaten to explode.

I appear before you this evening with enormous
diffidence. You gentlemen are the acknowledged
experts, the new priestcraft, of the arcane social
science of economic growth. Before this evening
is over I know I will have learned more from you,
on a subject that concerns all of us, than you can
possibly learn from me. But perhaps, together,
we can drive some nails with heads on them.

Some of you may have read recently a little
how-not-to-do-it item in this field of institutional
change. It was published in the 1961 United
Nations Report on the World Social Situation.'^

The danger is that the more obvious but less relevant
features [of institutional change] wUl be taken as the
fundamental ones for economic development. The
Pacific islanders who destroyed their ceremonial masks
and regalia, organized their houses in rows like military

'Address made before the Society for International
Development at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 28 (press re-
lease 272).

• U.N. doc. E/CN.5/346.

encampments and marched up and down with sticks, in
the hope of achieving the kind of wealth that they had
witnessed among foreign military [personnel] stationed
on the island during the Second World AVar, may have
perceived correctly the general principle of the need for
institutional change but erred in the application.

In the whole field of applied social science there
is probably no task more complex than to accel-
erate what has come to be called, perhaps a bit too
simply, "economic gi'owth." It is a new field in
which the economist, the historian, the sociologist,
and indeed the anthropologist can and must con-
sult together in what is called, in the horrid
jargon of the trade, "interdisciplinary" effort.

Research was really only beginning to probe
deeply into the phenomenon of growth in our own
industrial society when, suddenly, we were con-
fronted with the need to stretch new concepts and
theorems to cover a heretofore unexplored world —
the teeming world of new nations, and old nations
suddenly awakened from centuries of sleep.

The anatomy of economic growth is complex,
as the growing literature on the subject indicates.
You gentlemen are only too well aware of this
literature; if you have not yet read it, you have,
at least, written it. It covers a multitude of
problems — the problem of how to develop skills
and know-how, how to create savings, promote
investment, diversify economic activity, make the
best use of creative capital, and so forth.

The Task of the 1960's

But tonight, with all this elegant learning as
a backdrop to our thinking, I choose rather to
turn to the immediate and practical reality of
the measures which the free world must take in
the interest, pure and simple, of its own survival.
For the 1960's will be not only a decade of de-

May 22, I 961

751

velopment; it will also be a decade of decision.
If, for example, during the next 10 years we can
help bring certain of the major developing na-
tions over the hump into self-sustaining growth,
then we of the Western industrial world will have
widened the area of freedom for over a half-billion
people — freedom from the soul-crushing slavery
of poverty.

But if we should fail — and if we organize this
Gulliver task with Lilliputian hearts we shall
fail — then tyranny would take over and try to
organize the chaos. Without doing too much
violence to the calendar of history, we can say
that the task of the 1960's is to prevent the ar-
rival of a "1984."

Foreign economic assistance, in one form or
another, has been a part of the American political
landscape since the end of the war. The Marshall
plan, point 4, military assistance, mutual secu-
rity— you know the story.

In domestic politics — which after all is where
the voters are — a disquieting picture has grown
up of Uncle Sam as a kind of softheaded do-
gooder, going around the world pouring the milk
of human kindness into bottles and leaving one
on each doorstep. Comparisons with the highly
successful Marshall plan, for example, are often
heard today in nagging criticism of the less evi-
dent results in the field of foreign aid through
the decade of the 1950's.

But the whole analogy is false. Under the
Marshall plan we were supplying the plasma of
our dollars on a short-term, emergency basis. We
were dealing with nations which are some of the
most advanced and sophisticated in the world,
nations with evolved industrial traditions, great
reservoirs of skills and know-how, and popula-
tions long familiar with industrial and civic
disciplines.

Our task was to provide the necessary margin
of resources to enable them to get on with the
job themselves. And they promptly did. Our
American dollar aid, while large in absolute fig-
ures, was only about 13 percent of the total in-
vestment which those nations themselves were
able to mobilize.

But the task of the 1960's is utterly dif-
ferent. Today we are dealing with a variety of
new states in the uncommitted world which, while
they often differ one from the other, have many
things in common. Yet they have little in com-

mon with the advanced economies of Western
Europe, the chief clients of the Marshall plan.
The new nations lack, or possess in only rudi-
mentary form, the basic prerequisites of a modern
industrial society.

As we look out on the world of the 1960's, a
world on the march, the swiftest movement is
on the continents of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America. There are 3 billion people in our
world today, and more than half of them are on
those old continents, so suddenly come alive. It
is in those once somnolent areas that the excite-
ment, the yeast of change, is everywhere in the
air. Men for the first time in millennia are no
longer content to plod in the hopeless furrows
of their fathers and grandsires.

But why then is it that the 1960's — why precisely
is it that this particular decade is so critical,
indeed decisive ? Wliy cannot a second industrial
revolution move, step by step, over a span of sev-
eral generations as did the first — that iron smithy
where our own industrial society was slowly,
laboriously forged? Wliy is this coming decade
so impatient ?

It is, I suppose, because our vaulting technology
has altered the dimensions of time. The sands are
pouring so much faster through the hourglass of
history. Time is racing. As the Asians, Afri-
cans, and Latin Americans break through the
circle of frustration, as this process now gets under
way, violent stresses and strains are appearing.
This is the critical, forced-pace period when skills
must be acquired, technical and managerial know-
hov;' developed, and capital accumulated.

This is the period, also, when dislocations in the
society are greatest and before the stage is reached
when, at long last, standards of living visibly rise
and people can begin to see with their own eyes
that they are on the march toward better things,
toward "the tomorrows that sing" — the break-
through, in short, to self-sustaining growth.

Our task is to speed up and make easier this
early development process, to move as many
nations, as quickly as possible, through the critical
period. Our Communist adversaries know that
this early period, this time of maximum troubles
and growing pains, is the moment of their greatest
chance to foment chaos. They can be counted
upon to exert maximum disriiptive effort, to ex-
ploit the strains and stresses inherent in social
change. The Communist aim is to subvert the

752

Department of State Bulletin

process, capture the revolutions, and use tempo-
rary turbulence to achieve all-out control.

To accomplish our objectives will not be easy.
We shall need to commit large resources — and
over a long period of time. We cannot, nor should
we, undertake this task alone. The dozen or more
advanced nations in the free world must organize
their combined resources to do the job. Nor is
there time to spare, for speed is of the essence and
the race will be to the swift.

I shall concentrate the remainder of my re-
marks tonight on two limited aspects of the total
task:

1. How does the free world best organize for the
tasks ahead, and

2. "Wliat are some of the hard issues that must
be faced in the coming years?

Free-World Teamwork

First, as to free-world teamwork in the 1960's.
It is fortunate, indeed, that economic power has
rapidly grown in our own Western World. As a
result in part of our Marshall plan efforts the
United States is no longer the lonely Mount
Everest among the nations of the West. Today
we are 'primus inter pares, the largest giant in a
world of giants.

Hence we need no longer attempt by ourselves
to undertake the entire task of financing economic
development. Our friends in Europe are aware
of this fact. And they are in agreement that the
economically advanced countries should combine
their strength for the task of development, just
as they now combine their strength through
NATO to maintain the common defense.

But this kind of international cooperation
depends on an effective mechanism. Sucli a
mechanism exists today in the form of DAG, the
Development Assistance Group. One of our first
tasks as a new administration has been to try to
give new impetus to the work of DAG. Toward
this end, 1 month ago in London I attended a
meeting of DAG in which several major steps
were taken.'

The group by resolution explicitly recognized
that the development task was a joint responsi-
bility of all the member countries. They agreed
that this task should be shared in relation to the
capacity of each country. And they also agreed

' Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 553.
May 22, 7961

to the naming of a full-time chairman of the
DAG, to be nominated by the United States. It
will be the chairman's role to give guidance and
leadership to the work of this group.

The Major Issues

I come now to the second and more difficult ques-
tion : What are the major issues that the advanced
industrial nations must face in assisting the pro-
cess of development in Asia, Africa, and Latin
America ?

Certain of these issues are easily identified.
How may a developing country most effectively
utilize the resources allocated to it? Is it neces-
sary for it to design an overall development plan ?
And how can we help in this process ? Wliat is the
effect of development of a new nation on the pat-
tern and flow of world trade ? Is there a close re-
lationship between the aid and trade concepts?
And have we given sufficient thought to the cru-
cial role of world markets in our development
planning? Finally, how may aid and trade poli-
cies between advanced countries and the emerging
ones be harmonized to realize the maximum eco-
nomic and political benefits from reallocation of
global resources ?

I need not tell you how many complex and diffi-
cult judgments must be made by a developing
country in determining the best use of aid re-
sources. It is easy enough, to take one example, to
decide that resources should be used on the basis of
the "comparative advantage" which that country
enjoys in order to maximize real income, employ-
ment, and living standards. But comparative ad-
vantage is not a static condition ; it changes along
with the processes of development itself.

In planning terms this implies a necessity of
judgment as to what the changing pattern of com-
parative advantage will be now and in the future,
as well as the determination of demand patterns
over all the world — not only now but in the future
as well. Yet predictions as to the pattern of fu-
ture demands are hazardous indeed. It is difficult,
if not impossible, for a country providing aid to
determine its real impact on the economy of the
recipient country. To a considerable degree re-
sources are fungible. Agreements as to the use of
aid fmids and, in many cases, aid directed toward
certain activities free internal resources for other
uses.

For example, if a recipient country agrees to

753

employ aid resources for certain infrastructure
items such as roads, harbors, and scliools, it may
then elect to employ its internal resources to ex-
pand the production of items that may well be in
glut in world markets. It is very necessary to pre-
vent distortion of resource allocation. Much must
be left to ordinary market forces. Our limited ob-
jective should be, first, to avoid obvious mistakes
and duplications and, second, to prevent as many
distortions in the comparative advantage scheme
as possible.

Given these limitations, we feel that much can be
achieved by focusing on well-developed country
plans. President Kennedy's recent aid message*
is quite clear on this point.

We shall have to fashion techniques for coor-
dinating country plans in a multilateral fashion.
Much more should be done to promote intrare-
gional coordination. For, with the growth of new
and more efficient agricultural and industrial pro-
duction in the less developed nations, we have al-
ready noticed the tendency for uneconomic dupli-
cation and wasteful paralleling of effort.

Let me give you an example. The comparative
advantage for the manufacture of bottle tops may
rapidly shift from advanced countries to less de-
veloped ones. But it would make no sense for each
less developed country in, say, Latin America to
build its own bottle-top factory. Since there is
a similar tendency for each country to build its
own bottle factory and to erect trade barriers
against both bottle tops and bottles from other
countries, the obvious conclusion is that rational
planning would call for the building of bottle-top
factories in some countries and for bottle manufac-
ture in others.

I am sure more research and planning will pay
off in this field. It should enable us to take greater
advantage of the opportunities that will arise as
agricultural and industrial production grow in the
now less developed nations. If our economic aid
brings about such a rise, particularly in agricul-
ture and labor-intensive light manufacture, mar-
kets must be found for these products. In short,
we must devise measures that will facilitate a
gradual and orderly shift in resources in the ad-
vanced countries — a shift that is in process in any
event — away from such activities and to others
having a higher technological and scientific input.

* Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.
754

To put it bluntly, it makes no sense to provide
economic aid for the development of new indus-
tries and then, through trade barriers, prevent
the emerging coimtries from having access to mar-
kets in which to sell their wares.

While we need to study and to coordinate efforts
to lower trade barriers, it must be recognized that
for the less developed countries there is some merit
in the old, and to you quite familiar, "infant in-
dustry" argument. What needs to be avoided,
however, is the more flagrant resource misalloca-
tion which leads to industrial "adult infantilism."
What I have in mind are industries for which no
rational economic base exists either in the present
or in the foreseeable future.

The developing countries, of course, will not
enter the industrial age overnight. Income from
primary commodity exports will constitute the
overwhelming source of foreign-exchange earn-
ings for many of these countries for a good many
years to come. The instability of this income
presents major problems, while lagging trade and
declining prices in commodities have been persist-
ent for many years. Leadership toward a solution
in this area is not only imperative if our economic
aid efforts are not to be frustrated ; it also provides
us with a golden opportunity to demonstrate our
genuine concern and our willingness to play a part
in facing up to the problem.

Market expansion is one of several ways to at-
tack this problem. For example, there are still a
number of industrially advanced countries who
put a heavy consumption tax on commodities such
as coffee and tea. Ways must be found to induce
these countries to lift such consumption taxes.

The commitment to assist the industrial tooling
up of the less developed coimtries, together with
the emphasis we place on finding outlets for goods
produced in those coimtries, stands in revealing
opposition to a tenacious dogma of Marxist ideol-
ogy. The Communists have always said, and per-
sist in saying, that it is the interest and intention
of the capitalist world to keep these nations of
Asia and Africa in economic bondage — confined
to the status of hewers of wood and drawers of
water.

Here I think we are showing once more how
much of Marxist theory is obsolete, divorced
from niid-20th century reality. Marx claimed to
have turned Professor Hegel on his head ; now we
have turned Marx on his head.

Deparlmenf of State Bulletin

Adjustments in the advanced countries must, of
course, proceed in an orderly manner and cannot
be permitted to result in serious dislocations.
There is need for a cushioning mechanism, per-
haps through trade adjustment legislation; the
advanced countries must find ways to share the
burden of adjustment and to facilitate the shifting
locus of production and trade patterns between
themselves and the less advanced coimtries. Such
a shift should be in the direction of enabling the
advanced economies to concentrate production in
sectors where they retain their greatest compara-
tive advantage — which, incidentally, also happen
to be the highest profit industries. Any adjust-
ment and transition, of course, is always easier
during periods of full employment.

We put much stress on this "burden sharing
concept," for we feel that it makes as much sense
to share the burden of economic assistance and the
burden of resulting trade adjustments as it does,
indeed, to share the benefits, political as well as
economic, which will accrue to the entire free
world if we are successful.

Gentlemen, in closing I feel I should return for
a moment to a theme only touched upon earlier
this evening, and this for tlie good reason that it
deserves a speech in itself. Why is it that tliis
decade of development will be, most certainly, a
decade of decision ?

I mentioned the telescoping of historic time, the
quickening pace of human events. This is why
the second industrial revolution must be pushed
with such celerity and why the developing nations
must be brought as rapidly as possible to plat«aus
of self-sustaining growth in the 1960's.

And if we have been dealing this evening with
economic facts of life, it is economics with the
strongest of political overtones. For history does
not operate, and people do not live, in separate
categories called now political, now economic.

We Americans have a special bond of fraternity
with the many new statesmen in the new nations —
we were once a "new nation" ourselves not too long
ago. I have the feeling that some of these leaders
of the political revolution in their own countries
did not realize the complications that would re-
main. They have found the imperatives of eco-
nomics to be as cruel as we know them to be. In
the first days of the excitement of national freedom
it is normal for many national leaders to feel that,
once they have their hands on the levers of political

power in their own countries, somehow every for-
lorn valley can be made to bloom as a rose.

But it has not been roses all the way. Nor is it
likely to be in the strenuous years ahead. Yet we
do know that a process has been started that is ir-
resistible, and these new statesmen can take heart
that, with our sympathetic understanding and that
of other economically advanced nations, the roads
that lead to better tomorrows will yet be built.

President Comments on Status
of Geneva Nuclear Test Ban Talks

Statement hy President Kennedy ^

This week Ambassador Arthur H. Dean has
reported to me upon the status of the nuclear
test ban conference at Geneva. On the opening
day of the resumed conference the United States
in closest cooperation with the United Kingdom
presented a series of new proposals, and on
April 18, 1961, presented a complete nuclear test
ban draft treaty. The new U.S. position repre-
sents an earnest and reasonable effort to reach a
workable agreement and constitutes a most signifi-
cant overall move in these negotiations. Unfor-
tunately, the Soviet Union has introduced a new
proposition into the negotiations which amounts
to a built-in veto of an inspection system.

The Soviet proposal calls for a three-man ad-
ministrative council to direct inspection opera-
tions and other activities of the control arrange-
ments. This proposal reverses a position to which
the Soviet Union had previously agreed. In
earlier negotiations before this session in Geneva ^
it had been agreed that the inspection system
would be headed by a single administrator, operat-
ing within a mandate clearly defined in the treaty.
The Soviet Union would substitute a directorate
representing the Communist bloc, the Western
nations, and uncommitted countries. Each mem-
ber of this triumvirate would have to agree with
every other member before any action could be
taken; even relatively detailed elements of the
inspection system would be subject to a veto or
a debating delay.

We recognize that the Soviet Union put for-

* Made at a news conference on May 5.

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482.

tAa^ 22, I9dJ

755

ward its proposition before it had considered our
new proposals. It is now considering our draft
treaty, and we hope it will do so in a positive
manner as, of course, we are most anxious to se-
cure an agreement in this vital area — a respon-
sible and effective agreement.

Ambassador Dean is leaving for Geneva today
to resimfie the negotiations. The United States
will continue to strive for a reliable and workable
agreement. I have asked Ambassador Dean to
report to me within a reasonable time on the pros-
pects for a constructive outcome.

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of May 4

Press release 287 dated May 4

Secretary Rusk : Well, our agenda in the for-
eign policy field continues to be somewhat full.
We are having a most interesting and useful visit
with President Bourguiba and his Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. [Sadok] Mokad-
dem. We have had discussions this morning with
both of them, and I followed it this afternoon with
a short discussion with the Secretary of State, and
we will continue those during their visit. They
have received the warmest welcome here in Wash-
ington, and we feel that this visit has been ex-
tremely helpful in the relations between our two
countries.

I will be leaving on Saturday morning for the
annual spring meeting of the NATO Council of
Ministers in Oslo. That meeting is, broadly
speaking, a political meeting. That is, the minis-
ters will talk about the general international situa-
tion and political problems within NATO itself,
including more effective consultation and the co-
hesion of NATO. The North Atlantic Community
is a source of great energy and strength in this
present situation, and I think all of us who are
members of it want to canvass every opportunity
that we can find to strengthen it further. We do
not expect to get into details of some of the de-
fense questions which, most of you know, are
before NATO for consideration. The pennanent
council — the North Atlantic Council-^is dis-
cussing those and will be discussing them further,
but the ministerial meeting which normally gets
into the final stages of such questions takes place
in the autumn or in the winter — December — when

the defense ministers as well as the foreign min-
isters are present.

I have just come back from a meeting of
CENTO in Ankara ^ since I last met you here. I
felt that that was a very useful meeting in re-
viewing the general situation with our friends in
the Central Treaty Organization. We made a
little headway with the "trade union of foreign
ministers," seeking to create more tolerable work-
ing conditions. We decided to have formally
scheduled meetings only once a year, subject to
the possibility, of course, that if anything special
comes up, we can have a special meeting of the
ministers. But I think that it is probably true
that in these treaty organizations we want to —
all of us want to strengthen the Councils, that is,
to strengthen tlie local representatives so that the
most responsible and active discussion can go on
among those who are permanently there, so that
things don't come to a crescendo just when the
foreign ministers meet.

Following the NATO meeting there is in
prospect the 14-nation conference on Laos in
Geneva, and I would suppose that I might be there
at least for the opening of or a part of that.

On Laos itself, if you have been following your
tickers riglit up to the point that you came here,
you might be somewhat ahead of me at the mo-
ment on what is happening there. There is in
prospect a cease-fire. It may take a day or two to
clarify exactly the situation on that cease-fire.
You have a considerable number of troops and

" See p. 77S.

756

Department of State Bulletin

small units and detachments scattered over a very
large part of the country. There may be com-
munications difliculties on both sides, and there
may be some irregularities which will have to be
ironed out. We are hopeful that the cease-fire
will in fact prove to come into being. There have
been public pronomicements on both sides that
indicate that that is their hope. We also, however,
hope that political questions will not become en-
meshed with the cease-fire on the ground, because
it is hardly the circumstance under which to talk
about political issues.

The next step presumably will be that the ICC
[International Control Commission], with India
as chairman, would move promptly into Laos to
be in a position to report on the effectiveness of the
cease-fire and that there would then be convened
the 14-nation conference to talk about the inter-
national aspects of the Laotian problem.

The Laotians themselves, meanwhile, presum-
ably will be discussing the possibilities of forming
a Laotian government. Our general approach has
been that the constitution of a govermnent is not a
matter which can be effectively dealt with through
international negotiations or at a conference but
that this is a matter to be worked out among the
Laotians themselves. The leaders are in touch
with each other, and we suppose that there will be
a considerable amount of talk among them in the
days and weeks ahead on that subject. But the
entire situation is somewhat unpredictable, and the
impressions which I might have at the moment
could be changed by particulars which might come
in in the next few hours or the next few days. It
is something which is in flux and will have to be
watched very closely.

I am very pleased to be able to announce that
Senator [Joltn J.] Sparkman of Alabama has
agreed to represent the United States at the Re-
gional Community Development Conference spon-
sored by the ICA [International Cooperation Ad-
ministration] in Seoul from May 6 to May 12.
Senator Sparkman will also stop over in Tokyo for
discussions on matters of mutual interest with of-
ficials of the Japanese Government. It is par-
ticularly fortunate that Senator Sparkman will
be able to represent the United States both in
Tokyo and Seoul. He has long been a member of
the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate,
as you know, and has been active in the formula-

tion of foreign policy for the United States. He
has served on a number of our international
delegations, including our delegation to the United
Nations. His presence there will not only demon-
strate the great interest that the new administra-
tion has in community development but will serve
to establish useful contacts between us and the
Governments of Korea and Japan.

Situation in Viet-Nam

I thought that it might be useful if I were to
make some comments on the background of the
situation in Viet-Nam — that is, not background
comments but comments on the backgroimd.

Since late in 1959 organized Communist activity
in the form of guerrilla raids against army and
security units of the Government of Viet-Nam,
terrorist acts against local officials and civilians,
and other subversive activities in the Republic of
Viet-Nam have increased to levels unprecedented
since the Geneva agreements of 1954.^ During this
period the organized armed strength of the Viet
Cong, the Communist apparatus operating in the
Republic of Viet-Nam, has grown from about 3,000
to over 12,000 personnel. This armed strength has
been supplemented by an increase in the numbers
of political and propaganda agents in the area.

During 1960 alone. Communist armed units and
terrorists assassinated or kidnaped over 3,000 local
officials, military personnel, and civilians. Their
activities took the form of armed attacks against
isolated garrisons, attacks on newly established
townships, ambushes on roads and canals, destruc-
tion of bridges, and well-planned sabotage against
public works and communication lines. Because
of Communist guerrilla activity 200 elementary
schools had to be closed at various times, affecting
over 25,000 students and 800 teachers.

This upsurge of Commmiist guerrilla activity
apparently stemmed from a decision made in May
1959 by the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of north Viet-Nam which called for the re-
unification of Viet-Nam by all "appropriate
means." In July of the same year the Central
Committee was reorganized and charged with in-
telligence duties and the "liberation" of south
Viet-Nam. In retrospect this decision to step up

"For texts, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955:
Basic Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication
6446, p. 750.

May 22, ?967

757

guerrilla activity was made to reverse the remark-
able success which the Government of the Kepub-
lic of Viet-Nam under President Ngo Dinh Diem
had achieved in consolidating its political position
and in attaining significant economic recovery in
the 5 years between 1954 and 1959.

Eemarkably coincidental with the renewed
Communist activity in Laos, the Communist Party
of north Viet-Nam at its Third Congress on
September 10, 1960, adopted a resolution which
declared that the Vietnamese revolution has as a
major strategic task the liberation of the south
from the "rule of U.S. imperialists and their
henchmen." This resolution called for the direct
overthrow of the government of the Republic of
Viet-Nam.

The most recent gains by the Pathet Lao in the
southern part of Laos have given added serious-
ness to the security situation in Viet-Nam. Com-
munist control over Lao territory bordering Viet-
Nam south of the I7th parallel makes more secure
one of the three principal routes by which north
Vietnamese armed units have been able to infil-
trate the Republic of Viet-Nam. The other two
routes are, as is well known, directly across the
I7th parallel and by sea along the coastline of
the Republic of Viet-Nam. In addition to the
obvious fact that the strength of the Pathet Lao
has been tremendously increased by the importa-
tion of light and heavy arms from the outside, we
have no reason to doubt that the north Vietnamese
armed units not operating in Laos have been
similarly reequipped and strengthened from the
same outside source.

The increased Communist activity in the Re-
public of Viet-Nam and countermeasures to meet
this threat have been matters of urgent and recent
discussion, both by the officials of Viet-Nam and
the United States. In connection with these the
President has authorized an increase in the amoimt
of military assistance, and a number of other
measures have been determined upon. Further-
more the United States has undertaken training
and advisory measures which are designed to
strengthen both materially and militarily the
ability of the Viet-Nam armed forces to overcome
this increased Communist threat. A part of the
effort,, of course, must include in a situation of this
sort a vigorous civil program as well in the eco-
nomic and social field. As you may recall, the
members of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza-

tion expressed their concern about the situation in
Viet-Nam in our recent conference in Bangkok,^
and it is perfectly apparent that we must all give
very serious attention to developments in that
country.

Now, I think I will be able to take a few ques-
tions.

Q. In your remarks on south Viet-Nam are you,
in fact, suggesting that, as the war in Laos draws
to a close, the Communists are simply opening up
a new theater in southeast Asia?

A. I don't believe this is a shift from one theater
to another. I think both of these countries have
been under pressure from the Communists from
the north, and the pressures in Laos have served
to increase the pressures somewhat in Viet-Nam.
The most active part of Communist efforts in
Viet-Nam is occurring not in the north actually
but in the south, the far south, in the Saigon area.
But a considerable number of the personnel and
also some of the supplies undoubtedly have been
coming in from the north by infiltration — some of
it through Laos.

Inter-American Consultations

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your opening remarks, you
mentioned that you have just come ia^k from a
CENTO meeting and ivere on your way to a meet-
ing of NATO. This brings to mind the itinerary
of your predecessors and the frustration of many
of your colleagues in Latin America. This criti-
cism has gone on for many years — that we only
consult about Latin American governments in
times of grave crisis. I wonder if the administra-
tion does not consider the present developments
in Latin America as critical and also if you could
tell us why, at this time, for instance, we still
don't have a United States Ambassador to the
Organisation of American States nor an Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs.

A. On the last point — ^both the Ambassador to
the Organization of American States and the
Assistant Secretary for Latin American Affairs
left their posts only recently — that is, early this
month — and we have been working very hard to
get their replacements. The search for talent is
a continuous search, and it is not something which

I

" Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 547.

758

Departm&nt of Sfate Bulletin f

happens overnight. "We are working on that very
hard at the present time.

On the matter of consulting with our inter-
American friends, we are in very intense consul-
tation with them at the present time about Cuba
and other matters, about problems in the hemi-
sphere arising from the penetration of the Sino-
Soviet bloc into Cuba.

We expect to be moving shortly in the OAS to
call a meeting of the lA-ECOSOC [Inter- Amer-
ican Economic and Social Council] to get into
the Alliance for Progress program.^ We are not,
in any sense, out of contact with our Latin Amer-
ican friends. I think that you must bear in mind
that, in connection with any special meetings that
might be called, particularly where there are
highly complicated and difficult questions to come
up, such meetings are useful only on the basis of
a great deal of consultation ahead of time.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your speech last night on
foreign aid ° you said that too often in the past
our aid has been governed less iy the priority of
a well-planned program than by the needs and
pressures of the moment. There is a report from
India that the Uriited States Government is con-
sidering financing a nuclear power plant for
India. Is that one of the projects that would con-
tribute most to India's self-sustaining growth at
this time?

A. I would not want to get into that at the
moment. The discussions of aid to India, both
short-term and long-term, are going on at the
present time. As you know, a consortium has
recently met to get into that general question.
Questions of [research] assistance [under] the
atoms- for-peace program are somewhat separate
from the broad question of economic development,
and I would prefer not to comment specifically on
the question right now.

The Laotian Question

Q. There seems to be a feeling of disappoint-
ment in the Philippines and in some other areas
in southeast Asia because the United States and
the SEATO powers did not intervene in Laos to
stop the piecemeal advance of the Communists.
They seem to fear that perhaps this indicates a

lack of will on our part to take military action, if
necessary, in the event that the Communists turn
their full attention on south Viet-Nam. What can
you say in this regard?

A. These are questions which were thoroughly
discussed at the SEATO Conference in Bangkok,
and if you will go back and look at the commimi-
ques or the resolutions which were issued from
that Conference, you will see that that Conference
agreed that an effort should be made to settle this
Laotian question by negotiation, if possible. Fail-
ing that, the SEATO countries would be prepared
to take appropriate measures.

Now, since early January we have been on that
double track, in a sense, that is, the British and
the Soviet Union, as cochairmen of the Geneva
Conference of 1954, have been discussing between
themselves the possibility of a cease-fire, followed
by a convening of the ICC and a conference to
take up that question.®

That is the track on which we are at the present
time. I suppose that there would be differences
in shading among governments, when a particu-
lar track runs out and when another track has to
be adopted. But the present effort on the part
of all those who are deeply involved in this is to
settle this question without a major escalation of
the fighting if possible.

Q. The charge has been made publicly that the
south Vietnamese Government is both reactionary
and corrupt and that one of the first priorities to
shore that area up would be to encourage political
reform. Would you care to comment on that?

A. I think that some of the remarks that I made
last evening on foreign aid have some application ;
that is, questions of defense in a situation such as
Viet-Nam cannot be dealt with solely in militaiy
terms. The quality of society, the interest of the
people, the mobilization of the energies of the
people, the satisfaction of the people in their own
system, have a great deal to do with problems of
security and the ability to withstand assault and
attack and penetration and subversion from the
outside.

I have no doubt that a broad program of civil
action, improved administration, economic devel-
opment in Viet-Nam ought to be continued and

* See p. 766.
' See p. 747.

tAa'f 22, 1967

" For texts of the U.K.-U.S.S.R. proposals on Laos, see
Bulletin of May 15, 1961, p. 710.

759

expanded in order to help with the total situation
there, and this is directly related to the defense
problem.

Q. Do you think that corruption is the cause of
the situation in south Viet-Nam?

A. I don't believe that corruption is the root
cause of the situation there, in the face of amounts
of determined activity by those coming in from
the outside; that is, the initiative in the attack in
south Viet-Nam is being taken by those who are
attempting to overthrow that government and by
those who would be trying to overthrow almost
any government you could think of which is not
under the control of north Viet-Nam. The eco-
nomic and social programs and the development
of the countryside are relevant to the response to
this sort of attack.

Consultations on Cuba

Q. Mr. Secretary., can you tell us anything about
the assurance you gave the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee on Cuha?

A. The assurance I gave the Senate ForeigTi
Relations Committee on Cuba ? We talked about
a good many things in that meeting. I think the
principal points that came up — are yon now refer-
ring to — there were several, not all of which hp.v }
been made public, and that was in executive
session.

Q. The Senate Committee?

A. That is the one I am thinking about too.
I did say that, as was reported, we were not con-
templating armed attack on Cuba by United
States forces. I also talked out with them prob-
lems of consultation on issues such as this, and I
believe we reached some useful underetanding on
that point. Now, neither one of these may be the
particular point you had in mind.

Q. Did you discuss the matter of a watchdog
committee for CIA, which has been revived?

A. That is a matter in general discussion that
would not be for me to talk to them about in de-
tail, because this has broader jurisdictional prob-
lems that would not be my concern to deal with.
Those questions are in the wind, as you know.'

Q. Mr. Dean * has been back and made his re-
port. Can you say when he will return to Geneva
and what his instructions will be?

A. He has been back for some very useful talks.
He was over with me at the White House today
to give a report to the President. I think the
President may wish to comment on that at the
press conference tomorrow. I had better let that
go until then.

Q. Have your consultations with the Latin
American governments on Cuba produced any in-
dication of tvhat ineasures could be applied by a
meeting and consultation? Specifically, iv there
any support for the idea of reestablishiag the
Committee for Political Defense?

A. There are two forums in which the general
question of what happens next in the American
hemisphere is being talked about. One of them
is here in our own Government among the depart-
ments concerned, where we are studying very in-
tensively the present situation, what suggestions
we might wish to make, actions we might wish
to take.

Second is consultation among the inter- Ameri-
can goveriunents. This is, of course, a hemi-
spheric problem as well as a Cuban problem and
an American problem. We are discussing quite a
range of possibilities with other governments and
among oureelves. I think perhaps it would be
premature for me to talk about a particular point
such as the one you raised.

14-Nation Conference on Laos

Q. Mr. Secretary, Prince Sihanouk of Cam-
bodia has withdrawn his sponsorship of the 11),-
nation conference, and he has also quoted the
King of Laos as being opposed to such a confer-
ence if there is a chance for the Laotians to work
things out among themselves. Could you inter-
pret this for us, and what does it mean as far as
that conference is concerned? Would we go with-
out the lying'' s desire for us to do so?

A. Well, the formal position is that the United
Kingdom and the Soviet Union have, as cochair-
men of the Geneva Conference in 1954, invited the
14 nations suggested by Prince Sihanouk to come
to the conference in Geneva, now planned, for
the 12th.

' For a White House announcement, see p. 773.

° Arthur H. Dean, U.S. representative to the Conference
on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests, which re-
convened at Geneva Mar. 21. For a statement by Presi-
dent Kennedy, see p. 755.

760

Department of State Bulletin

It was anticipated that Prince Sihanouk would
be tliere and might indeed open the conference,
since the composition of the conference came
about as a result of a suggestion which he had
made. In a formal sense, therefore. Prince
Sihanouk's aimounced attitude on it would not
aifect tlie status of the conference. Whether in
fact he will persist in liis present view is some-
thing that we just don't know. And I think we
are not at all sure of just what lay behind the
statement he made about withdrawing his spon-
sorship and reconsidering whether he would send
a delegation. I think perhaps the King's remark
was related more to the question of the composi-
tion of a government.

There are some questions which the Laotians
ought to work out for themselves, and the compo-
sition of government is probably one of those.
But there are others which can only be handled
really internationally ; that is, any effort made to
establish internationally the neutral status of a
country, or to work out relationships with blocs
or comitries in terms of inspections or arms sup-
ply, or things of that sort, would have to be
handled mtemationally.

I would not, I think, today, be able to give you
a full appreciation, as the British call it, of just
what Prince Sihanouk's recent statement amounts
to.

Q. To go hack to the first question as to whether
this cease-f-re in Laos is now going to open up a
new theater, granted the fact tliat this infiltration
has been going on in Viet-Nam, is it your view
that in fact peace in Laos is going to mean a
stepped-up Communist effort against not only
Viet-Nam iut perhaps Thailand and Camhodia?

A. Well, this in effect means to predict what
is in the minds of the people to the north. We
have no reason to think that these pressures will
be relaxed. We believe that the infiltration or
efforts at infiltration will continue. That has
been the case in Viet-Nam for some time. It has
been the case in Laos. We think that this area
has to be better organized and better supported
in an effort to stop the pressure from the north.

Q. In that connection^ this statement is very
strong about the peril to Viet-Nam. Would we
assume that, if the Diem govei^ment asked for di-
rect armed intervention by American troops, this
would happen?

May 22, 7967

593801—61 3

A. Well, this is a question for the future that I
wouldn't wish to answer categorically today. But
there will be a very strong effort made now to rein-
force that situation there and give them every pos-
sible help, across the entire spectrum in which help
is needed.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in that connection, could you
give us some idea of the dimensions of this in-
creased aid and also whether the training and ad-
visers that you mentioned involve the sending of
American advisers down to the tactical level, as we
did in Laos?

A. I think perhaps the details of that are some-
thing that I should leave aside for the moment, if
you don't mind. We may have certain things on
that that we can announce later. But for the mo-
ment we had better leave them where they are.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said that the formation
of a government for the time being, at least, is a
matter for the Laotians to work out. Would we
accept a C om/rrmnist-dominated government if this
was something the Laotians worked out? And if
we did, what happened to our idea of keeping Laos
independent and neutral?

A. Well, that is of course one of the central
problems in the process of negotiation or in any
conference that comes up. I tliink perhaps I com-
mented on it one or two press conferences ago, as
to why we feel that the constitution of a govern-
ment is not a matter which can be easily dealt with
at an international conference.

Building a government means putting people to-
gether in a particular cabinet and administration,
and that inevitably involves change from time
to time. International agi-eements saying this
should be the government of this coimtry almost by
definition can't stand up very long, because cabi-
nets do change and personnel turns over. So that
we feel, quite apart from that factor, this is some-
thing that the Laotians themselves need to talk
over.

As a matter of fact, you will recall that we have
been in touch ourselves with the King and the
present government for weeks and months, raising
with them, or suggesting to them, the possibility
of reviewing every opportunity to broaden the
base of the government. Tliis is one of the ele-
ments in the situation which could make some dif-
ference in this present problem.

761

Reactions to Events in Cuba

Q. Mr. Secretary, there is a broad question, on
Cuba which hasuH been asked: This country has
been attacked abroad over the Cuban operation as
inept, fumbling, clumsy, bumbling, et cetera. Can
you say in any broad way what kind of steps are
contem^plated to correct this image abroad?

A. Well, there has been a great variety in the
image abroad. I think in Latin America there has
been a considerable crystallization of concern and
anxiety about the penetration of this hemisphere —
by now, in his own terms, a declared member of
the Sino-Soviet bloc. This was a question which
has been discussed and talked about in the hemi-
sphere, but I think the recent episode has under-
lined this question as an urgent question.

Abroad, you get a variety of reaction to the
situation. And there are many who are concerned
about what seems to them to be a further exten-
sion of the Sino-Soviet influence. There are those
who are concerned because they realize that this
cannot help but have an impact upon American
opinion and American attitudes toward problems
in other parts of the world.

I don't think it would be possible to generalize
the reaction on it. But the thing to do now, it
seems to me — in the face of this setback which
this group suffered there, and which we suffered —
the thing to do now is to draw a deep breath and
look over the situation very carefully and consider
a wide range of problems involved and possible
actions which ought to be taken; and, most of all,
to stay on the main road of hemispheric develop-
ment and hemispheric solidarity. That is the
object of the exercise at present. And, of course,
that will be somewhat complicated by the special
issues involved in the Cuban question. But a
great deal of the Cuban question arises because it
is a hemispheric question and the hemisphere is
the great concern. And we must turn our attention
to the unity and solidarity and strengthening of
the hemisphere. And that involves a lot of
things — some small, some large.

Q. Mr. Secretary, not long ago Senator [Mike^
Mansfield in an article stressed the importance of
alert and sensitive leadership in inter-American
affairs. He said: ^'■Unless it is present, there is
danger that we shall interpret the Latin American
situation primarily in term^ of Castroism and
communism. If ioe do so, the basic problem will

elude us. To be sure. Castroism and commumism
are po^cerful forces, but they are in the nature of
an effect rather than a cause.''"' In the light of
recent events, sir, would you share this opinion of
Senator Mansfield?

A. I think Senator Mansfield is on the right
and broad track there. One of the problems about
the shape of events in Cuba is that they took over
from an earlier situation in Cuba which invited
revolution in that country. And we all acknowl-
edge, of course, that in the early days of the Castro
revolution, when it was looked upon as an eco-
nomic and social revolution against intolerable
conditions and represented a broad appeal of the
peoples for improvement in the situation, it had
great sympathy all over the hemisphere and in
this country.

Now the revolutionary movement, based upon
the revolution of rising expectations, based upon
an attempt to reduce the gap between the privi-
leged and the nonprivileged — these are real factors
which ought not be confused with the penetration
of this hemisphere by the Sino-Soviet bloc. They
are factors which open the way for such pene-
tration. But unless they are dealt with, and
unless we work at them along the Alliance for
Progress and along the other means that are there
for our disposal, then the hemisphere is weakened.

Q. Mr. Secretary, hoio much thought has been
given to the possibility that Senator Johnson's visit
to Saigon ^ might be another Caracas?

A. You mean the Vice President's visit ?

Q. Yes, the Vice President's visit.

A. Well, the Vice President has in mind a visit
to several countries out in that part of the world.
We think that it would be a very useful thing if
it can be worked out. I would not myself think
that it would create problems of the sort you
mentioned.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in order to insure the neutral-
ity of Laos, or to remove it from the cold war,
would it perhaps be useful to examine whether
the leading neutralist countries in the area — India
and Burma, say — would undertake to guarantee
this neutrality?

A. Well, the attitude of the neutral countries in
the area on a problem of this sort is, of course, very

•See p. 750.

762

Department of Stale Bulletin

important. And this is something that is being
discussed with them. Because the capacity of
Laos to be internationally neutral, that is, "un-
alined," as the SEATO resolution put it, is some-
thing of great interest to all of those countries
out there, whether they are neutral or linked to the
free world. Whether they would get into the
question of guarantees, I think, is highly specula-
tive at this point.

What Is Peripheral?

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been criticism, or
suggestion at least, from a j>rom,inent commen-
tator that the United States should not risk he-
coming hogged down in -peripheral war such as in
the jimgles of southeast Asia. Does your state-
ment, pointing out the perils in south Viet-Nam,
and other statements hy this administration, and
the action at SEATO mean that the United States
will risk hecoming involved in such peripheral
wars and will make its commitments valid?

A. Well, I wouldn't wish to comment on that
question in terms of any particular statement
which might have been made about it to which
you might have referred. But, in broad terms,
this can, I think, be dealt with as a generality,
as to what is peripheral and what is central.
Because if you don't pay attention to the periph-
ery, the periphery changes. And the first thing
you know the periphery is the center. I mean,
peace and security are worldwide. That is par-
ticularly true these days, when the doctrine of
a historically inevitable world revolution, backed
by action, is in confrontation with the free world
right around the globe. And what happens in
one place cannot help but affect what happens
in another.

But, on the other hand, in what I suppose has
been referred to as the periphery — that is, in these
vast newly independent, underdeveloped parts of
the world — there is a great deal that can be done
by preventive action to strengthen them against
the kinds of attacks to which they are most likely
to be subject in the immediate future.

So there is a building job to be done. I am
hopeful that that will not involve military neces-
sity. But let's not, I think, generalize too quickly
about the periphery being relatively unimportant
compared to the center. That, I think, can lead
us down a long track.

Alliance for Progress vs. Communism

Remarks hy Adolf A. Berle

Chairman, Task Force on Latin America ^

Latin America is now an area of conflict in the
cold war. That was settled in 1959 at a Commu-
nist Party conference in Moscow shortly after
Fidel Castro had betrayed an honest, democratic
Cuban revolution and delivered his country and
his colleagues into the hands of the overseas Com-
munist bloc.

Castro's action, and the armed organization
which followed it, deprived Cuba and the Cuban
people of the self-determination for wliich
thousands of Cuban revolutionaries had sacri-
ficed their lives. Cubans do not accept this be-
trayal- Despite the tragic defeat of a few days
ago, the contest will continue until Cuba is once
more free.

Actually the struggle in Cuba is only part of
the cold war for all Latin America. Freedom will
win. It is true that freedom must meet the com-
bined resources of the now powerful Communist
empires, but it is as certain to win as was Bolivar
when he fought the whole might of the Spanish
Empire.

All of us today owe support and gratitude to
President Kennedy for his brilliant and honest
speech,- making it clear that this was also the
cause of the United States. He forthrightly
answered Khrushchev's challenge. He made it
clear that the United States would meet its primary
obligations of national and hemispheric defense
against outside Communist penetration. By im-
plication he made clear that foreign intervention
does not cease to be foreign intervention because it
flies a domestic flag and claims to be social
revolution.

Yet in the heroic drama of the past 10 days,
sight must not be lost of the great and historic
issue: whether Latin America shall grow and
flourish in freedom or as a province of overseas
Communist empires. This depends in part on us.

It is no accident that no Communist movement
of importance exists in the United States. The
reason is that the United States has freedom and

* Made before the Woman's National Democratic Club
at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 24 (press release 253).
' BuixETiN of May 8, 1961, p. 659.

May 22, J 96 J

763

maintains freedom for each and all within its
borders. Its economic development goes on in
social doctrine which assures to everyone a share
in economic success. This is not due to American
materialism. It comes from the spiritual quality
of the United States. Believing in many re-
ligions, Americans unite in accepting tlie obliga-
tion common to all of them. Under that obliga-
tion all have responsibility for their brothers and
for their neighboi-s. All of them — Christians,
Jews, agnostics — recognize the common duty of
brotherhood, in material things as well as in the
world of ideas. They accept that duty. This is
the beating lieart of the greatest revolution of
them all — the revolution of progress and freedom
in brotherhood and mutual help, making each one
capable and leaving each one free to seek eternal
values of duty and truth.

Like development is the road to independence
and progress in Latm America. This is the
philosophy of the Alliance for Progress. That
was what President Kennedy was saying on
March 13 last.^

Because the United States is better defended,
better prepared, and better equipped to help, we
can make a powerful contribution to this, the
revolution of progress and freedom in the Amer-
ican hemisphere. We can say — because we have
proved it — that social needs for the masses are
just as important as economic development. We
can say, because we have demonstrated it, that eco-
nomic development is not for the purpose of mak-
ing the rich richer but of liftmg the poor out of
poverty and the illiterate out of ignorance.

There is a close parallel between the situation
today and the situation as it stood m 1947. Then
the Communist bloc was seeking to take over
Greece under the camouflage of revolution. The
United States moved in to support Greek inde-
pendence. The Communist forces denounced the
Marshall plan as the overseas Communists in
Castro's name now denounce the Alliance for
Progress. Then the Communist bloc planned to
upset every govenmient in Western Europe as
today they threaten Latin American governments.
I am clear that Latin Americans debating the
question will choose the Alliance for Progress in
the face of the threats and false promises of over-
seas Communist-paid agents and propagandists.

All the evidence I have of current reaction indi-

cates the Latin American peoples are making their
choice. Outside Cuba and the Dominican Re-
public, Latin Americans are free to express their
views. They have expressed them vigorously in
the past few days. Their opinion, expressed in
the press, by their governments, by student gi'oups,
by political parties, is overwhelmingly for an
Alliance for Progress and against extension of the
Communist system in Latin America.

I say again, we owe this very largely to the
swift and statesmanlike action of President
Kennedy. History will, I think, rank this stand
of his with President Trimian's determination to
repel the attack on Korea and with the courage
and determination of Winston Churchill which
overcame the Nazi threat.

The American public and the American Con-
gress owe him all support.

Ambassador Moscoso's Experience Seen
Helpful to U.S.-Venezuelan Relations

Statement hy President Kennedy

White House press release dated May 2

I have today [May 2] met with Mr. Teodoro
Moscoso, whom it has been my pleasure to name
to the very important post of Ambassador to
Venezuela.^ I expect him to depart for his new
post within the next few days.

Ambassador Moscoso has a brilliant record as
Administrator of the Economic Development Ad-
ministration of Puerto Kico in carrying out what
has come to be known throughout the world as
Operation Bootstrap, that dramatic effort through
which economic diversification and development
have brought a high degree of social benefits and
equitable shares of economic returns to our fellow
citizens in that island.^ I believe that Ambassador
Moscoso's experience in this field will enhance his
ability to treat sympathetically and knowingly
with the Government and people of Venezuela and
to insure maximum effectiveness for the common

' lUd., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.
764

' Ambassador Moscoso's appointment was confirmed by
the Senate on Apr. 18 ; for biographic details, see Depart-
ment of State press release 263 dated Apr. 27.

" For a statement made by Ambassador Moscoso before
the Committee for Industrial Development of the U.N.
Economic and Social Council at New York, N.T., on Mar.
29, see Buixetin of Apr. 24, 1961, p. 605.

Department of State Bulletin

efforts to provide a better life for the people of
Venezuela and the entire Western Hemisphere.

I am confident that Ambassador Moscoso will
be •warmly welcomed among our friends in Vene-
zuela as my personal envoy and as a particularly
appropriate representative of the people of the
entire United States.

U.S. Denies Validity of Alleged
'instruction" Regarding Cuba

Following is the text of a note from Philip W.
Bonsai, U.S. Interim Representative on the
Council of the Organisation of American States,
addressed to Jose A. Mora, OAS Secretary
Oeneral.

No. 714 April 18, 1961

Excellency: I have the honor to refer to the
'•''Acta de la Sesion Ordinari^i Celeirada el ^ de
Enero de 196r, pages 56-58 (OEA/Ser.G/II,
C-a-397).

On January 4, 1961 the alternate delegate of the
Government of Cuba read to the Council of the
Organization of American States a paper pur-
porting to contain instructions of 1897 or 1898 ad-
dressed by the Government of the United States to
General Nelson A. Miles, who commanded the
United States forces in the liberation of Cuba.
According to this alleged paper, General Miles
was ordered to pursue a divisive policy in Cuba to
prepare tlie way for its annexation by the United
States, which would then use the island as an
outlet for Negro emigration.

I am certain that none of the members of the
Council was misled by the employment of the so-
called "instruction" alleged to have been issued
over half a century ago as part of the propagan-
distic attacks from the present Cuban Government
to wliich the Council has been subjected from time
to time in recent months. Nevertheless, in order
that there might be no doubt in the minds of those
who might come upon tliis canard in the records of
this important inter- American forum, my Govern-
ment initiated a thorough and careful re-study of
the matter. As a result, I can now report that the
story as told by the alternate Cuban delegate is
only a new version of a legend long discredited.
The United States first learned of the alleged
instructions in 1908, when they were printed in

the Cuban newspaper El Eco de Holguin. The
Department of State promptly called the matter
to the attention of the War Department, and on
November 23, 1908 the Assistant Secretary of War
(whose office was supposed to have drafted the
memorandmn) replied that there was no record
of the docimient in his office and that in his opinion
"the alleged communication has no official authen-
ticity."

Since 1908, the alleged instructions have been
quoted numerous times. Tliey were later at-
tributed to J. C. Breckinridge — presumably Gen-
eral Breckinridge, Inspector General of the
United States Army. (Such instructions, even if
genuine, would certainly not have been issued by
the Inspector General.) Among others, Horatio
S. Rubens, in his book Liberty: The Story of Cuba
(New York, 1932), pages 343-345, and Herminio
Portell Vila in Historia de Cuba en sus Relaciones
con los Estados Unidos y Espana (La Habana,
1939), Volume III, pages 460-461, referred to
these instructions which were erroneously con-
sidered by them to be authentic.

Twenty-seven years ago, in the American His-
torical Review for April 1934, Colonel Tliomas M.
Spaulding, a military historian, wrote a short
unofficial paper on the subject entitled "Propa-
ganda or Legend". He discussed the alleged
memorandum and pointed out numerous discrep-
ancies between it and genuine documents of the
War Department. In Colonel Spaulding's judg-
ment the so-called Breckinridge memorandum
was a fabricated document actually written —
possibly first in Spanish rather than English — at
some time between 1900 and 1906 by someone
unfamiliar with War Department practice.

As this alleged paper has been revived through
the years, the records have been carefully searched
several more times to see if any basis whatsoever
could be found for the story. No such basis has
been fomid.

Most recently, in a letter to the Department of
State, dated March 13, 1961, the National Archives
reported that an examination of the records in its
custody had failed to disclose a copy of this docu-
ment or anythmg resembling it and that its exam-
ination had confirmed the results of previous
searches, all of which were negative and which
tended to confirm the conclusion tliat the docu-
ment is spurious.

Thus, no evidence has yet been found to show
that the alleged memorandum is genuine. Both

May 22, 1961

765

in the United Nations and in the Organization of
American States, the Government of Cuba has
repeatedly attacked the United States witliout
any regard for historical accuracy and truth; it
has deliberately distorted and twisted the facts
of U.S.-Cuban relations, from the period of
Cuban independence to the present, to try and
substantiate its numerous false charges against
my Government and its people. To quote from
this alleged memorandum can only be regarded
as another example of the present Cuban Govern-
ment's bitter campaign against the United States.

I would appreciate it if you would transmit
this note to the representatives on the Council for
their information.^

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.

Philip W. Bonsal

Interim Representative of the United
States on the Coimcil of the Organiza-
tion of American States.

His Excellency
Dr. Jose A. Mora,
Secretary General,
Organization of American States.

President Calls for lA-ECOSOC Talks
To Plan Development in Americas

Statement hy President Kennedy ^

I have today [May 6] instructed the United
States representatives on the Council of the
Organization of American States to propose the
convocation on July 15 of an extraordinary meet-
ing of the Inter- American Economic and Social
Council to be held at the ministerial level. The
purposes of this meeting should be to initiate and
develop planning and arrangements related to
realistic economic development in the Americas,
as well as to elaborate the objectives of the Act of
Bogota and all key areas of economic and social
betterment. This will be an important aspect of
the cooperative program which I have set forth in
the concept of the Alliance for Progress.^

* Circulated as OAS doc. OEA/Ser.G/VI, C/INP-874
on Apr. 20.
' Made at a news conference on May 5.
" For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

President Expresses U.S. Willingness
To Aid Central African Republic

Following is an exchange of letters between
President Kennedy and David Dacko, President
of the Central African Republic.

PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO PRESIDENT DACKO

Wblte House press release dated May 4

Mat 4, 1961
His Excellency David Dacko
President

Central African Republic
Bangui^ Central African Republic

Dear Mr. President : I appreciated your letter
on your desire to make plans for the economic
and social development of your country. The
United States, as you know, has always made
clear its wish to assist the newly independent
African countries to establish strong and stable
economies, to the extent that our heavy commit-
ments permit us to contribute to this goal. I can,
therefore, assure you of my country's desire to
be of assistance.

In the immediate future, if you wish, I am pre-
pared to send to your country representatives
from the United States International Cooperation
Administration to discuss with you and your
government ways in which the United States can
best respond to your request.

In the meantime, may I suggest you and
other appropriate officials of your government
make available to our Charge d'Affaires, Mr.
[Alan W.] Lukens, more details of your think-
ing on an economic program for the Central Afri-
can Republic. I shall read his reports and
recommendations with great interest.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

PRESIDENT DACKO TO PRESIDENT KENNEDY

Offldal translation

Excellency :

Formulation of a pilot plan for the development of
the Central African Republic

1 have the honor to inform you of my desire to have
a comprehensive study conducted on the subject of the
development of Central African Republic for the purpose
of outlining the economic and social course my Govern-
ment will have to take.

766

Department of State Bulletin

The European Economic Community has offered to
grant me the necessary funds to carry out this study,
and I have decided to enter into an agreement with
that organization with a view to financing the study
from the resources of the European Development Fund.

I have also aslsed the French Government for financial
and technical assistance, to be furnished by the As-
sistance and Cooperation Fund.

I should like to Ijnow under what conditions it would
be possible for me to obtain technical assistance from
the American Government for the establishment and
implementation of this plan, whether it be a question
of studies requiring highly qualified experts, or of con-
crete operations decided upon in application of the Plan.

Under an agreement concluded on November 21, 1960,
I have called on the SoeiStS pour le Development de
I'Afrique Bquatoriale [Society for the Development of
Equatorial Africa], to coordinate, under the direction
of my ministerial departments, all operations designed to
lead to the establishment and implementation of the
plan for economic and social development.

In view of the importance I attach to the prompt for-
mulation of objectives of long-term development, I should
be most happy if my request could be accorded favorable
consideration as soon as possible.

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my high
consideration.

D. Dacko

Africa — Hopes and Contradictions

hy Eleanor Lansing Dulles

Special Assistant to the Director, Bureau of Intelligence and Research ^

The change that is sweeping through Africa is
bound to stimulate the minds of men everywhere
as it presents them with new problems. The con-
tinent which may change the course of the United
Nations and affect all our lives sooner or later is
only lightly touched here and there by Western
philosophy and civilization. The organization,
mechanization, and educational resources which
are the solid rocks on wliich our material and in-
tellectual life is founded are little understood
here.

It is important to recognize the variety and in
some cases the contradictions. If we do not, we
may attempt to apply policies inappropriate to
special situations. We may fail to furnish the
help which will be most effective. Such mistakes
can be avoided.

It is easy to understand that on this vast land
mass 220 million people look up to see the not
infrequent airplane flying over forest and desert
and find it as mysterious as if produced by some
alien magic. It is hardly more a source of won-
der, however, than are the simple tools of house-

'Address made before a meeting sponsored by the
100,000 Club and The Association of University Women
at Utlca, N.Y., on Apr. 28 (press release 261 dated Apr.
26).

hold and workshop to which they are now only
gradually becoming accustomed. The wheel, the
pump, the plow, have become known — even the
bicycle and the automobile are familiar in the cities
and the coastal areas. In the bush, however,
women are beasts of burden, the earth is crudely
scratched with wood or metal, and the dweDings
are thatched mud huts. There are few roads,
ports, railroads, telephones, or other means of
communication. In many places the people do not
even want the confusing, custom-shattering de-
velopment for which a few are passionately
clamoring.

The contrasts from north to south are many and
startling. They take the visual form of spectacu-
lar rivers, mountains, and deserts. They make a
personal impact in the climate of steaming jungles
and high cool uplands. They are evident in the
easy life of tropical coast and islands not far
from bustling cities with skyscrapers and sea-
ports and airfields. It is possible to find many
and various types of living among hunters and
nomads, miners and traders.

Here there are, mainly on the seacoasts, ancient
civilizations, such as those on the Mediterranean,
and some of the most primitive tribes, as the
"Harmless People" of the Kalahari Desert.

May 22, 196]

767

I was not able to visit all of these areas, but in
my recent travels to 24 countries during a trip of
almost 100 days I saw what was typical on the
continent.

Variety and Contrast

The north — I stopped in Morocco, Algiers,
Tunis, Egypt, and also the Sudan, which looks
both north and south. Then I went on for several
days in Ethiopia with its centuries-old dynasty, its
ancient branch of the Christian church, its feudal
society, its impressive Emperor. This country
stands somewhat by itself in politics and tradition.

East Africa, with promise of freedom and men-
ace of race antagonism, is now on the exciting
verge of independence. In planning for freedom,
the dozen or more political leaders in Nairobi and
Dar-es-Salaam have reached a degree of states-
manship that shines in sharp contrast to the tribal
leaders of the separate units who still wander in
the uplands and the bush with their cattle, not far
from the roving herds of zebras, elephants, and
giraffes that make this part of Africa so attractive
to tourists. Here the "white settlers" with gra-
cious farms, brilliant with blue jacaranda and red
flame trees, have planted and cultivate a civiliza-
tion that compounds the problems of Black Africa.
Few can see how there can be a reconciliation of the
land problem affecting the few whites and the
many Africans and other differences, without con-
flict at the worst and only with brilliant political
management at the best.

Zanzibar is politically a part of the East Afri-
can problem and is joined with Kenya, Uganda,
and Tanganyika in an effective economic partner-
ship which amounts for most purposes to a com-
mon market. It lies like a pearl shining in bright
water with waving palm trees and shores washed
by the warm sea of the Indian Ocean. Here the
past seems to have made an imprint in every nar-
row walled street behind every massive carved
door. In fact, the past has left little room for the
future which may shatter with political conflict
the dreamlike quality of the island.

The Portuguese territories are the most dis-
turbing and contradictory of all. Cities like
Lourengo Marques and Luanda show the face of
civilization above the native markets and the teem-
ing waterfront. A short way inland the cement
houses and paved roads disappear and only narrow

tracks and mud huts with scattered primitive na-
tive culture and activity are to be seen. Here
problems of enforcing law and order have brought
both the skills and some of the less desirable meth-
ods of control to primitive lands vast in extent,
capable of limited development, but lacking in rich
or easily exploited resources.

West Africa breaks down into many segments.
Even the former Belgian, the former French, and
former British colonies have little unity. Only
the French have managed to lay the groundwork
for a promising federation. With the exception
of Guinea, pursuing a bitterly determined course
of its own, of Mali and of Togo, waiting and
watching the other French-speaking territories,
the other 12, including Madagascar, are working
together with constructive plans in considerable
harmony. These coimtries form two crescents geo-
graphically reaching from the coast to the edges
of the Sahara. Madagascar lies off the east coast
of the continent.

In this group of countries statesmen who have
won not only education but experience in France
are endeavoring to consolidate a workable federa-
tion— with monetary union, with coordination of
trade and customs duties, budgets, and transport
over an area almost as extensive as the United
States. There is hope that they may develop with
harmonious action a viable and progi-essive
economy in the next decade. If they can keep
tribal conflicts to a minimum and receive substan-
tial aid from the United States and from elsewhere
in the free world, these friendly and still unde-
veloped countries may achieve a working relation
which can serve as a model and a forerunner for
those who have not yet a clear concept of the value
of cooperation.

The former French territories can attempt to
acliieve a useful association now that colonialism
is ended. Nigeria, a more compact country but
with a larger population, is already a federation.
It is important that these diverse elements of
north, east, and west be held together — that they
be aided and guided by all those who are accepta-
ble to their leadership. This may not be easy be-
cause of the diversity of religion and custom, but
it is considered probable by most experienced ob-
servers. If northern Nigeria is tempted to go a
separate way, its commimications with port cities
would become extremely difficult.

768

Deparfment of State Bulletin

The extent and varied resources of Nigeria,
particularly its well-trained civil servants, have
led to considerable optimism as to its economic
future. Even its federal differences and the exist-
ence of a political opposition give a vitality and a
resilience not found in most of the new countries.

One could almost summarize the west coast of
Africa by saying that the differences are greater
than the similarities. Guinea, Ghana, Liberia,
Senegal, and the others all share several char-
acteristics. These include high illiteracy, lack of
industry, few trained people, and the general as-
pects of poverty, lack of roads, transport, housing,
consumer goods, and no informative press. They
differ widely in political attitudes, relations to
other countries, products, resources, and economic
needs.

It is important to review these and other con-
trasts more generally since the danger of develop-
ing a generalized policy or overall solutions might
lead to false expectations and grave disappoint-
ment.

Political Contradictions

It is difficult to give a true picture of the mood
and the will of the people of Africa. Most of our
information has been gained from the handful of
leaders who come to the United Nations or talk
with visiting officials in the capitals. More than
200 million have no effective means of expression —
few of us know or can even guess what the simple
tribesman thinks about political matters. For
the most part he wants only a respite from certain
types of hardship; perhaps he craves a few ma-
terial signs of personal good standing in his
group, some more cattle to enhance his status, or
other more mysterious and primitive symbols.

Because of the limits to our exposure to the
African in remote places and his inability to com-
municate with us in an effective way, we have de-
veloped in many cases an idea of the demand for
independence not found among the 200 millions
living in the more remote areas and different even
from the ideas of the chiefs. They want better
times, a mystical symbolic kind of freedom. They
hate colonialism, but they do not understand the
nature of national government. As one group
said to its leader, "We want independence but we
do not want responsibility."

We understand, at least in part, what the leaders

of Africa think will come once colonialism has
disappeared. We do not always know what those
in the villages, forests, and deserts expect of the
new world that this new freedom could bring. A
variety of psychological and political factors must
be taken into account in selecting our priorities.
We need to bring great wisdom to our planning.
In any case we know that there has been consider-
able impatience and disappointment with develop-
ments so far. In some cases, in the Congo and
in several other countries, independence has
brought political uncertainty and new economic
problems. This was for the most part not antici-
pated. In a number of countries the flash of
liehtninsr that came with the end of colonialism
was followed by storms of internal conflict and
economic hardship.

Another anomaly in the situation is that al-
though independence, often newly won, is de-
signed to free the people from colonial indignities
and restrictions, in many cases centralized govern-
ment and one-party systems have taken the place
of colonial commissions. These are the types of
governments most likely to bring rigorous dicta-
torial controls unless there are well-devised off-
setting factors. While they do not wish to trade
old types of controls for new, there are cases
where this is a real danger. Many find this situa-
tion hard to understand.

Closely related to these surprises and disap-
pointments are the questions raised by the new
leadership in Africa. It is amazing that a score
or two of African leaders whose names were
hardly known 2 years ago are now clear images in
the world of international relations. These
shrewd, often well-educated and experienced
leaders have made an impact on world affairs.
Some of the realities which lie behind their achieve-
ments, however, paint a different picture and re-
veal a degree of local weakness which explains cases
of arbitrary action and is one element which makes
promises of aid from Commimist quarters seem
especially attractive.

It is important that we understand these contra-
dictions and contrasts. Their desire for freedom
does not follow the lines we expect. What they
have hoped for in the way of progress has been
frustrated and led to cynicism in many cases.
They have allowed the aspects of their personal
freedom to be compromised. Their leaders, often

May 22, 7967

769

able and even impressive, stand on uncertain
ground. Some of the mistakes past and future
result from these conditions. Some of the hopes
for constructive action depend on this under-

standing.

Economic Contrasts and Paradoxes

There are in this vast continent enormous dif-
ferences in minerals, water resources, agricultural
conditions, and degrees of human initiative. In
much of Africa the lakes and rivers give the pos-
sibility of rich cultivation and almost unlimited
hydroelectric power. Elsewhere sweeping sands
and dry savannas necessitate at the present time a
wandering, unstable existence. These sharp con-
trasts are representative of the wide variety of
conditions.

The seacoast gives many areas easy access to the
outside world. It affects their stage of develop-
ment and their future potential. Other countries,
landlocked and almost inaccessible by road or river,
retain their isolated and unchanging way of life.
These move more slowly down the corridors of
time.

When one considers the extent of the continent,
its changing topography, and the extremes of
climate, the variation in economic production and
commerce is not surprising.

It would not be possible to apply to Africa a
single uniform aid program or economic policy.
In some cases agriculture will continue to be the
main source of livelihood. In many countries
better distribution of water, methods of cultiva-
tion, and crop diversification are crucial to de-
velopment and progress. In some, industrializa-
tion and the development of power and transport
are essential. In others the extraction of minerals
and the development of related production enter-
prises hold great promise.

There is as much variation between the present
means of livelihood and future potential as there
is in Latin America and Asia. The differences
are as great as in the United States if one leaves
aside the major urban centers in America.

Recognition of these facts is essential to the
formulation of aid programs, commercial policy,
and the ability to plan for development. When
they are compounded by the different degrees of
education and the extent to which leadership
affects policy in some countries, the need for a
near look at each case is apparent.

The keen trading ability of the Arabs, the Hausa
tribe, and the Mammy traders in West Africa is in
sharp contrast to the casual and almost indifferent
attitude toward money or material possessions.
In Madagascar, for instance, there are said to be
only one or two businessmen out of a population
of Malagasy of 5 million. Most of the work is
undertaken by Chinese or other minority groups.

The differences cited point to a possible em-
phasis in developing aid programs. Since it is
recognized that the requirements for widespread
and rapid development exceed both hopes and
expectations, selection must be made between vari-
ous targets and areas to which aid is directed. In
making this selection attention needs to be paid to
the characteristics relevant to the potential for
development. In particular, account must be
taken of natural resources, supporting elements in
transportation and communication, and human
skills and attitudes. It is not possible for the
United States, or for any other country for that
matter, to bring to Africa all the skills and re-
sources needed to lift it from its present stage of
development to new levels of accomplisliment.
Many of the local resources, however limited, will
have to be improved and combined to contribute
substantially to the total program.

In the current phase of our effort in Africa,
which is in its first beginnings, we can, and in fact
should, seek out, as indicated in a number of pro-
nouncements by the administration, those centers
of ferment and initiative which can release the
energy and stimulate the ideas needed for the next
step forward.

Paper plans and local governmental programs
are important, but along with them must come a
realization of the inherent ability, the tecluiical
skill, and the will to work of many thousands.
Generally speaking, the attitudes and capacities
which are needed are found at those points where
transportation and communication have already
brought the contacts and the dynamic interchange
of ideas which have not only influenced officials
and top businessmen but also workers and traders
who operate on a small scale. These elements of
progress do not exist only in capital cities or in
seaports but are also f oimd in a few other centers
where trade routes have crossed for centuries and
where rich mineral or other resources have brought
an activity which has shaken loose the communi-
ties from feudal and tribal restrictions.

770

Department of State Bulletin

It is possible clearly in a nunaber of instances
to go into many of the underdeveloped and remote
areas and establish such new centers with outside
aid and cooperation of the new leaders. There
are perhaps ten or a dozen cases which are ripe
for consideration and may merit large-scale effort.
If these centers are added to those which now
exist, it will be found that there are in Africa
some 30 or 40 points each of which can be made
a focus for a special endeavor and from which
can radiate by virtue of local effort and initiative
dynamic and yet well-sustained influences which
will be the lif eblood of progress. In these centers,
either existing or to be created, education, train-
ing, and certain model activities should be set up.
These models should not be shaped by the unat-
tainable standards of an elaborate civilization but
should be designed to bridge a gap between some
of the more modem structures and undertakings
in the few larger cities and the temporary and
primitive shelters and production efforts to be
found in many of the more remote areas.

The approach here outlined would call for prog-
ress moving out from central points in concentric
circles. The reason for this type of planning
where it proves feasible would be the possibility of
achieving balanced development and, in the early
stages of change, of not moving too rapidly or
acting in a drastic manner to break up familiar
patterns of behavior in cases where these cannot
be brought within an orderly pattern of economic
interchange and governmental control.

It is, of course, not possible to set limits to the
influences which are causing political turbulence
and economic unrest in a number of places. It is
possible, however, to concentrate on certain exist-
ing points of economic and political advancement
in a few places where there are clear evidences of
underdeveloped riches which should not be
neglected even in the first stages of development.
It is because of the need to recognize the wide
differences between capacities and resources, and
because even the primitive ways of life give a
temporary and partial stability which the more
highly developed towns and cities cannot easily
bring, that attention to this type of approach
seems to be warranted.

We in America have launched ourselves on a
very difficult task. It is one which cannot be ac-
complished without close cooperation and deep
understanding on the part of the Africans. They
have so far moved slowly from central points to

outlying areas. It would be unfortunate if the
wiping away of colonialism would be allowed to
upset the balance and unleash forces which cannot
be controlled. In making decisions on matters
affecting the location, the nature, and the pace of
development, the Africans must be our guides.
They, becoming aware of the connections between
the various aspects of their economic and social
conditions and their recognition of the limits
which we know affect our capacity to bring them
aid, will be an important element in their guidance
of our j)lans.

Educational Extremes

It is well known that illiteracy in Africa is
almost complete in the interior regions far from
coastal cities or the few highly developed capitals
and industrial centers. Reading and writing have
not been a part of tribal life. What is not so well
known is that there are in Africa a number of
highly developed imiversities in the former Bel-
gian Congo, in Uganda, in Nigeria, in Dakar, and
a number of other places. It is also not always
realized that those leaders who have emerged into
prominence have in many cases the benefit of the
best English, French, and American education.
Now there are thousands of students studying
behind the Iron Curtain and more thousands in
Europe, in the United States, and elsewhere.

The disparity between the highly educated and
those who have had little opportunity to gain the
rudiments of education is likely to increase. It
can cause serious imrest and increase instability.
There is an enormous thirst for learning. It is an
almost mystical urge expressed to all visitors to
this changing, often puzzling area.

Unless a larger percentage of the students can
turn to teaching and imless schools can be built
and organized, the effects of higher education will
not be diffused throughout the areas needing to
move one step forward in the use of the tools of
the mind. This gap between the excellence of the
university to which some students go and the prev-
alence of ignorance and superstition in which
200 million live is a circumstance affecting our
aid and our political relations directly and in-
directly. Democracy implies some degree of
literacy. Representative government is impos-
sible without communication and understanding.

There will be a high degree of imcertainty in all
our dealmgs in Africa in these early stages of de-

May 22, J9d7

771

velopment because of the lack of education and
training. Unusual patience will be needed in the
interim period. Above all, efforts should be made
to plan not only to help educate those who can
come to the "main centers of learning but to con-
sider the relative needs at different levels and in
different places.

The Moment for Action

The political, economic, and educational dif-
ferences to be foimd in Africa have been briefly
touched on.

Other contrasts in point of view, attitudes to-
ward the outside world, and aspirations for the
future are evident in the several religions, in the
stages of development, in the varying exposure to
European and American culture, and in the affin-
ities which are apparent in dealing with various
coimtries. These diverse conditions in themselves
give an opportunity for action.

The conclusion that a traveler or student
reaches is that now is the time when we must show
our ability not only to understand and to be
friendly but to do something. For us who see this
diversity and know the changing times this is not
a Dark Continent of the 19th century but one
brilliant with color and motion. It is a continent
which will develop new cultures and unexplored
riches. Its forests and uplands will gradually
yield to the moderating influences of civilization.
Its people will be creative in ways which have be-
come somewhat repressed or forgotten in the West.
We may not always understand the rhythm of
these lands, but we can even now hear the drum-
beat and know it sounds a varied and changing
message to which we must listen.

United States and Morocco Sign
Food-for-Peace Agreement

White House press release dated May 4

President John F. Kennedy announced on May
4 that the United States has entered into a major
food-for-peace agreement with the Government of
Morocco. The $17.8 million work-project agree-
ment is the largest of its type ever to be under-
taken by the U.S. Food-for-Peace Program.

The President has authorized his Food-for-
Peace Director, George McGovern, to proceed with

the program, which will utilize 200,000 tons of
U.S. wheat by the Moroccan Government as par-
tial wage payments to 200,000 workers employed
in economic development projects.

Expected to affect the lives of more than a
million people, this food-for-peace program is
similar to a work-projects program which has been
in operation in Tunisia since 1958. Purpose of
the grant program, imder title II of Public Law
480, is ta contribute to Morocco's economic and
social development.

Specific projects will include road construction
and maintenance, irrigation systems, construction
of wells and cisterns, land clearance and develop-
ment, construction of municipal markets and
slaughterhouses, reforestation and tree planting,
sanitation, and urban rehabilitation. Approxi-
mately 200,000 Moroccan workers will receive up
to 50 percent of their total wages in American
food supplied under the U.S. Food-for-Peace Pro-
gram. Equal cash payment will be provided by
the Government of Morocco.

Export market value of the wheat is $14.3 mil-
lion. The United States will also pay ocean
freight costs amounting to an additional $3.5 mil-
lion. This is expected to carry the program to
June 30, 1962.

IJC Reports on Passamaquoddy
Tidal Power Project

Press release 276 dated May 1

In a letter from the International Joint Com-
mission dated April 10, 1961, the Department of
State has received the Report of the International
Joint Commission, United States and Canada, on
the International Passamaquoddy Tidal Power
Project,^ dated April 4, 1961. The report, re-
leased on May 1, conveys the Conxmission's find-
ings that the tidal project, ■either alone or in
combination with certain auxiliary power sources,
will not permit power to be produced at a price
which is competitive with the price of power from
alternative available sources.

On August 2, 1956, the Governments of the
United States and Canada in a Reference di-
rected the Commission to determine the estimated
cost of developing the international tidal power

' Copies of the report are available upon request from
the International Joint Commission, Washington 25, D.O.

772

Department of State Bulletin

potential of Passamaquoddy Bay and whether the
cost of such a development would permit the
production of hydroelectric power at an econom-
ically feasible price.^ Passamaquoddy Bay sep-
arates the State of Maine from the Province of
New Brunswick on the Atlantic Coast near the
mouth of the Bay of Fundy.

The report represents the final conclusions of
the Commission m response to the Reference of
August 2, 1956, which was submitted to the Com-
mission in accordance with the provisions of
article IX of the Boundary Waters Treaty of
1909 and in light of the provisions of Public Law
401, 84th Congress, 2d session, approved January
31,1956.

The Reference further directed the Commission
to determine the effects which the project might
have on the national and local economies in the
area as a result of the proposed construction,
maintenance, and operation of the tidal power
structures.

The Commission's report finds that because of
the relatively high cost of development of the
tidal power potential the project would not ap-
preciably affect long-term industrial development
in the area. This report points out, however, that
there would be substantial short-term benefits to
the economies of Maine and New Brunswick dur-
ing the 6-year construction period which would
result from estimated expenditures of over $200
million for goods and services if the project were
carried out.

The Commission finds that the proposed project
would have very little effect on the important
sardine industry in the St. Croix River estuary
of Passamaquoddy Bay and only a minor effect
on other fisheries. Were the project to be carried
out the Commission notes that relocation and
modification of eacisting fisheries faciHties, plus
certain modifications in the design of the tidal
structures, would minimize damage to existing
fisheries.

The report also noted that additional recreation
facilities would be created by the formation of two
large salt-water lakes and by the structures of the
proposed tidal project itself. Navigation condi-
tions in the St. Croix River estuary and at St.
Andrews and other ports in the bay area would be
improved by the raismg of the Passamaquoddy

Bay high pool and by the decrease in the tidal
range. In addition, tidal dams, locks, and gates
would provide suitable foundation on which an
international highway could be built to connect
present coastal highways in Maine and New Bruns-
wick.

Nevertheless, the Commission finds that the Pas-
samaquoddy Tidal Power Project is not economi-
cally feasible at the present time when evaluated
by conventional methods of economic analysis as
applied to hydroelectric projects. The Commis-
sion recommends that development of the project
be viewed as a long-range possibility having better
prospects of realization when other less costly
energy resources available in the area will have
been fully realized.

The Goverments of the United States and Cana-
da are studying the findings and reconmiendations
of the International Joint Commission in the re-
port just submitted and will withhold comment
until their studies are completed.

President's Foreign Intelligence
Advisory Board Established

White House press release dated May 4
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT

The President on May 4 issued an Executive
order establishing the President's Foreign Intel-
ligence Advisory Board.

The order reactivates, under broadened terms
of reference, the President's Board of Consultants
on Foreign Intelligence Activities, which was es-
tablished by President Eisenhower in 1956,' fol-
lowing a recommendation of the Commission on
Organization of the Executive Branch of the
Government. New appointments are being made
to the Board because the resignations of the mem-
bers of the prior Board of Consultants were sub-
mitted to and accepted by President Eisenhower
before he left office.

Composed of able and experienced individuals
from outside the Government, the reactivated
Board will be responsible for conducting an ob-
jective, independent review of the foreign intel-
ligence and related activities of the Government

' For text of the Reference and background, see Bulle-
tin of Aug. 20, 1956, p. 322.

' For background and text of Executive order, see Bul-
letin of Jan. 30, 1956, p. 160, and Feb. 27, 1956, p. 340.

May 22, 1 96 J

773

and for reporting periodically to the President
with respect to its assessment of the objectives and
performance of those activities by the Central
Intelligence Agency and the several additional
civilian and military agencies engaged therein.

The responsibilities assigned to the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board are of a con-
tinuing nature and encompass the total U.S. for-
eign intelligence effort. They are to be distin-
guished from the ad hoc and much more limited
study that is presently being made by Gen. Max-
well Taylor.

The members of the Board, in whose qualifica-
tion and discretion the President has the fullest
confidence, are as follows :

Dr. James R. Killian, Jr., chairman. Chairman of the
Corporation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
Cambridge, Mass.

Dr. William O. Baker, vice president. Research, Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories, Murray Hill, N.J.

Lt. Gen. James H. Doolittle, USAF (ret.), chairman of
the board, Space Technology Laboratories, Inc., Los
Angeles, Calif.

Dr. William L. Langer, professor of history, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass.

Robert D. Murphy, president. Corning Glass International,
New York, N.Y.

Gen. Maxwell Taylor, USA (ret.), president, Lincoln
Center for the Performing Arts, Inc., New York, N.Y.

J. Patrick Coyne, former official of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation and the National Security
Council, will continue to serve as executive secre-
try of the reactivated Board.

It is contemplated that in the near future the
President may appoint additional individuals to
membership on the Board.

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10938 2

Establishing the President's Toreign Intelligence
Advisory Board

By virtue of the authority vested In me as President of
the United States, it is ordered as follows:

Section 1. There is hereby established the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. The function of
the Board shall be to advise the President with respect
to the objectives and conduct of the foreign intelligence
and related activities of the United States which are
required in the interests of foreign policy and national
defense and security.

Sec. 2. In the performance of its advisory duties, the
Board shall conduct a continuing review and assessment
of all functions of the Central Intelligence Agency, and
of other executive departments and agencies having such

or similar responsibilities in the foreign intelligence and
related fields, and shall report thereon to the President
each six months or more frequently as deemed appro-
priate. The Director of Central Intelligence and the
heads of other departments and agencies concerned shall
make available to the Board any information with respect
to foreign intelligence matters which the Board may re-
quire for the purpose of carrying out its responsibilities
to the President The information so supplied to the
Board shall be afforded requisite security protection as
prescribed by the provisions of applicable laws and
regulations.

Sec. 3. Members of the Board shall be appointed from
among qualified persons outside the Government and
shall receive such compensation and allowances, con-
sonant with law, as may be prescribed hereafter. Such
compensation and allowances and any other expenses
arising in connection with the work of the Board shall be
paid from the appropriation appearing under the heading
"Special Projects" in title I of the General Government
Matters Appropriation Act, 1961, 74 Stat. 473, and, to the
extent permitted by law, from any corresponding appro-
priation which may be made for subsequent years.
Such payments shall be made without regard to the pro-
visions of section 3681 of the Revised Statutes and
section 9 of the act of March 4, 1909, 35 Stat. 1027 (31
U.S.C. 672 and 673).

Sec. 4. Executive Order No. 10656 of February 6, 1956,
is hereby revoked.

'26 Fed. Reg. 3951.
774

The White House,
May 4, 1961.

PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO BOARD MEMBERS

Dear : I am delighted that you have

consented to serve as a member of the President's Foreign
Intelligence Advisory Board which is being reactivated
pursuant to an Executive Order issued earlier today.

I am establishing this Board for the purpose of pro-
viding me periodically with independent evaluations of
the objectives and conduct of U.S. foreign intelligence ac-
tivities and of the performance of the several agencies
engaged in foreign intelligence and related efforts.

It is my desire that the Board should meet periodically
to analyze objectively the work of the Government's for-
eign intelligence agencies. While the review by the Board
will be concerned with all U.S. foreign intelligence activi-
ties, I would expect particular attention to be devoted to
the performance of those civilian and military intelligence
elements of key importance to the Government in the
fields of national security and foreign relations. I am es-
pecially anxious to obtain the Board's views as to the
over-all conduct and progress of the foreign intelligence

Department of Stale Bulletin

effort as well as its advice as to any modifications therein
which would enhance the acquisition of intelligence es-
sential to the policy making branches of the Government
in the areas of national security and foreign relations.

It is my hope that you and the others whom I have
invited to serve on the Board will be able to meet with me
in the near future to discuss in detail the scope of the
work which you have so generously agreed to undertake.

I know that you and your fellow Board members can
make a real contribution to the national interest by your
service with this body.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

THE CONGRESS

Department Supports Legislation
To Amend Battie Act

Statement hy Under Secretary Ball ^

I am pleased to appear before you this morn-
ing in support of S. 1215, which is a bill to amend
the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of
1951. This is the so-called Battle Act, which is
a basic part of our security trade control pro-
gram. I have the responsibility for administer-
ing this law.

In his state of the Union address ^ the President
asked the Congress for increased discretion to
use economic tools as an aid in reestablishing our
historic ties of friendship with the peoples of
Eastern Europe. On February 21 in his com-
munication to the Vice President and the
Speaker ^ he urged the Congress to take early
action on legislation to accomplish this purpose.
He specifically mentioned this legislation which,
in identical form, he had proposed as a Member
of the Senate and wliich the Senate passed on
September 12, 1959. The House did not act upon
the legislation during that session of the Congress.

The principal change proposed by the bill
would be to permit the President, when he con-
siders it important to the security of the United
States, to extend economic or financial assistance

^ Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on Apr. 25 (press release 255).
' BuixETiN of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 207.
' Ihid., Mar. 27, 1961, p. 444.

to any nation or area except the U.S.S.R., Com-
munist China, north Korea, and north Viet-Nam,
regardless of other provisions of the Battle Act.

Please note that this does not include military
assistance and that this discretion would not be
authorized to apply to a nation whose assistance
had been terminated as provided in title I or
title II of the act. The proviso in the new bill
stipulates that assistance to such nations may be
resumed only in accordance with section 104 of
the act. That section requires that assistance
which has been terminated under the act can
be resumed only when the President has deter-
mined that the nation is in full compliance with
the provisions of the act.

The bill requires the President immediately to
report any determination made under the new
discretion to this committee and to the Commit-
tees on Appropriations and Armed Services, as
well as to the Speaker of the House of Eepre-
sentatives.

Currently the President is authorized in section
103(b) of the act to direct the continuance of as-
sistance to a country which knowingly permits
shipments of certain strategic goods to the Sino-
Soviet bloc, when termination of aid would be
detrimental to our security. This bill would au-
thorize the administrator of the act instead of the
President to make such determinations if a stra-
tegic shipment to a country receiving assistance
under this newly authorized discretion of the
President is involved. In other words, if the
President decides that it is important to the secu-
rity of the United States to provide some economic
or financial assistance to country X, then in keep-
ing with my responsibility for administering the
law, I would be authorized to consider and, where
appropriate, to direct the continuation of as-
sistance to any country which has made shipments
of strategic goods to country X, so long as those
shipments do not include arms, ammunition, im-
plements of war, or atomic energy materials.

There is one other change in the act which is
proposed by this bill. It is considered to be a
housekeeping matter. It provides new language
for section 102 of the act in order to delete the
obsolete reference to the Mutual Defense As-
sistance Act of 1949 and to provide that the ad-
ministrator of this act shall be either the Secretary
of State, as is presently the case, or such other
officer as the President may designate.

May 22, 1967

775

The new authority sought in this bill would
promote the interests of the United States since it
would provide the President with essential flexi-
bility to enable him to deal rapidly with develop-
ing situations which aflord us opportunities to
advance objectives of our foreign policy. It is
not possible for us now to anticipate and to spell
out all of the possible uses to which this author-
ity might be put. In retrospect we can see that
this flexible authority would have enabled the
United States to have dealt more promptly, and
thus perhaps more effectively, with the situation
which developed in Eastern Europe in the fall of
1956.

As of this moment I can cite as a possible use of
the authority requested in this bill the disposition
of the accmnulated balances of Polish currency
acquired by the United States as a result of sur-
plus agricultural sales. "With the exception of
limited uses of these funds for certain United
States expenses in Poland, the funds are immobi-
lized and idle because of existing provisions of the
Battle Act which restrict their use for projects in
Poland. The change proposed by this bill would
enable us to use these funds on what the President
referred to in his state of the Union address as
projects of peace which will demonstrate our abid-
ing friendsliip and interest in the people of
Poland.

The authority would also be useful in our ef-
forts to provide appropriate aid to certain of the
newly independent countries. Some of these
countries have not yet developed the requisite ad-
ministrative apparatus to maintain adequate or
effective control over exports. Others are very
jealous of their newly acquired independence and
might feel that entering into an agreement with
us to set up trade controls, as a condition of our
assistance, would be an infringement of their
sovereignty.

Under the terms of this bill the authority can
be used only after a finding by the President that
the assistance under consideration is important to
the security of the United States. It is anticipated
that this authority would not need to be used fre-
quently, but the degree of discretion provided by
the amendment would enable us to act promptly to
assure more effective action in the type of situa-
tions described.

I hope the committee will again act favorably
on the legislation-

Approval Sought for U.S. Acceptance
of 1954 Oil Pollution Convention

Statement hy Abram Chayes
Legal Adviser '

I welcome the opportunity to appear before the
Committee on Foreign Relations to support
United States acceptance of the International
Convention for the Prevention of Pollution of the
Sea by Oil.^

This committee reported favorably on the con-
vention on June 2, 1960,^ but the Senate did not
take final action with respect to it prior to ad-
journment of the 86th Congress. With the con-
vention again before the committee for considera-
tion, the Department of State wishes to affirm its
support of the convention and to urge that the
committee renew its recommendation that the
Senate advise and consent to acceptance of the
convention subject to the understanding and reser-
vations and with the recommendation set forth
in the committee's report of June 2.*

The purpose of the convention is to prevent the
pollution of the seas by oil and oily wastes by
regulating the discharge thereof by tankers and
other ships. The regulations imposed by the con-
vention are directed solely at seagoing ships regis-
tered m the territory of a contracting party which
are over 500 tons gross tonnage and are not being
used as naval auxiliaries, in whaling, or in navi-
gating the Great Lakes and certain tributaries.

The United States, like many other govern-
ments, has laws prohibiting the discharge of oil
and oily wastes within territorial waters. The
convention would not change our present law with
respect to territorial waters ; the Oil Pollution Act
of 1924 will continue to apply. It will require im-
plementing legislation to prohibit discharge by
ships of American registry of oil or oily wastes
in the prohibited zones beyond our territorial
waters, to provide for the maintenance and exami-
nation of oil record books, and to prescribe penal-
ties. Draft legislation for this purpose has been

' Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on Apr. 25 (press release 257).

' S. Ex. O, 86th Cong., 2d sess.

' For a statement by Thomas C. Mann before the com-
mittee on May 17, 1960, see Bulletin of June 13, 1960,
p. 976.

' S. Ex. Kept. 6, 86th Cong., 2d sess.

776

Department of State Bulletin

prepared and is ready for submission to Congress
as soon as Senate advice and consent is given.
The United States instrument of acceptance of
the convention will not be deposited until the
necessary legislation is passed.

The convention contains a settlement-of-dis-
putes provision of the type which in recent decades
has been included in a considerable number of
bilateral and multilateral instruments to which the
United States has become a pai-ty. Article XIII
provides that any dispute between the contractmg
parties as to the interpretation or application of
the convention may be referred to the Interna-
tional Court of Justice. I should like to affirm
that a specific provision of this type in a treaty is
not subject to the self-judging domestic- jurisdic-
tion reservation (the so-called Connally Amend-
ment) to the general acceptance by the United
States of the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court.
I agree wholeheartedly with the statement of the
former Legal Adviser of the Department and the
analysis of this committee as set forth on pages
8 and 9 of the committee report on the oil pollu-
tion convention.

At the same time it may be emphasized that the
question of whether the Connally Amendment
would be operative is not a matter of any real
pertinence in this case. The oil pollution con-
vention is a traditional-type maritime treaty deal-
ing with matters of legitimate international con-
cern. It regulates the discharge of oil and oily
wastes by seagoing ships, setting up prohibited
zones for such discharge, and dealing with dis-
charge facilities, oil record books on board ship,
and enforcement measures. It is difficult to con-
ceive that any matter of dispute arising under the
convention could be construed as being within
the exclusive domestic jurisdiction of this country.
Matters that might arise under this convention
would be matters which this Government would
normally want to have submitted to the Court.
It would be in the public interest to be able to
submit them to the Court without the restriction
imposed by reciprocal operation of a self-judging
reservation.

The Department of State continues to recom-
mend that United States acceptance of the conven-
tion be accompanied by an understanding con-

cerning the supremacy of United States law
within United States territorial waters, a reserva-
tion that the United States shall not be obliged to
construct, operate, or maintain shore facilities for
disposing of oily wastes, a reservation that amend-
ments to the convention shall not be binding on
the United States until accepted by it, and cer-
tain recommendations for future amendment.
These are discussed and approved in the commit-
tee's report of last session (Executive Report No.
6, pages 5-8).

The committee was informed by a letter of
April 20, 1961,° from Assistant Secretary Brooks
Hays that two developments have occurred with
respect to the convention since it was considered
here last year. Poland has deposited its instru-
ment of acceptance, bringing to 13 the number of
countries which are parties, and a conference has
been scheduled by the Intergovernmental Mari-
time Consultative Organization to be held from
March 28 to April 12, 1962. The purpose of the
conference would be to review the situation in
regard to oil pollution of the sea and the working
of the 1954 convention and to consider any amend-
ments proposed by governments and the practi-
cability of securing complete avoidance of dis-
charge of persistent oils into the sea.

As long as the United States remains outside
tlie convention it has little or no opportunity to
improve the convention by amendments. The
forthcoming conference will offer the only oppor-
tunity for some years to make the changes de-
sired. By completing the ratification process the
United States would be in a better position to
obtain acceptance of its recommended changes at
the conference.

The convention continues to have the support
of the interagency National Committee for Pre-
vention of Pollution of the Seas by Oil and of
groups interested in the conservation of birds and
other wildlife. It is, of course, of direct benefit
to coastal areas and resorts adversely affected by
oil pollution of the seas. The Department of
State recommends that the Senate approve early
acceptance of the convention in accordance with
the committee's recommendation of last year.

' Not printed.

May 22, 1967

777

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Central Treaty Organization Holds Ninth Ministerial Meeting

The ninth session of the Ministerial Council of
the Central Treaty Organization was held at An-
kara April 27-28. Folloiving are texts of a state-
ment made hy Secretary Rusk at the opening
session on April 27 and the final comnvimique,
together with statements made hy Secretary Rusk
on April 25 upon his departure from Washington
and on April 26 upon his arrival at Ankara and a
list of the U.S. observer delegation.

OPENING STATEMENT BY SECRETARY RUSK

I have been greatly honored and encouraged by
the message delivered here today on behalf of His
Excellency the Head of State and Government of
Turkey.

It has been particularly interesting for me, as
one of the new participants in these meetings, in-
deed the newest boy of all here, to hear the views
of the distinguished representatives of the mem-
ber nations of the Central Treaty Organization.

I think it is a measure of the continuing vigor
of CENTO that my colleagues, statesmen who
carry heavy burdens on behalf of their govern-
ments and peoples, have gathered in this historic
city to reaffirm their common purpose and deter-
mination. I am especially happy to be here with
them at this time.

It is a pleasure to have this opportunity to see
and confer with my old friend, Foreign Minister
Selim Sarper of Turkey. He served his country
in the United Nations with greatest distinction for
a number of years. We are grateful for the warm
hospitality shown by our host, the Government of
Turkey, and for the fine arrangements which it,
along with the loyal and efficient CENTO Secre-
tariat, have made on our behalf. I am enjoying

the chance to visit along with other Turkish
leaders during these days.

I am pleased to have the honor of becoming per-
sonally acquainted with Foreign Minister
[Hosein] Qods-Nakhai of Iran and to meet again
with Foreign Minister [Manzur] Qadir of Paki-
stan and the British Foreign Secretary, Lord
Home, both of whom I have had recent occasion
to see in distant places.

Anyone who surveys the present world scene
must conclude that there are certain points of real
danger, but it would be blind or foolish for us not
to see also the great promise of the future, the
promise mentioned by the Foreign Minister of
Pakistan. The problem of our times is to meet,
to deal with, and to remove the points of danger,
but even more vigorously to build on the promise.

The free world is growing steadily in vitality
and in the development of its potentials to im-
prove the economic and social standards of its
people. There is abroad in the world a new vigor
and liveliness in the hopes of free men and in the
measures being undertaken to bring about their
realization. It is all the more remarkable that
such gains are being made at a time when free
nations must devote a considerable portion of their
resources to defense purposes to provide for the
common defense while promoting the general
welfare.

Self-defense is a prime responsibility of all
nations. If it is to be effective and adequate,
cooperation is essential. This is the underlying
truth of CENTO. The zeal and dedication which
CENTO members have shown in their efforts to
find solutions to common problems is most im-
pressive. I also find impressive what has been
accomplished by the Organization through its

778

Department of State Bulletin

several committees. The going has not always
been easy, but hurdles are to be surmounted, not
accepted. Though still young in years, CENTO
has weathered its early trials; it has remained
undeterred by verbal attack, it has shown dedica-
tion to tasks at hand, and it has achieved results
in a number of fields of endeavor which inspire
respect for its past and confidence in its future.

These efforts have never been, as one of my
colleagues has pointed out, nor will be, aggressive,
for CENTO challenges no one. It directs its
efforts toward a common defense against those
who might seek to challenge its partners.

But CENTO'S energies are wisely not limited
to military defense alone. Its members have
understood the need to direct their individual and
collective efforts to protecting the institutions of a
free society and obtaining freedom from want and
fear. They are knitting the bonds of friendship
and respect and also the bonds of common aspira-
tions as they work together to deal effectively with
the economic and social problems that beset their
citizens, as do men everywhere.

In these high tasks of defense and development
the United States is glad to associate itself with
the members of CENTO. The United States has
sought in the past to play a helpful part in sup-
porting the member states' cooperative defense
efforts and remains today as convinced as ever
that collaboration continues to be the surest means
for achieving this objective. We pledge our con-
tinued cooperation for our mutual security in the
knowledge that security for all means security for
each.

As President Kennedy recently stated,^ we live
at a very special moment in history, when many
parts of the world, including the area in which
the CENTO regional members are situated, are
determined to maintain their independence and to
modernize their ways of life. Tlie needs are
enormous, not merely to resist the pressures of
those who would extend their influence through
direct and subversive means but even more impor-
tantly to enable economic growth and political
democracy to develop hand in hand. It is our
continued purpose, together with others who have
also been heavily blessed with the bounties of an
industrial age, to work with those not yet so well

' For President Kennedy's message to Congress on for-
eign aid, see Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

favored who seek through mobilization of their
own energies, resources, and plans to meet the
requirements of today and the needs of tomorrow.
We of the United States observer delegation
are pleased to be here with our friends. I bring
to you the greetings of the President of the United
States, and we look forward to constructive
deliberations.

FINAL COMMUNIQUE

The Ninth Session of the Ministerial Council of the
Central Treaty Organization was held in Ankara on April
27 and 28, 1961. The delegations from countries par-
ticipating in this meeting were led by : —

(1) H.B. Mr. HosseinGhods Foreign Minister of Iran

Nakhai
(ii) H.E. Mr. Manzur Qadir Minister for External Af-
fairs, Pakistan
(iii) H.B. Mr. Selim Sarper Foreign Minister of Turkey
(iv) The Right Honourable Secretary of State for

The Earl of Home Foreign Affairs, United

Kingdom
(v) The Honourable Dean Secretary of State, United

Rusk States of America

The Foreign Minister of Turkey, as host, was in the
chair.

The Session was inaugurated by a message of welcome
from the Turkish Head of State and Government, General
Giirsel, which was read by General Fahri Ozdilek, the
Deputy Prime Minister.

The Council noted that the year Intervening since its
last meeting in April, 1960, had been marked by close
cooperation and unity of basic objectives among the
CENTO partners.

The Council considered the international situation and
the increase of tension in many areas of the world. They
observed with satisfaction, however, that apart from the
continuation of hostile propaganda, there had been no
encroachment on the integrity and independence of the
CENTO region.

The Council were informed of the efforts being made to
achieve political solutions of the many difficult issues
facing the nations of the world. They recognised that
there are many problems In which there is an urgent need
for a demonstration by the Sino-Soviet Bloc of a readi-
ness to respect the independence and sovereignty of na-
tions and to use the international machinery which is
available for arriving at settlements through negotiation.
In particular they regard an early agreement on the cessa-
tion of nuclear tests as an essential first step on the road
to disarmament.

The Council reviewed the economic work of the Or-
ganization and recognised the good results achieved in
technical assistance and mutual cooperation in communi-
cations, agriculture, science and technical education,
health and trade. The Council reaffirmed keen interest
in steady progress towards the early completion of ade-

Alay 22, J 961

779

quate roads, railways, ports and telecommunications be-
tween the regional countries of CENTO.

The Council tools note of the report made by the Mili-
tary Committee, and agreed to appoint a Commander —
CENTO Military Staff, to improve the co-ordination of
defence planning among the participating states.

In approving the Report of the Secretary General, the
Council expressed their gratitude to Mr. M. O. A. Baig
for the distinguished services which he has rendered.
The Council warmly thanlied the Government of Turlfey
for its generous hospitality in putting at CENTO'S dis-
posal the historic Grand National Assembly building as a
temporary headquarters for the International Secretariat
and the Combined Military Planning Staff pending con-
sideration of a permanent site.

The Council decided that the next meeting will be held
in London in April, 1962.

MR. RUSK'S DEPARTURE STATEMENT

Press release 260 dated April 25

I am looking forward to representing the
United States as its observer at the ninth Min-
isterial Council meeting of the Central Treaty
Organization, to be held in Ankara, April 27-29.
As in the past troubled years, CENTO continues
to play a vital role in the collective security of its
member states and toward advancing the welfare
of their peoples. We here in the United States
recognize the importance of these efforts and will
continue to give them our support.

I further welcome this conference because it pro-
vides occasion to visit Turkey, a nation to which
we in the United States feel bound by ties of
friendship, common interest, and alliance. The
conference will also afford opportunities to con-
fer with the foreign ministers of other countries
which we similarly esteem as close friends.

MR. RUSK'S ARRIVAL STATEMENT

Press release 265 dated April 27

I am happy to come to Ankara to represent the
United States at the ninth session of the Min-
isterial Council of the Central Treaty Organiza-
tion and look forward to becoming personally
acquainted with the officials of the CENTO gov-
ernments who will be participating in the con-
ference.

I also welcome this first opportunity as Secre-
tary of State to visit our stanch friend and ally,
the Republic of Turkey, and to meet its leading

officials. As the destinies of our two nations have
grown more closely linked in past years, the re-
spect of the people of the United States for the
people of Turkey and our interest in the welfare
of the Turkish nation have become ever stronger
and deeper.

The CENTO meeting will be the first such gath-
ering in 12 months and should provide an oppor-
tunity for a useful exchange of views. The
United States has seen with gratification how the
member governments of CENTO have continued
to seek joint approaches to common problems in
the political, economic, and military fields, steadily
building up a community of interest which car-
ries promise for the future.

CENTO is a purely defensive alliance, dedicated
to the preservation of the freedom of its members
and to the cause of world peace. The significance
of such an association was highlighted by Sec-
retary General [M. O. A.] Baig when he pointed
out that no member of the major free-world re-
gional defense alliances has been the object of
Communist-bloc territorial aggression. Recent
events in other parts of the world have demon-
strated the urgent need for maintaining our de-
fenses. At the same time we hope that the future
course of events may permit us to turn our atten-
tion increasingly toward activities promoting the
development of the region and the well-being of
its peoples. The United States is i^roud to be as-
sociated with the member countries of CENTO in
these endeavors.

On behalf of my Government, I should like also
to express our appreciation to the Government of
Turkey for acting as our host on this occasion and
for all of the support and assistance given by
Turkey as host to the CENTO organization since
1958.

U.S. OBSERVER DELEGATION

The Department of State announced on April
21 (press release 243) that Secretary Rusk would
head the U.S. observer delegation to the ninth
Ministerial Council session of the Central Treaty
Organization (CENTO), held at Ankara April
27-29.

Raymond A. Hare, U.S. Ambassador to Turkey
and U.S. Observer in the Council Deputies, served
as alternate U.S. observer.

780

Department of Stale Bulletin

The senior advisers of the delegation included :

William P. Bundy, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense

for International Security Affairs
Gen. Lyman L. Lemnitzer, USA, Chairman, Joint Chiefs

of Staff, Department of Defense
George McGhee, Counselor of the Department of State
Lt. Gen. Elmer J. Rogers, USAF, U.S. Representative,

Permanent Military Deputies Group, Ankara
William M. Rountree, U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan
Phillips Talbot, Assistant Secretary of State for Near

Eastern and South Asian Affairs
Roger W. Tubby, Assistant Secretary of State for Public

Affairs
Edward T. Wailes, U.S. Ambassador to Iran

The members of CENTO are Turkey, Pakistan,
Iran, and the United Kingdom. The United
States, while not a full member, supports the Or-
ganization and is associated with most of its ac-
tivities. CENTO headquarters are at Ankara.
The previous session was held at Tehran in April
1960.

General Assembly Adopts New
Resolutions on the Congo

Following is a statement hy Ambassador Adlai
E. Stevenson^ U.S. Representative in the General
Assembly., made in plenary session on April H,
together with texts of two resolutions adopted on
April 15.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON

U.S. delegation press release 3695

As the Assembly comes to the conclusion of its
consideration of the Congo, it would be well, I
think, if we reviewed again what we are trying
to do.

The United Nations is concerned, as we see it,
with only one thing — how to help the leaders of
the Congo create a peaceful, a viable, and ulti-
mately prosperous home for all of their peoples.
This task is difficult enough, for the fact is that
the leaders of the Congo — in Leopoldville, in
Elisabethville, in Stanleyville — have not yet
achieved agreement. The danger of war still
threatens this unhappy country.

Owing, liowever, to the calamitous events of
the last 9 months in the Congo, we cannot divorce
tlie Congo issue from its broad international set-

ting— a setting unhappily marked by divisions
similar to those which bedevil the Congo's own
internal efforts at pacification. We cannot be sure
that the Congo's problems can be kept confined
to the Congo. We cannot be sure that violent
crisis there — or even chronic disagreement — will
not be projected into the wider arena of the
world. And we know from history what such
broadening spirals of hostility can do to us all.

What can we do ? In one sense our task is not
too difficult to define. It is to promote policies
aimed at sensible, realizable compromise policies
which supply steady pressure toward reconcilia-
tion and agreement. No one man, group, or in-
terest in this conflict can expect to achieve every
objective. Each must yield something, or there
will be no agreement.

If the more extreme groups in Elisabethville
and Stanleyville would move back toward the
center, it might encourage President Kasavubu,
who is recognized by all Congo factions as the
Chief of State, not to participate in the liquida-
tion of the Congo but to offer himself as a center
for reconciliation and negotiation aimed at achiev-
ing a federal solution.

It should encourage the leaders of the Congo,
too, to understand the role of the United Nations
not as an external coercive force but as the only
instrument available to control the warring fac-
tions while time is gained for mediation and agree-
ment. Attacks upon the policies, upon the
purposes and the personalities of the United
Nations are not worthy of responsible African
statesmen and impair the world's respect for
them. And if the United Nations were now re-
moved, civil war might wipe out the last hopes
of reconciliation.

Likewise, whatever temporary advantage Bel-
gium may expect to gain from the continuance of
direct influence in Katanga or in Leopoldville will
be more than canceled by the disastrous conse-
quences of long disorder. The sooner the with-
drawal of all extraneous and unnecessary Belgian
personnel can be completed, the sooner the task of
conciliation can go ahead.

Nineteen-Power Resolution

With these thoughts in mind, I turn to the reso-
lution tabled by 19 members, Dociunent A/L.339
[and Add. 1-5], which focuses attention on "the

May 22, J96J

781

continued presence of Belgian and other foreign
military and para-military persoimel and political
advisers and mercenaries" in the Congo. In its
resolution of February 21 the Security Council
urged "that measures be taken for the immediate
withdrawal and evacuation from the Congo of all
Belgian and other foreign military . . . person-
nel and political advisers not under the United Na-
tions Command. . . ." ^ In our view this reso-
lution, among other things, gave the Secretary-
General the necessary mandate he had so long
needed to work more actively toward a solution of
that problem. One result of this new mandate was
the opening of negotiations between a representa-
tive of the Secretary-General and the Belgian
Government.

The General Assembly has been informed of
these negotiations in Binissels, and we remain
hopefully confident that as a result of these nego-
tiations, as well as negotiations with the Congolese
authorities, rapid progress will be made on the
withdrawal from the Congo of all foreign mili-
tary personnel and mercenaries. In a document ^
circulated by the i*epresentative of Belgium the
General Assembly was informed that his Govern-
ment has confirmed its acceptance of the Security
Council resolution of February 21 and has decided
to withdraw, insofar as Belgium is concerned, the
personnel referred to and to assist the United
Nations in urging Congolese authorities to accept
the viewpoint of the United Nations on this
question.

As we examined the resolution in Document
A/L.339, we noted that on a number of critical
points the language was inconsistent with the facts.
The second and third preambular paragraphs have
it that the central factor in the present grave situa-
tion in the Congo is the continued presence of for-
eign nationals in the Congo and that the Govern-
ment of Belgium has refused to comply with the
most recent Security Council resolution. We
agree that the continued presence of foreign na-
tionals is one of the central factors, but we do not
agree that their presence is the central factor. I
will presently touch on other aspects which, in our
view, are no less important. But from what I
have said on the question of Belgian compliance
with the Security Council resolution, it should be

* For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 368.
' U.N. doc. S/4782.

782

clear why my delegation cannot support the lan-
guage contained in the second paragraph nor in
the first operative paragraph of this resolution.

Coming to the second operative paragraph, we
feel that the imposition of a 21-day deadline with
a strong hint of sanctions to follow in case of
failure would only make any solution of the Congo
problem more difficult.

Having these views and because of our active
collaboration with the sponsors of the Security
Council resolution of February 21, we therefore
approached the sponsors of this resolution with
suggested amendments which we felt would
strengthen their resolution by bringing it up to
date, by encouraging a broadening of negotiations,
and by providing a resolution which all members
could support and which would enable this Gen-
eral Assembly to bring the force of its moral pres-
sure to bear unanimously and more effectively.

But the cosponsors of this draft resolution re-
jected these suggestions, I am sorry to say. Ac-
cordingly, the United States will have to vote
against the draft resolution contained in Docu-
ment A/L.339.

As far as the United Nations efforts in the Con-
go are concerned, one of the most significant con-
tributions to reason was the issuance of the report '
of the Conciliation Commission, in our opinion.

Africa, a great new continent coming to free-
dom, will seek in every direction for new policies,
for new directions, and certainly we in America
would wish to put no limits on the Africans' free
search. It is their policy, it is their continent.
They must decide what forms and structures best
fit the emerging "African personality." But we
do not believe that the search can be fruitfully
made against a background of anarchy.

The restoration of stability is a precondition of
all else, and what we seek in this fateful debate is
to bring the nations back to the state of mind in
which conciliation and compromise are seen to be
the only safe avenues to the future.

Wliat is at stake is not our rivalries and our
voting blocs. It is not the afflictions of the cold
war. It is not ideological victories or nationalist
trials of strength. It is quite simply to attempt
to bring peace back to this country. This can
only be by way of compromise, and I believe a

' U.N. doc. A/4711 and Corr. 1 and Add. 1 and 2.

Department of State Bulletin

working compromise exists in the proposals of
the Conciliation Commission.

Conclusions of Conciliation Commission Report

The United States fully endorses its major con-
clusions. In particular, we note that the Com-
mission f oimd :

First, a sincere desire to reach agreement with
their opponents and achieve a peaceful solution
to the crisis on the part of many of the Congolese
leaders.

Second, that many of the criticisms of the loi
fondmnentale are well founded. It is convinced
that this law is incomplete and ill-adapted to the
needs of the Congo. Consequently, the Commis-
sion found that its amendment or replacement by
a new constitution as soon as possible would con-
tribute greatly to a solution of the crisis.

We believe the United Nations ought to en-
courage the Congolese to continue their efforts to
reach agreement among themselves on a new con-
stitution, bearing in mind that until such agree-
ment is reached and receives popular endorse-
ment it remains desirable that all concerned up-
hold the fundamental law as the basic law of the
republic.

Tliird, the Commission considers it essential
that the Congolese army and other armed groups
now operating in the territory should be insulated
from politics and reorganized. It suggests this
reorganization be carried out with the assistance
of the United Nations through a comprehensive
scheme under a national defense council to be set
up by the central government. During the period
when the armed forces are being reorganized, the
United Nations Forces in the Congo should assist
the authorities in the maintenance of law and
order throughout the entire territory in coopera-
tion with the local authorities, and also to help
protect the territorial integrity of the state.

The concept of reorganization of these forces
has already been accepted by the Security Council.
There can certainly be no quarrel with this recom-
mendation.

Fourth, the Conciliation Commission came to
the conclusion that under present conditions a
federal form of government can alone preserve
the country's unity and integrity. It believed
that it would not be impossible for the Congolese
leaders to reach an agreement on such a constitu-
tion. However, the Commission believed that this

was a matter upon which only the Congolese peo-
ple and Parliament can finally pronounce.

The United States endorses this conclusion as
formulated by the Conciliation Commission, it
being understood that this is a problem for the
Congolese alone to decide.

Fifth, the Commission condemned "the inhu-
mane practice of resorting to executions to elimi-
nate political opponents or in reprisals." It called
for the immediate release of all political prisoners
and the cessation of "arbitrary arrests and execu-
tions of political leaders."

The United States supports this suggestion
utterly.

Sixth, the Commission also found that the re-
convening of Parliament is essential to reach any
solution to the political crisis and urged that ade-
quate measures should be taken by the United
Nations Force to give protection to such members
of Parliament as might desire it.

We concur fully with that, too.

As the Conciliation Commission pointed out,
there have been a number of significant events in
the Congo since its work was completed. One of
these is the Tananarive conference. We wish to
make it clear that the United States does not re-
gard the conference as having taken decisions.
We regard it as a first and indispensable step in
the process of consultation among the Congolese
leaders.

But the work of the consultation is far from
complete, and we do not believe that either cyni-
cism or despair about the progress of reconcilia-
tion is justified. That conference was merely the
beginning of the search for new political institu-
tions to replace those established at the outset, not
a year ago. We assume that after a series of
meetings take place among all of the leaders, new
institutions and arrangements will be submitted
for popular approval, either by direct consulta-
tion of all the people or by Parliament acting as
a constituent assembly. The method is up to the
Congolese themselves, but we believe it is safe to
say that international acceptance can come only
after indication that the people of the Congo have
somehow indicated their approval of the new
arrangements.

For the present, and while conciliation efforts
continue, it is the view of the United States Gov-
ernment that there has been no change in the
Congo's international position. We recognize the

May 22, I9dl

783

Congo as a single, unified state, governed under
the provisions of the fundamental law bequeathed
to it by Belgium, with President Kasavubu as its
only legally appointed head.

Witli these views in mind, it should be clear why
the United States warmly supports the resolution
contained in Document A/L.340. We believe this
resolution embodies the principal findings of the
Conciliation Commission, whose studies I am sure
will be foimd most important in the historic per-
spective of the solution of this grave problem.

Let me make it quite clear that neither the
United States nor any other nation has the riglit
to dictate precisely how the Congo should resolve
its political structure. That, of course, is the pre-
rogative of the Congolese. But the United States,
because of its own history, has a deep sympathy
for the problems of organizing a young country
along democratic lines. We had to find a way of
uniting 13 disparate states in this continent of
ours. The Congo has had to find a way of uniting
several provinces. Our own experience with both
federation and with confederation naturally
makes us partial to federation. We had to learn
the hard way that only true federation could do
the job, and we think the Congolese will also soon
discover this.

I need not spell out the shape of such a solution.
It is for the Congolese to devise it themselves.
But we should spell out the consequences of the
alternatives.

Amendments Submitted by Seven African States

I turn to the amendments submitted by seven
African states in Document A/L.342.

The United States supported wholeheartedly
the resolution adopted by the Security Council on
February 21. We believe that resolution is as
valid today as it was then, and we believe that
resolution has a particular importance because it
gave the Secretary-General for the first time a
sufficient mandate. For this reason we will not
be able to support the proposed deletion in tlie
first operative paragraph of Resolution 340 of the
words "more particularly the Security Council
resolution of 21 February 1961."

The second proposed amendment puts forward
new language for operative paragraph 5 with
•which we do not disagree. Having in mind, how-
ever, the report of the Conciliation Commission
and its conclusions, concerning the need for a

meeting of the Parliament under conditions of
safety for all in order that the constitutional
structure might be considered and, if necessary,
altered in accordance with the fundamental law,
it is natural that we should support the original
language of operative paragraph 5 of the reso-
lution. There is also a question in our mind of
the propriety of the General Assembly's calling
upon the Chief of State along the lines in the pro-
posed amendment. We do not question the au-
thority of the Chief of State, President Kasavubu,
to convene the Parliament. In fact, he clearly
has that authority under the fundamental law.
For these reasons the United States delegation
will abstain on this portion of the amendment.

The third portion of the amendment would af-
fect the title of the seven-member commission to
be designated by the President of the General As-
sembly to assist the Congolese leaders to achieve
reconciliation and end the political crisis. We
agree with the sponsors that a commission of as-
sistance is a more responsive name, and for this
reason we will vote in favor of this portion of the
amendments contained in A/L.342.

The remaining draft resolution is that sub-
mitted by the Soviet Union in Document A/L.341.
If the General Assembly passes Resolution 340 the j
Soviet draft resolution would seem superfluous, |
since with one exception the Soviet draft contains
nothing which will not have been approved in the
other. The exception is, of course, the 21-day
deadline for the convening of Parliament of the
Republic of the Congo. This insertion we believe
is unwarranted and manifest interference in the
domestic affairs of a member state. If, therefore,
this resolution comes to the vote, the United States
will be obliged to vote against it.

TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS

Resolution 1600'

The General Asscmhhj,

Having considered the situation in the Republic of the
Congo,

Gravely concerned at the danger of civil war and foreign
Intervention and at the threat to international peace and
security.

Taking note of the report of the Conciliation Commis-

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1600 (XV) (A/L.340 and Add. l-A
and Add. 3/Corr. 1) : adopted in plenary on Apr. 15 by a
vote of CO (including U.S.) to 16, with 23 abstentions.

784

Department of State Bulletin

slon appointed in pursuance of paragraph 3 of its resolu-
tion 147-1 (ES-IV) of 20 September 1960,

Mindful of the desire of the Congolese people for a solu-
tion of the crisis in the Congo through national reconcilia-
tion and return to constitutionality without delay,

Noting with concern the many diflBculties that have
arisen in the way of effective functioning of the United
Nations operation in the Congo,

1. Reaffirms its resolution 1474 (ES-IV) and the Se-
curity Council resolutions on the situation in the Congo,
more particularly the Council resolution of 21 February
1961;

2. Calls upon the Congolese authorities concerned to
desist from attempting a military solution to their prob-
lems and to resolve them by peaceful means ;

3. Considers it essential that necessary and effective
measures be taken by the Secretary-General immediately
to prevent the introduction of arms, military equipment
and supplies into the Congo, except in conformity with
the resolutions of the United Nations ;

4. Urges the immediate release of all members of Parlia-
ment and members of provincial assemblies and all other
political leaders now under detention ;

5. Urges the convening of Parliament without delay,
with safe conduct and security extended to the members
of Parliament by the United Nations, so that Parliament
may take the necessary decisions concerning the forma-
tion of a national government and on the future consti-
tutional structure of the Republic of the Congo in ac-
cordance with the constitutional processes laid down in
the Loi fondamentale ;

6. Decides to appoint a Commission of Conciliation of
seven members to be designated by the President of the
General Assembly to assist the Congolese leaders to
achieve reconciliation and to end the political crisis ;

7. Urges the Congolese authorities to co-operate fully
in the implementation of the resolutions of the Security
Council and of the General Assembly and to accord all
facilities essential to the performance by the United Na-
tions of functions envisaged in those resolutions.

Resolution 1599 <■

The General Assembly,

Recalling its resolution 1474 (ES-IV) of 20 September
1960 and the resolutions of the Security Council of 14
July, 22 July and 9 August 1960 and, more particularly,
that of 21 February 1961, urging the immediate with-
drawal and evacuation of all Belgian and other foreign
military and paramilitary personnel and political advisers
not under the United Nations Command, and mercenaries.

Deploring that despite all these requests the Govern-
ment of Belgium has not yet complied with the resolu-
tions and that such non-compliance has mainly contributed
to the further deterioration of the situation in the Congo,

Convinced that the central factor in the present grave
situation in the Congo is the continued presence of Bel-

' U.N. doc. A/RES/1599(XV) (A/L. 339 and Add. 1-5) ;
adopted in plenary on Apr. 15 by a vote of 61 to 5, with
33 abstentions (including U.S.).

gian and other foreign military and paramilitary per-
sonnel and political advisers, and mercenaries, in total
disregard of repeated resolutions of the United Nations,

1. Calls upon the Government of Belgium to accept its
responsibilities as a Member of the United Nations and to
comply fully and promptly with the will of the Security
Council and of the General Assembly ;

2. Decides that all Belgian and other foreign military
and paramilitary personnel and political advisers not
under the United Nations Command, and mercenaries,
shall be completely withdrawn and evacuated;

3. Calls upon all States to exert their influence and
extend their co-operation to effect the implementation of
the present resolution.

Question of the Future
of Ruanda-Urundi

Following is a statement made hy Jonathan B.
Bingham, U.S. Representative to the U.N. General
Assembly, in Committee IV {Trusteeship) on
April 10, together loith the text of a resolution
adopted in plenary session on April 21.

STATEMENT BY MR. BINGHAM

U.S. delegation press release 36S6

The United States is gravely concerned with
the course of developments in the Trust Territory
of Kuanda-Unmdi during the recent past. We
are even more concerned that if these develop-
ments continue — if for example there is no oppor-
tunity given the people of tliis territory to
express their will openly through democratic
processes in the very near future — the same trends
which disturb us so much today may continue
until the point of no return has been reached.
If this should happen, all of us will have been
party to a failure by the United Nations and we
shall not have discharged our duty in accordance
with our stated views as contained in chapter XII
of the charter.

Last fall, when the General Assembly selected
Ambassador [Max H.] Doi-sinville [of Haiti] as
chairman of the Commission on Ruanda-Urundi,
my delegation applauded, confident that no finer
choice could have been made. Here we have a
man of unquestioned integrity and sensitivity, a
man who visited Ruanda-Urundi with the 1957
visiting mission, a man who served for years on
the Trusteeship Council — indeed a distinguished
President of that Council. To serve with him.

May 22, J 967

785

the Assembly, also with great wisdom, selected
two other distinguished and eminently qualified
persons, Mayi Rahnema of Iran and Ernest Gas-
sou of Togo. One would have thought that such
a Commission would surely succeed in its mission,
and yet the truth is that the Conamission did not
succeed. It did not because the illegal coup
d'etat that had taken place before its arrival pre-
sented it with an inflexible political situation and
because it lacked the one essential ingredient with-
out which success was impossible: full coopera-
tion by the representatives of the Administering
Authority in the territory.

From the statement of Ambassador Dorsinville,
and from the documents we have before us, we
can readily, and, I think, logically, conclude that
the Belgian Government has been prepared to
extend the hand of cooperation, whereas the local
administrators in Ruanda-Urundi have been more
inclined to withdraw it. Unfortunately we are
unable to read minds, and we therefore have no
alternative but to reach conclusions based on
actual events. The Government of Belgium can-
not avoid full responsibility for the administra-
tion of the territory, and if it is true that its local
administration is allowed to negate official Bel-
gian policy, then the Belgian Government itself
must bear responsibility and should, in our view,
take immediate steps to insure that its policy is
carried out within this territory until it achieves
independence. We are confident that it can and
will do so.

Ambassador Dorsinville pointed out with con-
siderable eloquence that the United Nations is
today faced with a completely new situation. It
is that situation to which we must now address
ourselves. We cannot change what has happened
in the past, but what we do here can have a vital
effect on the future.

The draft resolution ^ which is now before you
is not in all respects as we would have preferred to
see it. But other cosponsors no doubt feel the
same way for different reasons. In the drafting
of this proposed resolution, there has been a spirit
of mutual accommodation among the cosponsors,
and we believe it represents a reasonable compro-
mise of several points of view.

This draft resolution has but one aim, that by
1962 Ruanda-Urundi should achieve full national

' U.N. doc. A/C.4/L.678.
786

independence in accordance with the freely ex-
pressed will of its people in that territory. We do
not have, nor should others have, any favored
political party within this territory. All parties
must be free to participate in elections without
any pressure or fear obstructing either campaign-
ing or balloting. The election procedures, includ-
ing the method of balloting, must be satisfactory
to the U.N. Commission, reconstituted as a group
of three U.N. Commissioners.

Before these events can take place, however,
there must be a general and complete amnesty of
political prisoners and return of the refugees.
The distinguished representative of Belgium told
us that the refugee problem was in the process of
solution. It is our hope that the efforts of the
Administering Authority in this respect will be
intensified.

And what about the amnesty ? It is clear to all
of us, I am sure, that this above all other problems
is the key to the holding of a fair referendum on
the Mwami and fair legislative elections. In its
Resolution 1679 the General Assembly called for
"a complete and imconditional amnesty." This
recommendation has not been fully carried out, in
part, at least, because of a difference of opinion as
to its meaning. Was it, for example, intended
that the amnesty should be extended to those in
prison for crimes not related to the 1959 troubles
or to other essentially political activities? We
think not. Or was it intended that this amnesty
should be extended to persons who had been con-
victed of actual political killing ? Again, we think
not. It would be hard to argue that political
assassins should be allowed to go scot free.

Building on a suggestion made in the original
statement of the distinguished representative of
Belgium, the present draft resolution sets up a
tripartite committee to review with the Admin-
istering Authority those cases in which the in-
dividuals concerned have been convicted or
charged with serious crimes such as homicide. We
understand that there are only about a dozen of
these cases, of which about half are in prison and
the rest out of the country. The committee is to
consist of one person selected by three disinter-
ested governments to be designated by the General
Assembly.

Except for the small group convicted of, or
charged with, serious crimes, all others whose
misdoings, if any, were connected with political

Department of State Bulletin

activities should be amnestied automatically and
immediately. Once this process has been com-
pleted, the basic hindrance to fair elections will
have been removed. All political parties will then
be able to campaign openly and actively imder
conditions of order and tranquillity. The United
Nations Commissioners would be on the spot to
supervise this j^rocess.

In suggesting the month of August for the
referendum and the elections we have set the
dates as early as we believe is practicable in view
of all that must be done beforehand, including
the return of the refugees, the amnesty for politi-
cal offenders, and the necessary preparations for
the elections themselves.

My delegation believes it to be important that,
in order to avoid confusion in the minds of the
voters, all too many of whom ai'e unfortunately
illiterate, it is important that the referendum on
the Mwami be held separately from the legislative
elections, preferably a week or two later. But we
have been willing to leave this matter ojien, to be
determined on the spot by the Administering
Authority and the U.N. Commissioners.

We realize that there exists today if not ani-
mosity, at least tension, between the members of
the United Nations Commission and the local
administration in the territory. We have no
illusions whatsoever about the difficulty of elim-
inating these tensions, but we also know that the
problem which is Ruanda-Urundi is of over-
riding importance.

In all earnestness we appeal to the Belgian Gov-
ernment and its officials to cooperate without
reservation with the chosen representatives of the
United Nations. One fact must be accepted, and
this is that the United Nations, and by that I
mean almost all of its members, are interested in
a just and lasting solution which can be achieved
only through open and free democratic processes.
We would also appeal to the members of the
United Nations Commission to rise above an
understandable feeling that their task in the
future will be an impossible one. Lesser men
could not do this. We appeal to all to cooperate
in the true meaning of that word.

In conclusion, we appeal to all members of this
committee to base their judgment and their eval-
uation on what is practical and not on what may
be theoretically desirable, on what is fact and not
what we might wish fact to be.

We believe that the draft resolution is, in the
main, constructive and that, if carried out, the
people of Euanda-Urundi will be able, fairly and
freely, to express their views for the future and
will have taken a long step toward their
independence.

TEXT OF RESOLUTION 2

The General Assembly,

Bearing in mind the provisions of the General Assem-
bly's Declaration on the granting of independence to
colonial countries and peoples,'

Recalling its resolutions 1579 (XV) and 1580 (XV)
of 20 December 1960 concerning the future of the Trust
Territory of Ruauda-Uruudi,

Having received, the interim report of the United
Nations Commission for Ruanda-Urundi ' appointed under
resolution 1579 (XV),

Regretting the failure of the Administering Authority
to implement fully and effectively the terms of resolution
1579 (XV), the resistance to such implementation by the
local representatives of the Administering Authority in
Ruanda-Urundi and their failure to co-operate fully and
effectively with the United Nations Commission for
Ruanda-Urundi,

Regretting the de facto recognition by the Administer-
ing Authority of governmental bodies in Ruanda which
were established by irregular and unlawful means and
which cannot be regarded as fully representative of all
segments of the population in the absence of free and
fair elections on the basis of direct universal adult suf-
frage, as envisaged in resolution 1579 (XV),

Regretting also the setting up of governmental bodies
in Urundi on the basis of communal elections, contrary
to the assurances given by the Administering Authority
that communal elections were purely administrative and
had no political character.

Noting the several statements of the representatives of
the Administering Authority conveying assurances that it
will co-operate fully with the United Nations in Ruanda-
Urundi,

Having heard the views of the petitioners from Ruanda-
Urundi,

1. Expresses its appreciation to the members of the
United Nations Commission for Ruanda-Urundi for their
conscientious discharge of the duties entrusted to them
under General Assembly resolutions 1579 (XV) and 1580
(XV);

2. Calls upon the Government of Belgium as the Ad-
ministering Authority to ensure that the provisions of

'U.N. doe. A/RES/1605 (XV) ( A/C.4/L.678, as amend-
ed) ; adopted in plenary session on Apr. 21 by a vote of
86 to 1 (Belgium), with 4 abstentions (France, Portugal,
Spain, and Union of South Africa).

' U.N. doc. A/RES/1514 (XV) ; for text, see Bulletin of
Jan. 2, 1961, p. 27.

* U.N. doc. A/4706 and Add. 1.

May 22, 7967

787

resolution 1579 (XV) are fully implemented by its repre-
sentatives in Ruanda-Urundi before the legislative
elections ;

3. Recognizes that the Government of Belgium is alone
responsible for the administration of the Trust Territory
of Ruanda-Urundi and accountable to the United Nations,
and that its responsibilities as Administering Authority
cannot in any way be abdicated to local political bodies
and leaders until after appropriate democratic institu-
tions have been set up and the Trusteeship Agreement
terminated, all with the approval of the United Nations ;

4. Considers it necessary/ that, pending the establish-
ment of popular governments on the basis of the legisla-
tive elections to be held in 1961, broad-based caretaker
governments be constituted immediately in both parts of
the Trust Territory to attend to current affairs of admin-
istration and to act in strict conformity with the obliga-
tions of the Administering Authority for the implemen-
tation of the resolutions of the General Assembly ;

5. Declares that it is clearly the obligation and the re-
sponsibility of the Administering Authority to create the
necessary conditions and atmosphere for the proper eon-
duct of the national elections and not to permit any local
authorities to impede the implementation of the resolu-
tions of the General Assembly ;

6. Decides that the referendum on the question of the
Mwami, contemplated in resolution 1580 (XV), and the
legislative elections in Ruanda-Urundi should be held in
the month of August 1961 on the basis of direct universal
adult suffrage, under the supervision of the United Na-
tions, and that these be organized by the Administering
Authority in full consultation with the United Nations
Commission for Ruanda-Urundi, the actual dates to be
fixed, after mutual consultation, in the light of the pre-
vailing circumstances ;

7. Decides further that the questions to be put at the
referendum on the question of the Mwami in Ruanda
should be the following :

"1. Do you wish to retain the institution of the Mwami
in Ruanda?

"2. If so, do you wish Kigeli V to continue as the Mwami
of Ruanda?";

8. Requests the United Nations Commission for Ruanda-
Urundi, composed of three members elected by the Gen-
eral Assembly on 20 December 1960, hereafter to be
designated United Nations Commissioners, to return to
Ruanda-Urundi at the earliest possible time to assist and
advise the Administering Authority in the full and proper
implementation of resolution 1579 (XV) and the present
resolution, and to perform the other tasks entrusted to it ;

9. Notes the information given by the representative of
the Administering Authority concerning measures of am-
nesty already implemented, and recommends that :

(a) Full and unconditional amnesty, as envisaged in
resolution 1579 (XV), be immediately granted by the
Administering Authority ;

(6) The few remaining cases which, in the Adminis-
tering Authority's view, are guilty of "very grave crimes"
be examined by a Special Commission composed of the
representatives of three Member States to be elected by
the General Assembly, with a view to securing their re-

lease from prison or return from abroad in the full imple-
mentation of the Assembly's recommendation concerning
amnesty not later than two months before the national
elections ; °

10. Notes the observations contained in paragraphs
199-203 of the Interim report of the United Nations Com-
mission for Ruanda-Urundi and calls upon the Adminis-
tering Authority to observe strictly its international
obligations under the Trusteeship Agreement ;

11. Requests the Administering Authority to ensure
that the material conditions essential to the successful
discharge by the United Nations Commissioners of their
responsibilities, such as housing, office space, travel fa-
cilities, information and the free use of official broadcast-
ing facilities are provided, and that the local authorities
co-operate fully with them ;

12. Requests the United Nations Commission for Ru-
anda-Urundi to submit a report on the implementation of
the present resolution to the General Assembly at its six-
teenth session ; ,

13. Decides to maintain this item on the agenda of the I
present session, without closing the debate thereon, and
authorizes the United Nations Commission for Ruanda-
Urundi, in the event that the performance of its duties

is hindered through deliberate obstruction or lack of the
requisite co-operation from any quarter, to return to Head-
quarters and request the President of the General As-
sembly to reconvene the Assembly immediately to con-
sider further measures essential to the discharge of the
United Nations obligations with respect to the Trust Ter-
ritory of Ruanda-Urundi ;

14. Calls upon the Administering Authority to rescind
Legislative Order No. 221/296 of 25 October 1960, so as to
ensure that there is no unwarranted interference with
the exercise of public freedom and that no persons may
be removed or detained without recourse to due process of
law;

15. Reiterates its conviction that the best future for
Ruanda-Urundi lies in the accession of that Territory to
independence as a single, united and composite State ;

16. Considers that the full Implementation of aU the
provisions of the present resolution will enable the General
Assembly at its sixteenth session to consider the termina-
tion of the Trusteeship Agreement at the earliest possible
date.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

Economic Commission for Latin America

The Department of State announced on May 2
(press release 283) that Robert F. Woodward,
appointed Ambassador to the Republic of Chile,

"The General Assembly on Apr. 21 appointed Brazil,
Canada, and Tunisia as members of the Special Commis-
sion.

788

Department of Slate Bvlletin

would serve as acting U.S. representative to the
ninth session of the U.N. Economic Commission
for Latin America (ECLA), held at Santiago,
May 4-17.

William V. Turnage, Special Assistant to the
Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs,
served as alternate. Advisers to the delegation
included :

Thomas B. Favell, Counselor of Embassy for Economic
Affairs, American Embassy, Santiago

Byron L. Johnson, Assistant Deputy Director for Pro-
gram, International Cooperation Administration

Michael G. KelaUos, Offlcer-in-Charge, Economic Affairs,
Office of International Economic and Social Affairs,
Department of State

Ralph C. Korp, Office of International Finance, Depart-
ment of the Treasury

Anthony J. Poirier, Deputy Director, American Republics
Division, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Department of
Commerce

Herbert F. Propps, Office of International Trade, Depart-
ment of State

Edwin C. Rendall, Office of International Financial and
Development Affairs, Department of State

Melvin E. Sinn, Office of Inter-American Regional Eco-
nomic Affairs, Department of State

Joseph B. Tisinger III, Second Secretary, American Em-
bassy, Santiago

ECLA, one of the four U.N. regional economic
commissions, was established in 1948. It has 24
members — the 21 American Republics, France, the
Netherlands, and the United Kingdom — and two
associate members, British Guiana, and the fed-
eration of The West Indies.

The Commission was concerned with a 17-
item agenda in the economic, social, and organiza-
tional fields, including a report of the third session
of the Trade Committee, which met concurrently
to consider recent trends in regional Latin Ameri-
can economic integration.

State. (For biographic details, see Department of State
press release 280 dated May 2.)

James K. Penfleld to be Ambassador to Iceland. ( For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
291 dated May 4.)

Edward J. Sparks to be Ambassador to Uruguay. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
290 dated May 4.)

James Wine to be Ambassador to Luxembourg. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
282 dated May 2.)

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e), and 61 of the
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 1591)
by providing that sessions of the Assembly of the Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization shall be held not
less than once in 3 years instead of annually. Done at
Montreal June 14, 1054. Entered into force December
12, 1956. TIAS 3756.
Ratification deposited: Malaya, March 28, 1961.

Fisheries

Declaration of understanding regarding the International
Convention for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries of
February 8, 1949 (TIAS 2089). Done at Washington
April 24, 1961.'

Signatures: Denmark' and United Kingdom," May 2,
1961 ; Spain,' May 5, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961.^
Accession deposited: Cyprus, April 24, 1961.

BILATERAL

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Confirmations

The Senate on April 27 confirmed the following nomi-
nations :

John A. Calhoun to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Chad. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 285 dated May 3. )

U. Alexis Johnson to be Deputy Under Secretary of

Germany

Second agreement regarding certain matters arising from
validation of German dollar bonds. Signed at Bonn
August 16, I960.'
Ratifieation advised hy the Senate: May 4, 1961.

Greece

Agreement concerning the close-out of the collection ac-
counts of the agricultural commodities agreements of
June 24, 1955, as amended (TIAS 3449, 3450, and 3553),
August 8, 1956, as supplemented and amended (TIAS
3633, 3741, and 3779), and December 18, 1957 (TIAS
3959). Efiected by exchange of notes at Athens April 3
and 13, 1961. Entered into force April 13, 1961.

1 Not in force.

' Without reservation as to acceptance.

' Not in force for the United States.

Aioy 22, 1961

789

Pakistan

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities
agreement of April 11, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4470,
4579, and 4720). Effected by exchange of notes at
Karachi April 22, 1961. Entered into force April 22,
1961.

Turkey

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities
agreement of January 11, 1901 (TIAS 4669), with ex-
change of notes. Effected by exchange of notes at
Ankara March 29, 1961. Entered into force March 29,
1961.

and 28, 1960. Entered into force March 28, 1960. And
dated at Santiago November 2 and 12, 1960. Entered into
force November 12, 1960.

Canol Project — Disposal of Pipeline Facilities in Canada.

TIAS 4631. 3 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Canada. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington
March 31, 1960. Entered into force March 31, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4632. 3 pp.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Indonesia, amending the agreement of March 2, 19.56, as
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Djakarta De-
cember 7, 1960. Entered into force December 7, 1960.

Recent Releases

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washinaton 25, D.G. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may be
obtained from the Department of State.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4619. 7 pp.

100.

Agreement between the United States of America and

Greece — Signed at Athens November 7, 1960. Entered into

force November 7, 1960. With related notes.

Mutual Defense Assistance. TIAS 4620. 4 pp. 50.
Understanding between the United States of America and
Libya, relating to article XVII of the agreement of Sep-
tember 9, 1954— Signed at Tripoli November 3, 1960.
Entered into force November 3, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4621. 3 pp.
50.

Agreement between the United States of America and
Turkey, amending the agreement of December 22, 1959,
as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Ankara Oc-
tober 22, 1960. Entered into force October 22, 1960.

Technical Cooperation— Cooperative Program of Agricul-
ture and Livestock. TIAS 4622. 4 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States of America and
Chile, extending and amending the agreement of Janu-
ary 16, 1951, as extended— Signed at Santiago June 15,
1960. Entered into force June 15, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4623. 3 pp.

50.

Understanding between the United States of America and
Indonesia. Exchange of notes — Signed at Djakarta No-
vember 5, 1960. Entered into force November 5, 1960.

Utilization of Boundary Waters — Construction of Ami-

stad Dam on the Rio Grande River. TIAS 4624. 2 pp.

50.

Agreement between the United States of America and

Mexico — Signed at Ciudad Acufia, Coahuila, Mexico

October 24, 1960. Entered into force October 24, 1960.

Temporary Tracking Station in Magallanes Province.

TIAS 4027. 5 pp. .50.

Agreements between the United States of America and

Chile. Exchange of notes — Dated at Santiago March 9

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: May 1-7

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of

News

Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases

issued prior to May 1 which appear in

this issue of the Bullletin are Nos. 243 of April 21,

253 of April 24, 255, 257, and 260 of April 25,

261 of April 26, 265 of April 27, and 272 of April 28.

No.

Date

Subject

*274

5/1

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

t275

5/1

Visit of President of Tunisia (rewrite).

276

5/1

Passamaquoddy tidal power project.

*277

5/1

Cultural exchange (Middle East and
Africa ) .

*278

5/1

Reception for African ambassadors and
congressional leaders.

t279

5/2

Delegation to NATO ministerial meet-
ing (rewrite).

*2S0

5/2

Johnson sworn in as Deputy Under
Secretary for Political Affairs (bi-
ographic details).

t281

5/2

Martin : ITU convention and radio
regulations.

*282

5/2

Wine sworn In as Ambassador to Lux-
embourg (biographic details).

283

5/2

Delegation to ninth session of ECLA
(rewrite).

*284

5/3

Johnson receives ICA meritorious serv-
ice award.

*285

5/3

Calhoun sworn in as Ambassador to
Chad (biographic details).

286

5/3

Rusk : United States Chamber of Com-
merce.

287

5/4

Rusk : news conference.

*288

5/6

Smith appointed information coordi-
nator (biographic details).

t289

5/4

Berle: Mississippi Valley World Trade
Council.

*290

5/4

Sparks sworn in as Ambassador to
Uruguay (biographic details).

*291

5/4

Penfield sworn in as Ambassador to
Iceland (biographic details).

t292

5/6

Cleveland : Syracuse University.

t294

5/6

Rowan : "The United States and Revo-
lution."

295

5/6

Vice President's tour of south and
southeast Asia.

• Not pr

nted.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

790

Department of Stale Bulletin

May 22, 1961

Index

Vol. XLIV, No.ll 43

Africa. Africa — H opes and Contradictions

(DuUes) 767

Agriculture. United States and Morocco Sign

Food-for-Peace Agreement 772

American Republics

Alliance for Progress vs. Communism (Berle) . . 763

Economic Commission for Latin America (delega-
tion) 788

President Calls for lA-ECOSOC Talks to Plan De-
velopment in Americas 766

U.S. Denies Validity of Alleged "Instruction" Re-
garding Cuba (text of note) 765

Asia. Vice President Johnson to Tour South and

Southeast Asia 750

Atomic Energy. President Comments on Status of

Geneva Nuclear Test Ban Talks 755

Canada. IJC Reports on Passamaquoddy Tidal

Power Project 772

Central African Republic. President Expresses
U.S. Willingness to Aid Central African Republic
(Dacko, Kennedy) 766

Communism. Alliance for Progress vs. Commu-
nism (Berle) 763

Congo (Leopoldville). General Assembly Adopts
New Resolutions on the Congo (Stevenson, texts
of resolutions) 781

Congress, The

Approval Sought for U.S. Acceptance of 1954 Oil

Pollution Convention (Chayes) 776

Department Supports Legislation To Amend Battle

Act (Ball) 775

Cuba

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of May 4 . . . 756
U.S. Denies Validity of Alleged "Instruction" Re-
garding Cuba (text of note) 765

Department and Foreign Service. Confirmations

(Calhoun, Johnson, Penfield, Sparks, Wine) . . 789

Economic Affairs

Approval Sought for U.S. Acceptance of 1954 Oil

Pollution Convention (Chayes) 776

Department Supports Legislation To Amend Battle

Act (Ball) 775

Economic Commission for Latin America (delega-
tion) 788

IJC Reports on Passamaquoddy Tidal Power Proj-
ect 772

The New Frontier and the New Nations (Ball) . . 751

Intelligence. President's Foreign Intelligence Ad-
visory Board Established (texts of Executive or-
der and letter to Board members) 773

International Organizations and Conferences

Central Treaty Organization Holds Ninth Minis-
terial Meeting (Rusk, text of final communique) . 778

Economic Commission for Latin America (delega-
tion) 788

President Calls for lA-ECOSOC Talks To Plan De-
velopment in Americas 766

President Comments on Status of Geneva Nuclear
Test Ban Talks 755

Laos. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of May 4 . 756

Middle East. Central Treaty Organization Holds
Ninth Ministerial Meeting (Rusk, text of final
communique) 778

Morocco. United States and Morocco Sign Food-
for-Peace Agreement 772

Mutual Security

Africa — Hopes and Contradictions (Dulles) . . . 767
Charting a New Course in Foreign Aid (Rusk) . . 747
Department Supports Legislation To Amend Battle

Act (Ball) 775

The New Frontier and the New Nations (Ball) . . 751
United States and Morocco Sign Food-for-Peace

Agreement 772

Non-Self-Governing Territories. Question of the
Future of Ruanda-Urundi (Bingham, text of res-
olution) 785

Presidential Documents

Ambassador Moscoso's Experience Seen Helpful to

U.S.-Venezuelan Relations 7(54

President Calls for lA-ECOSOC Talks To Plan De-
velopment in Americas 766

President Comments on Status of Geneva Nuclear
Test Ban Talks 755

President Expresses U.S. Willingness To Aid Cen-
tral African Republic 766

President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board

Established 773

Publications. Recent Releases 790

Treaty Information

Approval Sought for U.S. Acceptance of 1954 Oil

Pollution Convention (Chayes) 776

Current Actions 789

United Nations

General Assembly Adopts New Resolutions on the

Congo (Stevenson, texts of resolutions) .... 781

Question of the Future of Ruanda-Urundi (Bing-
ham, text of resolution) 785

Venezuela. Ambassador Moscoso's Experience
Seen Helpful to U.S.-Venezuelan Relations ( Ken-
nedy) 764

Viet -Nam. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of

May 4 756

Name Index

Ball, George W 751,775

Berle, Adolf A 763

Bingham, Jonathan B 785

Bonsai, Philip W 765

Calhoun, John A 789

Chayes, Abram 776

Dacko, David 766

Dulles, Eleanor Lansing 767

Johnson, U. Alexis 789

Kennedy, President 755, 764, 766, 773

Penfield, James K 789

Rusk, Secretary 747, 756, 778

Sparks, Edward J 789

Stevenson, Adlai B 781

Wine, James 789

I

U.S. COVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1961

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OFFICIAL BUSINESS

Joreign "Relations of the
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THE CONFERENCE OF BERLIN

(The Potsdam Conference)
1945

The Department of State recently released a two-volume docu-
mentary compilation on the Potsdam Conference of 1945. The first
of the two volumes is devoted exclusively to pre-conference papers
dealing with the background of the Conference, while volume II
contains the United States minutes of the Conference, Conference
documents (including an annotated text of the Protocol of Proceed-
ings), and supplementary papers.

The volumes deal with a wide range of subject matter, since the
conferees were discussing problems of occupation, reconstruction, and
peace-making in Europe, on the one hand, and problems of prosecuting
the war against Japan, on the other. Among European questions,
problems relating to Germany, Poland, Austria, and the Balkans con-
tribute most of the bulk of the documentation. There are also included
papers relating to China, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Tangier,
and Turkey.

Publication 7015— Vol. I
Publication 7163— Vol. II

Price: $6.00
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JIJN2 2 1961

Vol. XLIV, No. 1144 May 29, 1961

DEPOSITORY

NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL HOLDS MINISTERIAL

MEETING AT OSLO 800

THE UNITED STATES AND REVOLUTION •

by Carl T. Rowan 795

TRADE AND AID IN THE SIXTIES • by Assistant

Secretary Martin 822

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS FOR EXPAND-
ING TRADE IN THE AMERICAS • by Adolf A. Berle . 818

THE MAN WHO WASN'T THERE • by Assistant

Secretary Cleveland 808

THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE ROLE [OF CITIZEN

ORGANIZATIOISS m by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson . 804

For index see inside back cover

.ENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1144 • Publication 7197
May 29, 1961

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The United States and Revolution

hy Carl T. Rowan

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs '

It is with a new sense of pride and urgency that
I come tonight to speak to those of you who have
had the privilege of being a part of this 12th
annual Bernadotte Institute on World Affairs.
I feel new pride because I have spoken at this
institute before and I have traveled tlie banquet
circuit long enough to know that the biggest com-
pliment you can pay any speaker is to invite him
back. Having pointed that out, I feel justified in
saying that if I bored you on my first appearance
I take all blame, but on this second time around —
well, you should have learned your lesson the first
time.

I feel a new sense of urgency because for 21/^
months now I have been in the State Department,
literally trapped in the maze of problems, frustra-
tions, confusions, and hopes and fears that have
become a part of our dealings with the other
nations of the world. As a result I have seen
more clearly than I ever could have as a news-
paperman-private citizen the dimensions of the
challenge to human liberty that hovers over our
world ; I have come to understand the imperative
need of people like you to be informed as to the
difficult task that you shall be asked to perform
in the name of patriotism, in the very name of
himian freedom, in the months and years im-
mediately ahead.

My scant knowledge of history tells me that
people rarely sacrifice out of ignorance. In our
case the challenge is great, the future full of peril,
so sacrifice we Americans must. That is why I
am so pleased that Gustavus Adolphus continues
to take leadership in enlightening Americans to

' Address made before the 12th annual Count Folke
Bernadotte Institute on World Affairs at Gustavus
Adolphus College, St. Peter, Minn., on May 6 (press re-
lease 294 ; as-delivered text ) .

the point where they can contribute to the estab-
lishment of the peaceful world community that
was the dream-to- death of Count Folke Berna-
dotte and is the dream today of the men who lead
our Nation.

Without any attempt to be melodramatic let
me assure you in this audience that the years ahead
will be extremely painful to the squeamish, and
I rather feel that under these circumstances ig-
norance will provide very little bliss. I suppose
it strikes some of you as strange that a State De-
partment official, particularly one in an informa-
tion branch, should talk to you about your need
to be fully informed. I exjiect that some of you
are so sure that our primary function is to keep
information from the public that you are watching
eagerly to see how many bureaucratic wraps they
have been able to drape around me in the few
weeks I have been in Washmgton.

A few days ago I telephoned an editor of the
Saturday Evening Post magazine only to have him
pause and ask: "Are you the Carl Eowan who
wrote seV'Cral pieces for our magazine before he
sold out to the other side?" I assured him that
GoA-ermnent salaries are such that it would be
more approjariate to say "who gave over to the
other side" but that his basic identification was
correct.

We joked and exchanged a few pleasantries and
then got on with the business at hand, but I did
not lose sight of the real meaning of his opening
remark. I Imew that here was another individual
bothered by at least the latent assumption that the
function and desire of Government officials is to
withhold information from the public — certainly
to disclose as little about Government activities as
possible.

May 29, 7961

795

I shall be candid with you. During these weeks
in "Washington there have been critical moments
when I have wished that we did have some provi-
sions for sweeping information under the rug so
as to hide it from that zealous band of newsmen
who cover the Nation's Capital. On other occa-
sions I have wished that I possessed the quality
of elocution attributed to the late Cordell Hull.
The oldtimers say that frequently, in moments of
delicate international crises, Mr. Hull would be be-
sieged by the gentlemen of the press. He would
expound for perhaps 20 minutes on the problem at
hand ; then the delighted newsmen would scramble
madly for their telephones. A wire service re-
Xjorter would shout to his headquarters, "I've got a
bulletin, I've got a bulletin. Secretary of State
Cordell Hull said today — er, er, uh — said today
— er, uh. Just a minute, I'll be right back."

I don't know whether it's true or not that, to
stay in Washington as long and with as much suc-
cess as Mr. Hull did, one has to become an expert
at talking long while revealing nothing, but I am
certain of this : Never before in the Nation's his-
tory has the performance of the press been so cru-
cial to the question of the Nation's very survival.
"Wliat we are seeing m the world today is a dra-
matic conflict played to a theme about which many
of you in this audience must have debated many
times : Is a free and open society by its very nature
so disadvantaged that it cannot win in mortal
combat with a dictatorial, totalitarian regime?

Information Policies and a Free Press

In a recent speech before the American News-
paper Publishers Association, President Kemiedy
asserted :

Today no war has been declared — and however fierce
the struggle may be, it may never be declared in tradi-
tional fashion. Our way of life is under attack. Those
who make themselves our enemy are advancing around
the globe. The survival of our friends is in danger. And
yet no war has been declared, no borders have been
crossed by marching troops, no missiles have been fired.

If the press is awaiting a declaration of war before
it imposes the self-discipline of combat conditions, then
I can only say that no war ever posed a greater threat to
our security. If you are awaiting a finding of "clear and
present danger," then I can only say that the danger has
never been more clear and its presence has never been
more imminent.

Emphasizing the dilemma we are in, the Presi-
dent pointed to the fact that we are matched

against a regime whose preparations ( for conflict)
are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are
buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced,
not lionized. No expenditure is questioned, no
rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It con-
ducts the cold war, in short, with a wartime disci-
pline no democracy would ever hope or wish to
match.

Because my every working hour is spent in that
world of news leaks, trial balloons, rumor-monger-
ing, and half truths, I know the full import of
President Kennedy's remarks. I can say, as did
the New York Times:

... it is more essential than ever that the people be
fully informed of the problems and of the perils con-
fronting them. This is a responsibility as much of the
press as of the President. But it is equally essential that
the secrets of military technique and — as the President
said — of "covert preparations to counter the enemy's
covert operations" — be kept inviolate.

But troublesome though our press may be, I
want to see it remain free. I believe that to at-
tempt to defeat the Russians by stifling the insti-
tutions on which our free society is built would be
worse than a Pyrrhic victory, for we shall have
given up so much that we shall have fought for
nothing. Thus it is my hojoe that the Government
I work for will be so zealous and liberal m its
information policies, and the press so sincere in its
efi'orts of self-restraint, that we can maintain the
fully informed public that is indispensable to a
free society and still permit those who lead our
Government to take such steps as are necessary to
meet the insidious, vicious assaults upon human
freedom that are occurring throughout the world
today.

Cliallenges Before tlie American People

So tonight let me begin by speaking to you quite
candidly about the challenges before the American
people as I see them. Let me speak quite openly
about what I perceive to be the burdens that make
it difficult for us to meet these challenges — bur-
dens which, by their very nature, increase greatly
the dangers we face. Let me speak of the respon-
sibilities that no government alone can dis-
charge— responsibilities that will be met only
when individuals like you assume that the respon-
sibilities are yours.

I am afraid that few Americans really compre-
hend the rapidity with which our world is chang-

796

Department of Slate Bulletin

ins. Who in this audience would have dreamed
just 10 years ago that one of the major worries
and concei-ns of Americans today would be a once
remote place called Laos? "VVlio among you had
any notion that tlie names to fill today's headlines
in newspapers throughout the world would be
Kasavubu, Souvanna Phouma, Tshombe, or Kong
Le?

The world's major trouble spots — Laos, Cuba,
the Congo — are all areas to which most Americans
gave little more than passing thought at the end
of World War II. But these countries are of vital
concern to us today — and not merely because the
upheaval that engulfs them poses a political-
military threat to the United States and her allies.
We of the United States are deeply concerned also
because the swift social changes, the awesome ad-
vance in man's capacity for self-destruction, have
made us acutely aware that what touches part of
the human race touches all of mankind.

In our era of almost miraculously advanced
technology it is literally ti-ue that the cry of a
hungry child in Africa or Latin America can be
heard by the well-fed in Washington and San
Francisco; that the anguish of the enslaved in
Hungary or Angola draws compassion from the
free in London and New York. ^Vliether we
Americans will it so or not, our lives are caught
up in this "revolution of rising expectations" that
has encompassed almost two-thirds of humanity.
This great mass of mankind, groping for more de-
cent standards of living and reaching out for a
new measure of dignity, is destined to help deter-
mine the kind of world in which you and your
children and your children's children will live.

Social and Political Change

Our world is in a period of social and political
change as great as any that has occurred in the
last 300 years. The old colonial society is crum-
bling rapidly, and we face the challenge of estab-
lishing a new world order that will embrace as
equals the many newly independent states that
are parading on the world scene. There were just
51 members of the United Nations General As-
sembly in its first session in 1946; there were 60
at the opening of the 1955 session ; today there are
99 member states, and the number probably will
reach 120 in a few yeare.

This brings me to what I consider the funda-
mental burden of the Western World : We are too

closely identified with the status quo. In Asia,
Africa, Latin America there are millions who be-
lieve that we oppose their revolutions because we
are afraid of change. They believe that the
wealthy always have opposed change because of
a fear that only the status quo offers them security.

I know that some Westerners are reluctant to ac-
cept today's tumultuous changes. The conflict
and disorder that have accompanied the gaining
of independence in many areas have induced some
Westerners to view the vast revolution in which
we live as primarily the product of Communist
scheming and skulduggery. I personally am
pleased to be m Washington today because I see
signs that our leaders are trying to convince the
American people that we must free ourselves of
such nonsense. One goal of the New Frontier is
to make the American people understand that the
basic revolution that sweeps Asia, Africa, and
even our own hemisphere would have occurred had
Karl Marx never been born. We ought to know,
and we must insure that the whole world knows,
that Americans like Washington, Paine, Paul
Revere, blazed the trail of revolutions for inde-
pendence. We sowed the seeds that produced the
harvest of political liberty, human dignity, and
material abundance that has caught the imagina-
tion of much of the world. The hungry and har-
assed of many lands are groping for what is a part
of our own heritage, and we must leave no one
with the false notion that we fear or seek to dis-
own the ideas and aspirations that have sustained
us as a nation of free men.

We must make it clear that we do not attempt to
thwart the forces of social, economic, and political
change, for in a world of progress the status quo is
good enough for very few people. Human beings
emerging from misery, squalor, and political op-
pression demand change above all else. Let us em-
phasize that we Americans believe in change, for
we were born of it and we have lived and pros-
pered and grown great by it. The status quo has
never been our god ; so let it be clear that we ask
no other people to worship it.

Understanding the Basis for Foreign Aid

There is another burden from which our country
must free itself if we are to meet the awesome chal-
lenges before us : That burden is the persistent no-
tion, held by many powerful and influential people,

May 29, 7961

797

that compassion is crime, that our foreign aid pro-
grams are mere doles given in the futile effort to
help weaklings who prefer to remain weak.

It seems to me that one of the finest things char-
acterizing this Nation today is its understanding
that people struggle, sacrifice, fight only when they
know and approve of the things for which they
struggle, sacrifice, and figlit.

It was Seneca who said : "A hungry man listens
not to reason, nor cares for justice, nor is bent by
any prayere." OfScial Washington today is in-
spired by tlie wisdom of Seneca. I believe that
my colleagues of the New Frontier know that
it is no protection for liberty and justice merely to
give a hungry Latino a lecture and a rifle and
admonish him to be brave. Thus we have a Food-
for-Peace Progi-am. Thus the President has
called for an Aliama para Progreso — an Alliance
for Progress — a bold program to achieve the social,
economic, and political reforms that will permit
the average Latin American to struggle because
the new hope in his heart and the new happiness in
his home tell him that assume responsibility he
must, else he renoimces all claim to manhood and
to dignity.

We all know, of course, that we are not rich
enough or strong enough or wise enough to do
all these things alone. Thus we have exhorted our
Western allies, many of whom we have helped back
to positions of abundance, to join us in this cam-
paign to provide for others what we wish for our-
selves— that is, freedom from the scourge of
illness, ignorance, and hunger and the freedom
to know the self-respect of men who control their
own destinies. We are asking our fellow West-
erners to understand that a world in which two-
thirds of the human beings suffer either from
undernutrition or malnutrition can never be a very
happy world — nor a very safe one.

Equally important, I think, is this administra-
tion's belief that at this stage of world history we
dare not speak of what we shall do to or for Latin
America, Asia, or Africa. Our concern must be
about what we shall do with the peoples of these
areas. So we speak of an aliansa, of partnership,
for we do not intend ever to lose sight of the fact
that inevitably the peoples of the areas involved
must be masters — and servants — of their own fates.

We shall be guided by the wisdom of Kahlil
Gibran's The Prophet, who said:

. . . Life is indeed darkness,

Save when tliere is urge,
And all urge is blind.

Save when there is knowledge.
And all knowledge is vain.

Save when there is work. . . .

It is my hope that our programs of economic
assistance will inspire the urge for freedom, that
the sharing of our technical know-how will permit
freedom to be sustained by knowledge, and that
knowledge will be utilized through the hard work
of peoples buoyed up in burgeoning hope, peoples
caught up in their own industrial and social
revolutions.

But all the hope and fai-sightedness that I see
in the Kennedy administration can go for nought
if the people remain lethargic, if the Congress
and the "common man" fail to sense the spirit and
the demand of our time. A President can set
forth a nation's declaration of integrity, but only
the people can breathe life into it.

There are two ways in which the people of
America can render meaningless all the boldness
and imagination that can be conjured up in
Washington :

1. They can be swayed by visionless and some-
times overly ambitious politicians and com-
mentators who continue to speak from doubt and
arrogance in their opposition to all programs of
economic assistance.

2. They can show Americans to be incapable of
responding to the lofty ideals of justice and com-
passion, with the result that we Americans will
share our blessings begrudgingly — that the little
we give will be offered only as a measure of our
hatred and our fear.

Now let me speak plainly. There are many
Americans — in this community and all others —
who have not been able to reconcile themselves to
our foreign aid programs. Nobody wants to admit
to greed these days ; so a great many have resorted
to homespun psychology and penthouse philos-
ophy to justify their opposition. "Charity begins
at home," they will say, as if it is compassion for
the hungry among our aged, or on our reserva-
tions, or in our city slums, that leads them to
oppose sending gifts abroad. The trouble is, of
course, that I never see the critics of our foreign
aid programs bearing any great gifts to our needy

798

Depariment of State Bullefin

at home either. The opponents also -will tell you
that it is wrong to give "handouts" to the peasants
of Latin America because "doles rob people of
their initiative." They tell us how you "can't buy
friendsliip" and how inevitably "the man who ac-
cepts charity winds up hating the giver." Ee-
cently I have listened to lengthy lectures from
people who say they are convinced that "all the
Communists are waiting for is for us to give away
so much that our economy will collapse, and then
they will have us under their heel." (Just in case
this argument bothers j'ou, let me point out that
Communist-bloc countries handed out a mere $11
million in economic aid in 1954; in 1960 they made
economic aid commitments totaling $1,165 mil-
lion, or a 10,000 percent increase in 6 years. It
seems obvious to me that, if supporting a pro-
gram of foreign aid leads a country to economic
ruin, the Communists have leaped from the space
race to a contest to see who can be first to reach
economic collapse.)

Finally, the curbstone anthropologists say they
oppose foreign aid because it's a waste of time try-
ing to produce meaningful economic, social, and
political progress in Asia, Africa, and Latin
America because the peoples of these lands just
don't have what it takes to produce the kind of
material abundance and political maturity that
the Western World has enjoyed for the last several
decades.

This latter bit of arrogance I shall not bother
to respond to before so enlightened an audience as
this. Let me say simply that you must ask your-
selves in what ways you can help more Americans
to understand that our foreign aid program is
not designed to win friends and influence people —
that it is based on the fundamental belief that a
world in which relatively few people enjoy an
excess of the necessities of life and the great mass
of humanity live in misery and squalor is never
going to be a very peaceful world. Our whole
future is bound up in the question of how soon we
can get more Americans to accept this present-day
fact of life.

Reliance on Morality and Justice

Now what about my second fear ? What do I
mean when I speak of our inability to respond to
lofty ideals? I mean simply that for much too

long we Americans have been "selling" our aid
programs, our campaigns for social justice within
the United States, our posture in the United
Nations, and Heaven knows what else, on the
grounds that such tilings are necessary because of
the Communist threat, because of what the Com-
munists are doing.

I have had the good fortime to travel exten-
sively in Asia and Africa, and I am under no
illusions about the magnitude and the nature of
the Conmiunist conspiracy. In terms of the total
world ideological struggle, we face an adversary
of great power, of considerable and growing
wealth, and most of all of remarkable propaganda
skills. Wliile we have appeared to have our
wagon hitched to the status quo, the leaders of
world communism have managed cleverly to hitch
their Red Star to the crest of the wave of
nationalism.

I know that the metaphor would never get me
through anybody's English class, but I think you
get what I mean.

Yet, recognizing the threat of Sino-Soviet im-
perialism, it seems to me manifestly clear that we
cannot defeat the Communists by outhating them.
We cannot defeat the Communists by adopting
tactics of totalitarianism, by allowing ourselves to
be caught up in the suspicions that turn neighbor
against neighbor and make national unity im-
possible. Our fundamental long-range advantage
must lie in the fact that there are moral, ethical,
and political factors which clearly distinguish our
society from those of the totalitarian world. It
is within this area of difference that the peoples
of the world must make their choice ; so when we
resort to the hatred and fear that would destroy
these distinguishing moral and ethical factors in
our society we shall have defeated ourselves, for
we shall have left the world's people no room
for choice.

So let us move with boldness away from these
negative programs based on liatred and fear.
Let us make it clear that we share our wealth not
because we fear Khrushchev and Mao but because
we hate poverty and human despair; that we have
a Food-for-Peace Program not because we hate
communism but because we love humanity —
because the very nature of our society makes it
impossible for us to turn our backs in callousness

May 29, 1967

799

when children cry in hunger or die of avoidable
afflictions.

We must do these things in the conviction that,
while military strength is essential and may in-
deed maintain the balance that protects us all
from atomic holocaust, the final determiiiation
as to the kind of world in which our progeny will
live will be based on concepts of morality, decency,
and justice.

What are we doing to assert our reliance on
moi-ality and justice? We are attaching a new
kind of "strings" to our programs of economic
assistance. We are buying no votes, demanding
no political loyalties; the "strings" are simply a
demand for assurances that our efforts are
matched by the efforts of those being helped — and
that the help goes to those who need it.

We are showing the courage to overlook short-
range expediency and vote our consciences in the
United Nations, even when our stand irritates
longtime allies. You have noted, I am sure, that
our U.N. votes on Angola^ and South-West
Africa ' have been played up as our "new policy"
on colonialism. We do not regard this as new
policy in the strictest sense but only a forthright
reaffirmation of the American belief in self-
determination. Others have spoken of these votes
as examples of the United States "choosing be-
tween our European allies and the new states of
Asia and Africa." The suggestion is both silly
and cynical, for our choice is and must be between
right and wrong, justice and injustice, morality
and immorality. When we choose justice, moral-
ity, rightness, it is a special favor for neither
Europe, the new nations, nor even ourselves; it
is a choice for all mankind.

In closing, let me say that I am under no illu-
sions about the ease of the tasks before us — either
at home or abroad. We and all who love liberty
are in for a long struggle, a struggle in which
neither angry threats, idealistic speeches, nor wish-
ful thinking will avail us much. Political liberty
and social justice can be preserved and extended
only througli our hard work, our wise concern,
our sacrifice — and most of all our conviction to
pursue a course whose fundamental justification
is its rightness.

I have said much about the imperative need for
speedy economic and social progress in these many

" For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497.
° For background, see ibid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 569.

troubled and not-yet-troubled lands. This, I
believe, is at the heart of our dreams for tomor-
row's world. Our goal is to help build not only
dams and steel mills but especially to help people —
people, the gi'eatest resource of any free society.
We of the United States and our prosperous
friends must make a decision that the job of pro-
ducing "growth for progress" in these new nations
is worth doing — and that it is worth doing right.
So let us make the next 10 years a "decade of
development" for those who yearn for progress.
Let us carry into the effort not only our dollars
and our know-liow but that special "gleam in
America's eye." Perhaps the world will see that
it is not a leer of avarice or ambition but a gleam
of love, compassion, humanitarianism. This is
possible, however, only if that gleam in our eye
is a glow put there by freedom — freedom for all
Americans.

North Atlantic Council Holds
Ministerial Meeting at Oslo

The North Atlantic Council held its spring
ministerial meeting at Oslo, Nonvay, May 8-10.
Following are texts of a statement made hy
Secretary Rush upon his arrival at Oslo on May 6
and a co?nmunique issued at the conclusion of the
m.eeting on May 10, together with a list of the
principal memhers of the U.S. delegation.

SECRETARY RUSK'S ARRIVAL STATEMENT

I want to express my appreciation to the Gov-
ernment and the people of Norway for the invita-
tion to hold the 27th ministerial meeting of the
North Atlantic Council in this ancient and
gracious city. I look forward to meeting with my
NATO colleagues and our Norwegian hosts. The
development of the Atlantic Community is a
foundation of United States foreign policy. It is
only through the unified strengtli of that Com-
munity that together we can maintain a world
environment in which free societies can flourish.
Separately and alone none of us could meet the
great challenges of our time.

In the next few days we shall focus primarily
on the international political scene and on the non-
military aspect of the internal development of the
NATO alliance. However, we should not forget

800

Department of State Bulletin

that in a world threatened by tyranny our efforts
rest on our joint will and ability to defend our
freedom by force if necessary.

I hope that our deliberation during the next few
days will aid in the continuous process of achieving
the conuuon outlook on world problems which is
vital to the development of the Atlantic Com-
munity and indeed to peace everywhere.

TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE

Press release 307 dated May 10

1. The North Atlantic Council held its Spring
Ministerial Meeting in Oslo from May 8th to
May 10th, 1961, under the Chairmanship of its
new Secretary General, Mr. D. U. Stikker.

2. Since the Atlantic countries united twelve
years ago, in accordance with the United Nations
Charter, to ensure their common defense, their
Alliance has safeguarded peace and freedom. But
the menace which drew them together is now not
only military but also has world-wide political,
economic, scientific and psychological aspects.

3. The North Atlantic Alliance threatens no
one. It will never be used for aggression. It
seeks to eliminate war and the causes of war. But
it is resolved to defend the right of its peoples to
live in freedom. In the world as it is today the
unity and strength of the Atlantic Alliance is es-
sential to peace and the survival of liberty. Its
collective resources — moral and material alike —
are fully adequate to this task. Confident in their
strength, m tlie will of their peoples, and in the
truth of the ideals they uphold, the fifteen Atlantic
Nations dedicate themselves anew to building a
world free from the false doctrine of continuing
and inevitable conflict.

4. During the meeting the Ministers reviewed
developments in the international situation.
Aware of the intensified efforts of the Communist
bloc to foment and to exploit conflicts and to ex-
tend its domination over an ever-increasing area,
the Ministers reaffirmed their resolve to meet this
challenge.

5. For their part the Atlantic Nations are ready
to make their contribution towards achieving an
equitable and just settlement of outstanding polit-
ical questions. They deplore Soviet unwillingness
to reciprocate.

6. The Ministers noted with regret the lack of
progress on the reunification of Germany. They

reaffirmed their conviction that a peaceful and
just solution for the problem of Germany includ-
ing Berlin is to be found only on the basis of self-
determination. With particular regard to Berlin,
they reiterated their determination, as expressed
in the Declaration of 16th December, 1958,^ to
maintain the freedom of West Berlin and its
people. As to the often repeated threat by the
Soviet Union to sign a separate peace treaty, they
reaffirmed the statement in the 1958 Declaration
that "the denunciation by the Soviet Union of the
Inter- Allied Agreements on Berlin can in no way
deprive the other parties of their rights or relieve
the Soviet Union of its obligations."

7. Disarmament by stages under effective inter-
national control remains one of the principal ob-
jectives of the governments of the Alliance. The
Coimcil expressed the hope that the initiation
by the U.S.A. of consultations with the U.S.S.R.
for the purpose of arriving at a mutually accepta-
ble procedure will permit the resiunption of nego-
tiations about the end of July. They agreed that
the position of those members of the Alliance
participating in the disarmament discussions will
be developed in close consultations in the North
Atlantic Coimcil.

8. With regard to the Geneva negotiations on
the suspension of nuclear tests, the Council noted
with approval that the U.S.A. and the U.K. had
tabled a comprehensive draft treaty offering a
basis for agreement. They regretted that the
negative attitude of the Soviet Government has
raised new difficulties. They expressed the hope
that that government will move promptly to join
in an effective treaty as a first and significant step
towards disarmament.

9. The task of helping the less-developed areas
of the world to raise their social and material
standards is one of the major challenges of our
time. It is a challenge which the members of the
Atlantic Alliance gladly accept ; and in their exam-
ination of the world situation the Ministers gave
high priority to this question. They took note
with satisfaction of the large volume of free world
aid — dwarfuig that granted by the Sino-Soviet
bloc — and reaffirmed their determination to in-
crease these efforts.

10. The Ministers discussed the problems of
long-term planning within the Alliance in the non-

' For text, see Buixetin of Jan. 5, 1959, p. 4.

May 29, 1967

801

military sphere on the basis of a report presented
by the Council in permanent session, dealing with
the future development and role of the Alliance
in the political, economic, civil emergency plan-
ning and other fields. Proceeding from this report
they gave guidance to the Permanent Council for
strengthening the cohesion of the Alliance. The
Council recognized that much progress had been
made m developing an increased unity of purpose
and harmonization of action by its members. It
empliasized the importance for this pui-pose of
close, constant and frank consultation in order to
make effective the growing unity of the Atlantic
Alliance.

11. The Ministers invited the Council in perma-
nent session, in close cooperation with the military
authorities, to continue its studies of all aspects of
the military posture of the Alliance, with a view
to improving its deterrent and defensive strength.
They requested the Council to submit these studies
when ready and to report to the Ministerial
Meeting in December.

12. The Ministers gave special attention to the
economic problems affecting Greece and Turkey.
Bearing in mind the important contribution made
by these two countries to the common defense, they
considered ways and means of assisting efforts
being made by Greece and Turkey to speed up
development programs and improve the living
standards of their peoples.

U.S. DELEGATION

The Department of State announced on May 2
(press release 279) that Secretary Rusk would
head the U.S. delegation to the 27th ministerial
meeting of the North Atlantic Council, held at
Oslo, May 8 to 10.

Principal members of the delegation were:

Thomas K. Finletter, U.S. Permanent Representative to
the North Atlantic Council

Clifton R. Wharton, Ambassador to Norway

Foy D. Kohler, Assistant Secretary of State for European
Affairs

George C. McGhee, Counselor and Chairman of the Policy
Planning Council, Department of State

Paul H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Inter-
national Security Affairs

Raymond L. Thurston, Deputy U.S. Representative to the
North Atlantic Council (designate)

Roger W. Tubby, Assistant Secretary of State for Public
Affairs

Letters of Credence

Guinea

Tlie newly appointed Ambassador of the Re-
public of Guinea, Seydou Conte, presented his
credentials to President Kemiedy on May 10. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press release
305 dated May 10.

United States Sends Greetings
to African Conference at Monrovia

White House press release dated May S

Following is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Kennedy to President William V.S. Tuhman
of Lihena on the occasion of the Conference of
African States, tohich convened at Monrovia on
May 8.

May 8, 1961

Dear Mr. President: I want to extend to you
and to the delegates to the Monrovia Conference
the best wishes of the Government and the people
of the United States for the success of your con-
ference.

When the leaders of the African nations meet
together to discuss the freedom, the security and
the economic w^ell-being of their people, all friends
of Africa rejoice. We greatly applaud the deter-
mination of African leaders to come to grips with
their own problems. They are African problems
and they must be solved, first of all, in African
terms. Solutions thus arrived at advance not only
the interest of the African peoples ; they contrib-
ute also to international understanding and world
peace.

The United States of America welcomes African
moves toward greater regional or continent-wide
cooperation. It strongly hopes for the success of
African arrangements designed to keep the peace
in Africa, which can serve as an inspiration for
other parts of the world community.

It is our further hope that your conference,
through discussion of economic and social prob-
lems of the African peoples, may arrive at under-
standings and decisions which will promote
economic growth. I assure you that the United
States is anxious to assist in promoting that

802

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

growth because of our conviction that no nation
in the world today can live in peace and prosperity
while others are denied the full realization of
social progress and human dignity.

To you, your fellow Chiefs of State, and the
Foreign Ministers and other representatives at
the Monrovia Conference, I express in my own
name and in the name of the American people our
most sincere hope that this Conference will achieve
a full measui'e of practical success, contributing
thereby to the furtlier strengthening of freedom
in Africa and throughout the world.

John F. Kennedy

His Excellency

William V. S. Tubman,

President of the Republic of Liberia

Monrovia

Governor of Taiwan Visits U.S.

Press release 304 dated May 10

Governor Chou Chi-jou of the Province of
Taiwan of the Eepublic of China is scheduled to
arrive on May 10 at Honolulu to begin a 2-month
visit in the United States at the invitation of the
Department of State. Governor Chou is the chief
olRcial responsible for the administration of the
Province of Taiwan. He will travel to various
parts of the United States and have the opportu-
nity to become acquainted with the American
people and their institutions. The Governor is
particularly interested in observing the function-
ing of State governments and in visiting institu-
tions of higher education in this country.

While in Hawaii, Governor Chou will confer
with Government officials and visit the recently
established Center for Cultural and Technical
Interchange Between East and West at the Uni-
versity of Hawaii, as well as visit local industries.
He will travel to San Francisco and Los Angeles
before flying to Washington, D.C., on May 17.
While in the Nation's Capital, he will have the op-
portunity to observe the Congress in session, visit
various departments of the Federal Government,
and meet with congressional leaders and Govern-
ment officials. Governor Chou plans to visit a
number of State capitals including Boston and

Albany. During his stay in New York City, he
will visit the United Nations and Columbia Uni-
versity. The Governor is scheduled to return to
Washington to attend a conference of the Inter-
national Union of Local Authorities June 25-30.
Other plans include visits to Chicago, Detroit,
Pittsburgh, and Houston. Further details of his
itinerary are presently being arranged. Governor
Chou will complete his U.S. visit in mid- July.

President Kennedy Congratulates
New Prime Minister of Belgium

White House press release dated May 6

The White House on May 6 made public the
following message from President Kennedy to
Theo Lefevre^ Prim,e Minister of Belgium.

Mat 6, 1961
Dear Mr. Prime Minister: Although there is
a long tradition of friendship and cooperation
between the United States and Belgium, today's
pressing need for free-world solidarity calls for
ever-closer ties between our two countries. I am
convinced that through our common efforts the
partnership which the United States and Belgium
have built over the years will continue to serve
not only the best interests of our two countries,
but the cause of free men everywhere. I have
asked Ambassador MacArthur, in whom I place
full confidence, to devote his energies to these
ends. I am confident that full and frank dis-
cussion of common problems, £ven where we might
have certain differences, will strengthen mutual
understanding and thus also serve to strengthen
the partnership between our two countries. I
would like you to know that for our part we will
greatly value your views on all matters of mutual
interest.

My fellow Americans join me in extending to
you congratulations and best wishes on your as-
sumption of the office of Prime Minister.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy
His Excellency
Theo Lefevre,
Prime Minister of Belgium.

May 29, 1967

803

The United Nations and tlie Role of Citizen Organizations

hy Adlal E. Stevenson

U.S. Eepresentative to the United Nations ^

Let me begin by congratulating tlie Conference
Group and its able leaders. Both your outgoing
chairman, Mrs. [Marion] McVitty, and your new
chairman, Dr. [Kemieth] Maxwell, are typical of
the higli order of ability which has made the Con-
ference Group an effective institution — and one
from which much can be hoped in the future.

I must say also, in this gathering, that I feel
great respect for you, the leaders of citizen organ-
izations, who for as long as 15 years have felt
strongly enough about the value of the United
Nations to keep an observer here and thus to keep
in touch with the Organization and with your own
United States Mission.

Above all I share with many of you feelings of
hope — hoi^e for the United Nations, despite all its
present difficulties, and for our country's role in
it. And I cherish also a hope which is especially
relevant to our meeting here this evening — a liope
for a future of fruitful cooperation between the
United States Mission to the United Nations and
leaders like yourselves, who speak for the inter-
ested citizen organizations of this country. There
is room for improvement in that respect, and I
fully intend that we shall improve !

I have more to say on tliis subject of our future
relations with you, but perhaps I should preface it
with a few reflections about the institution which
is our common concern here, the United Nations.

Like a number of you I have been connected with
the United Nations since its founding in San
Francisco. I was quite active in it during its first

' Address made before the Conference Group of the
United States National Orfianizations on the United Na-
tions at New York, N.Y., on May 2 (U.S./U.N. press re-
lease 3717).

2 years, first as a planner and then as a delegate.
But then, when I wasn't looking one day, I got
diverted into other pursuits, as some of you may
remember, and the result is that I saw very little
of the United Nations for a long period.

So when President Kennedy asked me to take
on my present assignment, it was really a home-
coming for me. I must confess that I found it hard
to recognize the old place ! The family I left so
many years ago has grown to nearly twice its size.
And as usually happens in large families, some
of the newer members are making quite a splash,
while some of the oldtimers are saying the place
"ain't what it used to be."

For my own part I am far from complacent, but
neither am I gloomy.

Tliere are certainly elements of real danger in
the present situation. Some new members — and
some old ones as well — seem chiefly preoccupied
with the urgent concerns of their own countries
and therefore give little attention to the well-being
of the community as a whole. At the same mo-
ment the Soviet Union has attacked the United
Nations, has refused to pay its share of the Congo
expenses, and has laid siege to the institution of the
Secretary-General. Thus, as often before, the
Soviets have pressed their attack at a moment when
the community seems most divided against itself.
But, once again, that very attack makes the mem-
bers realize more Iceenly that they are members of
a conununity and causes them to draw together.

The General Assembly session just adjourned
exhibited all these tendencies. I think it also
showed that the United Nations is able to stand
the strain and that the United States is still able
to find common ground here with the majority
of members.

804

Deparfment of State Bulletin

Issues Before 15th General Assembly

Let me just recall some of tlie issues.

First, there were the explosive questions of
colonial and racial conflict — South Africa,^ South-
West Africa/ and Angola.* In each of these cases
the United States stood clearly for the peoples
whose rights were at stake — a fact that was noted
and appreciated.

Second, we made a useful beginning in the de-
bate on the United States proposal for a United
Nations development program in Africa.^ It is a
big subject with many complexities, political as
well as economic, but it will be considered again in
the fall and, I believe, holds great promise.

Third, the Assembly continued to support the
United Nations operation in the Congo in spite
of a new romid of violent verbal offensives led
by Mr. [Valerian A.] Zorin of the Soviet Union ;
and I may say that the prospects for a jDeaceful
solution to the Congo's troubles look better now
than for a long time past, though we are far from
being out of the woods.*

Fourth, on the vitally important question of fi-
nancing the Congo operation, the Assembly
adopted an interim resolution ^ which will at least
tide the United Nations over until this fall. I
think members are gradually realizing that a fail-
ure on this one question of financing could be fatal
to the United Nations. We intend to confer ac-
tively with other members on this subject between
now and September.

Finally, it is noteworthy that the Soviet attempt
to replace the Secretary-General with a trimnvi-
rate, which means a built-in veto, was so unsuccess-
ful that the Soviet Union did not even introduce
a formal proposal on the subject. Once, when they
approached the subject obliquely by proposing to
remove a reference to the Secretary-General from
a resolution on the Congo, they lost by the over-
whelming margin of 8'3 to 11.

Perhaps I ought to add, to give due credit to the
Soviet Union, that Mr. [Andrei A.] Gromyko and

" Bulletin of Apr. 24, 1961, p. 600.

' Ibid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 569.

'JfiJrf., Apr.3,1961,p.497.

= Itid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 534.

' lUd., May 22, 1961, p. 781.

'U.N. doe. A/RES/1619 (XV). For a statement made
on Apr. 18 by Philip M. Klutznick, U.S. Representative
to the General Assembly, during debate in Committee I,
see U.S. delegation press release 3700.

I worked out an agreement to refrain from a de-
bate on disarmament at this session.^ That was
a considerable achievement of a negative sort, be-
cause public debate at this moment would certainly
not have brought a disarmament agreement any
nearer. Let us hope that when the negotiations
begin this summer the Soviets will be in a coopera-
tive mood.

The United Nations now numbers 99 member
states, nearly half of which are nations of Africa
and Asia — most of them newer in their independ-
ence than the United Nations itself. It is the most
influential international body ever known: the
greatest hope for the just and peaceful settlement
of disputes and for the defeat of aggression. It
is a place from which nations in need of economic
or tecluiical helji can get it without being subjected
to subversion, foreign control, or involvement in
the cold war. And it is a source of guidance and
influence in the gi-eat transition which this genera-
tion is witnessing, from the colonial age to the
age of self-government and national independence.
Anyone who doubts the potent, if at times
intangible, force of the United Nations should
consider the eagerness of all nations, even Com-
munist nations, to join an institution which is
and will continue to be managed predominantly
by its non-Communist members.

When a young state wants to symbolize its new
nationhood, its leaders come to the United Nations.
When a nation wants to complain of discrimina-
tion by its neighbors, of border raids or outright
invasion, its leaders dramatize the issue before the
United Nations.

When a comitry seeks expert advice on how to
develop its economy, or wants to borrow able
foreign administrators to help man its new govern-
ment, it turns to the United Nations.

When a certain prime minister wants to bang
his shoe on the table — and wants the bang to be
heard round the world — he, too, comes to the
United Nations.

Yes, the United Nations is larger and more
universal than ever. No man, no group of men,
no nation can afford to disregard it.

The United Nations clearly reflects the realities
of the world in which we live. It is a sensitive
measure of the tremors which shake the community
of nations — tremors which in the postwar years
have threatened to topple some of our more

» Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 568.

May 29, 7967

805

vulnerable towers. But we are not helpless. The
tremors are manmade, and man can still them.
To that end nations must work together within
a framework of common purposes, transcending
tlieir particular ambitions.

Such a framework exists, the only framework
commonly subscribed to by the nations of nearly
all the world— the United Nations Charter. In
its preamble are expressed the conunon yearnings
of all men and women to achieve freedom from
war, poverty, disease, ignorance, oppression, and
intolerance. Those are the instincts which bind
us together.

Yet only the determined concord of the pre-
ponderant majority of states, both large and small,
can redeem the promises of the charter. It is
not enough that each member be legally bound
by the charter. We must so conduct ourselves
that the charter remains a powerful and lively
instrument, whose principles the nations are eager
to defend in dark days as well as bright, to make
sacrifices for, to pay for, to run risks for, and to
apply to the particular circumstances of the time.

Applying the Principles of the United Nations

Let us think for a moment about the particular
circumstances of this time and liow we can apply
to it the principles of the United Nations.

Our greatest new preoccupation in the United
Nations must be with the many new and emerging
nations which have taken their places here, or will
do so in a few years' time. In every fundamental
sense tlieir interest is also ours — in the search for
peace, for economic development, for dignity and
self-respect, for the eradication of racial prejudice.
"We seek no military allies among them, nor do we
wish to impose our system or our philosophy on
them ; indeed we caimot, since freedom cannot be
imposed on anyone.

Those common interests have been obscured by
various crosscurrents wliich Moscow has done its
best to strengthen. But I believe our friendships
witli the peoples of Africa are well begun and have
a great future. They require, like all friendships,
that we be patient and that we be not just fast
talkers but good listeners.

They require also that we give due attention to
the promotion of equal justice among Americans
of all races, for what we do at home in that con-
nection is reported all over the world. Finally,

it is necessary that the United States should con-
tinue to speak and vote in the United Nations for
political and economic and social progress for the
peoples of Africa. No nation should have reason
to feel that, althougli it is ready to help itself to-
ward political and economic progress and to make
all the necessary strenuous efforts in its own be-
half, it has been let down by the community of
nations.

A second point is that, in this great transition
from the colonial age, conflicts are inevitable.
There are conflicts between emerging nations, and
others between the old ruler and the emerging
colony. The United States, and indeed tlie whole
United Nations, must pursue the aims of the char-
ter with the least possible encouragement to those
who, for whatever reasons, are intent on stirring
up conflict and setting one region or one race or
one nation against another. In particular the in-
vestment capital and technical knowledge of
Europe are vitally important to the emerging na-
tions. The United Nations must be able to help
and maintain bridges of mutual confidence over
which those vital resources can flow. This is one
case where fidelity to the charter's advice, "to
practice tolerance," is a practical necessity.

Anotlier circumstance is that tlie United Nations
itself, as an institution, is under a good deal of
strain. The Secretary-General and his staff are
under heavy Soviet attack. The Soviet bloc and
some other members have refused to pay for the
Congo operation because they do not approve of
what is being done there.

Finally, it is a circumstance of the United Na-
tions that there are now over 90 members with
full-time permanent missions in tlie New York
area. Among these are the missions of the new
nations of Africa. There will be more coming in
the years ahead. For the United States, as the
host country, and for the American people, this
circumstance means a unique responsibility and a
great opportunity. There have, perhaps inevi-
tably, been a few unfortunate incidents of which
we as Americans cannot be proud. But I am glad
to say tliat there have also been many excellent, im-
aginative, cordial act-s of hospitality and friendli-
ness by American citizens which have done much to
make our friends from abroad feel welcome here.
I believe a number of you in this gathering this
evening have had a share in these activities.
Those are some of our difficulties and opportuni-

806

Department of Stale Bulletin

ties right now in the United Nations. We are
like a ship wliich is in a ratlier narrow and dif-
ficult passage. To get the ship through is going to
require the best efforts not only of us who are, so
to speak, members of the crew but also of you who
are on the shore and are — I hope — cheering us on.

Role of Nongovernmental Organizations

So I should like to talk to you, before I close,
about what you as leaders and representatives of
American organizations may be able to do in tMs
enterprise, which I believe interests you as much
as it does me.

Through your observers here, your leaders and
members can study the day-to-day events in the
United Nations not only on the specialized sub-
jects which concern some of you but also on the
great questions of polity and comity among na-
tions. And, having obtained your facts from the
source, you can then form worth wliile opinions.

You have a job of opinion leadership to do not
only within your organizations but in the coimtry
at large — through publications, conferences, and
personal contact. You and your organizations are
important centers of influence.

You can continue to give us in the United States
Mission your considered views — and I know you
will. We are never shocked to find that somebody
disagrees with us, and we are happy always to re-
ceive ideas, suggestions, and even protests.

Also, quite aside from informing the people and
advising the Government, there are realms in
which your direct action is often most useful. I
understand that some of you have been interested
in locating recruits for United Nations programs.
Some of you have contributed materially to United
States reports to the United Nations, especially
in the field of human rights. These things should
continue; and, in addition, you can do most valu-
able work in the field of United Nations hospitality
which I mentioned a moment ago.

Let me say how pleased I was to learn that the
Conference Group has recently established a com-
mittee on general hospitality which will stimulate
and guide the work of your different organizations
in this field. You can be sure that the United
States Mission will give this committee every pos-
sible cooperation.

In fact, as I said at the outset, we intend to im-
prove our cooperation with the whole community

of United States nongovernmental organizations
in every respect. I have already discussed tliis
matter with some of my associates. We intend
soon to have on the mission staff an officer whose
chief duty will be day-to-day relations with the
NGO's. The senior members of the mission will
do all they can to help, and so shall I — provided
you don't exjoect miracles from me, that is.

We shall confer often, not only in plenary ses-
sions such as this but also from time to time in
smaller groups interested in particular topics.
And we shall hope that visits of your national
leaders to the United Nations, like this meeting
this evening and the conference tomorrow, will
become a regular affair.

From all this you may conclude that I expect
you, as NGO's, to earn your passage in this voy-
age we are making together. Indeed I do. We
have common interests and common goals, and
whatever our particular differences of opinion
may be, there is every reason for us to talk and
work together.

And certainly we shall work together on more
than just the urgent political issties which always
seem to grab the headlines. You NGO's are a
great asset partly because you do read beyond the
headlmes and you do understand the difference
between what is merely urgent and what is really
important.

Many of you know, for instance, that there is in
the United Nations a body called, the Social Com-
mission and that in that little-known forum my
good friend and colleague Mrs. Jane Dick, speak-
ing for the United States, presented only 2 weeks
ago a new approach to the deep social evils wliich
afflict humanity in our tinie.° She spoke of the
absolute necessity of better education and better
health if the great programs of economic develop-
ment we talk about are ever to be realized. She
spoke of the vital importance of family stability
and the tragic losses to society in the uprooting of
rural youth who turn to delinquency in the cities.
She stressed that obvious but much neglected truth
that "wise social change" is a necessity for eco-
nomic growth.

You who know something about the United Na-
tions remember the call in the preamble to the

'For text, see U.S./U.N. press release 3698 dated
Apr. 17.

tAa^ 29, J967

807

cliarter for economic and social progress "in larger
freedom." Somehow we have recently been put-
ting most of the accent on economic progress, and
it is time to redress the balance by doing some-
thing about social progress as well.

The same thing holds true in the Commission
on Human Eights, where Marietta Tree is our
representative, following in the famous footsteps
of Mrs. Roosevelt. You who are NGO observers
know the great significance of this M'ork and what
it has already meant in helping peoples all over
the world to grasp the true meaning — the some-
times elusive meaning — of freedom.

These, of course, are the activities which are
truly important. They reach to the foundations
of life. "Without them the idea of a community
of nations would be barren. We rely on you to
follow them, to understand them, and not to let
public opinion forget about them.

Let me end with this one thought. To anybody
who represents the United States in international
affairs, with all our national faults and virtues

open to public scrutiny, the vigor and public spirit
and creativeness of our citizen organizations — our
NGO's — is a great source of pride. Most of us,
as Americans, take this for granted, so that for
me in my position to be meeting with you here this
evening is the most natural and proper thing in
the world.

Our country's history is full of the contributions
made in times of crisis by the churches, the fra-
ternal organizations, the labor unions, the "uplift"
societies of all kinds which the cynics love to make
fun of. Yet to many visitors from foreign coun-
tries all this American ferment of activity, this
free interplay of influence and leadership through-
out our national society, is a wonder to behold.

And since in this generation we are engaged in
a many-sided struggle which will decide the mean-
ing of freedom for generations to come, it seems
entirely fitting to me that organizations like yours,
whose very being is an expression of freedom,
should be with us in that struggle as advisers,
critics, collaborators, and friends.

The Man Who Wasn't There

hy Harlan Cleveland

Assistant Secretary far International Organisation Affairs

Baseball players, prizefighters, actresses, coun-
try singei-s, insurance salesmen, skindivers, and
clergymen all welcome public interest in their
professional problems. Lawyers seldom do. In-
teniational lawyers have not had enough prece-
dents to guide them.

Yet during the 15th General Assembly of the
United Nations the fancy of the public and the
solicitude of the international lawyer coincided.
They coincided on the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, the man and the office.

Dag Hammarskjold became at one and the
same time a television hero and the central target

" Address made before the American Society of Inter-
national Law at Washington, D.C., on Apr. 29 (press
release 273, revised).

of the most determined assault against the United
Nations by a member state since the Soviet Union
recalled its delegates in 1950, when the Security
Coimcil refused to seat representatives of Com-
mimist China.

Without question the Soviet assault on Dag
Hammarskjold was the major issue of this session.
It was more than that. It was an admission by
the Soviet Union that the United Nations had
besrmi to "take" — that between heaven and earth
there was a new force, undi'eamt of in the Com-
munist philosophy. The reaction was incomplete
and ineffective. As events in the Congo were re-
corded in the radio room of the Baltica as it
steamed to the East River, Premier Khrushchev
might have thought of the lines :

808

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

As I was going up the stair
I met a man who wasn't there.
He wasn't there again today.
I wish, I wish he'd stay away.

We can take some comfort in seeing con-
founded, even in a small way, those who claim to
be our enemies. But the game is not over. They
have merely been left on base a couple of times.
The Soviet reaction to this new force in the world
is indicative of how they will play the game in
the hard innings ahead.

Some Facts About the United Nations

When the United Nations was created in 1945,
it was designed for accommodation among the
great powers in an atmosphere of consultation
with the smaller ones. Power rested in the
Security Council, whose five permanent members
could veto any important action. That is what
the Soviets wanted and what they fought for at
Dumbarton Oaks and at San Francisco. To a
large extent it was what the United States wanted.
It is cleai'ly in the interests of great powers to
deal directly with each other if, in fact, they
could. As it turned out, they could not. They
needed a good many small powers looking over
their shoulders, encouraging them to get together
on international operations reflecting their com-
mon concerns.

The most notorious consequence of the shift in
emphasis to the General Assembly was this
curious and wonderful process called parliamen-
tary diplomacy. In a large and growing body of
representatives of sovereign nations, none pos-
sessed of the veto, the complex devices of parlia-
mentary government became the order of the day.
For the most part, however, the debates, the
struggle for votes, the sweeping resolutions on the
great subjects, have only a symbolic significance.
Those who have no patience with this action — or
appearance of action — fail to realize that the
imiversal acceptance of parliamentary procedure
in itself constitutes a major triumph for the most
Western of all institutions.

Contrary to the predictions of some experts, the
United Nations did not degenerate into a power-
less forum. Rather it evolved some remarkably
sophisticated means of influencing world events.
The General Assembly acquired a taste for action
which the great powers on the Security Council
had to recognize. For the United States and the

May 29, I96I

594592—61 3

United Kingdom this was never a serious prob-
lem. France has been less than enthusiastic. But
for the Soviet Union the cumulative power of the
small nations is a serious obstacle, an obstacle
both real and doctrinal.

In tliis context let us look at some facts about
the life of the United Nations in the present stage
of its evolution.

1. As we all know, the growing importance of
the U.N., combined with rigid application of the
one-coimtry, one- vote principle, makes for increas-
ing difficulty in mobilizing a two-thirds majority
in the Assembly for sensible and moderate pro-
grams and policies. The presence of "swirling
majorities" in the Assembly in turn raises the
emotional temperature of the atmosphere in de-
bates in the smaller councils, notably in the Secu-
rity Council and the Trusteeship Council but to
some extent in the Economic and Social Council
as well.

2. However, the General Assembly's resumed
session did demonstrate that it remains possible,
even in a parliament of 99 sovereign nations with
25 African states in attendance, to keep action
(as differentiated from talk) imder control. De-
spite our well-publicized difficulties in New York
during the last few weeks, there was literally no
action item which was able to get a two-thirds
majority in the General Assembly over the oppo-
sition of the United States delegation. The Arab
bloc could not sell its proposal for an alien prop-
erty custodian in Palestine. The African states
could not win on the issue of "target dates" for
non-self-governing territories. The Mexican res-
olution on Cuba likewise failed to muster a two-
thirds vote.^

3. On the other hand, a two-thirds vote was
put together for (a) the Latin American resolu-
tion on Cuba 2 (somewhat watered down, to be
sure), (b) the financing of the Congo operation,
(c) the exhortations to the Portuguese on Angola ^
and to the Belgians on Euanda-Urundi,* (d) the
recommendation to admit Mauritania,^ (e) the
approval and implementation of the plebiscite to
split the Cameroon Trust Territory, and (f) sev-
eral noncontroversial items, including the U.S.-

" For background and texts of resolutions, see Bulletin
of May 8, 1961, p. 667.
' Ibid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497.
* Ibid., May 22, 1961, p. 785.
'Ibid., Dec. 26, 1960, p. 976.

809

U.S.S.R. resolution which deferred General
Assembly discussions on disannament.®

4. Thus in the actual event the more irrespon-
sible proposals were defeated and the most neces-
sary actions were taken. The picture is by no
means one of swirling majorities under the lead-
ership of the So\'iet Union defeating the United
States at every turn. The United States is not
being defeated at every turn; and the swirling
majorities are far from being subject to Soviet
leadership. Indeed, the Soviets do not operate
in such a way as to exercise the influence they
could in this forum, since they take a relatively
extreme position on nearly eveiy issue, often
change their positions suddenly in the later stages
of debate, and have not yet learned to use their
financial influence in the U.N. (They could
jeopardize the Congo operation far more by par-
ticipating in its financing and then threatening
to withdraw than by boycotting the agreed assess-
ment from the outset.)

5. In the midst of all these stirring parliamen-
tary events higlily significant executive operations
are going on beneath the surface of the Assembly
debates. The U.N. Emergency Force continues to
sit on the Gaza Strip. The mediation machinery
in the Middle East survives the April 20 Israeli
parade in Jerusalem.' Observers and "presences"
are keeping alive some issues (like Hungary and
South-West Africa ^) that might otherwise be for-
gotten by the conscience of the world community.
By far most important of all, the U.N. executive
has been building its Congo force back up to
nearly 20,000, in spite of earlier defections under
Soviet pressure. Also during this period the
U.N. is managing a sufficient show of firmness to
convince the central Congolese government that
the best way to avoid having the U.N. mixing in
its affairs for the long rim is to cooperate with it
in the short ran. At the same time, imnoticed
and unsung, the U.N. Congo staff is conducting
in the technical, economic, and financial fields
one of the world's largest civilian advisory
operations.

° Ibid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 568.

' For text of a statement made in the Security Council
by Deputy U.S. Repre.sentative Francis T. P. Plimpton, see
ibid.. May 1, 1961, p. 649.

' For text of a statement on South-West Africa by
U.S. Representative Jonathan B. Bingham, see ibid., Apr.
17, 1961, p. 569.

6. In spite of all the talk about the devastating
effects of the Soviet attack on the Secretary-
General, that estimable executive clearly won the
1960-61 round in what will doubtless be a con-
tinuing fight. Khrushchev came in like a lion
with his proposal last fall for a tripartite Secre-
tary-General; [Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei
A.] Gromyko ascertained in March that in its
present form this proposal was strictly no sale;
and [Soviet Eepresentative "Valerian A.] Zorin
was duly instructed to go out like a lamb in April.
The predicted timidity of the Secretariat, as a
result of the Soviet attack, has materialized among
subordinates to some extent but is not much in
evidence in the Secretary-General's office.

These are lessons that can be derived from past
experience. If we look now to the future of the
United Nations, some additional facts of life are
discernible.

7. Tliere is hardly a major subject in inter-
national politics which does not have a United
Nations angle, presently or prospectively. To
put the same thought another way, neai'ly every
major matter handled by every foi-eign office in
the world has to be handled both in bilateral
diplomatic channels and in tlie multilateral chan-
nels of international organization.

8. Every United Nations matter (thus, by the
definition I have just suggested, nearly every
major matter of foreign policy) is sooner or later
subjected to the full glare of international pub-
licity. Tlie United Nations lias become a world
news center rivaling and, on some subjects, up-
staging the traditional news centers of London
and Washington.

9. The United Nations and other international
organizations are developing and can much fur-
ther develop a capacity to take executive action
on behalf of the world community as a whole.
The unnoticed lesson of the past few weeks' events
is the great potential importance to our national
interest of these international operations. The
Kennedy administration inherited three prime
trouble spots : tlie Congo, Laos, and Cuba. It is
not without meaning that, of these tliree, we have
had to move backward or sideways on Cuba
and Laos, where no international field opera-
tion has been developed; but in the Congo the
presence of a field operation maintained by an
international organization has enabled us to move
forward (by fits and starts, to be sure) precisely

810

Department of Slate Bulletin

because the world community can "intervene in
the name of nonintervention" while a single
nation, however powerful, cannot. The develop-
ment of the United Nations' operational capability
should now be a central target of American
foreign policy.

The Soviet Union and the Congo Issue

When tlie Congo operation was begun by
Security Council direction in the summer of 1960,
the Soviet Union found its freedom of action
severely curtailed by the opinion and pressures
of the vast majority of the United Nations. The
Soviets' only hope of penetrating the Congo
lay in a bold move spearheaded by Communist
advisers and diplomats in the Congo. Wlien the
large Soviet contingent was expelled from the
Congo while Premier Khrushchev was en route
to the United Nations headquarters, this hope
dwindled fast. The Russians realized that the
collective strength of the United Nations con-
stituted a portentous threat to their global plans
for indirect aggression. The weak, the poor, the
unstable nations of the world had found a means
of protecting themselves from competitive inter-
vention by putting the United Nations in business
to inject the elements of internal security, eco-
nomic growth, and political development.

Wlule some of the antics of Premier Khru-
shchev at the General Assembly are familiar to
the parliaments of Eastern Europe, many of
them must be ascribed to bafflement and frus-
tration at this realization. The vicious attack on
the Secretary-General is standard Communist
tactics — but the famous tripartite proposal has an
ad hoc ring to it that bears further examination.

In a speech before the General Assembly on
September 23, Premier Khrushchev formulated
his proposals for the tripartite system. He told
the Assembly :

We consider it reasonable and just for the executive or-
gan of the United Nations to consist not of a single per-
son— the Secretary-General — but of three persons invested
with the highest trust of the United Nations, persons
representing the States belonging to the three basic groups
I have mentioned. The point at issue is not the title of
the organ but that this executive organ should represent
the states belonging to the military bloc of the Western
Powers, the socialist States and the neutralist States.
This composition of the United Nations executive organ
would create conditions for a more correct implementa-
tion of the decisions taken.

Another passage in the same speech received
little attention, but it is most revealing of the
Soviet attitude to the United Nations. Premier
Khrushchev said:

Experience of the work of the United Nations has
shown that this body is useful and necessary, because in
it are represented all the States which are called upon
to solve, through negotiation and discussion, the pressing
issues of international relations so as to prevent them
from reaching a point where conflicts and wars might
break out. That is the positive aspect of the work of the
United Nations. That, indeed, constitutes the main pur-
pose of the creation of the United Nations.

In this passage we have the Soviet definition of
collective security. It stops with negotiation and
discussion.

As things turned out, the position of the Soviet
delegation on the Congo was a most imhappy one.
They started by voting in favor of three Security
Council resolutions that put the Secretary-General
firmly in business, with troops and civilian admin-
istrators, in the Congo.^ Then in mid-September,
after their representatives had been thrown out of
Leopoldville and [Patrice] Liunumba had been
dismissed as Prime Minister, the Soviets proposed
the removal of all U.N. troops from the Congo.
In the Security Council they used their veto to
stave off a defeat on this proposition. Caught in
a vise, they found themselves vetoing a resolution
authored by an Asian nation, Ceylon, and an
African nation, Tunisia, a resolution that urged
the Secretary-General to carry out vigorously the
earlier resolutions on the Congo which the Soviet
Union had supported.^"

The issue then moved to the General Assembly
under the Uniting-for-Peace resolution. Here
the Soviets, lacking a veto, were really over a bar-
rel. They didii't want to vote to strengthen the
mandate of the Secretary-General, on whom they
were about to launch a massive attack. But they
also didn't want to vote against the Congo opera-
tion for fear of offending the entire body of United
Nations members, including the whole Afro- Asian
group, which supported it. The final vote in the
General Assembly on this crucial issue was 70 in

"For background, see ibid., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 159; Aug. 8,
1960, p. 221; and Sept. 5, 1960, p. 384. Note: Footnote
4, ihid., p. 38.0, is in error. France and Italy, not Poland
and the U.S.S.R., abstained from the vote on resolution
S/4426 on Aug. 9, 1960.

'° For background, see ihid., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 527.

May 29, J967

811

favor, none against, and 11 abstentions, mostly
the Soviets and their satellites.'^

The sequel was played out in the Security Coun-
cil during the first month of the Kennedy admin-
istration.'^ The Secretary-General thought he
needed a stronger mandate to deal with the com-
peting political factions in the Congo and to stop
the defection of troops from the U.N. Force. In
the Security Council debate that followed. Am-
bassador Adlai Stevenson used his eloquence in
support of the Secretary-General, M'hile the
Soviet delegation tried to weaken the mandate and
undermine the office of Secretary-General into the
bargain.

Again the Soviets found themselves in a box.
They did not want to strengthen the U.N. man-
date, but by converting the Congo debate into a
crisis of confidence in the United Nations itself,
the Soviets found even their closest collaborators
among the Afro- Asians heading for the exits when
the Soviet resolution came to a vote. The Secre-
taiy-General's new mandate then sailed through
the Security Council by a vote of 9 to 0, with
the Soviets abstaining — accompanied only by the
French, wlio have consistently abstained from all
Congo lesolutions from the outset. Only on the
narrow issue of the death of Lmnumba did the
Soviets attract a few nonsatellite votes that night.

Soviet Attack on the Secretary-General

The issue of replacing the Secretary-General
went even more poorly. The So^det tlireat to with-
draw recognition — the "freezeout" they had used
on Hammarskj old's predecessor, Trygve Lie — was
not even carried out consistently by the Soviets
and their satellites. The reply of the Secretary-
General was itself a devastating blow. The Soviet
effort was doomed from the start, and the Soviet
delegates were defenseless before Hammarskjold's
simple statement:

. . . much more is at stake than this or that organiza-
tion of the United Nations. Indeed, the United Nations
lias never been and will never be more than an instru-
ment for member governments in their effort to pave the
way towards orderly and peaceful coexistence. It is not
the man, it is not even the institution, it is that very
effort that has now come under attack.

Whenever this issue is thus clearly raised, it is

quickly recognized as involving the very existence
of the United Nations. Take the most recent effort
to undermine the position of the Secretarj'- Gen-
eral. It came up during the General Assembly
debate earlier this month on yet another Congo
resolution." On April 15 Guinea proposed an
amendment which would have replaced the words
"Secretary-General" with the more general phrase
"all authorities concerned." This crude attack on
the immovable body of Dag Hammarskjold was
overwhelmingly rejected by a vote of 83 to 11, with
only 5 members of the United Nations abstaining.
It is difficult to deteimine how much damage
the Soviet attack on the Secretary-General has
done to their pretension to being protector of the
new nations. The point was driven home in Presi-
dent Kennedy's clear pronouncement that the
United Nations is vital to the smaller nations."
Ambassador Stevenson put it this way in the
Security Council:"

My own country, as it happens, is in the fortunate posi-
tion of being able to look out for itself and for its inter-
ests, and look out it will. But it is for the vast majority
of states that the United Nations has vital meaning and
is of vital necessity. I call on those states to rise in
defense of the integrity of the institution which is for
them the only assurance of their freedom and their
liberty and the only assurance for all of us of peace in the
years to come.

This theme was echoed by nation after nation
in the discussion that followed. Few of these com-
ments missed the point that the clear intent of the
Soviet proposal was to strip the United Nations of
its capacity to act. The following comments are
typical :

Burma: In these circumstances my delegation does not
see any need at present to modify his office or his func-
tions or to reorganize his Secretariat. Any such course is
not only bound to retard the efficiency of the United Na-
tions operations but is sure to weaken the Organization
itself.

Canada: The proposal of the Soviet Union to replace
the Secretary-General with a three-man presidium requir-
ing unanimous agreement to act is a transparent plan to
undermine the prestige and authority of the United
Nations. Having thwarted the United Nations so often
through the exercise of the veto, the Soviet Union now
seems bent on destroying the United Nations by neutraliz-
ing its power to proceed effectively and promptly in
emergencies as tiey arise.

Ceylon: The collegium or triumvirate — call it what you

^For background, see iUd., Oct. 10, 1960, p. 5S3.
' Ibid., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359.

" lUd., May 22, 1961, p. 781.
^'lUd., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 207.
'= Ihid., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359.

812

Department of State Bulletin

will — composed as suggested, would not, if it is at the
same time hamstrung by giving the right of veto to each
member, be capable of effective or prompt action or of
discharging the responsibilities which, as successor to
the Secretary-General, it would be called upon to assume
under the charter.

Chile: If we were to have several Secretaries-General
we would lose the necessary unity which must prevail in
any executive branch, and we should sterilize the oflBce to
such a point that agreements and decisions would be left
unimplemented for an unduly long time.

Cyprns: It is most essential that the oflSce of the Secre-
tary-General, as the executive organ of the United Na-
tions, should in no way be weakened in its decision or
hampered in its action. Any assumption of the authority
and functions of the Secretary-General by a political body,
however constituted, or any other interpolation in the
Secretary-General's duties, would bring the discord of
politics into the heart of the executive and would thus
paralyze its action and its efficacy at times when it is most
needed.

Ecuador: That would mean putting a brake on United
Nations action.

Greece: In an organization spread over the whole world
and liable to he called upon suddenly to act in any part
of our globe, the organs which take the decisions are and
should be collective. Delays, often very regrettable, are
unavoidable. But if to the collective organs which take
the decisions are added collective organs for their execu-
tion, then we shall no longer be confronted with regretta-
ble and dangerous delays but with total immobilization.
If the proposed changes were made, the executive author-
ity in times of grave crisis, after discussing for a number
of days, or even of weeks, the meaning of the decisions
taken and the manner of their execution, would have no
other functions to perform than to draw up a report on
the accomplished facts.

India: Insofar as executive action is concerned, it would
not be desirable for the executive to be weakened when
frequent and rapid decisions have to be made. That would
mean an abdication of the responsibilities undertaken by
the United Nations. If the executive itself is split up
and pulls in different directions, it will not be able to
function adequately or with speed. For that reason the
executive should be given authority to act within the
terms of the directions issued.

Ireland: We stand firmly in support of the oflBce of the
Secretary-General, as the organ of the charter which pro-
vides the means of effective implementation of the Or-
ganization's decisions.

Israel: We have the Security Council with the veto
power on decisions, and we are now asked to create a sys-
tem of veto power on implementation.

New Zealand: It is even more disquieting to have an
alternative proposal put before the Assembly to replace
unity by crippling division, decision by indecision, trust
by suspicion and uncertainty. It must be clear to those
who study the meaning of the charter, and who place
their faith in the success of its principles, that the accept-
ance of the proposal to which I refer could foreshadow

the failure of this Organization as the defender of inter-
national peace and security.

Tunisia: To seek to transform the Secretariat into an
organ which would also have a type of veto over the deci-
sions of our Organization would without doubt render
the actions of the United Nations ineffectual.

El Salvador: This tripartite body that would exist in-
stead of the Secretary-General would only be able to act—
and this is Mr. Khrushchev's declared intention — on the
basis of unanimity. Thus, the executive organ of the
United Nations that is in charge of implementing the deci-
sions of the Council or the General Assembly would there-
upon be imbued with the innate and chronic disease that
makes the Council itself inoperative— in other words, the
veto.

Thailand: With such results now at hand the only logi-
cal course of action that remains open to us is to
strengthen the office of the Secretary-General as insti-
tutionalized in our charter.

Venezuela: Moreover, the establishment of this tripar-
tite body to replace the Secretary-General would prevent
the highest administrative body of the United Nations
from having any effective action and it would destroy its
flexibility.

The response to the Soviet proposal was almost
unanimously negative. Nobody laughed, but the
Soviet proposal began to look about as ridiculous
as the testimony of that

. . . old party of Lyme

Who married three wives at a time

When asked "Why the third?"

He replied "One's absurd.
And bigamy, sir, is a crime !"

Perhaps the Soviet proposal for a tripartite
Secretary-General can best be seen for what it is
in an analogy suggested by a historian of my ac-
quaintance. In the first half of the 16th century,
he suggests, it would have made just about as
much sense to suggest setting up an international
organization in which the administration of inter-
national operations was entrusted to a triumvirate
consisting of the Pope, the Sultan, and Martin
Luther.

Supporting Executive Functions of the U.N.

If the Russians lost the current round on this
issue at the United Nations, they clearly have no
intention of abandoning it. Tripartism has be-
come a watchword of Soviet diplomacy in all
organizations of the United Nations and else-
where. They attack single administrators and
propose three-headed executives in nearly every
intergovernmental conference on almost any sub-
ject. They have demanded the addition of neutral

May 29, 7961

813

states to the Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee.
More serious is the proposal put forward by the
Soviet representative at the nuclear test talks in
Geneva. This demanded replacing the single ad-
ministrator envisioned for the nuclear test control
organization by an administrative council of three
members. The veto-fanged Cerberus called for in
this case represents a serious retrogression, for the
Soviet Union had earlier accepted the idea of a
single administrator whose selection would be sub-
ject to approval by the United States, the United
Kingdom, and the Soviet Union.

The Soviet defeat on tripartism in the United
Nations is a source of some comfort. But while
the soundness of our own argument may cheer us
in long midnight watclies of the General As-
sembly, our solace will hardly contribute to the
major foreign policy objective of an improvement
in Commimist-free-world relations. To the con-
trary, if the Soviet argument is really an inde-
fensible attempt to sabotage international organi-
zations, their vigorous espousal of it is a cause for
grave concern. Have the Russians just written
off all forms of international cooperation? Not
quite ; but there is no doubt that the development
of an operational capacity in international or-
ganizations, especially the United Nations, poses a
challenge to these doctrines that the Communists
have not yet resolved.

On one hand the Soviet Union can decide to re-
ject the substance of international cooperation.
But it is unlikely to do so under the cloak of a doc-
trine as imembroidered and as transparent as that
put forward in the General Assembly. As Sir
Walter Scott said, you can "Tell that to the
marines — the sailors won't believe it." (Yes, it
was Sir Walter Scott who first used what we think
of as a typical American expression.)

On the other hand, the Soviet Union can move
toward the recognition that there are in fact more
things between heaven and earth than are dreamt
of in the Communist philosophy, that in view of
the multiplicity of traditions and ways of life in
this world both neutral men and neutral nations
are possible — and may even be desirable.

But we also, like the Soviets, have some doc-
torial homework to do on the executive functions
of the United Nations. We have to learn not to be
dashed by the invective nor dazzled by the rhetoric
of parliamentary diplomacy. We have to leam
instead to apply our power even more effectively

in support of the U.N.'s capacity to take executive
action. And that means, above all, continuous and
hearty U.S. support for "the man who wasn't
there."

U.S., Argentine Presidents Exciiange
Views on Alliance for Progress

PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO MR. FRONDIZi

White House press release dated April 27

April 18, 1961

Dear Mr. President: I am grateful for your
letter of April 3 with its eloquent statement of
the principles and aims of your government in the
field of hemispheric relations. I am especially
heartened to be assured of your support in the
determination to make the Alliance for Progress ^
an undertaking of transcendent spiritual and
material consequence for all the people of the
Americas.

IMaiiy problems beset the effort to enlarge eco-
nomic abundance, cultural opportunity and social
justice for all the people of the hemisphere. You
have masterfully analyzed the demoralizing and
disruptive consequences of persisting under-de-
velopment. I share your belief that we must all
work together at the earliest possible time and
with the utmost resolution and vigor to overcome
this condition.

I have great sympathy for your view that the
"initial impetus" should be concentrated on the
establishment and expansion of basic industries
and services. Industrialization provides the vital
means by which the hemisphere can move forward
toward a greater and more equitably shared abun-
dance. It is our hope that the Alianza will pro-
vide a means of raising and generating the capital
necessary to stimulate such industrial development.

And I am sure — from your reference to the over-
coming of illiteracy and disease and to the need for
opportunities corresponding to talent and char-
acter— that you agree equally that capital by itself
is not enough to do the job.

Experience has shown that capital investment is
only one of the conditions of economic growth.
Other conditions include an increasingly literate

' For tests of an address by President Kennedy and a
message to Congress, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

814

Department of Stale Bulletin

and healthy popuhition, an expanding supply of
administrative and managerial talent, an ever
more mobile society and, above all, a growing com-
mitment to social justice so that the returns of
growth accrue, not to a single class, but to an entire
community. For this reason we believe that social
progress has an indispensable role to play in help-
ing create the conditions in which capital invest-
ment will lead to meaningful economic growth.
Far from being in conflict, economic and social de-
velopment are essential partners in the task of
modernization.

You correctly state that imder-development is
not limited to grave material need. Economic
abundance, agreeable as it may be, is not itself the
end of life. A full life, as you wisely note, must
be defined in a cultural and spiritual sense. Our
concern with economic abundance is precisely to
provide the fomidation on which our hemisphere
may strive for higher cultural and spiritual
fulfillment.

The goals of development are simple ; the means
of development infinitely ramified. I see the
process as one of intimate cooperation among the
free republics of the hemisphere, in which each
will pool his ideas and experience in order to pro-
mote the growth of all. I see the Alliance for
Progress as a great release of the creative energies
of our peoples in a hemisphere defined by freedom,
social justice and mutual self-respect.

I warmly welcome your desire for continued
consultations between our Governments and for
the pooling of our efforts and ideas as we move
forward to make the Alliance for Progress a
dynamic reality.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

PRESIDENT FRONDIZI TO MR. KENNEDY

White House press release dated April 4, as corrected

April 3, 1961
To His Excellency the President of tlie United States

of America
John P. Kennedy
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. President : I have given most careful atten-
tion to the address delivered by Your Excellency on
March 13 last before the Latin American Ambassadors in
Washington."

" Ihid.
May 29, I96I

I wish to state to Tour Excellency that the announce-
ment of the alliance for progress enunciated therein opens
a new historic perspective of the common task of the
American Republics.

Our countries constitute a community united by geo-
graphical, historical and, above all, spiritual ties that
are indissoluble.

■fl'e are a branch of the western world. At the time of
the great discoveries the western world put out branches
to aU corners of the earth. To all of them it trans-
mitted the vitality of its culture and its spirit of
progress. In this way it came into contact with other
ancient cultures and with primitive peoples. It pene-
trated some of them and used the old and the new values.
In others it made its presence actively felt but did not
effect a permanent fusion.

America developed as part of the western world. Our
indigenous peoples absorbed its religion and its culture.
The European peoples who came to our shores became a
part of our land forever.

Our political independence, which we gained almost
simultaneously, was the first expression of the vitality
and maturity of the imported culture, which was thus
acquiring an autonomous existence.

From that time on we began the great struggles to de-
velop our national entities, to establish a democratic way
of life based on respect for human dignity, and to pro-
mote the progress and well-being of our peoples.

The evolution of our Republics was marked by the
variety and diversity that are characteristic of human
destiny itself, although our ideals and our objectives
were the same. We have all faced problems and con-
flicts in our evolution toward democracy and liberty:
internecine struggles, local conflicts, tyranny. In Europe,
in full maturity, such conflicts reached the catastrophic
dimensions that brought the world to the last war.

On that occasion the United States constituted the
moral and material reserve upon which decisive action
developed to save permanent values at their final cross-
roads.

Then, in an unprecedented decision, it put forth a
great economic and technical effort in the Marshall plan
in order to make possible the rapid reconstruction of
a world economically paralyzed by devastation and tot-
tering on the edge of a grave crisis, threatening disinte-
gration which would have been fatal to our civilization.
Today Latin America is also passing through a period
of crisis in which basic values are at stake.

Many of our peoples have been successful in re-estab-
lishing the democratic institutions essential to the respect
for our traditional values, for human liberty, and for an
economic regime based on social justice, private enter-
prise and respect for private property.

Nevertheless, the Latin American nations are troubled
by a serious, disturbing factor which hinders our progress,
makes it difiicult for the governments to satisfy the ever
stronger aspirations of the people and, imder such con-
ditions, threatens our social stability in the face of the
corrosive activities of disruptive demagoguery and propa-
ganda; this negative factor, as Your Excellency has
clearly perceived, is that of under-development.

815

The conditions of under-development prevalent in Latin
America disturb and impede all national efforts to bring
about an improvement iu the living conditions of our
peoples.

In very tew cases is the national product of the coun-
tries of Latin America growing at a rate equal or superior
to that of the increase in population ; exports, consisting
principally of raw materials, have increased less than the
population and therefore provide resources considerably
under those required for the acquisition of equipment and
manufactured articles indispensable for development.

As repositories of a concept of life based on Christianity
and western tradition, we uphold the supremacy of spirit-
ual values that constitute the dignity of man. In hours
critical for the world and for our countries, we do not
hesitate to abandon all attachment to material wealth in
defense of that which is vital for mankind.

But in the present crisis of Latin America these values
are threatened by the disturbances and frustrations caused
our people by their inadequate incomes, which mean
economic insecurity and, for many communities, mal-
nutrition, disease, and ignorance.

I have had repeated occasion to point out that the
vicious circle of poverty and under-development calls for
vigorous solutions. In present world conditions, political
as well as economic, no under-developed country can
formulate such solutions within the framework of a demo-
cratic regime, without the cooperation of the developed
countries.

Moreover, I should like to emphasize to Your Excellency
that the problem of under-development is a grave question
not only in situations of extreme poverty ; it is not only a
question of overcoming the problem of hunger, contagious
diseases or illiteracy ; people in the middle of the Twenti-
eth Century aspire to levels of well-being appropriate to
this age and not simply to the material necessities of life.

Their aspirations encompass not only the biological
needs but also what at this point in civilization and world
progress is a full life, in a material and cultural sense and
in a physical and spiritual sense. Rural man aspires to
become informed and to be heard, democratically,
in the making of the national decisions which will affect
him ; this means educational, trausportation and commu-
nications facilities, electrification and rural sanitation,
equitable commercial treatment ; industrial workers who
have acquired the skills to operate the complex machinery
in the factories aspire to higher cultural levels, to a
higher social position, to a state of well-being commensu-
rate with the level of productivity made possible by
modern technology.

Professional and technical people and intellectuals also
aspire to be respected in their professions and to achieve
in the communities to which they belong positions of
responsibility commensurate with their capabilities.

This implies not only adequate income levels, but also
laboratory and educational facilities, and, above all,
recognition by society of their aptitudes and capabilities.
The history of this century indicates that tensions of
this type, perhaps even more than those created by
extreme poverty, offer fertile soil for the germination of

nihilist movements that can open the door to the irruption
of Communist totalitarianism.

In your message to Congress on the subject of the inter-
national cooperation programs of the United States,' Your
Excellency pointed out with great clarity that these pro-
grams are not limited to a passive struggle of mere
opposition to Communism but have the dynamic aim of
demonstrating historically that in the Twentieth Century
rapid economic growth can be achieved within the frame-
work of our democratic institutions.

Apart from the Marshall Plan for Europe, in the years
following the last World War there has been carried on a
vast work of international cooperation in the economic
and technical fields in which the United States has had
the most important role including that of genuine leader-
ship. However, despite the considerable extent of the
effort, from an absolute standpoint, and the positive
results obtained, if that effort is measured in relation to
the magnitude of the needs of the under-developed coun-
tries, it is insufficient in comparison with the urgency of
existing problems and tensions.

In an exceptional act of statesmanship immediately
after your assumption of the high national and global
responsibility of the Presidency of the United States Your
Excellency revived the best traditions of a great nation
by taking an initiative commensurate with the importance
and urgency of the problem.

For that reason I have not been content to limit myself
to merely offering my congratulations, however warm
they may be.

In this question our destiny as free nations and our
responsibility as leaders are at stake. In the name of
that responsibility I wish to say today to Your Excellency
that my government unreservedly commits itself to the
joint cooperative effort of the alliance for progress that
you have opened to all the nations of the Americas. This
is a decision dictated by the irreversible course I chose
for my country when I became head of the government
three years ago.

We faced without flinching the difficult task of con-
solidating our institutions, the free exercise of rights
guaranteed by our constitution, and social peace, and at
the same time we initiated an economic policy designed
to reorganize and stabilize our finances and to promote, on
these bases, a process of rapid national development.

Under extremely difficult conditions, our faith in the
traditional ideals of the west enabled us, with the support
of the people, to demonstrate clearly that the most fitting
and most direct road to economic well-being and progress
can be constructed within the framework of democracy
and freedom, affirming the exercise of man's highest
spiritual qualities.

The instruments of government intervention that had
previously interfered with the economic life of the nation
were removed. We furnished an adequate and definitive
solution to the manifold national and international prob-
lems with which our country had been burdened for sev-
eral decades; we called for heavy sacrifice in the nature
of austerity on the part of our people to curb the dis-

' Ibid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

816

Department of State Bulletin

integrating process of inflation and to reliabilitate our
finances, and we initiated a program of sound develop-
ment.

Of course, this undertalcing would have been impossible
of realization if we had not had the valuable cooperation
of the nations of Western Europe, to which we are bound
by traditional ties, and above all of the United States,
your great country, which from the start showed great
understanding of the critical importance of the under-
taking we were launching.

This cooperation has strengthened the bonds that unite
our two countries in a practical and concrete form that
is without precedent in our history.

The efforts of my Government have had important and
favorable results but have also encountered strong ob-
stacles that have brought about negative results as well.
But we persevere in them because we know that they
constitute a long-range effort which must be continued
by those who follow us.

For this reason, Mr. President, I state to you today that,
as President of the Argentines, I consider myself irrevo-
cably a participant in the alliance for progress, aware of
the new efforts that it will demand of your country, of
mine, and of all the other members of the American
Community, but also certain that only through this ef-
fort can we fulfill the historic destiny of America in this
century charged with anxiety and promise.

The alliance for progress is a joint undertaking im-
plying responsibilities for all as a condition for the
achievement of objectives that will benefit all.

As Tour Excellency has pointed out, it is a question of
undertaking in this decade a decisive effort to place the
American peoples on the road to a rapid economic devel-
opment that win enable them to raise their standards of
living and to overcome the social tensions brought about
by these living standards.

This program must be properly organized and oriented,
in order that the necessarily limited resources may be
utilized in the most efficient manner ; in spite of the great
amount of cooperation envisaged by Tour Excellency and
the magnitude of the contribution resulting from the
efforts of all our countries themselves, it will always
be limited in relation to the vastness of the objectives to
be achieved.

For this reason I believe it necessary to concentrate the
initial impetus on the establishment and strategic ex-
pansion of the basic industries and services that will, in
turn, permit the acceleration of industrialization and the
mechanization of agriculture and thereby rapidly raise
the productivity of our economies.

The magnitude of this undertaking also brings up a

question that my Government raised on several occasions
over a year ago and that has also been given attention
by Tour Excellency : it is that of the participation of
countries of Western Europe, bound by close traditional
ties to Latin America, in this effort at cooperation for
its development.

The development of the program presented by Tour
Excellency will require close contact and exchange of
ideas and initiatives among all the participating countries.
It will also be necessary to utilize existing institutions to
the maximum extent, especially the new Inter-American
Development Bank. The studies which have been carried
out by the Economic Commission for Latin America and
the work done by the OAS [Organization of American
States], which culminated in the Conference that au-
thorized the Act of Bogotd,* will also be of great utility.

Nevertheless, I should like to point out to Tour Ex-
cellency that I believe the magnitude of the task implicit
in the alliance for progress will require machinery for
cooperation which, while permitting the most effective use
of the aforementioned institutions, will have the flexi-
bility and etficiency that will, for example, permit active
participation in the program by the countries of Western
Europe and will assure efficient channeling of the co-
operative effort toward the basic sectors mentioned above.
This question, raised by my Government long before the
announcement of the program formulated by Tour Ex-
cellency, now acquires, in our opinion, a much greater
timeliness and importance.

My advisers and I myself are prepared to hold con-
sultations with Tour Excellency and all the American
Governments in order to consider the means necessary
for giving the alliance for progress dynamic reality.

Mr. President: Please receive these lengthy comments
that I have taken the liberty of expressing as the most
direct homage to the lofty spirit that has inspired your
transcendent act of statesmanship.

From them you may have gathered the fact that I al-
ready consider the alliance for progress as a reality that
is on the march, and I am certain that this opinion is
held by all the American Governments.

In the course of this march, as we advance toward the
conquest of our future, the threat of any attempt from
abroad to create disturbances will be removed from this
hemisphere, and prosperity attained within the framework
of respect for liberty and the rule of justice will be
definitively affirmed.

Cordial greetings

Aetubo Fbondizi

' For text, see ibid., Oct. 3, 1960, p. .537.

May 29, I96T

817

Economic and Social Progress for Expanding Trade in the Americas

by Adolf A. Berle

Chairman, Task Force on Latin America ^

This meeting, as I understand it, is to consider
the problems of world trade. The Mississippi
Valley World Trade Council has a solid impact on
that trade. The bases of that trade are changing
throughout the world and especially in Latin
America. It is of this I wish to speak.

Most of Latin America is well along on an eco-
nomic and social revolution. The rules of its eco-
nomic life are changing. They have to change.
"Whatever happens, you can be sure of that. In
Latin America it is simply impossible to continue
along the lines marked out more than a century
ago. Wliether we talk of economics or whether
we talk of common humanity, the wealth of Latin
America has to be increasingly distributed so that
all of its people in all of its countries get a steadily
increasing share of the national income, both as it
stands now and as it grows. Poverty-stricken
men do not buy. Modern mass markets in Latin
America as elsewhere are not made up of
millionaires.

This ought not to come as any shock to the
United States. For more than half a century our
own counti-y has been working out ways so that the
wealth and income of the United States shall
increasingly be distributed. Tlie Granger move-
ment talked of it a century ago. Theodore Koose-
velt began it with direct legislation. Woodrow
Wilson blocked out more direct additional moves,
including income taxes and banking legislation.
Henry Ford started the movement in industry for
higher wages and continuous employment. The

' Address made before the Mississippi Valley World
Trade Council at New Orleans, La., on May 4 (press
release 289).

social security reforms of Franklin Eoosevelt car-
ried the process still further.

These policies were conceived primarily as meas-
ures for sound human decency. As we see it,
everyone willing to work is entitled to a living
wage and a share in the prosperity of the country.
But, as we know now, these same measures also
laid the foundation for the astonishing production,
the vast consumption, and the wide distribution in
the United States. Briefly, they created markets.

Each time social measures were undertaken
there was violent opposition. Critics insisted they
would bankrupt business, or the United States, or
someone else. Yet, in every case, when the dust
cleared away, it was discovered that more people
could buy more things than before. Markets were
expanded. There was both greater purchasing
power and greater desire to consume. So fac-
tories could grow, and they did. Those business
enterprises which most feared social legislation
found that these same measures contributed to
their own prosperity. I recall being called a Com-
munist 25 years ago for advocating unemploy-
ment insurance and social security. Today even
the Wall Street Journal and the New York banks
consider these measures "built-in stabilizers." In
business terms they create a market that keeps on
going. They have proved a powerful support and
a great factor of growth in the American economic
system.

Requisites of Trade

Latin America, save for a few countries — Costa
Rica is a brilliant exception — has not yet had this
tremendous economic and social change. Cuba,

818

Department of State Bulletin

for example, did not have distribution of wealth
proportionate to her wealth, though she was one
of the most prosperous countries in the area.
That, I believe, is the reason why Communists
there were able to seize the Cuban revolution and
twist it into Marxist lines. It is also the reason
why Costa Rica is now one of the solidest democ-
racies in Latin America. Translated into com-
mercial language, countries which have had their
New Deal have far more customers internally and
are far better customers on the world market than
those which have not.

This is the theory behind President Kennedy's
proposed Alliance for Progress.^ It is also the
real and burning issue in Latin American politics
now. It will continue to be the main issue for
some time to come. A 10-year program is con-
templated. As plans for the Alliance for Prog-
ress develop, I hope you will support them. I
hope you will support them chiefly on grounds of
human decency and justice. But I hope you also
will realize that, over the pull, they will greatly
increase the economic exchange between the
United States and the rest of the hemisphere.
Success, in my judgment, will also determine
whether Latin America accomplishes her great
development in freedom or whether she tries it
under Communist auspices as a concomitant of
the cold war.

There is a great analogy between Latin Amer-
ican affairs today and European affairs in 1947.
Then, you recall, the Marshall plan was an-
nounced. The Soviet Union was intervening
with arms to take over Greece. The United
States moved at that time to support Greece
against that attack. In the following months a
cold-war campaign raged all over Europe. The
Communists attacked the Marshall plan just as
the Communists in Cuba and in South America
are attacking President Kennedy and the Alliance
for Progress. They mustered all the support
they had to try to overthrow every West Euro-
pean government in 1947. They failed. Europe
elected progress under freedom and is today one
of the most prosperous and powerful areas in the
world.

The same result will, I believe, be the result in
Latin America in the coming year. The Alliance
for Progress will polarize the foi'ces of progress
under freedom against the movements worked up

' Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.
May 29, 7967

by the Sino-Soviet Commimists. The Alliance
will find two sets of enemies— enemies of the ex-
treme right, who really want no social change,
and the Communists, who basically want to de-
liver their countries into the hands of the Sino-
Soviet bloc under Communist tyranny.

The United States will, I am clear, find itself
allied with the great majority of Latin Americans.
They want economic progress and social develop-
ment as much as everyone else, but they want their
freedom too. And they have no interest at all in
putting themselves, again, under the rule of either
European or Asian empires.

Economic Elements Within U.S. Control

Two major economic elements lie within the
United States control.

The most important is the fact that the most
prized, indeed urgent, necessity for Latin America
is access to the markets of the United States. We
are the largest buyei-s of sugar, coffee, bananas, of
minerals like copper, oil, bauxite, and, more re-
cently, iron ore. One of the queer ironies in this
is the complete upset of the theory of Karl Marx.
He considered (Communist propagandists still
assert) that countries like the United States got
rich because they exploited the less developed
areas — like South America — and are bound to
conquer them to sell manufactured goods there.

In point of fact the process works just the other
way. The less developed countries are the ones
that need markets. These they seek in the United
States. Cuba as a country was pretty well off,
but she got her wealth by selling sugar at an over-
price to the American consumer. It is a fair
economic statement that Cuba was rich because
she could sell sugar to the United States on ex-
cellent terms. Her difKculty was not that she was
being exploited. She was doing extremely well.
It was that she had not achieved a system which
distributed her wealth to her mas-ses in proportion
to the wealth she was reaping.

The other great element is the proper handling
of capital and investment. The United States
is still the largest reservoir of capital available
for use outside the comitry. But there are dis-
tinct limits to the export of capital. For one
thing, the United States does not need to export
capital — again a failure of the theory of Karl
Marx. Roughly estimating, I should guess the
United States will need, internally, an increasing
amount of its capital in the next 10 years and

819

tlierefore will wish to export less. I doubt that
American private investment is the key to eco-
nomic problems in Latin America, though in
certain respects it can be of great help. For
one thing, there is capital available in Latin
America, though many Latin Americans have
not learnt to use it as effectively as we do.
For another, it is a mistake to think that Latin
Americans are not good technicians. Many Latin
American countries have just as good engineers,
chemists, and production men as we do. Many
of the best run American enterprises in Latin
America are staffed from top to bottom with men
of the comitry in which they work. Their testi-
mony is that Latin Americans managing Latin
American enterprises are if anything more effec-
tive than North Americans. They are just as
lionest, they are, or can be, just as well trained,
and they know their own countries. Neither the
United States nor any other country, including
those in Latin America, likes to have its great
economic enterprises run by foreigners. The real
problem is mobilizing Latin American teclmique,
skill, energy, and capital, along with American
capital, to meet Latin American development
need.

Like other peoples, Latin Americans do not
enjoy foreign ownership of their resources beyond
a limited proportion. They have no monopoly
on this feeling. After World War I it de-
veloped that the great bulk of the radio in-
dustry in the United States was owned in Europe.
The United States then moved heavily to bring
this ownership into American hands. This is
why Latin Americans, rightly I think, prefer to
finance by borrowing rather than by selling equi-
ties, and I think they are right.

I believe that a substantial part of Latin
America will eventually come to a mixed
sj^stem much like that of the United States. IMost
of their industry will be owned in and by their
own countries and controlled by their own na-
tionals, though there will always be a margin
where foreign investment is useful. I should
imagine that in Latin America — as was true in
the United States — presently foreign-owned enter-
prises will be increasingly selling shai-es of stock
in these enterprises to the citizens, the pension
trust funds, the insurance companies, and the other
institutions wliich are emerging in these coun-
tries all over the continent.

But in one vital respect the United States can
and should help. One difficulty with Latin
America has been that, save in a few countries,
what we call "social capital" has not been pro-
vided. By "social capital"' I mean those essential
expenditures which are not and will not be com-
mercial. These are moneys spent for schools, for
public health, for homesteading and settlement
of families on the land, for road systems, and for
housing. The Spanish phrase used by President
Kennedy in his March 13 speech,^ techo, trabajo
y tierra, salvd y escuela, means "Everyone should
have a roof over his head, a job and some land."
This implies a social base. Men do not get land
without agrarian reform. United States citizens
did not: They got land through the Homestead
Act. Families do not have houses without credit
arrangements to pay for them. Most houses in
the United States now are financed through our
own Federal Housing Administration. Men do
not have and keep jobs maless they have (public)
health and schooling. All these call for noncom-
mercial expenditures. They always have.

Now it is no good arguing that Latin America
should have tackled this particular job long ago,
as did the United States from the time of Jefferson
on. Maybe so. But there is no use quarreling
with yesterday. This job has to be done. It has to
be done quickly, to make up for lost time. It has
to be done chiefly by Latin America, with Latin
American money and Latin American work. The
United States, however, can help. We can assist
with substantial contributions toward the creation
of a system of universal education. We can as-
sist in building many of the essential road and
transport links just as we assisted Europe in re-
building the essential links blown out in World
War II. We can say that an essential element of
the Alliance for Progress is the requirement that
public and private activity in Latin America shall
move into this field and do the job which perhajjs
should have been done years before. The Alliance
for Progress consequently contemplates two kinds
of money : money designed for economic develop-
ment, but also money designed for social develop-
ment. Both kinds of money can and should be
used in connection with matching effort by the
countries themselves.

I believe most of Latin America understands
this. There is now meeting in Santiago, Chile, a

'Ibid.

820

Department of State Bulletin

conference of what is called ECLA— the Eco-
nomic Commission for Latin America. That con-
ference will discuss — as Europeans discussed in
1947 — arrangements for common markets, lower-
ing of internal tariff barriers, better arrangements
for balance-of-payment and exchange problems,
unification of tlie effort. This can offer a power-
ful element in the building of the Alliance for
Progress.

This ECLA meeting will be followed by the spe-
cial meeting of tlie Inter- American Economic and
Social Council which President Kennedy has sug-
gested.* This inter-American meeting, to take
place in early summer, will consider and approve
the broad plans and policies to launch the Alliance
for Progress in the hemisphere.

Let me add a final word. Social systems will
differ in different countries. They will not all look
like the United States. Here we favor private
ownership over public ownership. But in Chile,
for example, the best piece of economic develop-
ment has been done by its development corpora-
tion which is publicly owned and which functions
very much like the Temiessee Valley Authority or
the Port of New York Authority. There are coun-
tries which may well be socialist because that is
the economic form their people understand. The
Spanish Empire, you must remember, especially in
the Indian regions, never had purely private enter-
prise at all. The famous gold mines one reads of
in history were not private; they were operated
for the King of Spain. The fact that each coun-
try works toward its own social form need not
bother us if it is free, friendly, and not a tool of
overseas power politics.

The interest of the United States lies, I think, in
two fields : first, that each country shall develop it-
self strongly, successfully, humanely in the man-
ner it chooses and in freedom; second, that no
coimtry shall be betrayed, cheated, or intimidated
into becoming a pawn of an imperial power
struggle of the Sino-Soviet empires, under whom
peoples are lost as empires flourish. Granted this,
I have no fear of the resulting commercial devel-
opment so far as the United States is concerned.
The stronger, the better educated, the better
equipped Latin America is, the more widely its
wealth is distributed, the better will be the com-
merce between our countries.

* Ihid., May 22, 1961, p. 766.
May 29, I96I

Venezuelan Financial Mission

Presa release 302 dated May 9

A sijecial mission of the Government of Vene-
zuela has been engaged in discussions in Washing-
ton since May 3 with representatives of the U.S.
Govei-nment as well as of appropriate inter-
American and international organizations con-
cerning the program of the Venezuelan Govern-
ment for the acceleration of the economic and
social development of Venezuela under conditions
of political and financial stability. This mission
represents a continuation of several contacts,
which have been maintained since the middle of
1960 between the Government of Venezuela and
U.S. financial agencies.

The Venezuelan representatives have informed
the Government of the United States of the ob-
jectives of the Venezuelan program and of the
measures the Government of Venezuela has taken
or has imder consideration to strengthen the
Venezuelan economy, including measures to
balance the budget by the increase of tax revenues
and the reduction of nonessential expenditui-es.
The Venezuelan program also includes develop-
ment projects which will contribute to the con-
tinued economic growth of Venezuela and the
improvement of the social and economic condi-
tions of the Venezuelan people in both rural and
urban areas. The mission has outlined its expec-
tations regarding the availability of external
resources to supplement domestic resources for the
realization of this program.

The U.S. representatives have been impressed
with the approach of the Government of Vene-
zuela to tlus problem of assuring economic and
social progress with political stability and with
freedom. The United States has confidence in
the capacity of the Government of Venezuela to
meet the needs of the Venezuelan people under
the conditions of representative democracy and a
free society.

The Government of Venezuela believes that the
United States as well as certain international
institutions and some other foreign countries can
be of assistance in this program. Tlie U.S. Gov-
ernment wishes to help in any feasible way, such
as considering sympathetically appropriate re-
quests for loans and credits for particular projects
and requests for other assistance as they are pi'e-
sented by the Government of Venezuela.

821

Trade and Aid in the Sixties

hy Edwin M. Martin

Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^

Trade and aid were first linked as a slogan in the
closing days of the Marshall plan, when we were
bending every effort to get the Europeans to accept
for themselves the responsibility of financing their
imports through their own exports, even at the
cost of restricted consumption at home. We suc-
ceeded and got out of the aid business to most of
the Marshall plan countries somewhat earlier than
we had originally hoped.

But the trade and aid problem of the sixties is
a quite different one. Ten years ago we were deal-
ing with countries which had been educated well
and already had had fully develo23ed industries
with worldwide trading connections. "What was
required was to restore the physical facilities and
the network of trading relationships which war
had destroyed.

In the sixties we face the far more difficult prob-
lem of creating independent, self-sustaining econ-
omies out of countries which have never reached
this stage before, which are struggling with a mul-
titude of political, social, as well as economic, prob-
lems and many of which, only newly independent,
have found themselves in a crosscurrent of inter-
national relationships, competitions, and tensions
which they were ill prepared to understand, let
alone deal with.

By our aid, supplemented by the increasing vol-
ume of aid being made available by our newly re-
covered European friends and by Japan, we hope
to enable these people to expand their economic
capacity. By our technical assistance we hope to
be able to help them to learn the skills that are

required to operate a modern state — political, so-
cial, and economic.

We have learned, I thmk, that emphasis on the
economic alone in these coimtries is not enough.
With its sugar income and its large investments of
United States capital, Cuba seemed well launched
into the "takeoff" period of economic develop-
ment, yet look what happened. This is but a
particularly striking illustration of the vital im-
portance of accompanying economic growth with
development of a political and social structure
which is able to make and carry out wise decisions
with respect to the use of economic resources and
to see that the benefits of growing prosperity are
so shared that all are eager to make the maxunum
contribution in the form of self-help and that
political stability is assured. This is the essential
emphasis in the new program of $500 million of
aid for Latin America which is now in the course
of approval by the Congress under the agreement
reached at Bogota last year.- These principles are
also vital elsewhere and will be increasingly
applied.

Need for Long-Range Planning

A fundamental evolution in people's attitudes
along these lines will not come about overnight.
To be effective, as well as to insure that economic
development is carried out on a basis which makes
the most efficient use of available resources, both
ours and theirs, it is necessary to plan ahead. This
is not socialistic planning or 5-year plans in the
Communist sense. It is the kind of investment

' Address made before the American Cotton Congress at
Lubbock, Tex., on May 9 (press release 297 dated May 8).

' For text of President's message to Congress, see Bul-
letin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 474.

822

Department of State Bulletin

budget planning any large corporation must do
to survive. It is merely deciding with respect to
major expenditures of resources, and particularly
those whicli fall in the public sector, which ones
should come first and which must come next to use
properly those whicli have been made first and
to tailor the program as a whole to the probable
available resources. The latter is particularly im-
portant in order to avoid incomplete projects on
the one hand or their completion by a ruinous and
bankrupting inflation on the other hand.

Within these broad planning limits there must
be provided, of course, adequate opportunities for
private saving and private initiative both by the
local population and by outsiders. There are many
advantages, as we have found, to such private
initiative, and we believe these advantages have a
significant role to play in the less developed coun-
tries. To secure the maximum benefit from them
there must be a willingness on the part of the less
developed country to provide a climate which is
favorable for private investment and, on the other
hand, an acceptance by private enterprise of its
public responsibilities in a sense which is taken
for granted by all responsible business elements in
this country but wliich is only too rare in many of
the less developed parts of the world.

Stabilizing Incomes of Less Developed Areas

But aid and technical assistance are, of course,
not an end in themselves unless we can say that
our end is to end them. To an increasing extent
we wish to build an economic capacity in the de-
veloping countries not only to raise their standard
of living but to pay for the imports required to
keep their economy going. In addition, of course,
we would like to \x. repaid some of the investment
of capital which we are making in these countries.
I believe that without exception the countries
themselves are also anxious to stand on their own
feet and pay their own way. The major issue is
how they can do so. We must pay increasing at-
tention to planning their economic development
along lines which will provide them a permanent
and growing income from exports.

In most of these areas we start with a capacity
for the export of primary commodities like oil,
minerals, and tropical foodstuifs. Many coun-
tries are almost entirely dependent on the export
of one or two or three such commodities, and their
annual income fluctuates widely as their prices

are affected by business conditions in the indus-
trialized parts of the world. Moreover, most of
them are now available in quantities much larger
than consumers are prepared to buy and pay for,
though not always larger than they could easily
use. We must, I believe, first address ourselves to
the problem of increasing and stabilizing their
income from the sales of these products.

More vigorous growth of our own economy will,
of course, provide larger markets. There are
presently in the United States and Europe restric-
tions, special taxes, and other devices which limit
the markets for such products, in many cases
without justification.

In addition to steps along these lines there is
a growing feelmg that specific steps can be taken
to stabilize the prices of some of these products
and thereby the level of income received. Active
discussions are under way with respect to coffee
and cocoa. Some work is being done on lead and
zinc. There are, of course, agreements with re-
spect to tin, sugar, and wheat. There is a rubber
and a wool and a cotton study group. Effective
international arrangements in any of these areas
will be complicated and difficult to work out.
Consumer cannot participate in programs to
guarantee prices unless producers are willing to
limit output and bear a major share of the load
of carrying unsalable surpluses. Consideration
must be given to the effect of price-stabilization
measures on developments of substitutes, synthetic
or otherwise. It would not make economic sense
to freeze production patterns geographically or
otherwise and thus bar normal economic progress.
But I say again, there is a belief that progress can
be made on this subject, and we are working ac-
tively to this end.

Apart from specific commodity agreements
there has been considerable thought given in re-
cent months to the possibility of other arrange-
ments for stabilizing the foreign exchange income
of countries heavily dependent on exports of a
few key commodities. Some have suggested com-
mercial-type insurance schemes, but I am not op-
timistic that this will prove financially feasible.
Others have suggested that the present arrange-
ments under which the International Monetary
Fund can make short-term balance-of-payment
credits available to countries in temporary dif-
ficulties should be liberalized and extended. I am
not sure what will be found practicable and ac-
ceptable, but it is desirable that by one or other

May 29, I96I

823

of the various devices described above, we make
progress in increasing and stabilizing the income
of less developed countries fi-om exports of this
character.

But I am afraid this is not enough. I men-
tioned above oil, minerals, and foodstuffs. There
is now an appreciable surplus of nearly all of them
at the present time. In fact one of the key prob-
lems we face in the field of agriculture in the less
developed areas is finding things that can be grown
which do not add to world surpluses. Some pro-
duction must be cut back as uneconomic or exces-
sive. Some new lands must be opened up for
settlement to take care of surplus population. It
is difficult to find cash crops to grow which will
find a profitable market.

Challenge to U.S. Economy

We must, I fear, face the fact that many of the
less developed countries, if they are ever to be
economically independent, will have to export
manufactured products. It is, of course, a natural
consequence of economic development that they
should not only expand their mineral and agri-
cultural production but begin to manufacture the
simpler products they need themselves or products
for which they have particular aptitudes or raw
materials. As their skills increase and as capital
becomes available, the natural course of develop-
ment will be for them to expand their output of
such items and try to find a place for their products
in world markets. In view of their capital short-
age it is also only natural that in many cases
their first efforts will be in labor-intensive
industries.

Thus it seems to me that we must face over the
coming years a gradual growth in exports of
manufactured products which, by combining
modern technology with abundant and cheap
labor, will be highly competitive in European and
American markets. What has been happening
over the past few years with respect to some ex-
ports of Japan will slowly be repeated on a much
smaller scale in a number of other countries if
their economic development in fact takes place.

What shall we do about it ? I do not know what
all the answers will be. The problems created will
be new and difficult. The United States in partic-
ular has never faced on any extensive scale, until
the postwar growth of Japanese industry, this

kind of competition from up-to-date teclinology
and plentiful labor.

I can only say that if we are to meet the major
challenge of the sixties — the bringing along of
the less developed areas into economic as well as
political independence with a form of society
which makes them congenial neighbore in a world
all too small — we shall have to find a solution to
this problem.

An indication of one approach to it is perhaps
giveii by the program announced by the President
last week with respect to textiles.' This program
is based on three principles :

The first is the effort to make our own industry
as competitive as possible. We must take ad-
vantage of every asset we have in the field of
science, of technology, and cheap capital to make
our output more efficient than that of anyone else.
We must not penalize our industry by forcing it
to pay higher raw-material costs than foreign
industry in order to accomplish a national pur-
pose which is based on national benefits. We must
see that tax laws do not inhibit a rapid adjust-
ment to technology.

A second pi-inciple is to provide assistance in
converting productive resources of capital and
labor to new types of output when the competi-
tion from outside becomes too strong for them.
The President's program makes specific reference
to trade-adjustment legislation which he hopes to
introduce. This will help some, but I would like
to emphasize another factor, which is not specifi-
cally applicable to textiles alone and therefore was
not included in the program, which is in my
judgment an essential ingredient of any successful
attack on the whole problem of foreign competi-
tion. This is the vital importance of securing and
maintaining a more rapid growth of the United
States economy as a whole. Durmg the past
100 years many United States industries have
died without serious social maladjustment because
we are a growing country with a growing econ-
omy. The idle capital and labor could quickly
find new tasks. "Wlien the economy stagnates and
this is not possible, then the social consequences
of tlie kind of competition and the kind of eco-
nomic change which have made the United States
the prosperous nation it is become too great.
The tendency in such circumstances is to turn to

' See p. 825.

824

Departmenf of Stale Bulletin

artificial controls over the competitive process,
designed to preserve the past ratlier than moving
into a future of greater opportimities.

The third and final principle of the President's
program is to undertake international negotiations
to seek an orderly evolution of the exports of less
developed areas along with an orderly opening
up of restrictions against such exports by the
consuming countries. At present the United
States and Canada are taking an unduly large
share of exports of textiles from countries which in
recent years have been able to combine advance
technology and abundant cheap labor. As we
have seen, the less developed countries must find
markets for exports of manufactured products.
It is just as reasonable and essential that the bur-
den of providing these markets be shared by the
more advanced coimtries that share in the giving
of aid. At the same time it is to the interests of
the less developed countries to make this burden
tolerable by developing their capacity and exports
of sucli products in an orderly fashion.

No one can deny that such a negotiation will be
exceedingly difficult and complex. But success in
achieving it is at the heart of the program of
creating a satisfactory environment in the world
around us in which we Americans can live the
kind of life we wish to live. Only in an atmos-
phere of increasingly liberal economic opportu-
nities can we insure for the future the growth in
our economic strength, the expansion of world
trade, and the development of sound and reliable
independent countries in the free world which is
so essential to the preservation of our way of life
against the enemies which are currently attack-
ing it with such vigor and persistence. With this
at stake I am sure we can and will succeed for we
cannot help but have the full support of people of
good will everywhere, including informed Amei'-
icans like yourselves.

Mr. BaBI Visits Europe for Talks
With Officials on Textile Matters

Press release 314 dated May 12

Under Secretary for Economic Affairs George
W. Ball will leave May 16 for Europe for the
purpose of holding exploratory conversations
with government officials of several of the major
textile consmning coimtries. These conversations

will be held in accordance with the President's
announcement of May 2, 1961, that the Depart-
ment of State would initiate contacts leading to
future talks with the principal textile exporting
and importing countries.

Mr. Ball is going first to London, where he is
expected to stay for about a week. He will then
travel to Bonn, Paris, Rome, Brussels, and pos-
sibly Geneva; talks will be held at a later date
with other interested governments. A more de-
tailed itinerary will be announced later.

President Announces Program
To Aid U.S. Textile Industry

White House press release dated May 2

The President announced on May 2 a program of
assistance to the U.S. textile industry, designed to
meet a wide range of the prohlems it faces as a re-
sult of rapid technological change, shifts in con-
swner preference, and increasing international
competition. The program was developed by the
Cabinet committee, headed by Secretary of Com-
merce Luther H. Hodges, luhich was formed by the
President on February 16, 1961. In announcing
the program the President said:

The problems of the textile industry are serious
and deep-rooted. They have been the subject of
investigation at least as far back as 1935, when
a Cabinet committee was appointed by President
Roosevelt to mvestigate the conditions in this in-
dustry. Most recently these problems were the
subject of a special study by the interdepartmental
committee headed by Secretary of Commerce
Luther H. Hodges. I believe it is time for action.

It is our second largest employer. Some 2 mil-
lion workers are directly affected by conditions in
the industry. There are another 2 million persons
employed in furnishing requirements of the indus-
try at its present level of production. Two years
ago the Office of Defense Mobilization testified that
it was one of the industries essential to our national
security. It is of vital importance in peacetime,
and it has a direct effect upon our total economy.
All the studies have shown that unemployment in
textile mills strikes hardest at those commimities
suffering most from depressed conditions.

I propose to initiate the following measures :

May 29, 796J

825

First, I have directed tlie Department of Com-
merce to launcli an expanded program of research,
covering new products, processes, and markets.
This should be done in cooperation with both
union and management groups.

Second, I have asked the Treasury Department
to review existing depreciation allowances on
textile machinery. Revision of these allowances,
together with adoption of the investment-incentive
credit proposals contained in my message to the
Congress of April 20, 1961,^ should assist in the
modernization of the industry.

Third, I have dii'ected the Small Business Ad-
ministration to assist the cotton textile industry
to obtain the necessary financing for moderniza-
tion of its equipment.

Fourth, I have directed the Department of Agri-
culture to explore and make recommendations to
eliminate or offset the cost to United States mills
of the advei-se differential in raw cotton costs be-
tween domestic and foreign textile producers.

Fifth, I will shortly send to the Congress a
proposal to permit industries seriously injured or
threatened with serious injury as a result of in-
creased imports to be eligible for assistance from
the Federal Government.

Sixth, I have directed the Department of State
to arrange for calling an early conference of the
principal textile exporting and importing coun-
tries. This conference will seek an international
understanding which will provide a basis for trade
tliat will avoid undue disruption of established
industries.

Seventh, in addition to this program, an applica-
tion by the textile industry for action under exist-
ing statutes, such as the escape clause or the na-
tional security provision of the Trade Agreements
Extension Act, will be carefully considered on its
merits.

I believe this program will assist our textile in-
dustry to meet its basic problems, while at the
same time recognizing the national interest in ex-
pansion of world trade and the successful develop-
ment of less developed nations. It takes into ac-
coimt the dispersion of the industry, the range of
its products, and its highly competitive character.
It is my hope that these measures will strengthen
the industry and expand consumption of its prod-
ucts without disrupting international trade and
without disruption of the markets of any country.

' H. Doc. 140, 87th Cong., 1st sess.
826

Certain Tariff Concessions
Renegotiated by Japan

Pre.'is release 206 dated April 12
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

Documents incorporating the results of trade
negotiations between Japan and the United States
were signed at Geneva, Switzerland, on April 10,
1961. These agreements represent the culmina-
tion of tariff negotiations between the two coun-
tries under article XXVIII of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) which
began in Geneva last September.^ The documents
were signed by Morio Aoki, leader of the Japa-
nese delegation, and Carl D. Corse, chairman of
the U.S. delegation.

Japan is one of the contracting parties which
have taken the opportunity to modify or with-
draw certain tariff concessions which were bound
in their schedules to the General Agreement.

Of the concessions on 21 statistical class num-
bers renegotiated by Japan, 19 were initially ne-
gotiated with the United States. Japanese
imports of these 21 items from the United States
were valued at $115,199,000 in 1959, of which
$90,203,000 consisted of soybeans and $22,976,000
of polyethylene. The U.S. trade interest was
negligible in the two concessions which were not
negotiated with the United States.

Under the settlement Japan will completely
withdraw its concession on only one item — pas-
senger cars with a wheel base over 254 centimeters
but not over 270 centimeters. Since the United
States does not produce a passenger car with such
a wheel base, this withdrawal of the concession
should improve the competitive position of the
larger American cars vis-a-vis the smaller im-
ported cars. Japan is rebinding its tariff (modi-
fying the rates but retaining them in its GATT
schedule) on the remaining items at a higher rate
to the United States. Soybeans will be rebound
at 13 percent ad valorem as compared with the
present rate of 10 percent. It is believed that this
small increase will not affect substantially U.S.
exports of this product to Japan. The new rate
of 13 percent ad valorem will not go into effect
mitil imports of this commodity are liberalized by
placing the item under the automatic licensing

' For background, see Btilletin of Sept. 19, 1960, p. 453.
Department of State Bulletin

system. The present ad valorem duty of 20 per-
cent on polyethylene is being converted to a
specific rate of duty of 52 yen per kilogram. The
ad valorem equivalent of this new rate is a little
less than 19 percent. It appears, however, that
lower costs of production may result in a some-
what higher ad valorem equivalent during future
years. Japan is also increasing the duty on cer-
tain machine tools.

In addition to the rebinding of 17 items in its
article XXVIII list, tlie Japanese Government
has offered to the United States new compensa-
tory concessions on 20 items. Imports of these
from the United States in 1959 were valued at

about $66 million. Nine of the items were not in
Japan's existing schedule of concessions and will
be bound against increase for the first time. In
accordance with established procedures full con-
sideration was given to the requests by the United
States producers and exporters for concessions
in the Japanese market. Among the products on
which concessions were obtained, American pro-
ducers have evinced particular interest in raisins,
bourbon whisky, certain machine tools and ma-
cliinery, musical instruments, fountain pens and
parts, and certain types of camera film. Imports
in 1959 of agricultural products on which conces-
sions were granted amomited to $59 million.

CONCESSIONS TO BE MODIFIED

Concessions to the United States To Be Modified
Schedule XXXVIII— Japan

TarifE item
number

Abbreviated commodity description

Rate of duty

Japanese

statutory

rate

Bound rate
in existing
Japanese
schedule

Proposed rate to be
bound

ex 211
ex 321
ex 327
ex 341

ex 515

ex 666

ex 670
ex 1634

ex 1642
ex 1679

ex 1679
ex 1679

Soya beans

Mayonnaise, French dressings and salad dressings

Powdered milk

Skimmed milk, dried (excluding that to be used for school

lunches).
Lard

Pig fat having an acid value of 2 or less

Polyethylene, used as materials for further manufacture

Toluene, pure

Gramophone records:

With revolutions per minute not exceeding 40

With revolutions per minute exceeding 40 but not exceeding 50.

With revolutions per minute exceeding 50

Passenger cars (including passenger jeeps), over 254 centimeters

but not over 270 centimeters in wheel base.
Metalworking machinery:
Lathes for metal working:

Engine lathes, with a swing over bed of 1,000 millimeters and

over.
Automatic copying lathes, with a swing over bed of less than
600 millimeters.

Automatic lathes, single spindle, of bar type

Vertical lathes, with a table of 2,000 millimeters and over in
diameter.
Boring machines for metal working:

Horizontal boring machines, with a main boring spindle of
less than 200 millimeters in diameter.
Milling machines for metal working:

Universal tool milling machines

Profile milling machines (including diesinking machines
equipped with one or two milling spindles and a working
surface of less than 1 square meter, excluding hand opera-
tion typo machines and cam type machines.
Piano-millers, with a table ot not more than 2,000 millime-
ters in width.

10%
25%
30%
25%

10%

10%
20%

5%

30%

30%

30%

40%

15%

15%

15%
15%

15%

15%
15%

15%

10%
18%
30%
25%

5%

5%
20%

5%

20%

20%

20%

35%

15%

15%

15%
15%

15%

15%
15%

15%

13%

25%
40%
45%

15 j'en per Kg.

(21%a.v.e.)
15 yen per kg.
52 ven per kg.

(19% a.v.e.)
10%

170 ven each
(20% a.v.e.)

70 ven each
(30% a.v.e.)

56 ven each
(30% a.v.e.)

withdrawn

25%

25%

25%
25%

25%

25%
25%

25%

May 29, J96I

827

Concessions to the United States To Be Modified
Schedule XXXVIII- — Japan — Continued

Abbreviated commodity description

Rate of duty

Tariff Item
number

Japanese

statutory

rate

Bound rate
in existing
Japanese
scnedule

Proposed rate to be
bound

ex 1679

ex 1679

ex 1736
ex 1736

ex 1736

Grinding machines for metal working:

Internal grinding machines, with a maximum working
diameter of less than 200 millimeters, excluding centerless
type.
Surface grinding machines, rectangular table type, with a
maximum grinding length of less than 2,000 millimeters,
and vertical surface grinding machines, rotary table type.
Gear cutting machines for metal working:

Vertical hobbing machines, single spindle, with a table of
700 millimeters and over in diameter.

X-ray film (not fluorography) , unexposed, for medical uses

X-ray film (not fluorography), unexposed, except for medical

uses.
X-ray film (fluorography), unexposed . . _

15%
15%

15%

10%
10%

10%

15%
15%

15%

10%
10%

10%

25%

25%

25%

20%
20%

20%

COMPENSATORY CONCESSIONS

COMPENSATORT CONCESSIONS TO THE UNITED StATES

Schedule XXXVIII— Japan

Tariff item
number

ex 208

ex 209

ex 212

ex 221

ex 301

ex 339

ex 515

620

ex 670

ex 670

ex 1522

ex 1635

ex 1642

ex 1678
ex 1679

ex 1679
ex 1740

ex 1740

1745

ex 1749

Abbreviated commodity description

Grain sorghum (kao-liang), unmilled, for feeding purposes..

Indian corn, unmilled, for feeding purposes

Wheat flour for the manufacture of monosodium glutamate.

Safflower seed

Raisins (dried grapes)

Bourbon whisky

Beef tallow

Rosin

Xylene, chemically refined

Xylene, not chemically refined

Gear cutters

Musical instruments, excluding pianos, organs, accordions, and
harmonicas, whether electromagnetic, electrostatic, electronic
or not.
Wheel tractors, other than steam engine type, excluding autotri-
cycles.

Pneumatic machines

Automatic lathes, multispindle, excluding those of bar type with

not more than 6 spindles.
Profile milling machines (including diesinking machines) equipped
with not less than three milling spindles, or working surface of
not less than 1.5 square meter; excluding cam type machines.
Fountain pens, including ball pens, mechanical pencils, pencils,
and pens (with holders or caps made of, or combined with,
precious metals, etc.) and parts.

Other fountain pens

Wheat bran

Rolls of sensitized photographic paper for diffusion transfer pro-
cess, combined with transferring materials and developing
agents.

Rate of duty

Japanese

statutory

rate

5%

10%

25%

free

20%

50%

5%

5%

5%

5%

20%

20%

30%

15%
15%

15%

50%

25%

free

20%

Bound rate
in existing
Japanese
schedule

10%

10%
40%

5%
5%

18%

30%

15%
15%

40%

25%

Proposed rate to be
bound

free

free

12.6%

5%'

5%

35%

4%

free

5%

5%

15%

15%

20%

15%
10%

10%

30%

20%

free

15%

■ This "ceiling binding" is designed to preclude the 10 percent rate contemplated by the Japanese Government.

828

Department of State Bulletin

Food-f or- Peace Council Members
Named by President Kennedy

The "White House announced on May 6 the ap-
pointment by President Kennedy of the members
of the American Food-for-Peace Council. The
American Food-for-Peace Council is a group of
men and women who will provide citizen leader-
ship for both the United States Food-for-Peace
Program and the Freedom-From-Hunger Cam-
paign of the Food and Agriculture Organization
of the United Nations. The Council will serve a
threefold purpose in (1) counseling with the Na-
tion's Food-for-Peace Director, George McGovern ;
(2) developing public information on world
hunger; and (3) enlisting support for the attack
on world hunger.

The following have accepted membership on the
Council :

Cochairmen: James A. Michener and Mrs. Ray-
mond Clapper.

Members : Marian Anderson, Dwayne O. An-
dreas, Yul Brynner, Clark M. Clifford, Dorothy
Ferebee, Raymond C. Firestone, Luther H. Foster,
John A. Hannah, Clifford R. Hope, Danny Kaye,
Mrs. Albert D. Lasker, Murray D. Lincoln, Mrs.
Florence Stephenson Mahoney, Robert Nathan,
Drew Pearson, James A. Pike, Arthur C. Ring-
land, Carroll P. Streeter, Charles P. Taft, Jesse
Tapp, and Harold A. Vogel.

The following organizations have been invited
to designate representatives for membership on
the American Food-for-Peace Council :

Advertising Council

American Agricultural Editors Association

American Association of Agricultural College Editors

American Association of Land-Grant Colleges and State

Universities
American Association for the United Nations
American Association of University Women
American Council on Education
American Council of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign

Service
American Farm Bureau Federation
American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial

Oi'ganizations
American Feed Manufacturers Association
American Friends Service Committee
American Institute of Nutrition
American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee
American Merchant Marine Institute
American National Red Cross

American Newspaper Guild

American Newspaper Publishers Association

American Petroleum Institute

American School Food Service Association

American Seed Trade Association

American Wheat Institute

Association of Junior Leagues of America

Boy Scouts of America

Brookings Institution

CARE, Inc.

Catholic Relief Services, National Catholic Welfare Con-
ference

Chamber of Commerce of the United States

Child Welfare League of America

Church World Service

Cooperative League of the U.S.A.

Committee for International Economic Growth

Community Development Foundation

Dairy Society International

Farm Equipment Institute

4-n Clubs

Futui'e Farmers of America

Future Homemakers of America

General Federation of Women's Clubs

Girl Scouts of America

Grocery Manufacturers of America

League of Women Voters of the United States

Lutheran World Relief

Mennonite Central Committee

Motion Picture Association of America

National Academy of Sciences - National Research
Council

National Association of Broadcasters

National Association of Television and Radio Farm
Directors

National Canners Association

National Council of Farmer Cooperatives

National Education Association

National Farmers Union

National Federation of Business and Professional Wom-
en's Clubs

National Grange

National Plant Food Institute

National Social Welfare Assembly

Newspaper Farm Editors Association

Public Affairs Institute

Unitarian Service Committee

U.S. Junior Chamber of Commerce

Vegetable Growers Association of America

Seventli-Day Adventist Welfare Service

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Ford Foundation

Kellogg (W. K.) Foundation

Rockefeller Foundation

Twentieth Century Fund

Civitan International

Kiwanis International

Lions International

Optimist International

Rotary International

May 29, J96I

829

Department Supports Revision of ITU
Convention and Radio Regulations

Stateinent hy Edioin M. Martin
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^

The International Telecommunication Union
(ITU) is an international organization composed
of 98 member countries and 5 associate members.
It has two basic purposes. The first is the volun-
tary coordination of international telecommunica-
tions by the members in such a manner as to assure
their most efEcient, economical, and rapid trans-
mission. For example, one of the oldest and most
important regulations adopted by the Union is
that concerned with the transmission of messages
pertaining to safety of life at sea.

The second purpose is the maintenance and ex-
tension of international cooperation for the im-
provement of telecommunications and the ad-
vancement of telecommunication knowledge. This
includes the exchange of information concerning
technical advances and projects for the develop-
ment of new technical facilities which will increase
the usefulness of the services and make them more
generally available to the public. The affairs of
the Union are governed by an international tele-
communication convention, which is revised when
necessary by a plenipotentiary conference.

The conventions of the Union serve a dual pur-
pose : They comprise the charter of the Union, es-
tablishing its membership and structure, and also
contain the treaty provisions laying down the
basic principles under which telecommunications
are coordinated internationally. These basic
principles are supplemented by radio, telegraph,
and telephone regulations which spell out the
methods by which the principles are put into effect.
These regulations are the product of ordinary and
extraordinary administrative conferences.

The latest convention is the one presently be-
fore the Senate for consideration.^ It is a revision
of the convention drawn up at Buenos Aires in
1952 and was signed at the plenipotentiary confer-
ence in Geneva in December 1959 by the United
States and 84 other countries.

'Made before the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions on May 2 (press release 281 ) .

^ For text of (1) the International Telecommunication
Convention, with annexes, and (2) the final protocol to
the convention, see S. Ex. J, 86th Cong., 2d sess.

The Buenos Aires convention contained the tra-
ditional provision that a plenipotentiary confer-
ence shall normally meet once every 5 years at a
date and place fixed by the preceding plenipoten-
tiary conference. It also provided that an ordi-
nary radio conference normally shall meet once
every 5 years, preferably at the same time and
place as the plenipotentiary conference. In the
past these conditions have not always been met,
and the Geneva plenipotentiary conference was not
convened imtil October 4, 1959. The radio con-
ference was convened at Geneva on August 17,
1959, and both conferences completed their work
on December 21, 1959.

Geneva Plenipotentiary Conference

Briefly, the outstanding decisions and accom-
plishments of the plenipotentiary conference were
as follows :

The conference rejected proposals by the Soviet
bloc to modify the membership provisions and
confirmed the existing provisions. The revised
list of members of the Union (subject to ratifica-
tion of or adherence to the convention) includes
(1) those listed as members in the Buenos Aires
convention including the four countries, Ecuador,
Honduras, Liberia, and Yemen, which, up to the
time of the conference, had not ratified or acceded
to that convention; (2) those admitted since 1952
by the procedure of two-thirds consent or by their
membership in the United Nations and their acces-
sion to the ITU convention; and (3) the five as-
sociate members.

The Administrative Council was increased in
size from 18 members of the Union to 25, and
Africa was added as a separate region. Both the
Atlantic City convention — 1947 — and Buenos
Aires — 1952 — had fixed the Council at 18 countries
divided into 4 regions as follows :

American region-5 members ;
Europe and Af riea-5 members ;
Eastern Europe and northern Asia-3 members ;
Asia and Australasia-5 members.
Total-18 members.

The regional distribution of the additional seats
was figured on a mathematical basis, with the
number of countries in each region governing the
number of seats. The United States delegation
recognized the validity of the argument that the
African region should be represented as an entity
on the Council.

830

Department of State Bulletin

Each region except Eastern Europe gained 1
member, while Africa was given 4 seats. Under
the revised convention the Administrative Council
is constituted as follows :

American region-6 members ;
Europe-6 members ;
Af rica-4 members ;

Eastern Europe and northern Asia-3 members ;
Asia and Au.stralasia-6 members.
Total-25 members.

According to the provisions of the Atlantic City
and Buenos Aires conventions the Secretary Gen-
eral and two Assistant Secretaries General were
elected by the Administrative Council. Proposals
were submitted at Geneva to change this procedure
and to provide that the Secretary General and the
Assistant Secretaries General should be elected
by the plenipotentiary conference. The conference
adopted this principle by a very large majority,
and a United States national, Gerald C. Gross,
was elected Secretary General. At the same time
the conference accepted the United States proposal
for the elimination of one of the posts of Assistant
Secretary General and for the replacement of the
other Assistant Secretary General by a Deputy
Secretary General. An Indian national was
elected Deputy Secretary General.

The International Frequency Registration
Board (IFRB) was proposed by the United States
and adopted by the International Telecommunica-
tion Conference, Atlantic City 1947, to serve as
an independent body of 11 coequal members in the
field of radio spectrum management. It lias served
the ITU faithfully since that time; however, the
United States made proposals at the Geneva
conference to effect certain improvements. Out-
standing among such proposals adopted by the
conference were : the provision for the direct elec-
tion of specific candidates nominated by the re-
spective countries of which they are nationals; the
establishment of a limitation upon the recall by
members of their nationals on the Board.

The conference ratified the action of the Ad-
ministrative Council in amalgamating the Inter-
national Telephone Consultative Committee
(CCIF) and the International Telegraph Con-
sultative Committee (CCIT) into one organ, the
International Telegraph and Telephone Consulta-
tive Committee (CCITT).

The United States was successful in bringing
about the assimilation of the secretariat to the

United Nations "common system" of employees'
salaries, allowances, and pensions, the adoption of
a consolidated budget, the further improvement
of the structure of the secretariat, and the elimina-
tion from the convention and the general regula-
tions of the provision peimitting attendance of
observers from noncontracting governments. It
is believed that the collaboration between the
United States and other countries maintained the
best traditions of the ITU in its long record of
international cooperation.

The Radio Regulations

As regards the radio conference, the United
States had submitted a very comprehensive pro-
posal in the form of a complete new text for the
radio regulations. This was broken down by the
ITU secretariat into several hundred proposals.
Some of these were of major importance, while
others were not of great consequence. A majority
of the United States proposals were adopted by
the conference in substance if not in form.
Briefly the major decisions and accomplislmients
of the radio conference were as follows:

There was a partial reorientation of the duties
of the International Frequency Registration
Board and a slight increase in the scope of its au-
thority. This was accompanied by changes de-
signed to increase its independence as an inter-
national body of experts.

Technical regulations were revised to reflect
more accurately the current state of the radio art.
In general the new technical requirements are not
more strict than current good engineering prac-
tices in the United States.

At the same time, operating regulations which
deal with the maritime mobile and aeronautical
mobile radio services were considerably revised.

In the complex field of international frequency
management procedures, results quite compatible
with United States interests were achieved.

Existing procedures were modified substan-
tially. The new procedures are intended to pro-
duce on an evolutionary basis an international
record of current frequency usage. Special pro-
cedures, based upon a United States proposal, were
adopted for high-frequency broadcasting.

In the field of frequency allocations a large
number of actions were taken, and for the first
time progress was made in gaining recognition of

May 29, 7961

831

spectrum requirements for radio astronomy and
for space research programs.

Conclusion

It is obvious that the International Telecommu-
nication Convention and the annexed radio regu-
lations which will be considered by this committee
include complex provisions. Mr. Arthur L.
Lebel, Acting Chief of the Telecommunications
Division of the Department of State; Commis-
sioner T. A. M. Craven of the Federal Commimi-
cations Commission ; the chairman of the United
States delegation to the radio conference, Com-
missioner Rosel H. Hyde, also of the Federal Com-
munications Commission, are present and prepared
to answer any questions you may have on the
technical details of the treaties. Commissioner
Craven is j^repared to make a statement before the
committee on belialf of the Commission.

In closing I sliould like to point out that the
convention entered into force on January 1, 1961,
as between the members who have ratified it.
Article 17 of the convention provides that a signa-
tory government which has not deposited an
instrument of ratification within a period of 2
years from the date of the convention's entry into
force shall not be entitled to vote at conferences
or meetings of the Union. Because of the impor-
tance of international telecommunications to this
country, the United States plays a leading role in
all the activities of the Union. Hence early rati-
fication of the convention and the annexed radio
regulations will materially assist this Government
in protecting its interests and the interests of its
citizens and in maintaining its leadership at re-
lated international conferences. I should, there-
fore, like to urge the earliest possible consent by
the Senate to the ratification of these two treaties.

GATT Contracting Parties Convene
at Geneva for 18th Session

Press release 312 dated May 12

The Contracting Parties to the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) will hold
their 18th session at Geneva from May 15 through
19. Tliere are 38 nations which have acceded to
the GATT, and a number of other countries either
have acceded provisionally or have other special
relationships with the Contracting Parties.

832

Theodore J. Hadraba, Director, Office of Inter-
national Trade, Department of State, will be
chairman of the U.S. delegation. Harold T. Mac-
gowan, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Department
of Commerce, will be vice chairman, and Carl D.
Corse, U.S. representative to the GATT Council
of Representatives, will be the special adviser to
the delegation. Advisere from the Departments
of State, Treasury, Agriculture, Commerce, and
Labor will make up the remainder of the
delegation.

The GATT, as the basic instrument guiding
commercial relations among most of the princi-
pal trading nations of the world, is the cornerstone
of U.S. commercial policy. The provisions of the
GATT are designed to promote mutually bene-
ficial international trade and thereby to raise liv-
ing standards, expand productive employment,
and utilize more fully the resources of the world.
The various meetings of the Contracting Parties
to the GATT, such as the 18th session, provide
an international forum in which the Contracting
Parties work to achieve the aims of the GATT,
discuss trade policy problems, and attempt to
resolve trade difficulties in a manner conducive
to the growth rather than the reduction of trade
levels.

The present 1-week session runs concurrently
witli the GATT tariff negotiations conference
which began at Geneva, September 1, 1960.^

Of the approximately 30 agenda items sched-
uled for consideration by the Contracting Parties,
some of the more significant ones deal with the
association of Finland with the European Free
Trade Association; a review of latest devel-
opments on the special three-pronged program for
the expansion of trade through (1) tariff nego-
tiations, (2) an examination of agricultural pro-
tectionism, and (3) the maintenance and expansion
of the export earnings of the less developed
countries ; and the removal of quantitative import
restrictions.

The Contracting Parties will hear reports at
this session on consultations the United States and
other contracting parties have just held with Italy
and France on their remaining quantitative re-
strictions. Also, the GATT Committee on Bal-
ance-of-Payments Restrictions, of which the
United States is a member, will report on the con-

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 19, 1960, p. 453.
Department of State BuUetin

sultations held in April with several countries still
imposing import restrictions for balance-of-pay-
ments reasons. The removal of quantitative re-
strictions by other countries has been a principal
objective of the United States, and the work of
this committee and other GATT mechanisms have
been important factors in influencing the relaxa-
tion of such restrictions upon trade.

Argentine Government Ratifies
Investment Guaranty Agreement

The Department of State announced on May 8
(press release 296) that the Argentine Govermnent
has ratified an investment guaranty agreement for
convertibility encouragement for the investment
of private American capital in Argentine business
enterprises.

The agreement extends the provisions of the
U.S. investment guaranty program to American
private investments in Argentine business ven-
tures. The program is administered by the U.S.
International Cooperation Administration as part
of the Mutual Security Program.

Under the agreement the U.S. Government will
provide a guaranty that American private capital
invested in Argentme enterprises and local cur-
rency receipts from such investments will remain
convertible into dollars. The U.S. Govermnent
guaranty will be available for new U.S. private
investments of capital goods, sei-vices, patents,
and loans wliich are approved for purposes of the
ICA guaranty by the Government of Argentina.
For this insurance the U.S. investor will pay a
premium of one-half of 1 percent per year for
the amount of investment guarantied.

The agreement with Argentina makes it the
11th Latin American nation to participate in the
investment guaranty program. Other Latin
American nations participating are: Bolivia,
Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Haiti,
Honduras, Nicaragua, Paraguay, and Peru. Rat-
ification of agreements signed by Colombia, Gua-
temala, and Panama are pending.

Altogether 51 countries have signed agreements
to institute the investment guaranty program. As
of March 31, 1961, a total of $571.4 million in ICA
guaranties had been issued for investments in
countries already participating in the program,
and applications in process exceed $1.5 billion.

United States and Senegal Sign
Technical Cooperation Agreement

Press release 316 dated May 13

Karim Gaye, Minister of Planning, Develop-
ment and Technical Cooperation of the Republic
of Senegal, and Henry R. Labouisse, Director of
the International Cooperation Administration,
on May 13 signed a basic technical cooperation
agreement which will enable the United States to
cooperate with Senegal in carrying out its eco-
nomic development plan.

Mr. Gaye has been in Wasliington to conclude
negotiations on the agreement with senior officials
of the International Cooperation Administration.
Preliminary negotiations were carried on in Dakar
by the representative of the ICA who was assigned
to Dakar shortly before Senegalese independence.

The initial U.S. contribution will consist of
financing commodity imports, primarily rice.
Proceeds of the sale of these commodities by
Senegal will be used, in turn, to finance various
projects within the Senegalese development plan,
such as construction of vocational and primary
schools, and other projects still to be agreed upon
by the two countries.

Current Treaty Actions

MULTILATERAL

Fisheries

Declaration of understanding regarding the International
Convention for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries of Feb-
ruary 8, 1949 (TIAS 2089). Done at Washington April
24, 1961."

Signatures: France,^ May 5, 1961 ; Federal Republic
of Germany," Iceland,^ Norway,^ Portugal," and
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,' May 8, 1961.

Law of the Sea

Convention on the territorial sea and the contiguous
zone ; '

Convention on the high seas ; '

Convention on fishing and conservation of the living re-
sources of the high seas ; '

Convention on the continental shelf."
Done at Geneva April 29, 19.58.
Accession deposited: Senegal, April 25, 1961.

Postal Services

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail, with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3,

' Not in force.

• Without reservation as to acceptance.

May 29, 7961

833

1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959.
Adhereiwe deposited: Mali, April 21, 1961.

TIAS 4202.

Telecommunications

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the inter-
national telecommunication convention, 1959. Done at
Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force May 1,
1961.'

Yugoslavia

Agreement relating to a grant to Yugoslavia to assist in
the acquisition of certain nuclear research and training
equipment and materials. Effected by exchange of
notes at Belgrade April 19, 1961. Entered into force
April 19, 1961.

BILATERAL

Canada

Agreement governing the coordination of pilotage services
on the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence River. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Washington May 5, 1961.
Entered into force May 5, 1961.

China

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities
agreement of August 30, 1960, as supplemented and
amended (TIAS 4563, 4628, 4634, and 4686). Effected
by exchange of notes at Taipei April 27, 1961. Entered
into force April 27, 1961.

Colombia

Agreement setting forth an understanding concerning
article III of the agricultural commodities agreement
of April 16, 1957, as amended (TIAS 3817, 3904, 3918,
4135, and 4217). Effected by exchange of notes at
Bogota April 20, 1961. Entered into force April 20,
1961.

Agreement setting forth an understanding concerning
article III of the agricultural commodities agreement
of March 14, 1958, as amended (TIAS 4015, 4023, 4080,
and 4136). Effected by exchange of notes at Bogotd
April 20, 1961. Entered into force April 20, 1961.

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of October 6, 19.59 (TIAS 4337). Effected by ex-
change of notes at Bogotd April 26, 1961. Entered into
force April 26, 1961.

Germany

Agreement relating to the partial settlement of German
debts to the United States resulting from postwar eco-
nomic assistance (other than surplus property). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Bonn April 25, 1961.
Entered into force April 25, 1961.

Liberia

Agreement extending the agreement of January 11, 1951
(TIAS 2171), for the assignment of a United States
military mission to Liberia. Effected by exchange of
notes at Monrovia April 19 and 24, 1961. Entered into
force April 24, 1961, operative from January 11, 1960.

Pakistan

Agreement revising route annex to air transport agree-
ment (TIAS 1586 and 3078). Effected by exchange
of notes at Karachi March 28 and April 18, 1961.
Entered into force April 18, 1961.

' Not in force for the United States.

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: May 8-14

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of

News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to May 8 which appear in

this issue

of the Bulletin are Nos. 206 of April 12,

273 of Ap

•11 29, 270 and 281 of May 2, 289 of May 4,

and 294 of May 6.

No. Date Subject

*293 5/8

U.S. participation in international con-

ferences.

296 5/8

Investment guaranty agreement with

Argentina.

297 5/8

Martin : "Trade and Aid in the Sixties."

t298 5/8

Foreign Relations volume.

*299 .5/8

Cultural exchange (Somalia).

t300 5/8

Delegation to Inter-American Nuclear

Energy Commission (rewrite).

t301 5/9

Visit of EEC Commission President.

302 5/9

Venezuelan financial mission.

t303 5/9

Amendments to program for visit of

Tunisian President (rewrite).

304 5/10

Visit of Governor of Taiwan.

305 5/10 Guinea credentials (rewrite). |

t306 5/10

U.S.-Tunisia economic communique.

307 5/10

NATO communique.

t308 5/12

Agreement with Canada on pilotage ar-

rangements on Great Lakes and Sea-

way navigation (rewrite).

t309 5/11 Delegation to Conference of African |

States (rewrite).

*310 5/11

Williams : introduction of Tunisian

President to Foreign Policy Associa-

tion, New York.

*311 5/11

Fredericks designated Deputy Assistant

Secretary for African Affairs (bio-

graphic details).

312 .5/12

GATT convenes 18th session.

t313 5/12

Williams : "United States Policy Toward

Africa and the United Nations."

314 5/12

Ball visit to Europe for talks with tex-

tile officials.

316 5/13

Technical cooperation agreement with

Senegal.

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Buli-etin.

834

Department of State Bulletin

May 29, 1961

Ind

ex

Vol. XLIV, No. 1144

Africa. United States Sends Greetings to African

Conference at Monrovia (Kennedy) 802

Agriculture. Food-for-Peace Council Members

Named by President Kennedy 829

American Republics

Economic and Social Progress for Expanding Trade
in the Americas (Berle) 818

U.S., Argentine Presidents Exchange Views on
Alliance for Progress (texts of letters) . . . 814

Argentina

Argentine Government Ratifies Investment Guar-
anty Agreement 833

U.S., Argentine Presidents Exchange Views on

Alliance for Progress (texts of letters) . . . 814

Belgium. President Kennedy Congratulates New

Prime Minister of Belgium 803

China. Governor of Taiwan Visits U.S 803

Congress, The. Department Supports Revision
of ITU Convention and Radio Regulations
(Martin) 830

Economic Affairs

Mr. Ball Visits Europe for Talks With Officials on

Textile Matters 825

Certain Tariff Concessions Renegotiated by Japan . 826
Department Supports Revision of ITU Convention

and Radio Regulations (Martin) 830

Economic and Social Progress for Expanding Trade

in the Americas (Berle) 818

GATT Contracting Parties Convene at Geneva for

18th Session 832

President Announces Program To Aid U.S. Textile

Industry 825

Trade and Aid in the Sixties (Martin) .... 822
Venezuelan Financial Mission 821

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Governor of
Taiwan Visits U.S 803

Europe. Mr. Ball Visits Europe for Talks With

Officials on Textile Matters 825

Guinea. Letters of Credence (ContS) 802

International Organizations and Conferences

Certain Tariff Concessions Renegotiated by Japan . 826
Department Supports Revision of ITU Convention

and Radio Regulations (Martin) 830

GATT Contracting Parties Convene at Geneva for

18th Session 832

Japan. Certain Tariff Concessions Renegotiated by
Japan 826

Mutual Security

Argentine Government Ratifies Investment Guar-
anty Agreement 833

Food-for-Peace Council Members Named by Presi-
dent Kennedy 829

The United States and Revolution (Rowan) . . . 795
United States and Senegal Sign Technical Coopera-
tion Agreement 833

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. North Atlan-
tic Council Holds Ministerial Meeting at Oslo
(Rusk, text of communique) 80O

Presidential Documents

President Announces Program To Aid U.S. Textile

Industry 825

President Kennedy Congratulates New Prime Min-
ister of Belgium 803

United States Sends Greetings to African Confer-
ence at Monrovia 802

U.S., Argentine Presidents Exchange Views on
Alliance for Progress (texts of letters) .... 814

Public Affairs

The United Nations and the Role of Citizen Organi-
zations (Stevenson) 804

The United States and Revolution (Rowan) . . . 795

Senegal. United States and Senegal Sign Tech-
nical Cooperation Agreement 833

Treaty Information

Argentine Government Ratifies Investment Guar-
anty Agreement 833

Current Treaty Actions 833

Department Supports Revision of ITU Convention

and Radio Regulations (Martin) 830

United States and Senegal Sign Technical Coopera-
tion Agreement 833

U.S.S.R. The Man Who Wasn't There (Cleve-
land) 80S

United Nations

The Man Who Wasn't There (Cleveland) .... 808
The United Nations and the Role of Citizen Organi-
zations (Stevenson) 804

Venezuela. Venezuelan Financial Mission . . . 821

Name Index

Berle, Adolf A 818

Cleveland, Harlan 808

ContS, Seydou 802

Frondizi, Arturo 815

Kennedy, President 802, 803, 814, 825

Martin, Edwin M 822, 830

Rowan, Carl T 795

Rusk, Secretary 800

Stevenson, Adlai E 804

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEi 1961

United States
Government Printing Office

DrvlSION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

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PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID

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OFFICIAL BUSINESS

Joreign "Relations of the
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State

THE CONFERENCE OF BERLIN

(The Potsdam Conference)
1945

The Department of State recently released a two-volume docu-
mentary compilation on the Potsdam Conference of 1945. The first
of the two volimies is devoted exclusively to pre-conference papers
dealing with the background of the Conference, while volume II
contains the United States minutes of the Conference, Conference
documents (including an amiotated text of the Protocol of Proceed-
ings), and supplementary papers.

The volumes deal with a wide range of subject matter, since the
conferees were discussing problems of occupation, reconstruction, and
peace-making in Europe, on the one hand, and problems of prosecuting
the war against Japan, on the other. Among European questions,
problems relating to Germany, Poland, Austria, and the Balkans con-
tribute most of the bulk of the documentation. There are also included
papers relating to China, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Tangier,
and Turkey.

Publication 7015— Vol. I
Publication 7163— Vol. II

Price: $6.00
Price: $6.50

Orier Form

To; Supt of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.

Enclosed find:

{ca»h, check, or money
order payable to
Supt. of Docs.)

Please send me copies of —

Foreign Relations of tlie United States: Tfie Conference of Berlin (Tlie
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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

THE

OFFICIAL

WEEKLY RECORD

OF

UNITED STATES

FOREIGN POLICY

liosfon Public Library-
Superintendent of Documents

JUN2 2 1961

Vol. XLIV, No. 1145 June 5, 1961

DEPOSITORY

THE COMMON AIMS OF CANADA AND THE UNITED

STATES • Address by President Kennedy to Canadian
Parliament and Text of Joint Communique 839

UNITED STATES OUTLINES PROGRAM TO INSURE
GENUINE NEUTRALITY FOR LAOS • Statement

by Secretary Rusk 844

UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD AFRICA AND THE

UNITED NATIONS • by Assistant Secretary Williams . 854

PROFESSIONAL THOUGHT ON THINGS AS THEY

ARE # by Assistant Secretary Cleveland 858

PRESIDENT BOURGUIBA CONCLUDES VISIT TO THE

UNITED STATES 848

DRAFT TREATY ON THE DISCONTINUANCE OF NU-
CLEAR WEAPON TESTS SUBMITTED BY WEST-
ERN DELEGATIONS AT GENEVA CONFERENCE
(text) 870

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1145 • Publication 7199
June 5, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Qovernment Printing Office

Washington 25, D.O.

Price:

02 Issues, domestic $8 .SO, foreign $12.28

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
o» State Bclletdi as the source will bo
appreciated*

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

The Common Aims of Canada and the United States

President and Mrs. Kennedy made an o-fjicial
visit to Canada from May 16 to 18. Following
are texts of an address made by the President to
the Canadian Parliament on May 17 and a joint
communique issued by President Kennedy and
Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaher at
the close of the Presidenfs visit on May 18.

ADDRESS TO PARLIAMENT

White House press release (Ottawa, Canada) dated May 17 ;
as-delivered text

Mr. Speaker of the Senate, Mr. Speaker of
THE House, Mr. Prime Minister, Members of the
Canadian Houses of Parliament, Distinguished
Guests and Friends :

I am grateful for the generous remarks and kind
sentiments of my country and myself, Mr. Prime
Minister. We in the United States have an im-
pression that this country is made up of descend-
ants of the English and the French. But I was
glad to hear some applause coming from the very
back benches when you mentioned Ireland.
(Laughter.) I am sure they are making progress
forward.

Je Tne sens veritablement entre amis. [I feel
that I am truly among friends.]

It is a deeply felt honor to address tliis distin-
guished legislative body. And yet may I say that
I feel very much at home with you here today. For
one-third of my life was spent in the Parliament of
my own country— the United States Congress.

There are some differences between this body
and my own. The most noticeable to me is the
lofty appearance of statesmanship which is on the
faces of the Members of the Senate who realize
that they will never have to place their cause
before the people again. (Laughter.)

I feel at home also here because I number in my
own State of Massachusetts many friends and
former constituents who are of Canadian descent.

Among the voters of Massachusetts who were bom
outside the United States, the largest group by far
was born in Canada. Their vote is enough to de-
termine the outcome of an election, even a Presi-
dential election. You can understand that having
been elected President of the United States by less
than 140,000 votes out of 60 million, that I am very
conscious of these statistics. (Laughter.)

The warmth of your hospitality symbolizes more
than merely the courtesy which may be accorded to
an individual visitor. They symbolize the endur-
ing qualities of amity and honor which have char-
acterized our countries' relations for so many
decades.

Nearly 40 years ago a distinguished Prime Min-
ister of this country took the part of the United
States at a disarmament conference. He said,
"They may not be angels, but they are at least our
friends." I must say that I do not think that we
probably demonstrated in that 40 years that we
are angels yet, but I hope we have demonstrated
that we are at least friends. And I must say that
I think in these days, where hazard is our constant
companion, friends are a very good thing to have.

The Prime Minister was the first of the leaders
from other lands who was invited to call upon me
shortly after I entered the White House ; ^ and
this is my first trip — the first trip of my wife and
myself outside of our country's borders. It is just
and fitting, and appropriate and traditional, that
I should come here to Canada — aci'oss a border
that knows neither guns nor guerrillas.

A Common Heritage

But we share more than a common border. We
share a common heritage, traced back to those
early settlers who traveled from the beachheads of
the Maritime Provinces and New England to the

' Bulletin of Mar. 13, 1961, p. 371.

June 5, 1967

839

far reaches of the Pacific Coast. Henry Thoreau
spoke a common sentiment for them all: "East-
ward I go only by force, Westward I go free. I
must walk towards Oregon and not towards Eu-
rope." We share common values from the past,
a common defense line at present, and common
aspirations for the future — our future, and indeed
the future of all mankind.

Geography has made us neighbors. History
has made us friends. Economics has made us
partners. And necessity has made us allies.
Those whom nature hath so joined together, let
no man put asunder.

Wliat unites us is far greater than what divides
us. The issues and irritants that inevitably affect
all neighbors are small indeed in comparison with
the issues that we face together, above all, the
somber threat now posed to the whole neighbor-
hood of this continent — in fact, to the whole com-
mimity of nations. But our alliance is bom not of
fear but of hope. It is an alliance that advances
what we are for, as well as opposes what we are
against.

And so it is that when we speak of our common
attitudes and relationships, Canada and the
United States speak in 1961 in terms of unity.
We do not seek the unanimity that comes to those
who water down all issues to the lowest common
denominator, or to those who conceal their differ-
ences behind fixed smiles, or to those who measure
unity by standards of popularity and affection, in-
stead of trust and respect.

We are allies. Tliis is a partnership, not an
empire. We are bound to have differences and
disappointments; and we are equally bound to
bring them out into the open, to settle them where
they can be settled, and to respect each other's
views when they cannot be settled.

Thus ours is the imity of equal and independent
nations, cotenants of the same continent, heirs
of the same legacy, and fully sovereign associates
in the same liistoric endeavor: to preserve free-
dom for ourselves and all who wish it. To that
endeavor we must bring great material and human
resources, the result of separate cultures and in-
dependent economies. And above all, that
endeavor requires a free and full exchange of new
and different ideas on all issues and all under-
takings.

For it is clear that no free nation can stand

alone to meet the threat of those who make them-
selves our adversaries, that no free nation can
retain any illusions about the nature of the threat,
and that no free nation can remain indifferent
to the steady erosion of freedom around the globe.

It is equally clear that no Western nation on
its own can help those less developed lands to
fulfill their hopes for steady progress.

And, finally, it is clear that in an age where new
forces are asserting their strength around the
globe — when the political shape of the hemispheres
are changing rapidly — nothing is more vital than
the unity of the United States and Canada.

And so my friends of Canada, whatever prob-
lems may exist or arise between us, I can assure
you that my associates and I will be ever ready
to discuss them with you and to take whatever steps
we can to remove them. And whatever those prob-
lems may be, I can also assure you that they shrink
in comparison with the great and awesome tasks
that await us both as free and peace-loving nations.

Issues Facing Both Nations

So let us fix our attention not on those matters
that vex us as neighbors but on the issues that face
us as leaders. Let us look southward as part of
the hemisphere with whose fate we are both inex-
tricably bound. Let us look eastward as part of
the North Atlantic Community, upon whose
strength and will so many depend. Let us look
westward to Japan, to the newly emerging lands
of Asia and Africa and the Middle East, where
lie the people upon whose fate and choice the strug-
gle for freedom may ultimately depend. And let
us look at the world in which we live and hope to
go on living and at the way of life for which
Canadians — and I was reminded again of this this
morning, on my visit to your War Memorial — and
Americans alike have always been willing to give
up their lives in nearly every generation, if neces-
sary to defend and preserve freedom.

First, if you will, consider our mutual hopes for
this hemisphere. Stretching virtually from pole
to pole the nations of the Western Hemisphere are
bound together by the laws of economics as well
as geography, by a common dedication to freedom
as well as a common history of fighting for it. To
make this entire area more secure against aggres-
sion of all kinds, to defend it against the encroach-
ment of mtemational communism in this hemi-

840

Department of State Bulletin

sphere, and to see our sister states fulfill their hopes
and needs for economic and social reform and
development are surely all challenges confronting
your nation, and deserving of your talents and
resources, as well as ours.

To be sure, it would mean an added responsibil-
ity; but yours is not a nation that shrinks from
responsibility. The hemisphere is a family into
which we were born, and we cannot turn our backs
on it in time of trouble. Nor can we stand aside
from its great adventure of development. I be-
lieve that all of the free members of the Organiza-
tion of American States would be heartened and
strengthened by any increase in your hemispheric
role. Your skills, your resources, your judicious
perception at the council table — even when it dif-
fers from our own view— are all needed through-
out the inter- American community. Your country
and mine are partners in North American affairs.
Can we not now become partners in inter- American
affairs?

Secondly, let us consider our mutual hopes for
the Nortli Atlantic Community.

Our NATO alliance is still, as it was when it
was founded, the world's greatest bulwark of free-
dom. But the military balance of power has been
changing. Enemy tactics and weaponry have been
changing. We can stand still only at our peril.

NATO force structures were originally devised
to meet the threat of a massive conventional at-
tack, in a period of Western nuclear monopoly.
Now, if we are to meet the defense requirements of
the 1960's, the NATO countries must push forward
simultaneously along two lines :

First, we must strengthen the conventional
capability of our Alliance as a matter of the high-
est priority. To this end we in the United States
are taking steps to increase the strength and mo-
bility of our forces and to modernize their equip-
ment. To the same end we will maintain our
forces now on the European Continent and will
increase their conventional capabilities. We look
to our NATO allies to assign an equally high
priority to this same essential task.

Second, we must make certain that nuclear
weapons will continue to be available for the de-
fense of the entire treaty area and that these
weapons are at all times under close and flexible
political control that meets the needs of all the
NATO countries. We are prepared to join our

allies in working out suitable arrangements for
this purpose.

To make clear our own intentions and commit-
ments to the defense of Western Europe, the
United States will commit to the NATO command
five — and subsequently still more — Polaris atomic-
missile submarines, which are defensive weapons,
subject to any agreed NATO guidelines on their
control and use and responsive to the needs of all
members but still credible in an emergency. Be-
yond this we look to the possibility of eventually
establishing a NATO seaborne force, which would
be truly multilateral in ownership and control, if
this should be desired and found feasible by our
allies, once NATO's nonnuclear goals have been
achieved.

Both of these measures — improved conventional
forces and increased nuclear forces — are put for-
ward in recognition of the fact that the defense
of Europe and the assurances that can be given to
the people of Europe and the defense of North
America are indivisible, in the hope that no ag-
gressor will mistake our desire for peace with our
determination to respond instantly to any attack
with whatever force is appropriate, and in the
conviction that the time has come for all members
of the NATO community to further increase and
integrate their respective forces in the NATO
command area, coordinating and sharing in re-
search, development, production, storage, defense,
command, and training at all levels of armaments.
So let us begin. Our opponents are watching to
see if we in the West are divided. They take
courage when we are. We must not let them be
deceived or in doubt about our willingness to
maintain our own freedom.

Aiding tiie Less Developed Nations

Third, let us turn to the less developed nations
in the southern half of the globe — those whose
struggle to escape the bonds of mass misery
appeals to ovir hearts as well as to our hopes.
Both your nation and mine have recognized our
responsibilities to these new nations. Our people
have given generously, if not always effectively.
We could not do less. And now we must do more.

For our historic task in this embattled age is not
merely to defend freedom. It is to extend its
writ and strengthen its covenant — to peoples of
different cultures and creeds and colors, whose

June 5, 7967

841

policy or economic system may differ from ours
but whose desire to be free is no less fervent than
our own. Through the Organization for Eco-
nomic Cooperation and Development and the De-
velopment Assistance Group, we can pool our
vast i-esources and skills and make available the
kind of long-term capital, planning, and know-
how without which these nations will never
acliieve independent and viable economies, and
without which our efforts will be tragically
wasted. I propose further that the OECD estab-
lish a development center, where citizens and of-
ficials and students and professional men of the
Atlantic area and the less developed world can
meet to study in common the problems of economic
development.

If we in the Atlantic Community can more
closely coordinate our own economic policies — and
certainly the OECD provides the framework if we
but use it, and I hope that you will join as we are
seeking to join to use it- — then surely our potential
economic resources are adequate to meet our re-
sponsibility. Consider, for example, the luisur-
passed productivity of our farms. Less than 8
percent of the American working force is on our
farms; less than 11 percent of the Canadian work-
ing force is on yours — fewer men on fewer acres
than any nation on earth. But free men on free
acres can produce here in North America all the
food that a hungry world could use, while all the
collective farms and forced labor of the Commu-
nist system produce one shortage after another.
This is a day-to-day miracle of our free societies,
easy to forget at a time when our minds are caught
up in the glamor of beginning the exploration of
space.

As the new nations emerge into independence,
they face a choice: Shall they develop by the
method of consent or by turning their freedom
over to the system of totalitarian control. In mak-
ing that decision they should look long and liard
at the tragedy now being played out in the villages
of Communist China.

If we can work closely together to make our food
surpluses a blessing instead of a curse, no man,
woman, or child need go hungry. And if each of
the more fortunate nations can bear its fair share
of the effort to help the less fortunate — not merely
those with whom we have traditional ties but all
who are willing and able to achieve meaningful

growth and dignity — then this decade will surely
be a turning point in the history of the human
family.

The Challenge and Struggle Ahead

Finally, let me say just a few words about the
world in which we live. We should not misjudge
the force of the challenge that we face — a force
that is powerful as well as insidious, which inspires
dedication as well as fear, that uses means we can-
not adopt to achieve ends we cannot permit.

Nor can we mistake the nature of the struggle.
It is not for concessions or territory. It is not sim-
ply between different systems. It is the age-old
battle for the survival of liberty itself. And our
great advantage — and we must never forget it —
is that the irresistible tide that began 500 years
before the birth of Christ in ancient Greece is for
freedom and against tyranny. And that is the
wave of the future, and the iron hand of totalitar-
ianism can ultimately neither seize it nor turn it
back. In the words of Macauley : "A single
breaker may recede, but the tide is coming in."

So we in the free world are not without hope.
We are not without friends. And we are not with-
out resources to defend ourselves and those who
are associated with us. Believing in the peaceful
settlement of disputes in the defense of human
rights, we are working throughout the United Na-
tions, and through regional and other associations,
to lessen the risks, the tensions, and the means and
opportunity for aggression that have been mount-
ing so rapidly throughout the world. In these
councils of peace — in the U.N. Emergency Force
in the Middle East, in the Congo, in the Interna-
tional Control Commission in southeast Asia, in
the Ten Nation Committee on Disarmament —
Canada has played a leading and important and
constructive role.

If we can contain the powerful struggle of
ideologies and reduce it to manageable propor-
tions, we can proceed with the transcendent task
of disciplining the nuclear weapons which shadow
our lives and of finding a widened range of com-
mon enterprises between ourselves and those who
live under Communist rule. For, in the end, we
live on one planet and we are part of one human
family ; and whatever the struggles that confront
us, we must lose no chance to move forward to-
ward a world of law and a world of disarmament.

842

Depor/menf of Sfafe Bullefin

At the conference table and in the minds of men,
the free world's cause is strengthened because it is
just. But it is strengthened even more by the ded-
icated efforts of free men and free nations. As
the great parliamentarian Edmund Burke said,
"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil
is for good men to do nothing." And that in es-
sence is why I am here today. This trip is more
than a consultation, more than a good-will visit.
It is an act of faith — faith in your country, in
your leaders, faith in the capacity of two great
neighbors to meet their common problems, and
faith in the cause of freedom, in which we are so
intimately associated.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release (Ottawa, Canada) dated May 18

President Kennedy and Prime Minister Diefenbalser
stated that tliey had had a welcome opportunity of re-
newing tlie personal contact they established during the
Prime Minister's visit to Washington in February and
of examining together questions of concern to both their
Governments. Their discussions covered broad interna-
tional issues as well as specitic Canadian-United States
questions.

United Nations

The President and Prime Minister stated their confi-
dence in the United Nations as an organization dedicated
to the peaceful settlement of differences and the defense
of national and human rights.

Disarmament

They reaffirmed that the goal sought by both countries
Is a secure world order in which there can be general
disarmament under effective controls. They agreed, in
particular, that the negotiation of a nuclear test ban
treaty with effective provisions for inspection was a basic
step in the process of moving towards disarmament.

Defense

The President and Prime Minister examined certain
aspects of U.S.-Canadian defense arrangements and the
international defense commitments which both countries
have assumed, notably in NATO. They expressed the
conviction that a strong defense must be maintained until
such time as effective disarmament measures can be
secured under proper safeguards. They agreed that it is
more than ever necessary that the strength and unity of
NATO be reinforced.

Western Hemisphere

The President and Prime Minister discussed the need
for accelerating economic progress and social reform
throughout the hemisphere, as well as the need to
strengthen the strong hemispheric trend away from dic-
tatorship and towards democracy. They recognized that
these objectives are closely related. They were in ac-
cord that the alignment of a regime in the Western
hemisphere with Communist leadership abroad was a
matter for serious concern, threatening as it did the
peaceful and democratic evolution of the Latin-American
peoples. The Prime Minister assured the President
of Canada's continued and increasing Interest in inter-
American affairs.

Laos

The President and Prime Minister examined the prob-
lem of Laos. They reaffirmed the objective of negotiating
at Geneva a truly independent and neutral Laos. In this
connection they examined the experience of the Interna-
tional Control and Supervisory Commission created by the
Geneva Accords of 1954. They agreed that the develop-
ment of and general support for effective control machin-
ery reprasented a key element in a settlement of the Laos
situation and an essential ingredient in achieving peace
and stability in South East Asia.

O.E.C.D.

Noting that both countries are now members of the Or-
ganization for Economic Cooperation and Development
and are participating in the Development Assistance
Group, the President and Prime Minister examined the
continuing responsibility of their countries to assist un-
der-developed nations. Both countries have had active
programs of economic assistance to under-developed na-
tions for many years. It was agreed that the new ma-
chinery woiild enable the policies and contributions of the
two countries in this field to be more closely related than
in the past.

Trade

The President and Prime Minister noted the efforts
which their two governments had been making in the
tariff negotiations in Geneva to work out satisfactory
trading relations with the European Economic Community
and exchanged views on how this broad objective of im-
portance to both countries can best be achieved. They
emphasized the interest of both countries in promoting
employment and a general expansion of world trade.

To banish the scourge of war, to improve the human
lot, to defend and to enlarge the area of freedom, to as-
sist peoples less privileged than our own — these are aims
that bind together Canada and the United States and
which, with other allies and friends, our two countries
will, jointly and steadfastly, pursue.

June 5, 7967

843

United States Outlines Program Tojnsure Genuine Neutrality for Laos

Statement hy Secretary Rush ^

In late April we received an invitation to an
international conference on the Laotian question.^
On Monday evening last, the cochairmen an-
nounced the opening of the conference and stated
that "tliis conference is solely concerned with
the international aspects of the Laotian question."
We are here to take part on that basis because
the Laotian question is urgent, in relation both
to the people of that troubled country and to the
peace of southeast Asia. We wish to say at the
beginning how gratified we were that His Eoyal
Higluiess Prince Sihanouk [of Cambodia] was
able to open oiu- sessions last evening with wise
words aimed at moderation and a genuine attempt
to reach a satisfactory solution.

At the outset, Mr. Chairman, I believe it neces-
sary to raise a matter which we believe to be the
first order of business in this conference. A num-
ber of invited governments, including the United
States, considered that this conference could not
meet with any hope of success unless there had
been achieved a prompt and effective cease-fire.
We received on May 12, the date proposed for
the opening of our sessions, a report from the ICC
[International Control Commission], which said
that the Commission are satisfied that a general
de facto cease-fire exists and such breaches as
have been informally complained of are either
due to misunderstanding or to factors such as the
terrain, the nature of disposition of forces, both
regular and irregular, of all parties.

' Made on May 17 at Geneva at a 14-nation conference
on Laos under the cochairmanship of the U.K. and the
U.S.S.R. The conference, which was originally sched-
uled to convene on May 12, began formal sessions on
May 16.

" For background, see Bttlletin of May 1.5, 1961, p. 710.

Information from Laos indicates that rebel
forces continue to attack in a number of localities
and that rebel troop movements are occurring
which are prejudicial to an effective cease-fire.
The most serious of these violations have taken
place in the Ban Padong area near Xieng Khou-
ang, where artillery and infantry attacks are con-
tinuing against Government forces. The Eoyal
Lao Government has made formal complaint to
the ICC chairman.

Surely, Mr. Chairman, the cease-fire and proper
instructions to the ICC are matters of first im-
portance. This is something which cannot be post-
poned. An effective cease-fire is a prerequisite to
any constructive result from our proceedings; a
failure of a cease-fire would result in a highly
dangerous situation which it is the purpose of the
conference to prevent. I would urge that the co-
chairmen take this up immediately in order that
the situation be clarified and the ICC given the
necessary authorizations and instructions.

There is another point which affects our ability
to come to a satisfactory result. We do not be-
lieve that this conference is properly constituted
without due provision for the delegates of the con-
stitutional government of Laos. The Royal Lao-
tian Government, empowered by the King and
Parliament to govern Laos, represents that coun-
try in the United Nations and in other inter-
national bodies. It is the only authority resting
upon that nation's constitution and the means
established by law for registering the wishes of its
King and people. We do not see how we can
make good progress without the presence here of
the Government of Laos, and we regret, though
understand, why it does not consider that it can
be here under existing circumstances. We believe

844

Department of State Bulletin

that this, too, is a matter which requires the im-
mediate attention of the cochairmen in order that
this conference of governments may have the bene-
fit of the participation of the Government of the
vei-y country which we are discussing.

Before I turn to what I had intended to say
about the questions before the conference, I should
like to thank the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs of the United Kingdom [Lord Home] for
his constructive and helpful contribution of last
evening. We find ourselves in general agreement
with his suggestions and hope that the conference
can settle down quickly to the detailed provisions
required to give them effect.

The Real Threat to Peace in Southeast Asia

I also listened with interest to the remarks of
the representative from Peiping [Chen Yi]. He
made certain statements about the United States
which were not true and not new. We have heard
them often before. Indeed, I rather thought that
his statement of them on this occasion was less
violent than language to which we have become
accustomed. To leave open the possibility that
those at this table are prepared to find some com-
mon basis for the settlement of the Laotian ques-
tion, I shall comment upon his remarks with the
restraint enjoined upon us by Prince Sihanouk.

There is only one problem of peace in southeast
Asia and, indeed, in many other parts of the world.
It is whether those who have wrapped around
themselves the doctrine of the historical inevitabil-
ity of world domination by their own particular
political system merely believe it or will attempt
to impose it upon others by all the means at their
disposal. The real issue is whether peaceful co-
existence is what normal language would indi-
cate it means, or whether it means an all-out and
continuous struggle against all those not under
Communist control. The real threat to peace in
southeast Asia is not from south to north, nor from
across the Pacific Ocean. The threats are from
north to south and take many forms. If these
threats should disappear, SEATO would witlier
away, for it has no purpose but to maintain the
peace in southeast Asia.

We cannot settle this argmnent in this confer-
ence, for it involves commitments of the Commu-
nist world which they would undoubtedly not yield
in this discussion, just as it involves the commit-
ments of free peoples who are determined to per-

fect and cherish freedoms still evolving from more
than 2,000 years of struggle against tyranny in all
forms. Wliat we can do here is to discover
whether we can agree that the people of Laos
should be permitted to live in their own country
without interference and pressures from the out-
side.

We note the statement made by the representa-
tive from Peiping that he "is ready to work jointly
with the delegations of all the other countries par-
ticipating in this conference to make contributions
to the peaceful settlement of the Laotian question."
We ourselves are prepared to work diligently to
discover whether there is agreement in the confer-
ence on the questions before us.

Promptly after assuming office President Ken-
nedy said : "We strongly and imreservedly sup-
port the goal of a neutral and independent Laos,
tied to no outside power or group of powers,
tJireatening no one, and free from any domi-
nation."^ In early exchanges with Chairman
Khrushchev, the latter affirmed his conmiitment
to a neutral and independent Laos, and there was
useful discussion of the example of Austria.
Other spokesmen of other governments, including
a number represented here, have declared their
desire for a neutral Laos.

The King of that country, on February 19 of this
year, declared : "We desire to proclaim once more
the policy of true neutrality that Laos has always
sought to follow. . . . Once again we appeal to
all countries to respect the independence, sover-
eignty, territorial integrity and neutrality of
Laos."

I have already indicated that we believe the
most immediate problem is to insure an effective
cease-fire, to give the ICC the necessary and rele-
vant instructions and to give it the resources
required to carry out its vital task.

Task of Insuring a Neutrai Laos

Next we must turn to the problem of insuring
a genuinely neutral Laos. In this task, of course,
most of us in this conference act as outsiders. We
cannot impose on Laos anything which that coun-
try and its people do not truly want for themselves.
In this particular instance we are fortunate that
the expressed desires of the international commu-
nity seem to coincide with what the people of Laos

' Ibid., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 543.

June 5, 1967

845

themselves want. Almost every nation here has
expressed itself in favor of a neutral Laos.

But what does this mean? Neutrality is not
simply a negative concept. A neutral Laos should
be a dynamic, viable Laos, making progress
toward more stable political institutions, economic
well-being, and social justice. A truly neutral
Laos must have the right to choose its own way of
life in accordance with its own traditions, wishes,
and aspirations for the future.

It is, of coui'se, too early in tlie conference to
present detailed proposals for achieving this end.
But it is not too early to begin considering the
broad outlines of a program directed to the goal.

As my Government sees it, such an outline would
involve three separate points.

First: A definition of the concept of neutrality,
as it applies to Laos, which all of us gathered here
could pledge ourselves to respect. This definition
must go beyond the classical concept of nonaline-
ment and include positive assurance of the integ-
rity of the elements of national life.

Second: The development of effective interna-
tional machinery for maintaining and safeguard-
ing that neutrality against threats to it from
within as well as without.

Third: Laos will need, if it wishes to take its
place in the modern world, a substantial economic
and technical aid program. We believe that such
aid could be most appropriately administered by
neutral nations from the area and that it should
be supported by contributions from many states
and agencies. We do not believe that a neutral
Laos should become a field of rivalries expressed
through foreign aid programs on a national or bloc
basis. But we do believe that the Laotians should
benefit from the enlarged possibilities of better
health, broader education, increased productivity
which are opening up for mankind in all parts
of the world.

A word more is perhaps in order about each of
these points.

Respecting the Neutrality of Laos

First, neutrality. To be neutral, in the classical
sense, means not to be formally alined with con-
tending parties. Certainly we want this classical
neutrality for Laos. But in today's world, with
modern modes by which one government may

subtly impose its will upon another, mere non-
alinement is not enough.

Foreign militai-y personnel, except for those
specified in the Geneva Accords,* should be with-
drawn from Laos. But we mean all, not just those
assisting the forces of the constituted Govern-
ment of the country at its request. There is no
problem about the withdrawal of the limited U.S.
military personnel assisting with the training and
supply of Government forces if the "Viet Minh
brethren" and other elements who have entered
Laos from the northeast return to their homes.

We have no desire to send military equipment
into Laos; if international arrangements can be
reached about forces and equipment, there would
be no problem on our side.

We have no military bases in Laos and want
none. We have no military alliances with Laos
and want none. We have no interest in Laos
as a staging area or as a thoroughfare for agents
of subversion, saboteurs, or guerrilla bands to op-
erate against Laos' neighbors.

If all those at this table can make the same com-
mitments and support international machinery
to protect Laos and its neighbors against such ac-
tivities, we shall have taken an important step
toward peace in southeast Asia.

Finally, neutrality must be consistent with
sovereignty. It involves safeguards against sub-
version of the elements of the state which is
organized, directed, or assisted from beyond its
borders. In the end we must find a way to let the
people of Laos live their own lives under condi-
tions of free choice — and imder conditions which
permit the continuing exercise of choice to adapt
institutions, policies, and objectives to the teach-
ings of experience.

In the Final Declaration of the Geneva Confer-
ence of 1954,° the parties pledged themselves to
respect the sovereignty, the independence, the
unity, and the territorial integrity of Laos. The
intervening years since 1954 have demonstrated
as a practical reality that, for Laos, sovereignty,
independence, unity, and territorial integrity can-
not long be maintained unless others also are
willing to respect the neutrality of Laos.

' For text of the agreement on the cessation of hostili-
ties in Laos, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955:
Basic Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication
6440, p. 775.

^Ibid., p. 78.5.

846

Department of State Bulletin

We invite the nations of this conference to join
in a solemn recognition and pledge of respect for
Laotian neutrality. We invite all here to join in
developing adequate machinery for protecting this
status and with it the sovereignty, independence,
unity, and territorial integrity of Laos as well.

Machinery for Keeping the Peace

Second, machinery for keepmg the peace. The
Geneva Conference of 1954 spent most of its time
in discussing international machinery to supervise
and control the introduction of arms and military
personnel into the southeast Asian area. Despite
t,hose labors, that machinery has not proved effec-
tive in controlling military activity and in keeping
the peace in the area. It has, however, given us a
body of experience upon which we can draw in
an effort to build better than our predecessors.

That experience suggests a set of principles or
criteria by which we and the world will be able to
judge whether the international controls developed
here will effectively serve the ends for which they
are designed.

The control machinery must have full access to
all parts of the country without the need for the
consent of any civil or military officials, national
or local.

It must have its own transportation and com-
munication equipment sufficient to the task. These
must be constantly available to and under the sole
orders of the control body.

It must be able to act on any complaints from
responsible sources, including personnel of the
control body itself, responsible military and civil
officials in Laos, the governments of neighboring
countries and of the members of this conference.

The control body should act by majority rule
with the right to file majority and minority re-
ports. It should not be paralyzed by a veto.

There should be some effective method of in-
forming governments and the world at large about
a finding by the control body that the conditions of
peace and neutrality, as defined, have been
violated.

If we are successful in giving practical meaning
to the idea of a neutral Laos with international as-
surances against aggression and intervention, Lao
armed forces could be reduced to the level neces-
sary to maintain its own security.
This is the yardstick by which we can measure

the prospective effectiveness of any control ma-
chinery for Laos. This is the yardstick which will
influence the attitude of the United States toward
the work of this conference. In short, pledges and
promises must be backed by effective controls, effec-
tively applied to maintain a genuinely neutral
Laos.

Collective Assistance Efforts

Third, economic and technical development for
Laos. The energies of the Lao people have too
long been diverted from the constructive work of
establishing for themselves and their children a
better society and a better life. Schools, hospitals,
agricultural improvement, industry, transport and
communications, improved civil administration —
all are needed, and urgently, if the promise which
the 20th century holds out to all men is to be
realized for Laos. Such improvement in their
way of life is not only the right of the Laotians.
It is also, I am convinced, a necessary condition
of an independent and neutral Laos.

Unfortunately the resources necessary to permit
such improvement at the required speed are not
available in Laos itself. It is necessary that as
many countries as possible supply the resources
needed.

The United States would be willing to contribute
to such a program. The United States has already
contributed sizable amounts in material support
and effort to assist the people of Laos in this pro-
gram of economic and social development. It is a
matter of regret that any portion of this effort has
ha'd to be expended to meet the threat to the secu-
rity of Laos. Certainly one of the prime tasks for
this conference is to devise means so that collective
assistance efforts for Laos can be dedicated to the
peaceful pursuits of people and to bringing the
benefits of modern science and technology to the
masses.

We believe that such assistance might usefully
be administered by an organization of neutral na-
tions of the area. We invite the U.S.S.R. to join
with us in underwriting the cost of such assistance.
Let us make Laos the scene of a cooperative effort
for peaceful construction.

Mr. Chairman, I wish to inform the conference
that I am one of several ministers who plan to re-
turn to our posts toward the end of this week. It
was my announced intention when I first arrived.

June 5, 1967

847

Our delegation will be led by Ambassador at
Large [W. Averell] Harriman, one of our most
distinguished public servants and most experi-
enced diplomats. But official propaganda has
begun to say that my departure means an attempt
to sabotage this conference. It is not important
that such propaganda is false ; it is important that
such propaganda bears upon the bona fides of those
at the table.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I do hope that all
of us at the conference can keep our minds upon
the Laotian people, who have suffered much and
endured much during the past two decades. Let
us find ways to let them lead their own lives in
peace. They are few in number and need not be
caught up in larger issues. Let us affirm that it is
their comitry and not an appropriate target for
ambitions with which they need not be involved.
We shall contribute what we can to the success of
this conference; if each can contribute, a good
result can be accomplished.

President To Meet French President,
Soviet and British Prime Ministers

White House Announcement

White House press release dated May 19

As has already been annomiced,^ the President
has accepted an invitation from French President
de Gaulle to meet with him in Paris on May 31
to June 2.

Following discussions through diplomatic chan-
nels which began last March and an exchange of
communications,^ the President and Chairman
Khrushchev have agreed to meet in Vienna on
Jime 3 and 4.

The President and Chairman Khrushchev
understand that this meeting is not for the purpose
of negotiating or reaching agreement on the major
international problems that involve the interest
of many other countries. The meeting will how-
ever afford a timely and convenient opportunity
for the first personal contact between them and a
general exchange of views on the major issues
which affect the relationships between the two
countries.

From Vienna the President plans to proceed

' Pierre Salinger, White House press secretary, made the
announcement on Apr. 3.
''Not printed.

to London, where he and Mrs. Kennedy will visit
Mrs. Kennedy's sister and her husband. Prince
Radziwill, to be present at the christening of their
daughter the next day. The President will meet
Prime Minister Macmillan at lunch on June 5.
He will depart London for Washington late in
the evening the same day. Mrs. Kennedy plans
to remain with her sister in London for several
days.

President Bourguiba Concludes
Visit to the United States

Habib Bourguiba, President of the Tunisian
Republic, made an official visit to the United
States, May 3-13, at the invitation of President
Kennedy?- Following is the exchange of greet-
ings between the two Presidents, President Bour-
guiba's address before a joint session of Congress,
a joint communiqvs released at the conclusion of
their meetings, and a communique on economic
tnatters released following meetings held May
8-10 between senior members of the Tunisian dele-
gation and senior representatives of the V.S. Gov-
emr)ient, together with a list of the members of the
official party.

EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS, MAY 3

White House press release dated May 3

President Kennedy

It is a great pleasure for me as President of
the United States and also as a citizen of our
country to welcome the President of a friendly
country and a distinguished world statesman.

Long before I occupied this present responsi-
bility I had become familiar with the long struggle
in the life of President Bourguiba for his country's
independence. He spent years in prison. He
spent years in struggle. He is given in his own
country the name of Supreme Combatant, be-
cause he had one goal always in mind — the in-
dependence and freedom of his country.

'Because of illness President Bourguiba canceled his
plans to visit Knoxville, Tenn., and Dallas, Tex., as an-
nounced in the Bulletin of May 8, 1961, p. 691. The
Department of State announced on May 9 (press release
303) that he and Mrs. Bourguiba would leave Washing-
ton for New York City on May 10.

848

Department of State Bulletin

And now that that independence and freedom
has been won, he has put before his people another
goal, and that is to build a better life for them-
selves, to make it possible for all of the people of
his country to share in a more fruitful and abun-
dant existence.

I think that it is most proper that the first head
of state to pay an official state visit to this country
and this administration should be President
Bourguiba.

"VVe welcome him. I think he knows that the
people of this country admire those who stand for
principle, those who fight for freedom. We have
among us today a man who has fought for freedom
and fought for principle.

It is a great honor to welcome him to the United
States.

President Bourguiba'

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: I am
deeply touched by the kind words which you have
just expressed toward Tunisia and toward myself.
The warm welcome which has been extended to
the members of my party and to myself constitutes
the most eloquent possible proof of the traditional
long friendship which has never ceased to exist
between our two nations.

This is my way of telling you, Mr. President,
the profound joy wliich I experience in being once
again in your country, land of liberty and democ-
racy, and the joy I feel in bringing to the noble
American nation a message of friendship and
consideration on the part of the Tunisian nation.
Our common devotion to the great values of civili-
zation, our devotion to the principles of justice
and liberty, constitute the most finn basis for
friendship which unites our two peoples. And
the surest possible pledge of the development and
strengthening of such friendship, the understand-
ing and the support of the Government of the
United States and of Your Excellency in particu-
lar, have never failed us and authorize the trust
that we have in the happy outcome of the meetings
that we are to have.

That is why, Mr. President, I should like to
express to you my deep gratitude for your kind
invitation and to tell you my conviction that it
will contribute to strengthening still further the

bonds of fi-iendship and cooperation which exist
between our two countries.

I should like to conclude by expressing my
most sincere good wishes for the happiness and
prosperity of the noble people of the United States.

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS, MAY 4'

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, honorable Mem-
bers of Congress, it is both an honor and a great
joy for me to address the representatives of a
friendly people who share with us the same devo-
tion to the deepest human values, the same faith
in the continuing struggle against oppression in
all its forms, the same belief in the ultimate tri-
umph of freedom and human dignity.

Independent Tunisia will never forget the loy-
alty of the United States of America to the princi-
ple of liberty and self-determination which was
evidenced to her at a particularly critical moment
in her history when, after the forces of the Axis
had been shattei-ed in north Africa, the representa-
tive of the United States in Timis demonstrated
that he understood the sense of our national strug-
gle. In 1943, at the most heady and enthralling
moment of a victorious campaign, Mr. Hooker
Doolittle — allow me to name him at the risk of
embarrassing him — did not hesitate to give his sup-
port to the Tunisian national movement which he
recognized as the authentic mouthpiece of our peo-
ple's aspirations. At almost the same moment,
at the other end of north Af I'ica, President Frank-
lin Delano Roosevelt was lending his support to
the idea that the end of war should also be the end
of empire.

Nor wiU we ever forget that President Eisen-
hower was the first head of state to recognize the
independence of Tunisia and to give it his blessing
upon its entry into the international community ;
nor that he helped us to safeguard our independ-
ence on several occasions when it was threatened ;
and that by a decisive material aid he enabled us
to give flesh and blood to our newly won sov-
ereignty.

In this evidence we have witnessed of your coun-
try's loyalty to the principles which are the basis

' As interpreted from the French.
June 5, 796J

' Reprinted from the Congressional Record of May 4,
1961, p. 6878. President Bourguiba addressed the joint
meeting in French, and immediately thereafter an English
translation of the address was read.

849

of all human society, I wish to hail our common
attachment to liberty. For both our peoples this
is our pride, our glory, and the true source of the
eternal flame of youth.

Honorable Members of Congress, it is indeed in
the name of a people who fought for their liberty
for half a century that I have the honor to address
you. I must tell you that my people never for one
moment wavered fi-om its faith in the necessity of
cooperation among men, throughout all the vicissi-
tudes of its struggle, and beyond all the resent-
ments that that struggle miglit have generated.

For the primary quest of nationalism, as is so
well recognized by President Kennedy, is essen-
tially liberation from tlie degrading subjection of
man to man and of people to people. And its
basic premise is the assertion that all men are born
equal, and thus all should share alike in the great
work of building human civilization, whatever
differences in circumstances the accidents of his-
tory may have produced.

Nationalism is an attempt to render human so-
ciety truly human by giving to each people and
to each man both dignity and a free choice of the
institutions under which they live. That is why
Tunisia, throughout its national struggle, has re-
mained steadfast to this abiding truth : That the
future of mankind lies in our ability to cooperate
with each other, and to be moved by the tremen-
dous force of human solidarity generated at this
historic moment when man is about to pierce
the limits of space and venture into the infinity of
the cosmos.

We believe in the future of man, in his possi-
bilities for progress. We believe that it is not
only of intellectual and technical progress that
we must think, but also of moral progress. This
possibility of man's moral progress is the only
hope for the establishment of a genuine inter-
national peace.

In the existing climate of international rela-
tions, peace is nothing but the absence of war,
and thus infinitely unstable, precarious, danger-
ous. Rivalry, jealousy, fear, and suspicion, the
desire to dominate others, motivate the policies
not only of the great powers, but also many of
the small nations. And these motives of passion
are stronger than an enlightened view of self-
interest, which, if genuinely followed, would lead
the governments of the world to cooperation
rather than to competition. The problems which

agitate the world today — Algeria, the Congo,
Palestine, Cuba, Laos, Angola — are a reflection
of these motives rather than their cause. When
men, and the leaders of men, realize that their
need for eacli other, for solidarity, for cooperation,
is stronger than their need for temporary victo-
ries, more real than their fears, more fruitful than
their hatreds and their passions, the foundations
of a solid peace can be laid.

These are the principles and premises which
have guided Tunisia since her entry into the in-
ternational community of sovereign states in 1956.
We have at all times souglit to avoid demagoguery
and to resist the temptation to take up extreme
positions, however facile. We have always pre-
ferred attachment to principles to an easily-won
popularity. We have taken up stands which have
not always been approved by our friends, and
which have seemed suspicious to our adversaries
but which have always in the long run been ap-
proved. We have never chosen policies out of a
so-called solidarity, which is often a pretext for
self-interest or a cloak for real divergences.

All this has given us a genuine freedom of
action in international affairs, and earned us, I
believe, a respect beyond the measure of our mod-
est size. A real friend is not he who flatters your
pride by always agreeing with you, whatever he
may secretly believe, but rather he who tells you
what he believes to be true, at the risk of a tem-
porary irritation.

Thus, for example, we have never hesitated to
point out to the Western World the harm it has
done itself by compromising with its own prin-
ciples in order to avoid giving offense to some of
its members, or by allying itself without real con-
viction with causes which are unjust, or simply
lost.

It is therefore a real source of satisfaction to
us to see tlie United States of America return to
its traditional policy of anticolonialism and sup-
port for the principle of self-determination and
independence for all peoples. What your country
gains in affection and prestige from the recently
emancipated and the still colonized peoples is
greater than the anger or irritation of guilty gov-
ernments, however powerful these governments
may be. The forces of history are stronger than
those of individual men and governments, and if
you march with progress, not against it, you can
never lose.

850

Department of Slate Bulletin

It is our common attachment to these principles
which constitutes the surest foundation for coop-
eration between Tunisia and the United States of
America. A relationship between a great power
and a small one which is based only on immediate
interests or on constraint, is not a happy or a
healthy one. What your country needs are not
satellites who vote with you automatically on all
issues because they want your money, but friends
who support you from conviction. I can assure
you that Tunisia will always tell you when we
disagree with you, just as we will always applaud
you when we believe you to be right. And we ex-
pect from you a reciprocal frankness.

One of the greatest problems in the world today
is the transformation of the relationship between
the colonial and imperial powers and the colonized
peoples. The transition from the status of sub-
jection to that of sovereignty is not an easy one. It
has been the constant preoccupation of Tunisia to
demonstrate that it need not be disastrous. In the
period of our national struggle to regain our in-
dependence from France we were very careful to
restrain from any actions or words that might
have rendered our future cooperation with France
difficult or impossible. We believed firmly that a
national movement based on hatred or revenge
would be unfitted to shoulder the responsibilities
of power.

It is for this reason that we accepted the idea of
a graduated progression toward full sovereignty.
We never claimed all or nothing. What we
claimed was the recognition by France of our right
to freedom and to sovereignty, and the acceptance
of the consequences of that recognition. Even to-
day we are still unable to exercise our full sover-
eignty over a portion of our national territory —
and I am thinking of Bizerta, still occupied by
French forces against our will. I must state here
that it is our firm intention to liberate our country
from the last vestiges of a foreign occupation.

The same desire for a transformed relationship
with our former governors has guided us in our
attitude to the war in Algeria. We have never
ceased to proclaim our full and unqualified sup-
port for the struggle of our Algerian brethren for
independence, or to translate that support from the
moral to the material plane. We have been proud
to extend to our Algerian brothers all the facilities
of our territory to carry on their legitimate
struggle. But we have done all this not to anger

or to combat France, but rather to help France to
liberate herself from the intolerable burden of
empire. At the same time we have tried to help the
Algerian people to recover their rights. Once the
war in Algeria is over, and the Algerian people
enter into sovereignty and independence as we
have done, we may look forward to a new era not
only in north Africa, but throughout Africa and
all around the Mediterranean. The age-old rival-
ries and hatreds between the peoples of the Medi-
terranean, the ancient exploitation of Africa by
Europe, will give way to a common effort to ex-
ploit our resources, to construct a better world all
together.

For this is the great challenge of our times.
History will judge us by the efforts we have made
to assure the welfare and the plenty of our peoples;
not by the alliances or the pacts we have made.
Our external relations with the rest of the world
are to be judged not from the point of view of
power or prestige, but by the extent to which they
enable us to help our peoples acquire a better life.

In this sphere the relations between Tunisia and
the United States of America have been happy. In
a critical period of our newly won independence
your Government came to our aid. And for 4
years now a program of economic cooperation and
technical assistance has been in existence in Tu-
nisia to the mutual satisfaction of both our coun-
tries. If we try to discover the reasons for which
our cooperation has been so successful, our rela-
tions so happy, I believe it is because we have
shared a common approach to our problems. The
basic philosophy which underlies our struggle
against underdevelopment is the principle that the
major effort must be our own. We have not waited
for others to help us before we began to help our-
selves, nor have our programs depended for their
inauguration upon assistance from outside. We
have started from the premise that there are cer-
tain objectives in the social and economic sphere,
certain minimum standards which our citizens
have a right to expect, which we have to aim at.
We fully realize that the greatest burden, the
largest sacrifices, lie upon ourselves. We realize
also that no amount of economic aid will help a
people who have no clear idea of where they are
going, or no willingness to create the means of get-
ting there. Insofar as we look to outside sources
for help, it is only to the extent that that help will
enable us eventually — and in not too long a time —
to dispense with it.

June 5, 7961

851

However, in the struggle for economic growth
and development it is not only the end that counts,
but also the means. And it is here that we share
one more belief with you. Wliile we recognize that
the effort to raise the living standards of our people
depends on a planned and orderly use of our re-
sources, we also hold that this is not incompatible
with the maintenance of individual liberty and the
development of free institutions. It is not our in-
tention to sacrifice the basic rights of the living for
the hypothetical happiness of the still unborn, nor
do we believe that the necessity of any such choice
exists. If freemen do not have the will and the
ability to submit to common sacrifices and to share
in a common effort, then there is no future for
liberty in the world. This we cannot believe to be
the case. We know that there is no greater force
in the world than that of freemen working to-
gether for a common effort.

I believe that this Congress realizes fully to
what extent the fate of the more privileged peoples
is linked with that of the less privileged. The
world today is one, and no people can live alone.
The relationship between rich societies and poor is
not an easy one, and calls for infinite tact, patience,
and above all, intelligence. Aid inappropriately
given may do more harm than good. Formulas
and theories which are too rigid must be avoided.
The techniques of cooperation must be constantly
revised in the light of experience. There must also
be an exact appraisal of the relation of the moral
to the practical : for if on the one hand to help the
less fortunate is a duty, it is also a matter of self-
interest. The continued health of the more de-
veloped societies depends on the possibility of eco-
nomic growth in the less developed. There should
be no condescension of the rich to the poor, just as
there should be no resentment by the poor of the
rich.

In all our thinking, cooperation rather than
aid or assistance should be our watchword. In
the Arabic language there is a saying that "It
takes two hands to clap." Cooperation implies a
mutual effort, and mutual benefit. It demands an
understanding not only of the needs of one side,
but also of the possibilities of the other. Above
all, it demands a common vision of the goal ahead
and a common philosophy of life.

I believe firmly that the conditions of an ever-
growing cooperation between my country and
yours exist. History has forged many links be-

tween us in the past. May the Timisian and
American peoples look forward to a future in
which these links will be ever stronger, based as
they are on cooperation, respect and affection.
I thank you.

TEXTS OF COMMUNIQUES
Joint Communique, May 5

White House press release dated May 5

President Bourguiba concludes tomorrow the
Washington portion of the State visit he is making
to the United States at the invitation of Presi-
dent Kennedy. The two Presidents have had
very cordial, frank and f iiiitful talks on a broad
range of subjects. Their conversations have been
characterized by the same spirit of mutual under-
standing and respect which has been responsible
for the friendly and positive relations wliich have
evolved between the two countries.

President Bourguiba defined his policy of non-
alignment and friendship with all countries de-
siring good relations with Tunisia. President
Kennedy expressed the support of the United
States for the inviolate right of peoples and coun-
tries to exercise freedom of choice in the organ-
ization of their societies and in the definition of
their political attitudes. They agreed that the
retention by all coimtries of tliis freedom of choice
is essential to the existence of a peaceful and har-
monious world of freedom and justice.

The two Presidents found themselves in agree-
ment as to the political, economic and social prob-
lems that confront many new countries, particu-
larly in Africa. They share the conviction that
the orderly process of decolonization is essential
to the promotion of human welfare, the consolida-
tion of peace and the encouragement of the striv-
ing African peoples. They are in basic accord
that political progress and economic development
will be hindered if the continent of Africa be-
comes an arena for the so-called cold war. They
believe that the independent states of Africa
should be free to follow their own policies without
outside interference and that they should at the
same time strive for a closer harmonization of
African viewpoints.

The two Presidents discussed the problem of
Algeria. They believe that negotiation and that
peaceful application of the principle of self-

852

Department of State Bulletin

determination are the key to peace in Algeria and
to stability in North Africa and the Medi-
terranean.

The two Presidents also examined the problem
of the Congo. They feel strongly that all nations
should give wholehearted support to the efforts
of the United Nations and particularly of the
Secretary General in carrying out the pertinent
General Assembly and Security Council resolu-
tions on the Congo, and should refrain from mii-
lateral actions contrary to those resolutions.

In the social and economic fields, President
Bourguiba stressed the importance wliich Tunisia
attaches to the full realization of its human and
material potential through a well-conceived na-
tional program. President Kennedy expressed
his full sympathy with these objectives and made
clear the desire of the United States to enter into
partnership relationships with the developing
countries, based on social justice, self-help and
long-range planning. The two Presidents agreed
that cooperative efforts of their two countries to-
ward these ends should be continued and ex-
panded. They directed their advisers to explore
without delay and in greater detail the means
whereby these efforts could be rendered more ef-
fective in support of accelerated economic and
social growth on a long-range basis.

President Bourguiba extended to President and
Mrs. Kennedy a cordial invitation to visit Tunisia.
President Kennedy expressed their sincere thanks
and indicated they look forward to the
opportimity.

U.S. To Supply Grain to Tunisia
Under Food-for-Peace Program

White House press release dated May 10

The White House announced on May 10 that
the U.S. Government has agreed in principle to
help Tunisia meet a serious deficit in grain pro-
duction by providing food and feed grains such as
wheat, barley, and corn under the US. Food-for-
Peace Program.

The agreement was reached following an urgent
request submitted by Tunisia during the current
visit of President Habib Bourguiba. Tunisia is
suffering from a severe decline in domestic harvest
following a pi-olonged drought.

The exact quantities of grains to be furnished,
and other details, will be worked out in accord-
ance with standard title I, Public Law 4S0, cri-
teria. Payment will be made in Tunisian dinars.
It has been agreed that the major part of the
sales proceeds will be made available to the Gov-
ernment of Tunisia for economic development
purposes.

Agreement in principle for the special food-for-
peace program was reached in discussions between
two of the Tunisian officials accompanying Presi-
dent Bourguiba : Ahmed Ben Salah, Secretary ol
State for Planning and Finances, and Hedi Nouira,
Governor of the Central Bank, assisted by the
Tunisian Embassy in Washington. They conferred
here with representatives of the Office of the Direc-
tor of Food for Peace, the Departments of State
and Agriculture, and the International Cooperation
Administration.

The assistance, under title I of Public Law 480,
will be in addition to other U.S. aid programs now
oiterating in Tunisia.

Joint Economic Communique, May 10

Press release 306 dated May 10

In accordance with the desire expressed by
President Kennedy and President Bourguiba, the
Ministers of the Tunisian Government accompany-
ing President Bourguiba to Washington have met
during the past week in a series of meetings with
Mr. George Ball, Under Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs, and other United States officials
charged with the administration of United States
foreign economic aid programs to explore the
means whereby the cooperative efforts between
the two countries could be made more effective in
support of accelerated economic and social growth
in Tunisia on a long-range basis.

These meetings involved on the Tunisian side
Messrs. Alimed Ben Salah, Secretary of State for

Finance and Planning, Mahmoud Messadi, Sec-
retary of State for Education, xVhmed Noureddine,
Secretary of State for Public Works and Hous-
ing, and Hedi Nouira, Governor of the Tunisian
Central Bank, accompanied by members of the
Embassy of Tunisia. On the American side Under
Secretary Ball was assisted by senior officials of
the Department of State, the International Co-
operation Administration and the Food-for-Peace
Program.

The Tunisian representatives were able to pre-
sent in preliminary form Tunisian plans for a
carefully conceived, multi-year development pro-
gram placing maximum emphasis on the utiliza-
tion of Tunisia's own human and natural resources.
The American representatives felt that the prin-
ciples of social justice, self-help and long-range

June 5, 7967

595313—61 3

853

planning evident in the Tunisian plans corre-
sponded very closely to the criteria which the
United States Government desires to apply in new
aid procedures now being worked out.

It was agreed that the discussions had been ex-
tremely useful and that they would be continued
in Timisia. The United States representatives af-
firmed the intention of the United States Govern-
ment to work with the Government of Tunisia on
a long-term basis with a view to developing appro-
priate cooperative measures through which the
United States could help support Tunisia's long-
range development.

MEMBERS OF OFFICIAL PARTY

The Department of State announced on May 1
(press release 275) that the following would make
up the official members of President and Mrs.
Bourguiba's party :

Dr. Sadok Mokaddem, Secretary of State for Foreign

Afeairs
Ahmed Ben Salah, Secretary of State for Planning and

Finances
Mahmoud Messadi, Secretary of State for National

Education
Ahmed Noureddine, Secretary of State for Public Works

and Housing
Mohamad Masmoudi, Secretary of State for Information

and Tourism
Habib Bourgulba, Jr., Ambassador of Tunisia, and Mrs.

Bourguiba
Mongi Slim, Permanent Representative of Tunisia to the

United Nations
Hedi Nouira, Governor of the Central Bank
Driss Guiga, Director of National Security
Chadli Klibi, Director of Tunisian Radio and Television
Bechir Ben Tahmed, Adviser to the President
Cecil Hourani, Adviser to the President, and Mrs. Hourani
Zouhair Chelli, Counselor, Permanent Delegation of Tu-
nisia to the United Nations
Col. Habib Soussi, Aide-de-Camp

United States Policy Toward Africa and the United Nations

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

As a fellow citizen of this great heartland of
America, and as a great admirer and former
colleague of your Governor Gaylord Nelson, may
I begin by congratulating you all on this most ex-
cellent conference. It affirms in a most positive
manner the great truth of today — that our coun-
try's foreign policy is developed and even exe-
cuted by the people of America through what they
think and do, especially in public expressions such
as we have here. If our foreign policy is to be
equal to the challenges and opportunities of our
day, then we citizens must not only be willing but
prepared to do our part. A conference such as
this enables you to make a great contribution.

' Address made at the second annual Governor's Con-
ference on the United Nations at Milwaukee, Wis., on
May 13 (press release 313 dated May 12) .

President Kennedy put all of this far better
than I can, when he said in a speech in 1957 :

. . . just as foreign policy now more than ever in-
fluences the average American, so he — now more than
ever — influences that policy. His opinions, his votes and
his efforts define the limits of our policy, provide its
guideposts and authorize its implementation. His atti-
tude toward taxation and selective service, foreign aid
and alliances, the United Nations, imports, immigration,
minority groups — all of these have an impact upon foreign
policy far beyond his knowledge. Without his indispensa-
ble support and loyalty, no American foreign policy can
succeed. Our choice, then, is not whether public opinion
should influence our foreign policy, but whether its in-
fluence is to be good or bad.

Today I'd like to talk to you about Africa and
the U.N. We live to a much greater degree than
we realize on an ever smaller and more intimate
planet. Communications have been perfected and

854

Department of Slate Bulletin

interest has increased to the point where an inci-
dent in Hagerstown, Maryland, which would have
passed unnoticed a few years ago today has an im-
pact on capitals all over the globe — and in a mat-
ter of hours.

Nowhere is this clearer than in the developing
interrelationship between Africa and the U.N. and
the impact of both on the position and prestige of
the United States.

Importance of Africa to the U.N.

Africa has become of primary importance to
the U.N. in terms both of membership and of
issues. At the time the U.N. was established, there
were only 4 independent African states; today
there are 28, of whom only 2 — Mauritania and
Sierra Leone — are not yet represented. African
states now form the largest single regional group
■within the United Nations and are substantially
more nimaerous than the Latin Americans, who
formerly held the honor with 20 members.

In saying this I do not wish to imply the exist-
ence of a monolithic voting machine. The Afri-
cans are as diversified as their own vast continent,
which is as large as the United States, Western
Europe, India, and China put together, and which
is home to almost all the races and religions of
mankind. Their voting patterns, their attitudes,
and their political alinements thoroughly reflect
this striking but largely overlooked diversity.

There is only one major exception to this plural-
istic approach. There is complete unity — except
for the Union of South Africa — on the burning
issue of independence for the remaining dependent
territories of Africa. There is also a tendency on
the part of the Africans to judge other countries
largely by the positions they adopt on specific
issues relating to this central theme. This is par-
ticularly true as regards the United States, which
does not and wiU not have a colonial record in
Africa.

Africa has also become increasingly important
to the U.N. in terms of issues. In the Lake Suc-
cess days, Africa was seldom discussed. Today
more and more of the U.N.'s time and talent is de-
voted to the search for solutions to African prob-
lems, such as Algeria, Angola, apartheid, and the
Congo, to mention only a few.

At the same time the U.N. is an institution in
which the African states place great faith and
hope. It was a catalyst which helped them secure

their independence. It laid down higher stand-
ards of colonial administration through the
activities of the Trusteeship Council and other
bodies. It is the token and guarantee of their
independence; it serves to prove that even the
smallest and newest countries in the world coimt
for something; it is looked on as a shield against
aggression from any quarter.

It is no wonder, therefore, that \h& African
states rallied to the defense of the U.N. when its
structure and effectiveness were attacked viru-
lently and with disruptive tactics by the Soviets
last fall.

The full emergence of Africa on the world scene
and the growing strength and authority of the
U.N. are manifestations of a diplomatic revolu-
tion, not all of whose consequences have been fully
understood.

Two Facets of the United Nations

The U.N. has many facets, but I would like to
refer to just two.

First, the U.N. is a mirror of reality, the one
place where the world community forgathers
annually to express a collective judgment on the
state of affairs and the current problems which
characterize our planet. In this sense the U.N. is
useful to us, and to others, as a place to promote
our policies and to judge quickly and without a
doubt what impact they are having and what
others think of us. We need not and cannot al-
ways follow this collective judgment, but we
should consider it carefully.

By the same token the U.N. is the place where
we must stand up and be counted. It is no longer
possible, even if we so desired, to avoid choices
on such difficult problems as Algeria and Angola.
The United Nations forces an opinion or concrete
action from us on every conceivable issue. I be-
lieve this is a good thing. Unpleasant and diffi-
cult as it sometimes may be to choose — particularly
when the choice is between an ally and a cherished
principle — our position of world leadership de-
mands that we seek constructively to influence the
course of events. The U.N. forces us to carry out
a duty — to make decisions — which we might other-
wise be tempted to avoid.

Viewing the U.N. as a mirror of reality, I think
we can be reasonably well satisfied. We have yet
to find a majority arrayed against us on any issue
of major concern to the United States. If we con-

June 5, 1967

855

tinue to adopt reasonable positions that take into
account the thirst for freedom in the dependent
tei-ritories of tlie world, we should continue to do
well. But we must recognize that our commitment
to freedom is going to be tested on many diiBcult
issues. "We shall be forced to clarify our stand
on principles so vitally important to leadership
in a world the major part of which has lived under
colonialism, the major part of which is nonwhite.
The U.N. has another, more concrete, and per-
haps more important, aspect. It is an executive
agency in its own right, the "100th power" in what
is usually considered a 99-member organization.
The U.N. has resources, abilities, and a capacity
to act effectively which cannot be matched by a
good many of the sovereign countries of the world.
Last year the U.N.'s budget was just over $320
million and its employees numbered nearly 23,000.
Through technical aid programs it made possible
the employment of hundreds of thousands more.

U. N. Operations in Africa

The United Nations has been operating in
Africa for some time now, on a gi'owing scale and
with beneficial results. It has sent hundreds of
tecluiical experts in various fields to Africa and
has provided a similar number of training fellow-
ships for Africans. It lias participated in the
financing of relatively few projects in African
countries, but its potential is considerable. It has
even provided operational and executive persomiel
to serve as government officials in the new countries
under the OPEX program. All this has served to
fill a gap in areas where the need was great and in
a manner which all Africans recognize is com-
pletely disinterested and without any strings.

But by far the greatest U.N. effort, and one
which has had an incalculable effect on the peace
and stability of Africa, has been in the Congo.
With the launching of this massive assistance pro-
gram, the United Nations really came of age as an
executive body.

Consider the problem wlaich confronted the
world community last July. A country one-third
the size of the United States, the Congo, after 23
years as the personal property of King Leo-
pold [II] of Belgium and 52 years as a Belgian
colony, suddenly found itself independent last
June 30. Before 2 weeks had passed the young

Eepublic found that its military forces were in
open rebellion, that the Belgians had sent troops
back into the country, and that the richest province
had declared its secession. On July 12 the Congo-
lese Goverimaent appealed to the United Nations
for military aid "to protect the national territory
of the Congo against the present external aggres-
sion." The Security Council met and acted after
a marathon 7-hour meeting the following day ; and
3 days later sizable numbers of African troops
under U.N. command were already on the scene.''

The rest is familiar history. Without any com-
parable experience in mounting an operation of
this kind, the U.N. has maintained a multinational
army of nearly 20,000 men in the Congo. It has
made possible the maintenance of essential services
through a small army of technical experts and
administrators. We perhaps tend to forget, when
the news of the day is alarming and full of
troubles, that the U.N. presence in the Congo has
certainly avoided the worst that easily could have
been. Mistakes undoubtedly have been made, but
there has been no civil war with large-scale mili-
tary involvement. That the Congo crisis has not
developed into a Korea or a Laos is almost cer-
tamly attributable to the U.N.'s capacity to act
promptly and effectively.

This capacity to act can be of great importance
to Africa and to the United States in the days to
come. For it is certainly in both our interests to
keep the cold war out of Africa as much as pos-
sible, and we cannot be sure we will not be faced
with other Congos before the turbulent history of
the present decade has run its course.

Lesson of the Congo

The lesson of the Congo has impressed me with
two major points. The first is that the U.N.
should remain prepared to deal as promptly and
effectively with future emergencies of this nature.

The second is the consequence of the breakdown,
all over Africa, of the colonial relationship.
Whatever we may think of this phenomenon, it is
as impossible to stop as it was for King Canute to
hold back the tides with words. The pressure
against colonialism in the U.N. itself is going to be
irresistible. It is imperative that we take planned,

For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 159.

856

Department of Slate Bulletin

deliberate action to make certain that the new
countries achieve independence undei' the most
favorable circumstances. Before a colonial power
transfers power to the peoples of a dependent ter-
ritory, it should make certain tliat it leaves behind
at least a basic governmental experience by the
indigenous peoples, a reasonably broad educational
base together with the nucleus of an educated elite,
and some degree of economic development on
which to build. I am not suggesting delays in
existing timetables for independence ; on the con-
trary, in the present psychological climate delays
would be self-defeating. I am suggesting re-
doubled, deliberate, and far-reaching preparations
for independence. We will be prepared to assist in
these efforts. For its part the U.N. can be a power-
ful influence in insuring that these conditions exist
by the time independence is achieved.

I would like to conclude with an earnest plea
for assistance from this distinguished audience.
All our efforts will come to nothing if we do not
extend to all visitors to our country the same tra-
ditional hospitality which we offer to each other
across our State borders. More than 2,000 Afri-
cans, the future leaders of their nations, are stu-
dents here in the United States. Additional
hundreds of Africans visit these shores every year,
many of them to attend U.N. sessions. We are
rightly proud of our open society, our ability to
assimilate, our heritage of freedom.

But one incident in which an African visitor or
diplomat is refused service can undo the patient,
arduous work of months. It can do us more harm,
at the U.N. and throughout Africa, than Soviet
attacks or American diplomatic blunders. And,
of course, these visitors look closely at the record
we are making in our own community in putting
an end to discrimination.

So, as I said in the begimiing, our foreign policy
is indeed in a large measure in our own hands and
of our own making. I am confident that you here
in Wisconsin are prepared to play your part in the
great world venture of elevating human dignity
and the standards of living of all men.

Economic Mission Visits Nigeria

Press release 323 dated May 16

A special four-man U.S. Government mission
of economic development experts arrived at Lagos
May 16 to initiate exploratory talks with the Gov-
ernment of the Federation of Nigeria on the forth-
coming new 5-year development plan in light of
the concepts announced in the President's aid mes-
sage to Congress of March 22.^ This mission will
be primarily concerned with the possible role of
U.S. assistance in Nigeria's fii-st postindependence
development plan, scheduled to get underway in
1962.

The mission will probably spend several weeks
in Nigeria before returning to Washington to
make its recommendations to appropriate U.S.
Government agencies. It will also prepare the
way for further talks as the Nigerian development
plan takes shape during the year.

The special U.S. development team is headed
by Arnold Eivkin, director of African economic
and political research at the Center for Interna-
tional Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology. The other members of the mission
are Prof. Wilson Sclnnidt, department of econom-
ics, George Washington University; Anthony
Geber, chief, development policy branch. Bureau
of Economic Affairs, Department of State; and
Laurence Potter, associate chief, investment guar-
anties division. Office of Private Enterprise, Inter-
national Cooperation Administration.

Letters of Credence

Mauritania

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Islamic
Republic of Mauritania, Souleymane Ould Cheikh
Sidya, presented his credentials to President Ken-
nedy on May 16. For the texts of the Ambassa-
dor's remarks and the President's reply, see
Department of State press release 322 dated
May 16.

' Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

iune 5, 796?

857

Professional Thought on Things as They Are

hy Harlan Cleveland,

Assistant Secretary for International Organisation Affairs ^

Two weeks ago, President Kennedy spoke these
words to the American people : ^

The message of Cuba, of Laos, of the rising din of Com-
munist voices in Asia and Latin America- — these messages
are all the same. The complacent, the self-indulgent, the
soft societies are about to be swept away with the debris
of history. Only the strong, only the industrious, . . .
only the visionary . . . can . . . survive.

"Only the visionary can survive." This thought,
taken from the Old Testament, is an unwritten
clause in the charter of every university, indeed
of every institution of learning in tlie Western
World. The intellectual is the seeing-eye dog for
any society. If liis vision is blurred, or incom-
plete, or inadequate, the rest of us will grope in
semidarkness.

This thought prevailed with the intellectuals —
the university people — in the city where the uni-
versity originated. We might do well to remember
their goddess, Pallas Atliena, who stood guard
over her city with her unsheathed sword and her
chosen bird. The deities of other ancient cities
were also associated with birds — birds of prey,
birds of dazzling plumage— but remember that
Athena, out of compassion for her people, chose
an owl for its wisdom.

Millennia later, another republic looks to the
same symbols for survival. But the perception is
blurred.

The fact is that the intellectuals, and the uni-
versities where they practice, are not yet adequate-
ly supplying the Nation's policymakers with the
ideas and information needed for the Nation to

» Address made at the Chancellor's Dinner, Syracuse
University, Syracuse, N.Y., on May 7 (press release 292
dated May 6).

" Bulletin of May 8, 1961, p. 659.

cope with matters of survival — and thus to assure
in turn the survival of freethinking universities.
In the international sphere these matters concern
the means and the mores of mutual involvement,
the ethics and the politics of that deep reciprocal
intervention in each other's daily lives that is the
20th-century definition of international relations.
Let's look briefly at these facets : defense policy
first, then the dilemma posed by the contrast be-
tween the facts of mutual involvement and the
traditional doctrine of nonintervention, and finally
the nation-building task in the less developed
areas.

How To Meet Indirect Aggression

In the speech from which I have just quoted.
President Kennedy put forward a doctrine de-
rived from principles as old as our Nation but
adapted to a new and unfamiliar threat. His doc-
trine expresses our determination to deal with that
type of Commimist aggression which has received
notoriously little attention from those private
citizens entrusted by our society to think hard and
professionally about foreign policy.

Our present defense policy admits of three mili-
tary threats to the free world. Two of them we
call by the same names as our opponents do : nu-
clear war and limited war. The third, which we
call indirect aggression, is known by its practition-
ers as wars of liberation. We possess a glut of
studies and ideas on the first two, but we are woe-
fully uninstructed on the third. Learned and elo-
quent men write at length about "the necessity for
choice" between the two kinds of war in which we
are not in fact engaged; but on indirect aggres-
sion, which is being practiced against us every day
in the year on four or five fronts, few literate

858

Department of State Bulletin

words are written and even fewer are published.
We remain uninstructed in the sense tliat the rich
experience of Communist subversion of the last
half-century has not been adequately analyzed
and our thinkers are far from consensus on the
fundamental questions of how to protect a coun-
try from becoming ripe for Communist imperial-
ism and how this modern imperialism can be
legally and effectively opposed once the Commu-
nist grid of social control has been fastened on.

It may seem late to sound a call for an intel-
lectual assault on a problem that demands imme-
diate action. It is late but not too late, and I as-
sure you that action is being taken. It is being
taken by an administration led by a man of action
and along the best guidelines that our national
experience can offer. But the question remains:
Have we codified and analyzed this national ex-
perience and made it relevant to the challenge we
really face, not in the fancies of the nuclear-war
gamesters but in the real world of the internal
affaire of each nation and pseudonation on earth?

If I could think of an adequate substitute, I
would like to see the word "international" removed
from the title and course descriptions in every
college catalog. So long as we think of relations
taking place between nations, we are schooling our-
selves to deal with the War of Jenkins's Ear. If
you doubt this, look at the three crises that have
dominated the headlines for 2 years : Cuba, Laos,
and the Congo.

The traditional concepts of international rela-
tions become meaningless in each of these cases.
In the 18th and even the 19th century we could
describe a country as either friendly or an enemy.
If we were at peace, they were friendly. If we
were at war, they were the enemy. We had trou-
bles with governments from time to time, but the
definitions held. How do we describe Cuba, Laos,
and the Congo today ? By our relations with the
embodiment of the nation's sovereignty? Of
course not. These countries are the marchlands
of mutual intervention. We have friends and we
have enemies in each. Yet when we seek to aid
the one or oppose the other, we too often find our-
selves caught in a conceptual traffic jam created
by our inherited concepts of international law,
while Communist guerrillas rush past us in the
fast outside lane.

In each one of these crises we can find a real
problem that has not been properly viewed

through the academic spectroscope, a real problem
that catches us with our doctrines down. Presi-
dent Kennedy is moving in an atmosphere of crash
conferences and overnight drafting to creat« a re-
alistic, consistent new doctrine to deal with these
new problems. But shouldn't the universities be
taking more of a part in this process ? Shouldn't
they have used their near monopoly of social-
science talent to anticipate — not merely to record
as interesting history — the crises we are heir to ?

The pattern is all too clear. In Laos the United
States has had full access for a number of years
to a small if rather complicated country. We
know a lot about this country. We clearly had
the resources and the determination to assist in
almost any way. Yet now that the chips are down,
it is by no means clear that we can fill the mside
straight on which our hopes have been placed.
Laos has been a crisis area for years; but how
many university scholars have contributed origi-
nal thinking to the decisions faced by somber-
faced men around the National Security Council
table earlier this week ?

Here close at hand is Cuba, a peerless model of
prosaic mysteries. We knew so much about Cuba
that foreign trade and investment analysts used
to omit it from their country rundowns on the
grounds that businessmen were perfectly familiar
with the conditions. But most of us who have
practiced academic research seem to have felt that,
as far as indirect aggression went in Cuba, we had
been relieved of our responsibilities by Ernest
Hemingway. For serious literature on Castro, we
are stuck with C. Wright Mills, a sociologist whose
curious mythology about power elites in the United
States gives lis little confidence in his sudden ex-
pertise about Cuba.

There is, finally, the Congo situation. It is cer-
tainly one of the most complex, sensitive, difficult
fronts on which to meet the swift-paced, indirect
aesT-ession of the Kremlin. Yet here the U.N. re-
sponse is somehow proving effective in baffling and
frustrating the Soviet practitioners of indirect ag-
gression. There is much material in the Congo
operation for a library of comparative govern-
ment. But who is writing the story besides the
impressionists of daily iournalism ?

There are many lessons, as the President said,
from our very recent experience. High on the
assignment list in this nationwide cram course of
ours is the need for ideas and knowledge on how

June 5, 1967

859

the international organization's ability to meet in-
direct aggression can be nurtured. Adlai Steven-
son put it this way in the course of the United
Nations debate on Cuba : '

The world community is also faced with a problem
in Cuba.

The United Nations Organization is designed to pre-
serve and defend the territorial integrity and political
independence of its members. Perhaps we have learned
in the 15 years of our life to deal reasonably well with
the problems of maintaining "territorial integrity," that
is, with the problem of preventing armies from march-
ing across borders. But what of "political independence"?
Here is the challenge of Cuba, of Laos, of the Congo —
and, I fear, of other crises yet to come. The free nations
of the world cannot permit political conquest any more
than they can tolerate military aggression. My Govern-
ment, for its part, is unwilling to accept such a pattern
of international life. And I humbly suggest that new and
small states everywhere should seriously ponder this les-
son of the Cuban episode.

Others might also ponder it. Imaginative, thor-
ough work emanating from our centers of research
and thought would offer hope for future increased
possibilities of protection of "political independ-
ence" of the small or weak nations. But what
university is devoting substantial resources to
studying the military problem of defending the
choice against the silent political wars of indirect
aggression ?

Criteria of IVIutual Involvement

One striking lesson from the crises in Cuba,
Laos, and the Congo is this : Only in the Congo,
where the response was truly collective, has it
been truly effective. The United Nations has
shown that an international organization can de-
velop the capacity to act — given time and coura-
geous executive leadership. Unfortunately the
potential of the United Nations in developing fur-
ther as an action organization has received the
scantiest attention from the great body of legal,
political, and economic experts who do so well on
other U.N. matters.

A valuable book, written by a newspaper corre-
spondent, on the U.N.'s ability to deal with a range
of military problems is widely discussed. It is
often contrasted with views on indirect aggression
expressed in the occasional military chapter found
in a few other popular books on the U.N. The
possibilities for further comparison are practically

= Ibid., May 8, 1961, p. 681.
860

limited to illustrated magazine articles and the
paragraphs and footnotes that turn up occasion-
ally in the masterful and massive literature on such
items as the relevance of a procedural ruling in a
1923 ILO conference to a similar but not quite
identical situation at a 1951 session on women's
rights. With all due respect to the theologians
of General Assembly procedure, the time has come
in United Nations scholarship for a Diderot; even
a Voltaire or two would be welcome.

My concern with international organizations is
their potential for action, a potential even greater
than that of a single nation, no matter how power-
ful. Perhaps they alone offer breakthrough pos-
sibilities in rethinking the old doctrine of non-
intervention in the domestic affairs of other na-
tions. This doctrine has been the self-denying
ordinance under which the democracies have la-
bored throughout the 20th century, an unenforced
international Sullivan Law that disarms the house-
holder but never bothers the burglar.

We are used to the practice, if not yet to the
theory, of mutual international involvement. We
know that Americans are deeply involved in the
affairs of dozens of nations, through technical as-
sistance programs, military arrangements, busi-
ness enterprises, missionary work, and voluntary
agencies. We know that our interest in other
countries' internal problems like land reform or
budget administration is matched by the concern
of foreign politicians with what we consider our
"internal affairs"; leaders in every continent, for
example, now feel free to think out loud, within
earshot of the international press, about desegre-
gation in southern United States schools.

In this era of mutual involvement the simple,
inescapable basic rule of international law should
surely be this : If there are going to be rules, they
should be the same rules for all. The rule of law
would mean that spectators of international politi-
cal Olympiads apply the same criteria of judgment
to all — "dispensing a sort of equality to equals and
unequals alike," as the Greeks recommended long
ago.

Yet in the world today the spectators of big-
power politics have a marked tendency to judge
each nation by an inequitable standard — its own.
A high jumper who has demonstrated his ability
to clear 7 feet is judged by that measure; other
jumpers with less experience and less ambition are
regarded as doing very well if they get off the

Department of Stale Bulletin

gi'ound at all. The committed nations are to be
judged by the degree of their commitment. The
uncommitted nations are not to be judged at all,
on the ground that they have not agreed to par-
ticipate in the game.

Even unfair criteria are better, to be sure, than
no criteria at all. The very fact that there are
rules to be flouted is already evidence of very great
progress in human affairs. The battlefield conver-
sion of the troops of Clovis did not usher in the
Age of Faith in France, but it was a necessary step
along the way. Only a few short years ago the
tenets of liberal democracy that have now become
the subject of universal declarations were being
repudiated by "civilized" nations whose formi-
dable arms were assigned the task of destroying
the cradle of these beliefs.

Nevertheless, there is something grotesque about
this double standard when it is applied to real
problems in the real world. The Soviets, of all
people, are outraged at American support for
Cuban refugees. Small nations can vote in the
United Nations for world disarmament while
wasting resources on the status weapons of modem
warfare. High government officials in other con-
tinents can be volubly unhappy about the denial
of civil rights in the United States, while feeling
no special obligation to guarantee human rights to
all members of the societies for which they have
some immediate responsibility.

The time may well have come to judge the
leaders of the uncommitted nations by the stand-
ards they apply to others — to judge them not by
who they are but by what they do. It may even
be our responsibility to recognize that some peo-
ples are now ready to hear not only of the desire
for independence but also of the values of freedom
and the importance of government action to
guarantee human rights to individuals.

There can be no doubt that the moral and
ethical questions which I am sketching here are
both intellectually fascinating and uncomfortably
relevant to our time and place. But what \uii-
versity — besides Syracuse — is working on the
ethics of mutual involvement ?

The Task of Nation-Building

University researchers neglect more than the
threat of indirect aggression and the dilemmas
of mutual involvement. With few exceptions
they are still bypassing the need to examine, as

a single multifaceted problem, the task of nation-
building in the less developed world.

The common characteristics of the less developed
lands are of course poverty and disorganization.
Often described as ultranationalist, these countries
are usually deficient in nationalism in the mean-
ingful sense of the word. They lack the institu-
tions that permit a citizen to identify his pei'sonal
interest with those of his fellow citizens. The
problem is one of nation-building.

The importance of institutions familiar to the
older nations is easy to demonstrate. The means
of transferring them to other countries, the chance
of their "taking" in the new host, the thousands
of special considerations — about these common-
place mysteries we do not know nearly enough.
Economic development seems to be the speciality
of almost every graduating economist, yet the rele-
vant literature on nation-building is tliin and still
shows little sign of burgeoning.

I am particularly disturbed by the paucity of
sound work on the administrative function in eco-
nomic development and the education of adminis-
trators.

It is educational to read in a recent report on
education needs in Africa that total disagreement
exists on the advisability of a program of large-
scale primary education. One group thinks it is
"almost worse than useless — it creates populations
dissatisfied with traditional rural life, aggravates
urban social problems, nourishes political turbu-
lence and contributes very little to the economy."
On the other hand, according to the report, there
are those who argue that "literacy prepares the
way for rapid change." The educational program
envisaged would call for a tremendous effort on
the part of the coimtry involved and substantial
assistance from the United States. This seems
a question on which scholars might reach for a
consensus before precious resources are spent — ■
perhaps only to nourish political turbulence.

As we pointed out in a Maxwell School study
published in Syracuse a few months ago, serious
research about cross-cultural operations is a very
new field of social science endeavor. We have a
wealth of evidence from Americans on teclinical
assistance missions, assignments for business firms,
and work for mission board and voluntary
agencies that the bottleneck in the modernization
process is an institutional one. Absorptive capac-
ity for governmental aid and private investment

June 5, 1967

861

philanthropy is ultimately measured in every
underdeveloped country by the speed at which
it can develop the organizations and complex pro-
cedures made necessary by modern technology and
its attendant division of specialization. Yet we
have little systematic understanding about the
most relevant and effective ways in which people
from one culture participate in building institu-
tions in foreign cultures; the growth of usable
theory on this subject has been even slower than
the development of applicable theoi-y in the field
of economic and industrial development as such.
The accretion of knowledge and the development
of wisdom takes place in our civilization by the
creation of scholarly "literature" on important
subjects, so that each person doing scholarly work
in the field can stand on the shoulders of others
who have worked and publislied before him. This
is the only way modem societies have to avoid
repeating again and again the errors which some
members of the society have already had the ex-
perience to avoid. Syracuse University, together
with M.I.T. and too few other universities, is be-
gimiing to codify past errors and build the doc-
trines on which to base future successes. It's
still primitive work, but primitive work is the
pride of pioneers in every field of intellectual
adventure. My complaint would not be the prim-
itive state of cross-cultural operations but the
small number of workers in so desperately rele-
vant a vineyard.

Need for New Doctrines

I have not come home to Syracuse to report that
after 8 years of pleading for fresh vigorous think-
ing in government we have discovered there are
no new ideas. On the contrary, our President has
put the ageless motto sapere aude to each one of
us. But our bold thinking is subject to the gi'uel-
ing test of relevancy and facts. I am here to put
the same motto to the institutions where it orig-
inated and to call once again for their help in pre-
serving the civilization they created on that small
peninsula of Eurasia.

This civilization faces a potent enemy that has
shown itself determined and in many instances
able to defeat us at our own game of rallying peo-
ple behind an idea. In this century the wisdom
and the power of our civilization have withstood
the terrible challenges of two world wars and the
long siege of the cold war. But the new thrust

of communism cannot be met simply by corollaries
from the old verities or by the weight of estab-
lished opinion in the inherited categories. The
new categories, platitudes for tomorrow, will look
odd at first, but W. H. Auden said it all when 15
years ago he told a Harvard class, "If thou must
choose between chances, choose the odd." Hard,
inductive reasoning we need— and soon — leading
to new doctrines on how to meet indirect aggres-
sion, how to reinterpret nonintervention, how and
for what to engage in nation-building in the many
societies that have an excess of nationalism and
an undersupply of nationhood.

This is a grave and even awful task. In the
longish rim, whether we measure up to it will de-
pend not so much on the activist courage of the
President and his colleagues in the Government
but on the relevancy of our actions. And for help
in being relevant as well as resolute, we who have
to act turn (as civilized men have always turned)
to you who think and teach. Unless you in the
universities can stay at least one lesson ahead of
the rest of us, man's adventure in self-government
is not long for this world.

U.S. and Brazil To Cooperate
on Financial Matters

Follotoing is tJie text of a joint announcement
issued on May 17 ty Secretary of the Treasury
Douglas Dillon and Clemente Mariani, Minister
of Finan-ce of Brazil, together with an announce-
7nent hy the International Monetary Fund.

U.S.-BRAZIL ANNOUNCEMENT

Secretary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon and
the Minister of Finance of Brazil, Clemente
Mariani, today [May 17] annoimced the conclu-
sion of financial negotiations between the United
States and Brazil.

In his message to the Brazilian Congress in
March President [Janio] Quadros announced a
new economic program to bring economic growth
and pi-ogress to the Brazilian people under con-
ditions of financial stability. President Kennedy,
in the spirit of Operation Pan America and the
Alliance for Progress, responded by directing the
appropriate agencies of tlie United States Gov-

862

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

emment to assist the Brazilian people in carrying
out Brazil's new economic program.

President Kennedy pointed out that the future
of Brazil — a nation containing half the popula-
tion of South America — was vital to the future
of the Western Hemisphere. "By identifying
ourselves with the economic and social aspirations
of the people of Brazil," the President said, "we
are identified with the hopes of half the conti-
nent." The size and importance of Brazil make
it clear that the success of tliis nation in realizing
its potential for growth and progress is a key to
the maintenance of free government in Latin
America.

As a result of the financial negotiations between
the United States and Brazil, the United States
has agreed :

1. To postpone to later years principal repay-
ments to the Export- Import Bank, amounting to
$220 million, which would otherwise have fallen
due during the rest of 1961, calendar year 1962,
and the first half of 1963.

2. To extend the obligation to repay over a
20-j^ear period the existing debt to the Expoit-
Import Bank of approximately $530 million by
rescheduling payments of approximately $305 mil-
lion. This rescheduling mcludes the postpone-
ment, referred to above, of principal payments
otherwise due during the next two years in the
amoimt of $220 million.

3. To provide new credits to Brazil totalling
$338 million. Of this amount $168 million will be
provided by the Export-Import Bank, $70 million
by the Treasury Exchange Stabilization Fund,
and $100 million from President Kennedy's new
foreign assistance program, subject to action by
the Congress on the proposed foreign aid progi'am.

Minister Mariani and' Secretary Dillon have
signed the Treasury Exchange Stabilization
Agreement and the President of the Export-
Import Bank, Harold F. Linder, has issued a letter
of commitment on behalf of the Bank.

"Wliile in Washington Minister Mariani also
completed discussions with the International
Monetary Fund. The Fund today announced
that, in order to assist Brazil in carrying out its
new economic program, the Fund has agreed to
reschedule Brazil's existing debt to the Fund of
$140 million and, in addition, to extend to Brazil
a standby credit of $160 million.

Conversations were also held by Brazilian repre-
sentatives with private United States banlcs with a
view to alleviating the burden of repayments in
the next few years, which amount to $114 million,
as well as to obtaining additional credits. These
conversations are proceeding satisfactorily and
will be concluded by tlie Director of Exchange of
the Bank of Brazil who will stay in the United
States for this purpose.

The Brazilian and United States Governments
have also undertaken discussions with European
countries regarding the contribution they might
make in helping Brazil to overcome its financial
difficulties. The t'wo governments have been
informed that a number of European countries
have agreed in principle to extend to Brazil a sub-
stantial standby credit and to reschedule Brazil's
existing debts to them in order to lengthen the
terms of repayment and reduce substantially pay-
ments of principal due in 1961 and 1962.

During his visit to Washington, Minister
Mariani and Ambassador Walther Moreira Salles,
who has conducted the preparatoiy phase of the
negotiations, were received by President Kennedy.
The President expressed his great hope that assist-
ance provided by the United States, the Inter-
national Monetai-y Fimd and European countries
would help to assure the success of Brazil's new
economic program.

IMF ANNOUNCEMENT

J

The International Monetary Fund announced
on Alay 17 that the Government of Brazil has
entered into a 1-year standby arrangement with
the International Monetary Fund for the equiva-
lent of $160 million and has arranged a resched-
uling of payments to be made to the Fund against
previous drawings totaling the equivalent of $140
million. The Fimd's financial assistance is to sup-
port a broad financial program of fiscal, credit,
trade, and exchange measures. These measures
are designed to combat inflation and to achieve
balance-of-payments equilibrium within the
framework of a free and simplified exchange sys-
tem. The arrangement with the Fundus to be sup-
plemented by additional credits from otlier sources
and by renegotiation of maturities on Brazil's
medium-term foreign indebtedness.

The first measures of the Government's program
were put into effect in March 1961, when substan-

June 5, 1961

863

tial progress was made toward a free exchange
market and in reducing the subsidy on preferential
imports. The Government's progi-am contem-
plates measures to reduce the budgetary deficit to
a level which can be financed from available do-
mestic noninflationary resources. Bank of Brazil
credit to the private sector is to be maintained
within levels compatible with domestic price sta-
bility. Government purchases of coffee for price
support purposes will be fully financed from
amounts which coffee exporters are now required
to surrender without compensation.

Department Urges Appropriation

of Funds for Inter-American Program

Statement iy Under Secretary Ball ^

We appear this morning to support the Presi-
dent's request for the appropriation of $500 million
for the Inter- American Program for Social Prog-
ress and of $100 million for Chilean reconstruction
and rehabilitation. These appropriations were
authorized by the Congress last September in
Public Law 86-735. The funds for the Inter-
American Program were requested by President
Eisenhower in January,^ and on March 14 Presi-
dent Kennedy sent to the Congress a message'
asking that the funds in both categories be now
appropriated as a matter of urgency. A bill to
provide these two appropriations was passed by
the House of Representatives last Tuesday after-
noon, April 25.

Secretary [of the Treasury] Dillon, who headed
the U.S. delegation to the Bogota conference last
September," will describe to you the relation of
these funds to that historic meeting and will ex-
plain the operations of the Inter- American De-
velopment Bank, which is expected to administer
the larger part of the program. As U.S. Governor
of the Bank, Mr. Dillon led our delegation earlier
this month to the second annual meeting of the
Board of Governors in Rio de Janeiro.^ We also
have present with us this morning Mr. Adolf A.

' Made before the Senate Appropriations Committee on
Apr. 28 (press release 270).

• H. Doc. 58, 87th Cong., 1st sess.

' For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 474.

* For background, see ibid., Oct. 3, 1060, p. 533.
' /6td., May 8, 1961, p. 693.

Berle, Jr., Chairman of the President's Task Force
on Latin America; Dr. Lincoln Gordon, a consul-
tant to the task force who has been assisting me in
the development of the Inter- American Program
for Social Progress; and Mr. Donald B. MacPhail,
Assistant Deputy Director of Operations of ICA.

Inter-American Program for Social Progress

Mr. Chairman, we are all well aware of the vital
importance to the United States of a Western
Hemisphere which is independent of alien in-
fluence and growing in strength and self-confi-
dence. The relationship of the nations of the
hemisphere is one of mutual understanding and
cooperation in common endeavors. We are bound
together by the ties of our origins in political revo-
lution from Old World empires, our heritage of
European civilization and values, and our eco-
nomic interdependence.

A firm and fruitful partnership, however, re-
quires strength in the social and economic founda-
tions of all its members — a strength responsible to
the awakened aspirations of the masses of man-
kind which characterize our period of world his-
tory. In much of Latin America today, despite
the vast human and material resources of the re-
gion, those foundations are not sufficiently strong.

The Alliance for Progress is conceived as a sus-
tained and systematic cooperative endeavor to come
to grips with these deficiencies. The Inter- Amer-
ican Program for Social Progress is a major ele-
ment and an essential first step in this Alliance
for Progress.

Origin of the Program

The program for which these funds are being
requested is a logical outgrowth of the nmnerous
excellent studies which have been carried out over
the past few years by national, regional, and inter-
national agencies working in Latin America and
by U.S. officials, foundations, and private citizens.
Of particular significance were the series of studies
and reports on U.S. -Latin American relations
prepared in 1959 and 1960 under the direction of
the Latin American subcommittee of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, including the spe-
cial reports by Senators Morse and Aiken.'

These studies and reports show a remarkable

' For a Usting of titles, see ihii., Apr. 18, 1960, p. 626,
and Apr. 25, 1960, p. 666.

864

Department of State Bulletin

degi'ee of consensus concerning the basic nature
of tlie problem. While there has been marked
progress in Latin America in certain fields of
industry, urban commercial and financial institu-
tions, mining, and plantation agriculture for ex-
port, many millions of the populations have not
shared in the benefits of this development.

Illiteracy, desperate poverty, ill health and mal-
nutrition, and appalling housing conditions are
widespread, especially in the countryside. Eapid
population gi'owth aggravates these evils. This
imbalance in development results from structures
of social institutions — especially systems of land
tenure, taxation, and education — which are not in
keeping with the needs or the possibilities of the
20th century.

The New Program

The Inter- American Program for Social Prog-
ress is a new type of effort. It is in every sense a
bipartisan and nonpartisan program — a truly na-
tional program in which our people can join with
those of the other American Republics in building
for a better future. Originally proposed by Presi-
dent Eisenhower,' it now constitutes a basic step
in President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress.

Although teclmical assistance and capital in-
vestment have made indispensable contributions
to development, we have now come to realize that
they alone cannot bring about the improvement
in the conditions of life of the ordinary people
with the rapidity which these times demand. It
has become increasingly clear that the benefits of
such investments are not adequately diffused to
major sectors of the Latin American societies,
especially to the mass of agricultural workers
and small farmers, and that a more direct attack
on these lagging social sectors is indispensable to
progress on a broad front. These lagging sectors
are the foci of social unrest and political
vulnerability.

There must be an expanded effort to strengthen
those institutions which make possible a decent
and secure living from the land, adequate health
and housing, and widespread educational opportu-
nity. This is the purpose of the Inter- American
Program for Social Progress.

What are the new elements in this program?
There are four outstanding ones :

(1) The program is addressed squarely to the

critical lags in social development recognized as
urgent by the Latin Americans themselves.

(2) It calls for measures of self-help not only
in funds contributed to individual projects but of
even more importance in related institutional im-
provements where needed to promote enduring
social progress.

(3) It is to become part of a sustained coopera-
tive effort, jointly planned through the Organi-
zation of American States and comprising sound
national programs for long-term economic and
social development.

(4) It grows out of the combined thinking of
Latin and North Americans, and its administra-
tion is to be handled mainly by the Inter- American
Development Bank (IDB), a regional operating
agency in which the Latin American part is
predominant.

I cannot stress too strongly the importance of
this inter-American instrument to the success of
the whole plan. The Bank is led by a Latin
American, staffed mainly by Latin Americans, and
recognized throughout the hemisphere as dedi-
cated to the special needs and problems of the con-
tinent. The difficult problems of institutional im-
provement related to loans for social projects can
be far better worked out by such a cooperative in-
strument with its own members than through
bilateral means.

Preparations Since the Authorizing Legislation

Since the Congress passed the authorizing legis-
lation last summer there have been three signifi-
cant steps taken to shape this program.

First, the Act of Bogota^ was negotiated and
agreed with representatives of Latin American
countries. The Act of Bogota sets forth in con-
siderable detail a broad program to accelerate
social progress in the region.

Second, a draft trust agreement has been devel-
oped with the management of the IDB which sets
forth the specific provisions for the administration
of the funds by that institution.

Third, informal consultations with Latin
American governments have resulted in the identi-
fication of a large volume of projects which are
consistent with the program outlined in the Act of
Bogota and which are urgently needed to speed
social progress. In accordance with section 2 of

' IMd., Aug. 1, I960, p. 166, and Aug. 29, 1960, p. 314.
June 5, 7967

• For text, see ihid., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537.

865

the authorizing legislation and in keeping with
the report of the Foreign Relations Committee, I
appeared before the Foreign Relations Committee
on March 6 to inform the committee of progress in
development of the program. That committee has
also been furnished with copies of the program
presentation book.

We believe that these steps add up to a com-
prehensive program for the use of the fxmds.

The Allocation of Functions and Plans for Adminis-
tration of the Funds

Under the Act of Bogota there are five broad
fields of social progress which it is the purpose of
these funds to assist. They are: improved land
use and rural living conditions, housing for low-
income groups, water supply and sanitation, edu-
cation and training, and public health. These are
interrelated fields, and advance in each of them is
essential to the overall success of the program.

The basic criterion for division of operating re-
sponsibility is to assign to the IDB the functional
areas where projects are generally suitable for
financing through loans (whether repayable in
dollars or in local currencies) and to assign to the
International Cooperation Administration (ICA)
the areas where most projects should be on a grant
basis or are otherwise imsuited for IDB
administration.

A small fraction is to be reserved for studies,
conferences, and related technical assistance. This
work will be organized under the direction of the
Deputy Secretary General for Economic and
Social Affairs of the Organization of American
States in order to assist member coimtries in plan-
ning for the mobilization of domestic resources
and in developing institutional improvements.

In practice this means IDB administration of
projects for land use and related improvements in
rural living conditions, housing, water supply, and
sanitation, and technical assistance related to such
projects. ICA administration under this pro-
gram would include projects in education and
training, general public health, and certain other
activities.

The evidence indicates that the needs for assist-
ance from the fund are divided in a ratio of about
four to one between the respective areas of respon-
sibility of the Bank and the ICA. The proposed
allocations of funds, therefore, are $394 million for

the Bank, $100 million for the ICA, and $6 million
for the OAS.

Arrangements for IDB Administration

The terms and conditions imder which funds
are to be administered by the IDB will be specified
in a trust agreement. The Bank's management
and Board of Executive Directors have indicated
their agreement with the draft as contained in
annex C of the presentation book and summarized
at pages 32-33, subject to final consideration by
the Board of Governors. It is anticipated that,
immediately after the Congi'ess has acted upon
the appropriation, a definitive agreement will be
concluded with the Bank. Provisions of the draft
agreement include the following:

a. The Bank shall provide loans on flexible
terms and conditions, including repayment in lo-
cal currency, and may provide technical assistance
on a grant, loan, or reimbursable basis. Repay-
ments to the Bank will become part of the re-
sources of the trust fund, to be reused for similar
purposes.

b. The Bank shall give continuous considera-
tion to the institutional improvements and other
self-help measures which a country is making, and
assistance shall be made available to projects re-
lated to self-help measures in countries which
demonstrate progress in this area.

Arrangements for ICA Administration

The ICA, like the Bank, will make its assistance
available only where the recipient country takes
appropriate measures of self-help. It is essential
to the development of sound projects and adequate
self-help measures that the nations of Latin Amer-
ica know the $100 million intended for ICA ad-
ministration will be in fact available to it. It is
equally important to the efficient and economical
use of these funds that they not be obligated under
the pressure of a fiscal year deadline. We urge
you most strongly that the funds for this program
be available on a no-year basis.

Initial Project Proposals

Since the conference at Bogota our embassies
and operations missions have consulted with the
Latin American governments to identify projects
which are urgently needed to speed social prog-
ress. About 200 such proposals have been re-

866

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

ported thus far, with total outside resource re-
quirements of about $1,225 million.

First examination of these initial reports indi-
cates that proposals needing some $800 million in
outside help warrant early consideration. A
breakdown of these by major classes is contained
in the Pi'esident's message, and a detailed listing
has been submitted to you on a classified basis.
The total in the fields proposed for Bank opera-
tion amounts to $611 million, and the total in ICA
fields amounts to $187 million. There is also
available to you an unclassified listing of a number
of proposals in the fields of education and health —
fields which will be assigned for administration
by the ICA. You will see that the proposals are
squarely directed to the objectives set forth in the
Act of Bogota.

Let me stress that these are not refined projects
negotiated in detail with the governments con-
cerned. Two factors make it unwise and imprac-
ticable to go further in refining specific projects
without funds in hand. The first is that tlie ICA
cannot commit funds for specific projects until
those funds are appropriated — and we do not be-
lieve you would wish it to. Similarly, we cannot
permit the Bank to commit funds, nor would it be
willing to do so, until funds are available to it.
The second factor is that we do not want to and
do not intend to commit funds for these social
development projects imtil the governments which
are to be beneficiaries have given evidence of their
determination and ability to carry through essen-
tial institutional and legislative changes. We are
not talking here simply about isolated projects.
We are talking about projects as parts of pro-
grams for social development. Unless the neces-
sary outside resources are clearly going to be
available in adequate amounts and for long
enough time periods, these programs will not be
gotten under way and we will be back in the posi-
tion of assisting isolated endeavors which, how-
ever good each one is itself, do not add up to a
coherent and cumulative result in durable social
improvement.

Importance of Full $500 Million Appropriation

The sum of $500 million authorized by the last
Congress has come to achieve a very great sym-
bolic importance in Latin American minds. It is
regarded as an earnest of the intention of the

United States to assist our neighbors in the hemi-
sphere to come to grips with their most pressing
social ills. Prompt appropriation of this fund
will maintain the momentum generated by the
Bogota conference and reinforced at the inter-
American meeting in Rio only 2 weeks ago.

One final point should be emphasized. The
parts of the program to be administered by the
Bank and by the ICA are equally important. The
help that the Bank can extend with these funds to
improved land use, to housing, and to sanitation
is essential. The help that the ICA can give with
these funds to education and health is equally es-
sential. Both are integral parts of the Bogota
program.

Chilean Reconstruction and Rehabilitation

The proposed appropriation also includes $100
million to be appropriated to the President for
use in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of
Chile after the natural catastrophes of May 1900.
I am sure that you will recall the disasters which
began with the earthquake on May 21. This de-
struction was all the rriore tragic because it struck
a serious blow at the program, instituted by the
administration of President [Jorge] Alessandri,
which was attacking the two greatest problems of
Chile's economy: inflation and economic stagna-
tion.

By early 1960 the Alessandri administration
had managed to stem the pereistent and acute in-
flation that had afSicted Chile since World War
II. At the time the earthquakes struck, the Chil-
ean Government was preparing a 10-year devel-
opment plan calculated to overcome the continu-
ing problem of economic stagnation. Emergency
aid for urgent relief to the victims of the disaster
was provided by the United States and other
friendly countries. With the heavy costs of
longer term reconstruction now added to those of
development, the Chilean Government asked the
United States for a loan of $100 million, and this
amount was authorized by the Congress last year
in Public Law 86-735.

The Chilean Government is presently pursuing
its programs of reconstruction and development
and is counting heavily on our help to aid in their
recovei-y effort. Without this help, the whole
Chilean reconstruction and development process
will be endangered. For this reason and in keep-
ing with our humanitarian tradition, I urge that

June 5, 1961

867

the full funds authorized for the reconstruction
and rehabilitation program in Chile be appro-
priated.

Administrative Expenses

It is not the intention of the executive branch
to use appropriations authorized by Public Law
86-735 for the purposes of administering either
of these programs. It is intended tliat such ex-
penses would be paid from administrative funds
made available to the ICA and the Department of
State imder appropriations for such purposes
under the Mutual Security Act. These fimds
would be used pursuant to the usual administra-
tive authorities under section 537(a) of the Mu-
tual Security Act.

Urgency of tiie Program

Time is running out in the Americas. The
winds of change are blowing over the continent.
Millions of people have come to know that a better
life is possible, and they are determined to secure
it. It is important to us, as it is to them, that they
may gain this better life as free societies, dedi-
cated to the dignity of man and led by govern-
ments of, by, and for the people.

The Act of Bogota makes it clear that the will
for progress in freedom exists. By making these
funds available promptly, we will make it possible
for our sister nations to move ahead with projects
of siifficient size and duration to make a real at-
tack on the most critical areas of social need.

There can be no absolute guarantee of success
for this program, but the alternative to prompt
and resolute forward action is certain catastrophe.
I am confident that the Congress will do its part
to help set in motion this alliance for fortifying
the fomidations of freedom in the hemisphere.

Head of European Common Market
Visits United States

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

Press release 301 dated May 9

In the course of a trip to the United States Dr.
Walter Hallstein, President of the Commission of
the European Economic Community (the Common
Market), will visit Washington from May 15
through May 17.

During his visit to the Capital he will meet with
President Kennedy, Secretary of State Eusk, Sec-
retary of the Treasury Dillon, Secretary of Com-
merce Hodges, and Senator Fulbright, chairman
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and
with others concerned with U.S. relations with the
European Economic Community.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated May 16

The President and Dr. Walter Hallstein, Presi-
dent of the Commission of the European Eco-
nomic Community, met at the "White House on
May 16.

Tlie President took the occasion to reaffirm the
strong support of the U.S. Government for the
European Economic Community and the move-
ment toward European integration as envisaged
by the Treaty of Rome. The President and Dr.
Hallstein were in full agreement that the Euro-
pean integration movement of the six signatory
countries of the Treaty of Rome complements and
reinforces the progressive development of a true
Atlantic Commimity which will be given new
impetus by the coming-into-force of the OECD
[Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development] .

The President and Dr. Hallstein discussed the
current state of relations between the U.S. and
the European Economic Community. The Presi-
dent took the occasion to reiterate the interest of
the U.S. m the preliminai-y discussions now under
way looking toward the establishment of a com-
mon agricultural policy within the European
Economic Community. "VVliile fully endorsing
the establishment of a common agricultural policy
as an essential prerequisite to the implementation
of the Rome Treaty, the President expressed the
hope that a common agricultural policy would
take into account the importance of agricultural
commodities in the overall pattern of free world
trade and the interest of the United States and
other agricultural exporting countries.

The President and Dr. Hallstein also discussed
the tariff negotiations now in progress in Geneva
within the framework of the GATT. The Presi-
dent and Dr. Hallstein are agreed that these nego-
tiations should be conducted in such a manner as
to assist the adjustment of non-member countries
to the coming into effect of the European Eco-

868

Department of State Bulletin

nomic Community. In this connection, the With regard to the association of African States

President and Dr. Hallstein discussed in i^artic- with the EEC, the President and Dr. Hallstein

ular the effect of the coming into existence of the also discussed the need for a sustained, in-

EEC upon trade with the Latm-American creased and coordinated flow of development and

countries. technical assistance to the less-developed countries.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Scheduled June 1 Through August 31, 1961

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 27th Session New York June 1-

International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: Washington June 5-

11th Annual Meeting.

IMCO Preparatory Expert Working Group on Oil Pollution of the London June 5-

Sea.

International Labor Conference: 45th Session Geneva June 7-

8th International Electronic, Nuclear, and Motion Picture Exposi- Rome June 12-

tion.

FAO Expert Meeting on Economic Effects of Fishery Regulation. Ottawa June 12-

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 21st Session Geneva .lune 12-

FAO Advisory Committee on the Freedom-From-Hunger Campaign: Rome June 14-

3d Session.

IAEA Board of Governors Vienna June 19-

ICAO Assembly: Extraordinary Session Montreal June 19-

FAO Council: 35th Session Rome June 19-

FAO/OIE Meeting on Emerging Diseases of Animals Ankara June 19-

International Whaling Commission: 13th Meeting London June 19-

11th International Berlin Film Festival Berhn June 25-

7th International Conference on Large Dams Rome June 26-

U.N. ECA Conference of African Statisticians: 2d Session .... Tunis June 26-

International Wheat Council: 32d Session London June 27-

European Civil Aviation Conference: 4th Session Strasbourg July 3-*

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session Geneva July 4-

8th Inter-American Travel Congress Rio de Janeiro ....... July 5-

FAO Meeting on Plant Exploration and Introduction Rome July 10-

Development Assistance Group: 5th Meeting Tokyo July 11-

WMO Regional Association III (South America): 3d Session. . . Rio de Janeiro July 11-

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party Nanaimo, British Columbia. . July 15-

on Oceanography of the Committee on Biology and Research.

IBE Council; 27th Session Geneva July

South Pacific Commission: Meeting of Urbanization Committee . Noiimga July

2d FAO Latin American Meeting on Higher Agricultural Education. Quito Aug. 14-

2d FAO World Conference on Eucalyptus Sao Paulo Aug. 14-

15th Annual Edinburgh Film Festival Edinburgh Aug. 20-

U.N. ECOSOC Conference on New Sources of Energy Europe Aug. 21-

ICAO Diplomatic Conference on the Hire, Charter, and Inter- Montreal Aug. 29-

change of Aircraft.

ICAO International Conference on Private Air Law Mexico, D.F., or Acapulco . . Aug. 29-

Caribbean Commission: 31st Meeting San Juan August

South Pacific Commission: Women's Interest Seminar Apia, Western Samoa August

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, May 16, 1961. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following is
a list of abbreviations: ECA, Economic Commission for Africa; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Eco-
nomic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; IAEA, International Atomic Energy -Agency; IBE,
International Bureau of Education; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; OIE, International Office of Epi-
zootics; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; U.N., United Nations; WMO, World Meteoro-
logical Organization.

June 5, 7967 869

Draft Treaty on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests
Submitted by Western Delegations at Geneva Conference

The United States and United Kingdom delegations to the Conference on
the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests introduced in the conference
on April 18, 1961, the foUoioing draft treaty on the discontinua7ice of nuclear
weapon tests. The V.S. and U.K. delegations declared that they loere
prepared, to use this draft as a basis for negotiation or to sign it immediately.
The text incorporates the neio proposals pr^esented hy the two Western
delegations when the conference resumed its sessions on March 21, 1961,
and at subsequent meetings, as well as much previously agreed mateAcd.

The treaty completely prohibits weapon test explosions in the atmosphere,
in outer space, under water, and — except for explosions producing smaller
seismic signals — underground. Tests producing such explosions would be
temporanly prohibited through a moratonum voluntarily undertaken by
each nuclear power, while an effort was Tnade through a seismic research
program to improve methods of monitoring fhetn with a vieio to lowering
the treaty threshold.

A worldwide control post net of 180 stations is to be set up, under the
treaty, within 6 years; in the same period, earth and solar satellite systems
are to be launched to detect outer-space explosions. Unidentified seismic
events are to be inspected by teams of specialists. Control operations are
to be undertaken by an international staff so constituted as to avoid self-
inspection. Nuclear explosions for research and other peaceful purposes
are permitted under strict safeguards.

For a history of the political and technical developments of the negotia-
tions from October 31, 1958, to August 22, 1960, see the Department of State
Bulletin of September 26, 1960, page JtS2.

Preamble

The Parties to this Treaty

Pursuing the aim of reducing international
competition in armaments and in the development
of new weapons of war;

Endeavoring to take a practical step toward
the achievement of the objectives of the United
Nations in the field of disarmament, including
the eventual elimination and prohibition of nu-
clear weapons under effective international con-
trol and the use of atomic energy for peaceful
purposes only;

Desirous of bringing about the permanent dis-
continuance of nuclear weapon test explosions;

Recognizing that the establislunent and contin-
uous operation of effective international control
is essential to the achievement of this objective;

Hoping that all other countries will also join in
undertakings not to carry out nuclear weapon
tests and to ensure the satisfactory operation of
that control throughout the world;

Confident that a discontinuance of such tests
under effective control will make possible progress
toward agreement on measures of disamiament

Have agreed as follows:

Article 1

Obligations to Discontinue
1. Each of the Parties to this Treaty under-

870

[iepat\men^ of State Bulletin

takes, subject to the provisions of tliis Treaty and
its Annexes:

A. to proliibit and prevent the carrying out
•of nuclear weapon test explosions at any place
under its jurisdiction or control; and

B. to refrain from causing, encouraging, or
in any way participating in, the cari-ying out of
nuclear weapon test explosions anywhere.

2. The obligations under paragraj)h 1 of this
Article shall apply to all nuclear weapon test ex-
plosions except those underground explosions
which are recorded as seismic events of less than
magnitude 4.75.

Article 2
EstMbllshment of Control Organization

1. For the purpose of assuring that the obli-
gations assumed in this Treaty are carried out by
the Parties, there is hereby established a Control
Organization, hereinafter referred to as "the Or-
ganization", upon the terms and conditions set
forth in this Treaty and the Annexes thereto.

2. Each of the Parties agrees to coojierate
promptly and fully with the Organization estab-
lished under paragraph 1 of this Article and to
assist the Organization in the discharge of its
responsibilities pureuant to the provisions of this
Treaty and the provisions of any agreements
which the Parties shall have concluded with the
Organization.

Article 3
Elements of Control Organization

1. The Organization established under Article
2 of this Treaty shall consist of : a Control Com-
mission, hereinafter referred to as "the Commis-
sion"; a Detection and Identification System,
hereinafter referred to as "the System" ; a Chief
Executive Officer, hereinafter referred to as "the
Administrator"; and a Conference of Parties to
the Treaty, hereinafter referred to as "the Con-
ference".

2. The Headquarters of the Organization shall
be located at Vienna.

Article 4
Composition of Control Commission ^
1. The Commission shall consist of the follow-
ing Parties :

A. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and North-
ern Ireland, and the United States of America, as
original Parties to tliis Treaty ; and

B. Eight other Parties to the Treaty elected
by the Conference as follows: Three Parties as-
sociated with the USSR; two Parties associated
with either the United Kingdom or the United
States; three Parties not associated with any of
the original Parties.

2. The Parties referred to in paragraph 1 B of
this Article shall be elected and shaU serve for
a period of two years; they shall be eligible for
re-election.

3. The Parties elected to the first elected Com-
mission shall serve from the time of their election
until the end of the third regular session of the
Conference. Tlie Parties elected at the third
regular session of the Conference, and those
elected biennially thereafter, shall serve from the
end of the Conference at which they were elected
imtil the end of the Conference which elects their
successors.

4. Each member of the Commission shall have
one representative.

Article 5

Parties or Other Countries
Associated with the Original Parties

The determination whether a Party or other
country is at any time to be regarded for the pur-
poses of this Treaty as associated with any of the
original Parties shall be made by the Preparatory
Commission or by the Commission. However, in
any case in which advice is jointly tendered by the
three original Parties, the determination shall be
made in accordance with that advice.

^ The above revised text is submitted in the context of
the statements made by the United States and United
Kingdom Representatives at the 274th, 286th, and 289th
meetings, to the effect that the United States and United
Kingdom Governments are prepared to accept the above
text provided expressly, and not otherwise, that agree-
ment is reached by this Conference upon a control system
which is reliable, rapid and effective — such as is set
forth in other articles and annexes of the present draft
treaty proposal — and provided that agreement is reached
upon all other treaty articles and annexes, [Footnote in
original.]

June 5, 7967

871

Article 6

Functions of the Control Commission

1. The Commission shall establish procedures
and standards for the installation and operation
of all elements of the System, and shall maintain
supervision over the System to ensure its timely
installation and effective operation in accordance
with the terms of this Treaty and its annexes. The
Commission shall determine, after consultation
with the Parties concerned, the extent to which
existing launching, tracking, and data receiving
and transmission facilities should be used in the
installation and operation of the satellite systems.

2. A. The Commission shall appoint the Ad-
ministrator; this appointment shall require the
concurring votes of the original Parties.

B. (i) Subject to the approval of the Com-
mission in e<ach case, the Administrator shall ap-
point five Deputy Administrators, including one
First Deputy Administrator who shall act m place
of the Administrator in case of absence or vacancy.

(ii) Approval by the Commission of the
appointment of the First Deputy Administrator
shall require the concurrmg votes of the original
Parties.

(iii) Appointment by the Administrator
of two Deputy Administrators shall be made upon
the recommendation, or with the approval of the
Government of the USSR ; appointment of the two
other Deputy Administrators shall be made upon
the recommendation, or with the approval, of the
Governments of the United Kingdom and the
United States.

C. The term of office of the Administrator
shall be a period of three years. The initial term
of office of the First Deputy Administrator shall
be a period of two years; subsequently, the term
of office of the First Deputy Administrator shall
be a period of three years. The term of office of
the other Deputy Administrators shall be a period
of three years.

D. The Administrator and the Deputy Ad-
ministrators shall be eligible for reappointment.
An Administrator or Deputy Administrator ap-
pointed to fill a vacancy which has occurred before
the expiration of the term provided for by this
Article shall hold office only for the remainder of
his predecessor's term but shall be eligible for
reappomtment.

3. The Commission shall establish procedures
for disseminating to all Parties and interested sci-
entific organizations data produced by the System.

4. The Commission shall submit to the Confer-
ence an annual report and such special reports
as the Commission deems necessary on the opera-
tion of the System and on the activities of the
Commission and the Administrator in carrying on
their respective responsibilities. The Commission
shall also prepare for the Conference such reports
as the Organization may make to the United
Nations.

5. Except for the location of the Headquarters
of the Organization, the Commission shall decide
upon the location of components' of the System,
Such decisions shall be taken in agreement with
the Party exercising jurisdiction or control over
the territory on which the component is to be
located. If any location recommended by the
Commission should be unacceptable to the Party
concerned, the Party shall provide, without undue
delay, an alternative location which in the judg-
ment of the Commission meets the requirements of
the System, in accordance with the provisions of
this Treaty and its Annexes.

6. The Commission shall lay down permanent
flight routes, for use by special aircraft sampling
missions, over the territory under the jurisdiction
or control of each Party. Such flight routes shall
be laid down in agreement with the Party con-
cerned and in accordance with the standards set
forth in Article 7 of Annex I. If a permanent
flight route which the Commission desires to lay
down should be unacceptable to the Party con-
cerned, the Party shall provide, without undue
delay, an alternative route wliich in the judgment
of the Commission meets the requirements of the
System.

7. The Commission may conclude agreements
with any State or authority to aid in the carrying
out of the provisions of this Treaty and its
Annexes.

8. The Commission shall ensure that the most
effective and up-to-date equipment and tecliniques
are incorporated in the System and, to this end,
shall ensure that an adequate research and develop-
ment program is carried out.

9. The Commission shall establish procedures
for the implementation of Article 13 on detona-
tions for peaceful purposes.

872

Department of Slate Bulletin

10. In addition to the functions referred to in
the preceding paragraphs of this Article, the Com-
mission sliall perform such other functions as are
provided for in this Treaty and its Annexes.

Article 7
Procedures of the Control Commission

1. The Commission shall be so organized as to
be able to function continuously.

2. The Commission shall meet at such times as
it may determine, or within twenty-four hours at
the request of any member. All members shall be
notified in advance of meetings of the Commission.
The meetings shall take place at the Headquar-
ters of the Organization unless otherwise deter-
mined by the Commission.

3. The Commission shall adopt its own rules of
procedure including the method of selecting its
chairman.

4. Any Party to the Treaty which does not have
a representative on the Commission may partici-
pate, without vote, in the discussion of any ques-
tion brought before the Commission whenever the
latter considers that the interests of that Party
are specially affected.

5. Except as otherwise expressly provided in
this Treaty, decisions of the Commission shall be
made by a simple majority of the members present
and voting. Each member of the Commission shall
have one vote.

AjtTICLB 8

The Conference

1. The Conference consisting of representatives
of Parties to this Treaty shall meet in regular an-
nual session and in such special sessions as shall be
convened by the Administrator at the request of
the Conunission or of a majority of Parties to the
Treaty. The sessions shall take place at the Head-
quarters of the Organization miless otherwise de-
termined by the Conference.

2. At such sessions, each Party to the Treaty
shall be represented by not more than three dele-
gates who may be accompanied by alternates and
advisers. The cost of attendance of any delegation
shall be borne by the State concerned.

3. The Conference shall elect a President and
such other officers as may be required at the begin-
ning of each session. They shall hold office for
the duration of the session. The Conference, sub-
ject to the provisions of this Treaty, shall adopt

its own rules of procedure. Each Party to the
Treaty shall have one vote. Decisions on budge-
tary matters shall be made pursuant to Article 15
and decisions on amendments pursuant to Article
23. Decision on other questions, including the de-
termination of additional questions or categories
of questions to be decided by a two-thirds majority,
shall be made by a simple majority of the Parties
to the Treaty present and voting.

4. The Conference may discuss any questions
or any matters within the scope of this Treaty or
relating to the powers and functions of any organs
provided for in this Treaty and may make I'ecom-
mendations to the Parties or to the Commission
or to both on any such questions or matters.

5. The Conference shall :

A. Elect States to serve on the Commission in
accordance with Article 4;

B. Consider the annual and any special report
of the Commission ;

C. Approve the budget recommended by the
Commission in accordance with paragraph 1 of
Article 15;

D. Approve reports to be submitted to the
United Nations as required by any relationship
agreement between the Organization and the
United Nations or return them to the Commis-
sion with the recommendations of the Conference ;

E. Approve any agreement or agreements be-
tween the Organization and the United Nations
or other organizations as provided in Article 17,
or return such agreements with its recommenda-
tions to the Commission for resubmission to the
Conference ;

F. Approve amendments to this Treaty in ac-
cordance with Article 23.

6. The Conference shall have the authority :

A. To take decisions on any matter specifically
referred to the Conference for this purpose by
the Commission;

B. To propose matters for consideration by
the Commission and request from the Commis-
sion reports on any matter relating to the func-
tions of the Commission.

Article 9
Administrator and International Staff
1. The Administrator shall be the chief execu-
tive officer of the System and the head of the staff
of the Organization. He shall be responsible to

June 5, J96I

873

the Commission and, under its supervision, shall
carry out its policy directives. He shall have ex-
ecutive responsibility for the installation and oper-
ation of the System imder procedures and stand-
ards established by the Commission. He shall
provide to the Commission such advice, reports
and assistance as the Commission may request.

2. The Administrator and the staff shall not
seek or receive instructions concerning the per-
formance of their duties from any authority ex-
ternal to the Organization. They shall refrain
from any action which might reflect on their status
as international officials and employees responsi-
ble only to the Organization. Each Party under-
takes to respect the international character of the
responsibilities of the Administrator and staff and
not to seek to influence them in the discharge of
their duties.

3. Except as otherwise provided in this Treaty,
the Administrator shall appoint, organize and
direct the staff of the Organization in accordance
with the following provisions :

A. The staff shall include such qualified scien-
tific, technical and other personnel as may be re-
quired to carry out the functions of the Organiza-
tion with the highest standards of efficiency,
technical competence and integrity.

B. The staffing of individual components of
the System shall be designed so as to ensure maxi-
mum operating efficiency.

C. In keeping with the foregoing stipulations,
the staff of the Organization shall be recruited
on as wide a geographical basis as possible from
personnel recommended by, or acceptable to, the
governments of the countries of which they are
nationals and acceptable to the Administrator,
subject to the following provisions :

(i) The permanent administrative, scientific
and technical staff of the Headquarters of the
Organization shall, as a whole and at all levels,
be composed in equal proportions of nationals of
the USSR, nationals of the United Kingdom or
the United States, and nationals of other coun-
tries. In cases where deputies, other than the
Deputy Administrators, to senior officials of the
Organization Headquarters are appointed, a na-
tional of the USSR shall have a deputy who is
a national of the United Kingdom or of the
United States, and a national of the United

I^ngdom or the United States shall have a deputy
who is a national of the USSR.

(ii) In land control posts situated on tem-
tory under the jurisdiction or control of any of
the original Parties, the scientific and teclinical
staff of each post shall be composed in equal pro-
portions of nationals of the USSR, nationals of
the United Kingdom or the United States, and
nationals of other coimtries. In the appointment
of nationals of other countries, preference shall be
given, subject to other provisions of sub-para-
graph C of this Article, to nationals of countries
exercising jurisdiction or control over territory
upon which control posts are to be established.

(iii) In land control posts situated on terri-
tory under the jurisdiction or control of Parties
other than the original Parties, no more than one-
third of the scientific and technical staff of each
post shall be composed of nationals of the country
exercising jurisdiction or control over the terri-
tory on which the control post is situated.

(iv) The supporting and auxiliary staffs of
each land control post shall, wherever possible, be
composed of nationals of the country exercising
jurisdiction or control over the territory on which
the control post is located.

(v) The scientific and technical staffs of con-
trol posts on ships or in areas not under the juris-
diction or control of sovereign states and the mem-
bers of the staff of the Organization selected by
the Administrator for the purposes of paragraph
3 of Article 11 of Annex I shall be composed in
equal proportions of nationals of the USSR, na-
tionals of the United Kingdom or the United
States, and nationals of other countries.

(vi) The chief or acting chief of each control
post shall be a national of a country other than
that exercising jurisdiction or control over a ter-
ritory on which the control post is situated. If
the country exercising jurisdiction or control over
such territory is associated with an original Party,
the chief or acting chief of the control post shall
be a national of other than such original Party or
a country associated with it.

(vii) The chief or acting chief of each control
post situated on territory imder the jurisdiction
Or control of the United States or the United
Kingdom shall be a national of the USSR; the
chief or acting chief of each control post situated
on ten'itory under the jurisdiction or control of

874

Department of State Bulletin

the USSR shall be a national of the United States
or the United Kingdom.

(viii) The scientific and technical staffs of on-
site inspection groups shall be composed of tech-
nically qualified personnel who are not nationals
of the country exercising jurisdiction or control
over the territory in which the event under investi-
gation may have occurred. The Party exercismg
jurisdiction or control over such territory may
designate one or more observers to accompany the
inspection group.

(ix) The scientific and technical staff of any
on-site inspection group despatched to conduct an
inspection on territory under the jurisdiction or
control of the USSR shall be composed of na-
tionals of the United States or the United King-
dom; the scientific and technical staff of any on-
site inspection group despatched to conduct an
inspection on territory under the jurisdiction or
control of the United States or the United Kuig-
dom shall be composed of nationals of the USSR,
(x) The USSR or the United Kingdom and
the United States may authorize the Administrator
to depart from the requirements of sub-paragraphs
(i) through (ix) above, insofar as they concern
the appointment of their respective nationals to
scientific and technical staff positions, either in
favor of the nationals of another Party or other
Parties or without restriction. In each case, the
original Pai'ty or Parties concerned shall furnish
the Administrator in writmg with the authoriza-
tion, including the period of its duration. Not-
withstanding the authorization made under this
paragraph, the nationals so appointed shall be con-
sidered, for the purposes of sub-paragraphs (i),
(ii) and (v) to be nationals of the original Party
authorizing the departure.

(xi) In making appointments under sub-para-
graphs (i), (ii), (iii) and (v), the Administrator
shall ensure that the administrative, scientific and
technical staff of the Headquarters of the Organi-
zation, and the scientific and technical staff of each
control post, shall be so composed that the total
number of nationals of the USSR and of countries
associated with it shall be equal to the total number
of nationals of tlie United States and the United
Kingdom and of countries associated with either
of them.

(xii) Any adjustment to the proportions in
subparagraphs (i), (ii) and (v) above, which

may be unavoidable for practical reasons, shall be
kept to the minimum, and a compensating adjust-
ment shall, whenever possible, be made elsewhere
in the System.

D. Regulations governing the appointment, re-
muneration and dismissal of staff shall be ap-
proved by the Commission.

4. The Administrator shall prepare for the
Commission the budget estimates of the Organi-
zation.

5. The Administrator shall develop and arrange
for the execution of a program of research and
development for the continuing unprovement of
the equipment and techniques used in all compo-
nents of the System, and shall from time to time
make recommendations to the Conunission regard-
ing improvements to be incorporated in the
System. The program may, with the approval of
the Commission, include detonations performed to
test the effectiveness of the System. Any nuclear
detonations for this purpose shall be conducted
under the procedures set forth in Article 13.

6. The Administrator shall prepare recom-
mendations for approval by the Commission
regarding :

A. specific sites for all components of the
System ;

B. specific flight patterns for routine air sam-
pling flights;

C. the nmnber and base location of inspection
groups;

D. the equipping of all components of the Sys-
tem and the standards and specifications which
equipment to be used therein must meet.

7. A. "V\Tien special aircraft sampling missions
are undertaken, the Administrator shall appoint
two qualified members of the Organization staff to
accompany each aircraft as technical operators.
The technical operators shall, in accordance with
the provisions of Article 7 of Annex I, verify the
execution of the agreed flight plan; operate the
sampling equipment; direct sampling operation;
make appropriate arrangements for the safe de-
livery to the Organization of the samples collected ;
and report on the mission to the Administrator.

B. (i) The technical operators shall not be
nationals of

(a) any Party exercising jurisdiction or control

June 5, J 961

875

over territory in ■which the event under investiga-
tion may have occurred, or of

(b) any original Party wliich may be asso-
ciated with the Party m paragraph 7 B(i) (a) of
this Article, or of

(c) any Party which may be associated with
any original Party to which paragraphs 7 B(i)
(a) or 7 B(i) (b) of this Article may refer;

nor, subject to the pi-ovisions of sub-paragraph
B(ii), shall they be nationals of any Party exer-
cising jurisdiction or control over territory in the
air space over which samples may be taken.

(ii) On flights investigating events which
may have occurred in territory under the jurisdic-
tion or control of the USSR, the technical opera-
tors shall be nationals of the United Kingdom or
the United States. On flights investigating events
which may have occurred in territory under the
jurisdiction or control of the United Kingdom or
the United States, the technical operators shall be
nationals of the USSR.

C. Any Party exercising jurisdiction or con-
trol over territory in which the event under in-
vestigation may have occurred or in the air space
over which samples are to be taken may designate
an observer to accompany the technical operators
on the flight.

8. The Administrator shall determine when spe-
cial aircraft sampling missions are required in ac-
cordance with the terms of Article 7 of Annex I
and shall have authority to order the despatch of
such missions. For missions whose purjjose is the
collection of samples over the territory of a Party
or Parties, the Administrator shall select routes
from among the permanent flight routes laid down
by the Commission in accordance with paragraph
6 of Article 6 ; before despatch of the mission, the
Administrator shall notify all Parties over whose
territories it will fly and shall inform them of the
routes selected.

9. The Administrator shall forward to the Com-
mission within twenty-four hours after receipt all
reports submitted to him by inspection teams and
special aircraft missions, together with any rele-
vant data and analyses.

10. The Administrator shall encourage and fa-
cilitate the participation by personnel of com-
ponents of the System in programs of basic sci-
entific research, to the extent that such participa-
tion would not interfere with their primary
duties.

11. In addition to the functions referred to in
the preceding paragi'aphs of this Article, the Ad-
ministrator shall perform such other functions as
are provided for in this Treaty and its Annexes.

Article 10

On-Site Insfection of Seismic Events

1. A. The Administrator shall certify immedi-
ately by public notice at the Headquarters of the
Organization whenever he determines that an
event eligible for on-site inspection in accordance
with the provisions of Article 8 of Annex I has
occurred. This certification shall include a speci-
fication of the time of origin and location of the
seismic event, the area eligible for inspection
(hereinafter referred to as the "certified area"),
and the data and analysis upon which the de-
termination of eligibility was made. The Ad-
ministrator shall make every effort to make this
certification within seventy-two hours after the
occurrence of the event.

B. "VVlienever the Administrator is informed
through the Organization that a seismic event of
seismic magnitude of 4.75 or above which is located
by the System has occurred, and if the event is not
immediately rendered ineligible for on-site inspec-
tion in accordance with the provisions of Article 8
of Annex I, he shall immediately make public at
the Headquarters of the Organization all data
relating to such a seismic event which could be of
assistance

(i) to any Party exercising its right to request
an on-site inspection under paragraphs 2 and 3 of
this Article, or

(ii) to the Commission in its decision whether
to issue a directive under paragraph 4 of this
Article.

The Administrator shall make eveiy effort to make
this data public within seventy-two hours after the
occurrence of all events referred to in this sub-
paragraph, except for those events which have
subsequently been fomid ineligible for on-site in-
spection in accordance with sub-paragraphs 3 C
and 3 D of Article 8 of Annex I.

2. A. If any portion of the certified area lies in
territory under the jurisdiction or control of any
of the original Parties, the Administrator shall
immediately despatch an inspection group to carry
out an on-site inspection of such portion of the
certified area in accordance with Annex I,
provided that :

876

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bullefin

(i) The USSK requests the inspection of such
portion of the certified area which lies in territory
under the jurisdiction or control of the United
Kingdom or the United States, and the current
annual number of inspections for the Party liable
to inspection is not exhausted, or

(ii) The United Kingdom or the United States
requests the inspection of such portion of the
certified area which lies in territory under the
jurisdiction or control of the USSR and the cur-
rent annual number of inspections for the USSR
is not exhausted, and

(iii) The request for inspection is made to the
Administrator not later than fifteen days after the
Administrator has made public all data relating to
the seismic event in question, as specified in para-
graph 1 B of this Article.

B. An original Party requesting an on-site in-
spection pursuant to this paragraph shall simul-
taneously inform the other original Parties.

3. A. If any portion of a certified area lies in
territory under the jurisdiction or control of a
Party other than an original Party, any Party
may, not later than fifteen days after the Admin-
istrator has made public at the Headquarters of
the Organization all data relating to the seismic
event in question as specified in paragraph 1 B of
this Article, request the Commission to direct an
on-site inspection of such portion of the certified
area.

B. The Commission shall consider and de-
cide upon any such request within forty-eight
hours after its receipt. If a certified area lies in
territory under the jurisdiction or control of more
than one Party, other than an original Party, the
Commission shall make a separate decision as to
the inspection of that portion of the certified area
on the territory of each Party concerned. If the
current annual number of inspections of the Party
liable to inspection is not exhausted, and if the
Commission decides that the request to direct an
on-site inspection should be complied with, the
Commission shall direct the Administrator to
carry out an on-site inspection of the certified area
lying in that Party's territory in accordance with
Annex I.

C. If any portion of a certified area lies in
territory under the jurisdiction or control of a
Party represented on the Conamission, that Party
shall not participate in the decision as to the in-
spection of such portion of the certified area.

D. If any portion of a certified area lies in
territory under the jurisdiction or control of a
Party associated with an original Party, that
original Party and Parties associated with it
which are represented on the Commission shall
not participate in the decision as to the inspection
of such portion of the certified area.

4. A. If any portion of a certified area lies in
an area not under the jurisdiction or control of
any sovereign state, the Admuiistrator shall de-
cide whether to undertake an on-site inspection.
The Administrator shall notify the Commission
of his decision whether to undertake an on-site
inspection and shall make every effort to do so
within seventy-two hours after the occurrence of
the event. After the Administrator notifies the
Commission that he has decided to imdertake an
on-site inspection, he shall proceed to have the in-
spection carried out unless he is otherwise directed
by the Commission within forty-eight hours of
such notification.

B. The Commission may direct the Admin-
istrator to inspect a certified area not imder the
jurisdiction or control of any sovereign state, if
the Administrator has not already proceeded to do
so, not later than fifteen days after the Admin-
istrator has made public at the Headquarters of
the Organization all data relating to the seismic
event in question as specified in paragraph 1 B of
this Article.

C. All on-site inspections under this para-
graph shall be carried out in accordance with
Annex I.

5. The number of on-site inspections which may
be carried out in territory under the jurisdiction
or control of each of the original Parties, pur-
suant to paragraph 2 of tliis Article, shall be
twenty inspections in each annual period.

6. A. The number of on-site inspections which
may be carried out in each annual period in ter-
ritory under the jurisdiction or control of a Party
other than an original Party, pursuant to para-
graph 3 of this Article, shall be, with respect to
each such Party, two, or such higher number as
the Commission may, after consultation with the
Party, determine by a two-thirds majority of
those present and voting.

B. Pending the determination of a Party's
number by the Commission, the provisional num-
ber for that Party shall be one inspection in each

June 5, 7967

877

annual period for each 500,000 square kilometers
or remaining fraction thereof of territory under
its jurisdiction or control, except that for each
Party the provisional number sliall be at least two
inspections in each annual period. Inspections
carried out under a Party's provisional number
shall be deducted from the number subsequently
determined for that Party for the annual period
in which sucli inspections were initiated. In the
case of acceding Parties, the Preparatory Com-
mission shall, after consultation with such Par-
ties, promptly recommend, for subsequent
approval by the enlarged Preparatory Commis-
sion, an appropriate number of inspections to be
carried out in eacli annual period witlain territory
under the jurisdiction or control of such Parties.

7. The number of on-site inspections for each
Party shall be reviewed by the Commission within
three years after this Treaty enters into force and
annually thereafter. In light of each such review,
which shall take full accoimt of practical experi-
ence in the operation of the System and of meas-
ures taken to maintain or improve its effectiveness,
the Commission may fix revised numbers, pro-
vided that no number (A) shall be less than two,
(B) nor less than twenty per cent of the average
annual number of events of seismic magnitude
4.75 or above which are located by the System in
accordance with paragraph 2 of Article 8 of An-
nex I, provided tliat wlien criteria for the identi-
fication of seismic events eligible for on-site
inspections are agreed, no number shall be less
than thirty per cent of the events remaining un-
identified after the application of such criteria,
occurring m territoiy under the jurisdiction or
control of the Party to which the number relates.
Such average annual number shall be based on
data from control posts and research programs
undertaken by the Commission in accordance
with the provisions of Article 6 for a period pre-
scribed by the Commission.

8. Tlie liability of a Party to on-site inspections
pursuant to paragraph 2 or 3 of this Article shall
conunence from the date on which the Treaty en-
ters into force for that Party. The annual period
in which the number of on-site uispections for each
Party may bo carried out shall commence on the
date of entry into force of the Treaty and there-
after on the anniversary of that date in each suc-
ceeding year. In the case of a Party wliich de-
posits its instrument of ratification or acceptance

after the date of entry hito force of the Treaty, the
number of on-site inspections which may be car-
ried out in territory under its jurisdiction or con-
trol in the period remaining before the next
anniversary of the date of entry into force of the
Treaty shall bear the same proportion to its num-
ber determined in accordance with paragraph 6 of
this Article, as that period bears to one year, but
shall not be less than two. If the number of on-
site inspections calculated in accordance with the
preceding sentence includes a fraction, that frac-
tion shall, if it is smaller than one-half, be dis-
regarded, or, if it is one-half or greater, be
regarded as equivalent to one.

9. Notwithstanding any other provision of this
Article, the Commission may direct the Adminis-
trator to carry out on-site inspection in territory
under the jurisdiction or control of any Party
either at the request of such Party or pursuant to
an agreement made by such Party prior to or
subsequent to signature of the Treaty. Inspec-
tions carried out under this paragraph shall not
be deducted from a Party's number. Inspections
carried out pursuant to paragi-aphs 2 and 3 of this
Article shall take priority over inspections carried
out under this paragraph.

10. The Administrator shall make available to
all Parties to the Treaty within twenty- four hours
after receipt all reports submitted to him by on-
site inspection groups, together witli any relevant
data and analyses.

Article 11

Installation and Operation of the System

in Parties^ Territories
Each of the original Parties and all other Par-
ties to this Treaty agree to accept on territory
under their jurisdiction or control components of
the System wliich is established on the basis of the
"Eeport of the Conference of Experts to Study
the Methods of Detecting Violations of a Possible
Agreement on the Suspension of Nuclear Tests" of
August 20, 1958, the "Eeport of the Technical
"Working Group on the Detection and Identifica-
tion of High-Altitude Nuclear Explosions" of
July 15, 1959, and the "Conclusion of Technical
Working Gi'oup II Regarding Possible Improve-
ments of Techniques and Instrumentation" of
December 18, 1959, and shall be installed and shall J
operate in accordance with the provisions of tliis "
Treaty and its Annexes.

878

Department of State Bulletin

Akticle 12

Undertakings Concerning Co-operation
loith the Si/stem,

1. Each of the Parties undertakes to assure that
adequate and expeditious transportation is avail-
able from the point of entry, or within its terri-
tory, to the site of any element of the System or
any area where an on-site inspection is to be con-
ducted.

2. Each of the Parties undertakes to enter into
appropriate arrangements with the Commission
for the utilization of existing meteorological and
commercial aircraft flights over ocean areas for
routine air-sampling purposes.

3. Each of the Parties undertakes to enter into
appropriate arrangements with the Commission to
have aircraft immediately available for special
flights, carried out pursuant to the provisions of
Article 9 and Article 7 of Annex I, over territory
under its jurisdiction or control or to permit such
special flights by aircraft forming part of the
System.

4. Each of the Parties undertakes to enter into
appropriate arrangements with the Commission
for the utilization of existing weather or geophysi-
cal exploration vessels for use as components of
the System.

5. Each of the Parties undertakes to give in-
spection groups, despatched pursuant to the pro-
visions of Article 10, inunediate and undisputed
access to the area in which an on-site inspection is
to be conducted, to refrain from interference with
any operation of an inspection group and to give
such groups the assistance they may require in the
performance of their mission.

6. Each of the Parties undertakes to enter into
appropriate arrangements with the Commission:
for the design, construction, and provision of nec-
essary satellite vehicles; for the provision and use
of launching sites and launching vehicles; for the
establishment and operation of stations to track
satellites and to receive and analyze data from such
satellites; and for the establishment and carrying
out of a research progi-am to measure backgi-oimd
levels in space and to develop the necessary equip-
ment and techniques to put effective space moni-
toring control systems into operation.

Article 13
Detonations for Peaceful Purposes
1. Each of the Parties to this Treaty undertakes

to detonate, or assist others in the detonation of,
nuclear devices for peaceful purposes only in ac-
cordance with the pi-ovisions of this Article. The
detonations carried out pursuant to the provisions
of this Article shall not be regarded as a violation
of Article 1.

2. A Party intending to carry out or assist in
such a detonation shall provide the Commission,
at least four months in advance of the proposed
detonation date, with a plan containing the follow-
ing information :

A. The date, site and purpose of the proposed
detonation ;

B. The procedure it will follow to comply with
paragraph 4 of this Article;

C. The expected yield of the device;

D. The measures to be taken to ensure that there
will be no substantial fallout outside the immediate
vicinity ; and

E. the measurements to be taken and any ex-
perimentation to be conducted therewith.

3. Within two months after the receipt of the
plan, the Commission shall authorize the Party to
proceed with, or assist in, the proposed detonation,
unless the Commission shall find that such detona-
tion would not be carried out in accordance with
paragraph 4 of this Article. If, as a result of
observations at the proposed site, the Commission
determines that there is a lack of compliance with
paragraph 4, it shall immediately so notify the
Party planning to conduct or assist in the detona-
tion. The Party shall thereupon refrain from car-
rying out or assisting in the detonation until noti-
fied by the Commission that it has determined that
the detonation will be carried out in accordance
with paragraph 4.

4. Each of the original Parties shall be given
an adequate opportunity at a designated inspection
site to inspect externally and internally any nu-
clear device to be detonated pursuant to this Ar-
ticle and to examine detailed drawings of the de-
vice, provided that such detailed drawmgs may not
be i-eproduced or taken away from the inspection
site. The device to be detonated shall, after inspec-
tion and reassembly, be under the continual sur-
veillance of members of the Organization staff
until detonation.

5. Members of the Organization staff shall, in
addition to maintaining surveillance of the device
to be detonated, observe all preparation for, and
the actual firing of, the device and shall at all times

June 5, J 961

879

have unrestricted access to the vicinity of the det-
onation to ensure that the device employed is the
one provided in accordance with paragraph 4 of
this Article.

6. Representatives of the original Parties shall
be given adequate opportunity to accompany and
to participate with members of the Organization
staff in the exercise of their functions under para-
graphs 4 and 5 of this Article.

7. The Commission may, with the concurring
votes of the original Parties, provide for any other
system of safeguards to ensure that nuclear det-
onations for peaceful purposes are carried out in
accordance with the objectives of this Treaty.

Article 14
Periodic Review of the System

1. Three years after the coming into force of
this Treaty, the Commission shall review the Sys-
tem established under this Treaty in order to :

A. evaluate its effectiveness for verifying com-
pliance with the obligations set forth in Articles
1 and 13 of this Treaty ;

B. determine in the light of experience and
scientific progress whether any specific improve-
ments should be made or new elements added to
the System ;

C. consider such measures to improve or main-
tain the effectiveness of the System as may be pro-
posed by any Party to the Treaty in the light of
experience in the operation of the Treaty.

2. The System may be reviewed by the Com-
mission annually thereafter for the same purpose
upon request of the Conference or any of the origi-
nal Parties.

Article 15

Finance

1. Annual budget estimates for the expenses of
the Organization shall be submitted to the Com-
mission by the Administrator. After receipt of
these estimates, the Commission shall submit a pro-
posed budget to the Conference. The Conference
may approve the budget as submitted or return it
to the Commission with recommendations. If the
budget is returned, the Commission shall then sub-
mit a further budget to the Conference for its
approval.

2. The expenses of the Organization shall be
borne by the Parties in accordance with a scale
fixed by the Conference on the basis of recommen-

dations submitted by the Commission as part of
each annual budget. The annual contributions of
the USSR and the United States shall be equal.

3. Any Party desiring to pay its assessments,
in whole or in part, by supplying materials, serv-
ices, equipment or facilities shall make its offer
in writing to the Commission. Within ninety
days after receipt of the offer, the Commission
shall determine whether to accept the offer, in
whole or in part, and shall notify the Party of
its decision. The Commission shall not accept
such an offer unless the materials, services, equip-
ment or facilities offered by the Party meet the
standards prescribed by the Commission and are
readily usable.

4. Subject to the rules and limitations approved
by the Conference, the Commission shall have the
authority to exercise borrowing powers on behalf
of the Organization without, however, imposing
on the Parties to this Treaty any individual lia-
bility in respect of a loan or loans entered into pur-
suant to this authority.

5. Decisions of the Commission and of the Con-
ference on all financial questions shall be made
by a majority of those present and voting. How-
ever, decisions by the Commission on the scale
of contributions to be recommended and on the
total amount of each annual budget shall require
the concurring votes of the original Parties.

Article 16
Privileges and Immunities
The privileges and immunities which the Or-
ganization, its staff and the representatives of
Parties shall be granted by the Parties, and the
legal capacity which the Organization shall enjoy
in the territory of each of the Parties, shall be ae
set forth in Amiex II of this Treaty.

Article 17

RelMionships with Other International
Organizations

1. The Commission, with the approval of the
Conference, is authorized to enter into an agree-
ment or agreements establishing an appropriate
relationship between the Organization and the
United Nations.

2. The Commission, with the approval of the
Conference, shall arrange for the Organization to
be brought into an appropriate relationship with
any international organization which may in the

880

Departmenf of State Bulletin

future be established among any of the Parties to
this Treaty to supervise disarmament and arms
control measures.

Article 18

Annexes
The Annexes to tliis Treaty form an integral
part of this Treaty.

Aeticle 19

Parties to the Treaty

1. The essential Parties to this Treaty shall be :

A. The Union of Soviet Socialist Eepublics, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland and the United States of America, re-
ferred to herein as the "original Parties";

B. Any other State whose adherence is decided
by the Commission to be necessary for the achieve-
ment of the fundamental Treaty purpose of
securing an effectively controlled permanent dis-
continuance of nuclear weapon test explosions on
a world-wide basis or to permit the installation
of elements of control as required by the provi-
sions of Annex I. If any State which is proposed
to be the subject of a decision in accordance with
the preceding sentence is associated with an orig-
inal Party for the purposes of this Treaty, that
original Party and any State associated with it for
the purposes of this Treaty shall abstain from
voting in the decision.

2. The signature and ratification or the accept-
ance of this Treaty by all the States designated
in paragraph 1 A and any State whose adherence
is decided to be necessary in accordance with
paragraph 1 B shall be required for the fulfillment
of the provisions of this Article.

3. Any other State desiring to adhere, whose ad-
herence the Preparatory Commission or the Com-
mission decides would contribute to the achieve-
ment of the purposes of tliis Treaty, may become
a Party.

Article 20

Signature, Ratification, Acceptance
and Entry into Force

1. This Treaty shall be open for signature by
the states referred to in paragraph 1 A of Article
19. The signatory states shall become Parties
to this Treaty by deposit of instruments of
ratification.

2. Instruments of ratification and instruments
of acceptance by states adhering pursuant to para-
graphs 1 B and 3 of Article 19 shall be deposited

witli the Govermnent of

_, hereby designated

as Depositary Government.

3. Eatification or acceptance of this Treaty shall
be effected by states in accordance with their
respective constitutional processes.

4. This Treaty, apart from Annex III, shall
enter into force when all the original Parties
have deposited insti'uments of ratification thereof.

5. The Depositary Government shall promptly
inform all signatoiy states of the date of deposit
of each instrument of ratification and of each in-
strument of acceptance and the date of entry into
force of this Treaty. The Depositary Govern-
ment shall promptly inform all Parties of the
dates on which states become Parties to tliis
Treaty.

6. Annex III of this Treaty shall come into
force on the day after this Treaty shall have been
signed by the original Parties.

Article 21
Registration

1. This Treaty shall be registered by the Depos-
itary Government pursuant to Article 102 of the
Charter of the United Nations.

2. Agreements between the Organization and
any Party to this Treaty or any other State or pub-
lic international organization shall be submitted
for registration by the Commission with the
United Nations.

Article 22
Duration
This Treaty shall remain in force indefinitely
subject to the inherent right of a Party to with-
draw and be relieved of obligations hereunder if
the provisions of the Treaty and its Aimexes, in-
cluding those providing for the timely installation
and effective operation of the control system, are
not being fulfilled and observed.

Article 23

Amendments
Amendments to this Treaty and its Annexes
shall enter into force for all Parties to the Treaty
when they have been adopted by a vote of two-
thirds of the members of the Conference and rati-
fied in accordance with their respective constitu-

Jone 5, 7 96 J

881

tional processes by two-thirds of the Parties to this
Treaty, including all the original Parties.

Article 24
Authentic Texts

This Treaty, of which the English and Kussian
texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in
the archives of the Depositary Government. Duly
certified copies of this Treaty shall be transmitted
by the Depositary Government to the Governments
of the other signatoi-y States and to the Govern-
ments of States which become Parties to this
Treaty pursuant to paragraphs 1 B and 3 of Ar-
ticle 19.

In wrrNESS whereof the imdersigned, duly au-
thorized, have signed this Treaty.

Done at , this day

of , one thousand nine liundred

and sixty-one.

ANNEX I

Detection and Identification System
part i— description

Article 1

The System established in this Treaty shall in-
clude the features set forth herein which are de-
rived from the "Report of the Conference of
Experts to Study the Methods of Detecting Vio-
lations of a Possible Agreement on the Suspension
of Nuclear Tests" of August 20, 1958, the "Report
of the Technical Working Group on the Detection
and Identification of High Altitude Nuclear Ex-
plosions" of July 15, 1959, and the "Conclusion of
Technical Working Group II Regarding Possible
Improvements of Techniques and Instrumenta-
tion" of December 18, 1959.

Article 2

1. The System shall, when completely estab-
lished and imless otherwise decided in accordance
with the provisions of this Treaty, consist of the
following components: A headquarters, regional
offices, land control posts and ship-based control
posts, systems of satellites, radiochemistry labora-
tories, air and water sampling facilities, on-site in-
spection facilities, and communications facilities.
Upon recommendation of the Administrator, the

Commission may decide, with the affirmative votes
of the original Parties, to add components as may
be appropriate for detecting and identifying nu-
clear explosions.

2. The general characteristics of the System
shall be as follows :

A. The land control posts shall be uniformly
equipped with apparatus for the collection of ra-
dioactive debris and for the recording of acoustic
waves, seismic waves, electromagnetic signals,
fluorescence of the upper atmosphere, visible light,
and cosmic noise absorption.

B. A number of control posts situated on islands
or near the shore lines of oceans shall be equipped,
in addition to the methods mentioned in para-
graph 2 A of this Article, with apparatus for the
recording of hydroacoustic waves. Certain con-
trol posts in areas not covered by existing weather
stations (e.g. Southern Hemisphere) shall include
meteorological equipment and personnel neces-
sary to obtain data on air mass movements in order
to predict the course of any air mass suspected to
contain debris from nuclear explosions.

C. Control posts located on ships, which shall be
stationed within specified ocean areas, shall be
imiformly equipped with apparatus for the col-
lection of radioactive debris and for the recording
of hydroacoustic waves, fluorescence of the upper
atmosphere and visible light. The methods of re-
cording electromagnetic signals and cosmic noise
absorption may also be used on ships at the discre-
tion of the Administrator.

D. Aircraft and vessels for air and water sam-
pling operations shall be suitably equipped with
apparatus for the collection of radioactive debris
from the air and from the water.

E. On-site inspection groups shall be appro-
priately manned and equipped to cari-y out on-
site inspections to determine the nature of miiden-
tified events which could be suspected of being
nuclear explosions.

F. Satellites in terrestrial and solar orbits shall
be suitably equipped with apparatus for record-
ing delayed and prompt gamma rays. X-rays, neu-
trons, and electrons trapped in the earth's magnetic
field.

G. Suitably located ground stations shall be
equipped to launch, track and to transmit to and
receive data from satellites.

882

Department of State Bulletin

PART 11— COMPONENTS

Article 3

Headquarters

1. The Headquarters of the System shall
include directorates for Administration, for Sup-
ply, for Teclmical Operations and for Field Op-
erations. Teclanical Operations shall be com-
prised of a Research and Development Center and
a Data Analysis Center which shall include a
Central Eadiochemical Laboratory. Field Oper-
ations shall be compi'ised of a Central Inspection
Office, a Communications Center and an Opera-
tions Center which shall include a Weather
Center. Administration shall include offices for
Finance and Pei-sonnel ; and Supply shall include
offices for System Construction and for Supply
and Maintenance.

2. The Research and Development Center shall
have the necessary professional staff and facilities
to conduct, either directly or by contract, research
and development programs for developing and
improving equipment and techniques for detec-
tion and identification of nuclear explosions.

3. The Data Aimlysls Center shall have the
necessary professional staff and facilities for eval-
uating all data received from components of the
Sj'stem. All data from the components of the
System shall be reported directly to the Data
Analysis Center, whose fmictions shall include:

A. To analyze all data received from all com-
ponents of the System.

B. To determine and report strictly on the basis
of this analysis the time and place of occurrence
and the magnitude or equivalent yield of:

(i) an event for which the data is sufficient to
establish its nature as a nuclear explosion.

(ii) an event which is identifiable on the basis
of the data as a natural geophysical disturbance.

(iii) an event which is not identifiable on the
basis of the data as natural and which therefore
could be suspected of being a nuclear explosion.

C. To examine continuously the work of the
components of the System to ensure the main-
tenance of a high degree of teclmical proficiency.

4. The Central Radiochemical Laboratory shall
have the necessary professional staff and facilities
to perfoi-m radiochemical and physical analyses
of samples received from control posts, ships.

aerial samplmg centers or other components of
the System. The Central Radiochemical Labora-
tory shall analyze the samples for fission producta^
and other nuclides to confirm the origin of the
debris as being from a nuclear detonation as op-
posed to some other type of nuclear reaction. In
addition, the Central Radiochemical Laboratory
shall review for accuracy the findings of these
components of the System concerning the charac-
teristics and age of any nuclear debris involved.
The Central Radiochemical Laboratory shall also
be responsible for developing test procedures for
use at field laboratories as required to ensure uni-
formity in analysis and measurement techniques
throughout the System.

5. The Central Inspection Office shall have the
necessary professional staff and facilities to direct
on-site inspection of events which cannot be identi-
fied as natural events and which could be sus-
pected of being nuclear explosions. The Central
Inspection Office shall organize and maintain in-
spection groups on an alert basis and shall be re-
sponsible, when so directed, for the dispatch of
these groups to areas designated for inspection as
soon as possible following notification by the Ad-
ministrator. For these purposes the Central In-
spection Office shall be responsible for:

A. Rapid development of a plan for movement
of the inspection group to the area of the event
in consultation with the Party or Parties exercis-
ing jurisdiction or control over territory in which
the inspection is to take place ;

B. Rapid movement of inspection personnel and
equipment to the area ;

C. Dii-ection of the inspection groups and for
the conduct of the inspection in the suspect area,
including provisions for additional staff, equip-
ment and supplies deemed necessary by the in-
spection group.

6. The Communications Center shall have the
necessary professional staff and facilities to ensure
rapid and reliable communications with control
posts, ships, aerial sampling centers, regional of-
fices, and satellite tracking stations. "Rapid and
reliable communications" is defined as such a com-
munications network as will ensure an exchange
of accurate and complete messages with any of
the components of the System within eight hours.

7. The Operations Center shall have the neces-
sary professional staff and facilities to control all

June 5, J96J

883

field operations, excluding on-site inspection. The
Operations Center shall control the launching and
positioning of satellites, as well as the movement
of aircraft, vessels, equipment and personnel which
are deployed for the purpose of conducting air
and water sampling operations. It shall maintain
complete and current information on the opera-
tional status of each component of the System,
including aerial sampling flights over the oceans
and over territories under the Jurisdiction or con-
trol of Parties to this Treaty. The Operations
Center will ensure that steps are taken to maintain
all components of the System at all times in a high
state of operational readiness to perform their as-
signed fimctions.

8. The Weather Center shall have the necessary
professional staff and facilities to prepare fore-
casts of air mass trajectories from any point at
which a nuclear explosion is suspected to have oc-
curred for use in vectoring aerial sampling flights
to intercept these air masses. The Weather
Center shall be provided by wire or radio with
weather data from existing national weather net-
works under the control of the Parties. Appro-
priate arrangements shall be made for other
national or international networks to supply
weather data to the Weather Center by wire or
radio. In addition, the Weather Center shall be
provided with weather data from special weather
detachments established in accordance with para-
graph 2 B of Article 2 of this Annex.

Article 4
Regional Offices

1. Regional Offices shall be established as the
Commission determines to be necessary for the
effective administration and operation of the
System.

2. Each Regional Office shall perform the fol-
lowing functions :

A. Provide logistic support to and adminis-
trative supervision over components of the Sys-
tem operating in its region ;

B. Provide necessary support and adminis-
trative assistance to inspection gi-oups operating
in its region;

C. Maintain liaison with national and local
authorities in its region in connection with its
performance of the above functions and in par-
ticular to ensure the expeditious transportation
and local support of inspection groups.

Article 5

Land Control Posts

1. The network of control posts shall, when
completely established, include at least 170 land
control posts. Unless otherwise determined under
paragraph 2 below, the spacing between control
posts shall be about 1700 kilometers in continental
aseismic areas, about 1000 kilometers in continen-
tal seismic areas, and between 1000 and about 3500
kilometers in ocean areas.

2. The number of control posts to be installed
in the USSR, United Kingdom and United States
shall be as specified in Article 17 of this Annex.
Except for the number of control posts to be in-
stalled in the USSR, United Kingdom and United
States, the Commission shall determine, on the
basis of the foregoing standards of spacing, the
number of control posts to be installed in other
territories imder the jurisdiction or control of the
original Parties and all territories under the juris-
diction or control of Parties other than the origi-
nal Parties to the Treaty. With the approval of
the Commission and of the Party concerned, the
control posts may be arranged in an alternative
distribution witlun territory mider the jurisdic-
tion or control of a Party if, in the view of the
Commission, such a redistribution will result in
an improvement in the capabilities of the System.

3. Specific sites for control posts shall be se-
lected in a manner to give the maximum over-all
capability to the System. The siting of individual
control posts shall be determined primarily on the
basis of the seismic requirement. However, in
the event that two or more suitable seismic sites
are found in the desired areas, a final selection
of the location of the control posts shall be made
with due consideration of siting requirements of
the other methods of detection set forth in Arti-
cle 2 of this Annex. In the event that no control
post location fulfilling seismic requirements is
found that permits satisfactory operation of other
detection equipment as set forth in this Annex,
the Administrator may direct the installation of
such equipment at a more favorable location. In
the event that, after a control post is established,
the background seismic noise increases above ac-
ceptable limits due to human or other activity, the
Administrator, after consultation with the Party,
may direct that the control post may be moved to
another location.

4. All land control posts shall maintain contin-

884

Department of Slate BuHetin

uous operation of apparatus for the collection of
radioactive debris and for the recording of fluo-
rescence of the upper atmosphere, visible light,
cosmic noise absorption, acoustic waves, seismic
waves and electromagnetic signals. Control posts
situated on islands or near the shore lines of oceans
shall, in addition, maintain continuous operation
of apparatus for the recording of hydroacoustic
waves. In addition, equipment may be operated
at certain land control posts to track and to trans-
mit to and receive data from satellites.

Article 6
Ship-Based Control Posts

1. The network of control posts shall, when
completely established, include a system of ship-
based control posts, which shall be employed in
ocean areas which do not contain suitable islands.
There shall be a sufficient number of ships to
maintain a capability for continuous operation
of four stations each in the North Pacific and
South Pacific Oceans and one station each in the
North Atlantic and Indian Oceans.

2. Ship-based control posts shall maintain con-
tinuous operation of apparatus for the collection
of radioactive debris and for the recording of
hydroacoustic waves, fluorescence of the upper
atmosphere and visible light. Equipment for re-
cording electromagnetic signals and cosmic noise
absorption may also be used on sliips at the dis-
cretion of the Administrator.

Article 7
Air and Water Sampling Operations

1. Daily routine air sampling flights shall be
conducted at several different altitudes over ocean
areas in approximately a north-south direction
near the sides of continents, as well as in the
center of remote ocean areas such as the Central
Pacific the Indian Ocean west of Australia and
the North Atlantic Ocean, for the purpose of
detecting nuclear explosions by the method of
collecting radioactive debris.

2. Special aircraft sampling flights shall be
conducted to search for a possible radioactive
cloud for the purpose of collecting samples of
radioactive debris within two to five days after
the date of origin of the debris. Special sampling
flights shall be initiated whenever fresh radio-
active debris has been detected by a routine air
sampling flight or by a control post or when
acoustic signals recorded at control posts establish

the time and position of a possible explosion in
the atmosphere. In each instance, the flight routes
of the aircraft shall be selected on the basis of
meteorological trajectory forecasts from the loca-
tion of the suspected event, and the aircraft shall
search at several different altitudes.

3. Special aircraft flights undertaken over ter-
ritory under the jurisdiction or control of Parties;
shall be conducted, on instruction of the Adminis-
trator in accordance witli Article 9 of the Treaty,,
over permanent flight routes as set out by the Com-
mission in accordance with Article 6 of the Treaty.
Such permanent flight routes shall be laid down
in advance in such number and geographical loca-
tion that, according to meteorological data, inter-
ception of any cloud containing radioactive debris
will be assured within two to five days of the sus-
pected event. Sampling aircraft to be used over
territory under the jurisdiction or control of
Parties shall be located in or near permanent
flight routes and shall be maintained in a high
state of operational readiness to conduct the sam-
pling flights directed by the Administrator.

4. Special aircraft flights over ocean areas shall
be conducted from aircraft sampling centers dis-
tributed uniformly throughout the Northern and
Southern Hemispheres. Wlien the area to be cov-
ered by such flights is remote from any one of
the centers, operations will be staged out of the
nearest air field, and necessary supplies which can-
not be procured locally will be airlifted from the
nearest center.

5. "Water sampling operations, by ships and/or
aircraft, shall be conducted for the purpose of col-
lecting samples of water suspected of containing
radioactive debris whenever hydroacoustic signals
recorded at control posts establish the time and
position of a possible underwater explosion. Suit-
ably equipped aircraft and/or vessels shall be de-
ployed in such a manner that water sampling^
operations can be conducted at the site of the
event within four days after such operations ar&
directed by the Administrator.

6. A. Radiochemical laboratories shall be lo-
cated at each of the aerial sampling centers estab-
lished in accordance with paragraph 4 above.
Laboratories at aerial sampling centers shall be
equipped to carry out all the necessary radiochem-
ical analytical techniques required to determine
the presence of fresh debris and to ascertain the
date of origin of the debris with a precision con-

June 5, 7967

885

sistent with the most modern radiochemical dating
techniques. This shall be done by using as many
dating techniques as sample-size and age of the
debris permit.

B. Upon termination of a sampling flight,
samples shall be assayed by suitable instruments,
for example gamma spectrometers. Samples shall
be divided in equal parts. One part shall be sent
to the nearest radiochemical laboratory, and the
other part shall be sent to the Central Radiochemi-
cal Laboratory for further analysis with an indi-
cation as to which are suspected of containing
fresh fission products.

C. "Water samples shall be assayed by suit-
able instruments as soon as practicable following
sample collection, and those samples suspected of
containing fresh fission products shall be divided
in equal parts. One part shall be sent to the near-
est radiochemical laboratory and the other to the
Central Eadiochemical Laboratory for analysis.

Article 8
Criteria for On-Site Inspection of Seismic Events

1. A seismic event which is located by the cri-
teria in paragraph 2 of this Article and which is
determined to be of seismic magnitude 4.75 or
greater shall be eligible for on-site inspection un-
less rendered ineligible for inspection by the ful-
fillment of any of the criteria in paragraph 3 of
this Article.

2. A seismic event shall be considered to be
located when seismic signals, whose frequencies,
amplitudes, durations, and velocities are consistent
with those of the waves from earthquakes or ex-
plosions, are recorded at a sufficient number of con-
trol posts to establish the approximate time and
position of the event. This requires at least four
clearly measurable arrival times of identifiable
phases which are mutually consistent to within
plus or minus three seconds. These four consistent
arrival times must include P-wave arrival times
at three different control posts.

3. A located seismic event shall be ineligible for
inspection if, and only if, it fulfills one or more
of the following criteria :

A. its depth of focus is established as below
sixty Icilometers;

B. its epicentral location is established to be
in the deep open ocean, and the event is unaccom-
panied by a hydroacoustic signal consistent with
the seismic epicenter and origin time ;

C. it is established to be a f oreshock of a seismic
event of at least magnitude 6 which has been
clearly identified as an earthquake by the criteria
in sub-paragraphs A and B above. For this pur-
pose a "foreshock" is defined as one of a sequence
of earthquakes which occurs less than forty-eight
hours before the main shock and which has an
epicenter within ten kilometers of the epicenter
of the main shock ;

D. it is established to be an aftershock of a
seismic event of at least magnitude 6 which has
been clearly identified as an earthquake by the cri-
teria in sub-paragraphs A and B above. For this
purpose, an "aftershock" is defined as one of a
sequence of earthquakes which occurs less than
one week after the main shock and which has an
epicenter within ten kilometers of the epicenter of
the main shock.

4. In cases where adequately precise regional
travel time curves are available, and where con-
sistent arrival times are available from control
posts surrounding the epicenter, that is, from con-
trol posts at least one of which lies in every pos-
sible 90-degree sector around the epicenter, the
area eligible for inspection will be 200 square
kilometers. In cases where adequately precise
regional travel time curves are not available, or
where data from control posts lying in every pos-
sible 90-degree sector around the epicenter are not
available, an area of 500 square kilometers shall be
eligible for inspection. The area eligible for in-
spection shall be chosen so as to have the highest
likeliliood of containing the epicenter.

5. The basic data for all criteria shall be ob-
tained from control posts.

6. Within three years after the entry into force
of this Treaty and annually thereafter, the Com-
mission shall review the provisions of this Article.
Notwithstanding the provisions of Article 23, the
Commission may at any time, with the concurring
votes of the original Parties, amend the provisions
of this Article. Such amendments shall be bind-
ing on all Parties to this Treaty.

Article 9

A Seismic Event Equal to or Greater than
Magnitude ^.75

1. "A seismic event equal to or greater than
magnitude 4.75" is a seismic event whose apparent
magnitude M as measured by the formula M
equals Q plus LOG (A/GT) is equal to or greater
than 4.75 at one-half or more of the control posts

886

Department of Stale Bulletin

which measure the quantity "A" and which are
located at distances greater than 16 degrees and
less than 90 degi-ees from the epicenter. The sym-
bols in the formula M equals Q plus LOG (A/
GT) are defined as follows :

A. "A" is one-half of the maximum peak posi-
tive to negative amplitude (displacement), ex-
pressed in microns in the record of the first five
cycles of the P waves made by a short-period
vertical-component seismograph with character-
istics which will permit operation of single seis-
mometers at quiet stations with magnification
greater than ten to the sixth power at the fre-
quency of peak response. "A" is measured if it
exceeds three times the arithmetical mean of the
ten greatest peak amplitudes of the noise oscilla-
tions recorded during the preceding two minutes.
Noises, the periods of which differ from the sig-
nal period by not more than one and one-half
times, are counted. The noise amplitude and pe-
riod are determined by the same procedure as for
the signal.

B. "T" is the time, measured in seconds, be-
tween the first of the peaks used in determining
"A" and the next following peak of the same sign.

C. "G" is the steady state magnification of the
seismograph at period T.

D. "Q" is given as a function of distance in
the following table :

Distance

Q

Distance

Q

Distance

Q

16 Degrees

5.9

41 Degrees

6.5

66 Degrees

7.0

17

5.9

42

6.5

67

7.0

18

5.9

43

6.5

68

7.0

19

6.0

44

6.5

69

7.0

20

6.0

45

6.7

70

6.9

21

6.1

46

6.8

71

6.9

22

6.2

47

6.9

72

6.9

23

6.3

48

6.9

73

6.9

24

6.3

49

6.8

74

6.8

25

6.5

50

6.7

75

6.8

26

6.4

51

6.7

76

6.9

27

6.5

52

6.7

77

6.9

28

6.6

53

6.7

78

6.9

29

6.6

54

6.8

79

6.8

30

6.6

55

6.8

80

6.7

31

6.7

56

6.8

81

6.8

32

6.7

57

6.8

82

6.9

33

6.7

58

6.8

83

7.0

34

6.7

59

6.8

84

7.0

35

6.7

60

6.8

85

7.0

36

6.6

61

6.9

86

6.9

37

6.5

62

7.0

87

7.0

38

6.5

63

6.9

88

7.1

39

6.4

64

7.0

89

7.0

40

6.4

65

7.0

90

7.0

June 5,

1967

Article 10
Inspection Groups

1. Inspection gi-oups shall be established and
maintained to conduct on-site inspections as di-
rected by the Administrator. They shall be based
at a nimaber of locations sufficient to insure
prompt arrival and logistical support at the site
of any unidentified continental or maritime event.
Inspection groups shall be responsible for the
collection and preliminary evaluation of evidence
concerning the nature of the event in question.
They shall remain in the inspection area until re-
called by the Administrator.

2. Each inspection group shall be staffed with
scientific, technical and other personnel qualified
to perform the duties required in the conduct of
an on-site inspection.

3. Each inspection group shall, when dis-
patched, conduct any inspection directed by the
Administrator in a prompt and efficient manner
and shall be authorized to :

A. Establish a local base of operations.

B. Establish and maintain communications
with its permanent base, the Central Inspection
Office, and, as required, other components of the
System.

C. Consult with local officials and individuals.

D. Conduct low-altitude aerial inspection of the
area eligible for inspection, utilizing such tech-
niques as may be necessary for this purpose, in-
cluding, but not limited to, photographic, electro-
magnetic, magnetic, infrared and radioactivity
surveys.

E. Conduct surface and subsurface inspection
in the area eligible for inspection for all evidence
which may in any way relate to the nature of the
event, utilizing such techniques as may be neces-
sary for this purpose, including, but not limited
to, drilling for radioactive samj)les for scientific
analysis.

F. Utilize such other means of investigation on
site as would be likely to produce relevant data.

4. Each inspection group shall submit to the
Administrator periodic progress reports during
the course of any inspection and a final report
upon the conclusion of the inspection operation.
Copies of these reports shall be sent to the Party
or Parties exercising jurisdiction or control over
the territory in which the inspection is being or
has been carried out.

5. Each inspection group shall have available

887

for its use the technical apparatus and facilities
necessary for the performance of a prompt and
efficient inspection operation. Such apparatus
and facilities shall include, but shall not be lim-
ited to, the following:

A. Portable seismographs for recording after-
shocks, geophysical equipment for seismic pro-
filing, detection equipment for locating metallic
articles, radiation detectors, equipment for collect-
ing radioactive samples on the surface, drilling
equipment for obtaining underground radioactive
samples, portable laboratory equipment for
field radiochemical analysis, and photographic
equipment.

B. Appropriate surface and air transport for
rapid movement to an inspection area along routes
prescribed by the host country, and for the opera-
tion and logistics of the inspection group.

C. Appropriate aircraft for the conduct of low-
altitude aerial reconnaissance of the inspection
area for evidence of the nature of the event in
question.

D. Appropriate vessels for the conduct of in-
spection of maritime events.

E. Technically suitable and reliable communi-
cations equipment to establish and maintain con-
tact with its permanent base of operations, the
Central Inspection Office, and, as required, other
System components.

Article 11
High Altitude Systems

1. The high altitude systems, which are based
upon the recommendations contained in the "Re-
port of the Technical Working Group on the De-
tection and Identification of High Altitude
Nuclear Explosions", of July 15, 1959, are estab-
lished for the purpose of providing, when in eiiec-
tive operation, a level of capability not less than
tliat estimated by the Technical "Working Group
in sections A and B of their Report. The tech-
niques and instrumentation for the detection and
identification of nuclear explosions at high alti-
tudes shall comprise apparatus installed at con-
trol posts and ground stations as specified in
Articles 2, 5 and 6 of this Annex, together with
satellite systems.

Satellite systems shall be so positioned in orbits
as to provide maximum capability for detecting
nuclear explosions as follows:

A. One or more satellites (trapped-electron

satellites) placed in an appropriate terrestrial
elliptical orbit and suitably instrumented with
counters for recording electrons trapped in the
earth's magnetic field. A satellite shall be re-
placed when it can no longer record or transmit
the required data to ground stations.

B. At least six satellites (far-earth satellites)
placed in terrestrial orbits at altitudes of more
than 30,000 kilometers so as to be continuously
outside the earth's trapped radiation belts. Three
of the satellites shall be nearly equally spaced in
the same orbital plane, and three satellites shall be
similarly placed in a second orbital plane posi-
tioned at approximately right angles to the first.
Each satellite shall be suitably equipped with in-
struments for recording prompt and delayed gam-
ma rays, X-rays, and neutrons. A satellite shall
be replaced when it can no longer record and trans-
mit to ground stations the required data from any
three of the four methods of detection as set forth
in this sub-paragraph. In addition, satellites shall
be replaced when the System

(i) no longer provides complete surveillance of
the earth, or

(ii) no longer provides surveillance in all di-
rections in space lying outside the orbits of the Sys-
tem's component satellites by means of the X-ray
detection method from at least three satellites.

C. At least four satellites (solar satellites)
placed in appropriate solar orbits and suitably
equipped with instruments, including those for
recording X-rays. A satellite shall be replaced
when it can no longer record and transmit to
ground stations the required data on X-ray
signals.

2. Each satellite requiring replacement shall be
replaced as rapidly as possible.

3. Each satellite shall carry apparatus for veri-
fying the performance of its equipment. Each
satellite shall be inspected immediately prior to
launching to ensure its instruments meet the de-
tection requirements and that the satellite includes
nothing which might interfere with the perform-
ance of its equipment. After inspection, the
launching of each satellite shall be observed. This
inspection and the subsequent observation of the
launching of the satellite shall be performed by
members of the staff of the Organization selected
by the Administrator in accordance with the prin-
ciples set forth in sub-paragraph 3 C (v) of
Article 9.

888

Department of State Bulletin

part iii— data reporting and evaluation

Article 12

1. All components of the Syst«m shall immedi-
ately examine all records obtained. Wlien data
which meet criteria established by the Head-
quarters of the System are observed, they shall
be reported by wire or radio to the Data Analysis
Center. All components of the System shall pro-
vide additional data to the Center upon its request.
In addition, all original data and records obtained
by all components of the System shall be for-
warded expeditiously to the Headquarters of the
System. Reliable electronic transmission of data
and frequent collection of records and materials
by aircraft shall be incorporated in the reporting
system.

2. The equipment at control posts, ships, satel-
lite tracking and data transmitting and receiving
stations, and air and water sampling centers shall
be examined periodically by technical personnel
from the Headquarters of the System for the pur-
pose of ensuring the validity of the data trans-
mitted from these components to Headquarters.

part iv— support facilities

Article 13

Communications
The System shall have rapid and reliable com-
munications between its components and Head-
quarters and shall have the right to install,
maintain and operate communications facilities,
including radio networks, using existing channels
when they are suitable for this purpose. The
network must be capable of ensuring an exchange
of accurate and complete messages between the
Headquarters and any component of the System
within eight hours. Provisions shall bo made
for the receipt of standard time signals by all
components of the System which record geo-
physical data. Provisions shall also be made for
transmission to the System Headquarters of all
weather data required by the Weather Center as
set forth in paragraph 8 of Article 3 of this
Annex.

Article 14
/Supplies and Services
1. The System Headquarters shall manage re-
sources of the System for supplies and services
by such means as : establishing procurement, con-

struction and transportation criteria; publishing
instructions for operation and maintenance of
equipment; receiving and processing supply and
maintenance reports from the elements of the Sys-
tem and establishing specification and perfonn-
ance standards for equipment.

2. The System Headquarters shall ensure that
technical equipment meets required performance
standards before authorizing acceptance of the
equipment for use in the System.

3. Maximum use shall be made of sources of
supply of non-teclmical equipment indigenous to
the area where facilities of the System are located.
Support equipment and supplies shall be locally
procured whei-e possible by the Regional Offices or
control posts.

Article 15

System PJiasing
The controls provided for in this Treaty shall
be progressively extended, and the components
of the System installed in three phases, in order
to achieve and ensure world-wide compliance with
the obligations of this Treaty. The sub-phases of
Phase I shall begin within three months after the
Treaty enters into force. Sub-phase I-A shall
be completed within two years after the Treaty
enters into force. Sub-phase I-B shall be com-
pleted within four years after the Treaty enters
into force. Phase II shall begin within one year
after the Treaty enters into force, and shall be
completed witliin five years after the Treaty en-
ters into force. Phase III shall begin within two
years after the Treaty enters into force and shall
be completed within six years after the Treaty
enters into force. Each control post and each
other facility shall be put into operation, in whole
or in part, as it is installed, and the System shall
be fully operational within six years after the
Treaty enters into force. The Commission may,
however, decide, with the affirmative votes of the
original Parties, to postpone, add to, or refrain
from establishing any part of Phases I, II, and
III.

Article 16

Phasing of Headquarters
The Headquarters of the System shall be estab-
lished at the beginning of Phase I and shall be
expanded through Phase I and subsequent phases
as required to provide effective administration
and operation of the System.

June 5, 1961

889

ArticiJe 17
Control Post Phasing
Land control posts and control posts on ships
shall be established as follows :

Phase I

Phase II Phase III

A

B

USSR

9

9

U.S

6

4

U.K

1

Oceanic Islands

- 20

16

24

Ships

10

Australia

4

3

Asia (Non-USSR)...

.

21

Europe (Non-USSR).

..

3

North America and

Greenland

14

Africa

7

9

South America

6

10

Antarctica

46

13

4

71

50

Article 18

Aircraft Sampling Phasing
Aircraft sampling facilities shall be established
and made fully operational witliin two years after
the Treaty enters into force.

Aeticle 19
Satellite Systems Phasing
Subject to the provisions of Article 11 of this
Annex, satellite systems shall be installed as
follows :

Trapped-electron

Satellites

Far-earth Satellites

Solar Satellites

Pha
A
1

1

se I Phase II Phase III
B

6

6 4

Article 20
Inspection Group Phasing
Inspection groups shall be established from the
beginning of Phase I. A sufficient number of
groups shall be maintained to carry out inspections
at any time in the numbers which, in accordance
with the terms of this Treaty and its Annexes, may
currently be required.

Article 21
C ommiunications Phasing
A survey of communications requirements shall
be performed at the beginning of each phase. Ele-

ments of the communications system shall be timed
to be operational so as to ensure rapid and reliable
communications for each control post or other
component of the System as soon as such post or
other component becomes operational.

ANNEX II
Privileges and Immunities

Article 1
Definitions
In this Annex :

(1) The expression "representatives of Parties
to this Treaty" includes representatives on or to
any organ of the Organization established under
the provisions of this Treaty, including the Con-
ference, together with the members of their official
staffs.

(2) The expression "representatives of Parties
to this Treaty on the Control Commission" in-
cludes all members of the official staffs of such
representatives except those whose duties are
clerical. For the purpose of this Annex such
clerical personnel shall be deemed to come within
the class of persons referred to in sub-paragraph
(1) of this Article.

(3) The expression "members of the Organiza-
tion staff" includes the Administrator and all the
employees of the Organization.

(4) The term "expert" shall mean an individual
performing a mission on behalf of the Organiza-
tion either at the headquarters of the Organization
or in the territory of a Party to this Treaty.

(5) The term "host government" shall mean the
government of the countiy in which the head-
quarters of the Organization is located.

Article 2
Juridical Personality

A. The Organization shall possess juridical per-
sonality. It shall have the capacity (a) to con-
tract, (b) to acquire and dispose of property, (c)
to institute and defend legal proceedings.

B. The Organization may provide for suitable
identification of ships and aircraft employed on
the official service of the Organization.

Article 3

Property^ Funds and Assets
A. The Organization, its property and assets,

890

Department of State Bulletin

wherever located and by whomsoever held, shall
enjoy immunity from every form of legal process
except in so far as in any particular case the Com-
mission, on behalf of the Organization, has ex-
pressly -waived this immunity, but such express
waiver of immunity shall not extend to any meas-
ure of execution or detention of property.

B. The premises of the Organization shall be
inviolable. The property and assets of the Organi-
zation, wherever located and by whomsoever held,
shall be immune from search, requisition, confisca-
tion, expropriation and any other form of inter-
ference, whether by executive, administrative,
judicial or legislative action.

C. The archives of the Organization and all
documents belonging to it or held by it or by its
staff or experts on its behalf shall be inviolable
wherever located.

D. The Organization, without being restricted
by financial controls, regulations or moratoria of
any kind, may, subject to the obligation to give
effect as far as is practicable to representations
made to it by any Party, exercise the following
rights :

(1) To hold currency of any kind and operate
accounts in any currency ;

(2) To transfer its funds freely from, to, or
within any country Party to this Treaty and con-
vert any currency held by it into any other
currency.

E. The Organization, its assets, income and
other property shall be :

(1) Exempt from all direct taxes except those
taxes which are in reality a charge for specific
services ;

(2) Exempt from all customs duties, prohibi-
tions and restrictions on imports and exports in
respect of articles imported or exported by the
Organization for its official use; articles imported
under such exemption shall not be disposed of, by
sale or by gift, in the country into which they are
imported except imder conditions approved by the
Government of that country ;

(3) Exempt from all customs duties, prohibi-
tions and restrictions on imports and exports in
respect of its publications.

F. The Organization shall be exempt from taxes
imposed directly on its expenditure transactions
but not exempt from those taxes which are in
reality a charge for specific services.

Article 4
Communications

A. Each Party shall take appropriate steps
necessary to ensure that its domestic and interna-
tional telecommunication services accord to tele-
communications of the Organization treatment at
least equal to government telecommunications with
respect to priority of transmission, and accord
these telecommunications higher priority, i.e., spe-
cial priority as accorded to the United Nations
Organization in emergencies, when requested, and
that rates charged shall be no higher than mini-
mum government rates. Postal communications
shall be handled in the most expeditious manner
possible.

B. No censorship shall be applied to the of-
ficial correspondence and other oificial commimica-
tions of the Organization.

C. The Organization shall have the right to use
codes known to all Parties and to despatch and
receive by courier or in sealed bags only official
correspondence, other official communications, and
objects intended for official use. Such couriers
and sealed bags shall have the same immunities
and privileges as diplomatic couriers and bags.

D. Nothing in paragi'aplis B and C of this
Article shall be construed to preclude the adoption
of appropriate security precautions to be deter-
mined by agreement between a Party and the Or-
ganization.

Article 5

Representatives of Parties to this Treaty

A. Representatives of Parties to this Treaty
on the Control Commission shall enjoy, in the ter-
ritory of the host government, the same privileges
and immunities as the host government accords-
diplomatic envoys accredited to it.

B. Representatives of Parties to this Treaty
on the Conti'ol Commission shall enjoy, while pres-
ent in the territory of another Party in the dis-
charge of Commission duties, the same privileges
and immmiities as the Party accords diplomatic
envoj's accredited to it.

C. Representatives of Parties to this Treaty
shall enjoy, while present in the territory of the
host government and while in the territory of an-
other Party in the discharge of their official duties
and during their journey to and from the place of
meeting, the following privileges and immunities :

(1) Immvmity from arrest, detention or any

June 5, 7967

891

legal process with respect to words spoken or writ-
ten and acts done by them in their official ca-
pacity ;

(2) Inviolability for all their official papers and
documents ;

(3) Tlie riglit to use codes, couriers, and sealed
bags in communicating with their Governments,
their staffs and with the Organization;

(4) The same exemption in respect of them-
selves and their spouses from immigration re-
strictions, aliens' registration and national service
obligations as is accorded to comparable categories
of the staffs of diplomatic missions ;

(5) The same facilities with respect to currency
or exchange restrictions as are accorded to com-
parable categories of the staffs of diplomatic
missions ;

(6) The same immunities and facilities with re-
spect to tlieir personal baggage as are accorded to
comparable categories of the staffs of diplomatic
missions ;

(7) The right to import free of duty their
furniture and effects at the time of first arrival
to take up their posts in the territory of a Party
and, on the termination of tlieir functions there,
to re-export such furniture and effects free of
duty ; furniture and effects so imported shall not
be disposed of, by sale or by gift, in such territory
except under conditions approved by the Govern-
ment thereof.

D. A representative to whom this Article ap-
plies shall, during any period when he is present
in the territory of another Party for the discharge
of his duties, be exempt from taxation on his offi-
cial salary and emoluments, and where the legal
incidence of any other form of taxation depends
upon residence, any such period shall, for the
purposes of determining his liability to taxation,
be treated as not being a period of residence in
that territory.

E. The Administrator shall communicate to the
Parties concerned the names of the representatives
and members of their official staffs to whom para-
graph B of this Article applies and the probable
duration of their stay in the territories of such
other Parties.

F. The privileges and immunities accorded un-
der paragraphs A, B, and C are not for the per-
sonal benefit of the individuals themselves, but in
order to safeguard the independent exercise of
their functions in connexion with the Organiza-

tion. Consequently, a Party not only has the right,
but is under a duty to waive the immunity of its
representatives and their staffs in any case where,
in its opinion, the immunity would impede the
course of justice and can be waived without preju-
dice to the purposes for which the immunity is
accorded.

G. The provisions of paragraphs A to E above
shall not require any Party to grant any of the
privileges or immunities referred to therein to any
person who is its national or any person who is
its representative or is a member of the staff of
such representative.

Article 6
Organization Staff and Experts

A. The Administrator and the deputies of the
Administrator shall be accorded the privileges and
immunities normally accorded to diplomatic en-
voys.

B. All other members of the Organization staff
shall be accorded the following privileges and
immunities :

(1) Immunity from arrest or detention when-
ever assigned to a control post, an inspection
group, or a routine or special flight; and at all
times immunity from arrest, detention or any legal
process with respect to words spoken or written
and acts done by them in the performance of their
official functions;

(2) The same facilities with respect to currency
or exchange restrictions as are accorded to com-
parable categories of the staffs of diplomatic mis-
sions ;

(3) The same immunities and facilities with re-
spect to their personal baggage as are accorded
to comparable categories of the staffs of diplomatic
missions ;

(4) The same exemption from immigration re-
strictions, aliens' registration and national service
obligations for themselves, their spouses and mem-
bers of their immediate families residing with
them and dependent on them as is accorded to
comparable categories of the staffs of diplomatic
missions ;

(5) The same repatriation facilities in time of
international crisis for themselves, their spouses
and members of their immediate families residing
with them and dependent on them, as are accorded
to comparable categories of the staffs of diplomatic
missions ;

892

Department of Stale Bulletin

(6) The right to import free of duty their fur-
niture and effects at the time of first arrival to
take up their posts in the territory of a Party and,
on the termination of their functions there, to re-
export such furniture and effects free of duty;
furniture and effects so imported shall not be dis-
posed of, by sale or by gift, in such territory except
under conditions approved by the Government
thereof.

O. Every expert performing a mission for the
Organization either at the headquarters of the Or-
ganization or in the territory of a Party shall be
accorded the following privileges and immunities :

(1) Immunity from arrest or detention;

(2) Immunity from legal process in respect to
words spoken or wi-itten and acts done by him in
the performance of his official functions;

(3) The same exemption from immigration re-
strictions, aliens' registration and national service
obligations as is accorded to comparable categories
of the staffs of diplomatic missions;

(4) Immunities and privileges specified in items
(2) and (3) of paragraph B of this Article.

D. Every member of the Organization staff and
every expert shall be exempt from taxation on the
salaries and emoluments paid to him by the Or-
ganization.

E. The Administrator shall keep the Parties
currently informed as to each individual to whom
any of the foregoing paragraphs of this Article
is applicable. A Party shall always be entitled to
notification of the name and responsibility of any
such individual before his arrival for official duties
in the territory of that Party, so that it may have
an opportunity to comment to the Administrator
upon the proposed assignment of such expert or
member of the Organization staff.

F. Privileges and immunities are granted to
members of the Organization staff and to experts
in the interests of the Organization and not for the
personal benefit of the individuals themselves.
The Administrator shall have the riglit and the
duty to waive the immunity of any such individual
in any case where the immunity would impede the
course of justice and can be waived without prej-
udice to the interests of the Organization. In the
case of the Administrator his immunity may be
waived by the Commission provided the Commis-
sion finds the immunity would impede the course
of justice and can be waived without prejudice to
the interests of the Organization.

G. The provisions of paragraphs A to D inclu-
sive above shall not require any Party to grant any
of the privileges or immunities referred to therein
to any person who is its national, except :

(1) Immimity from arrest, detention or any
legal process with respect to words spoken or writ-
ten and acts done by him in the performance of
his official functions for the Organization ;

(2) Facilities with respect to currency or ex-
change restrictions so far as necessary for the effec-
tive exercise of his functions.

Article 7
Abuses of Privileges

A. The Organization shall at all times cooper-
ate with the appropriate authorities of Parties to
facilitate the proper administration of justice, se-
cure the observance of police regulations, and pre-
vent tlie occurrence of an abuse of the privileges
and immunities set out in tliis Annex.

B. If any Party considers that there has been an
abuse of the privilege of residence in its territory
or of any other privilege or inamunity granted by
this Annex, the following procedure shall be
adopted :

( 1 ) In the case of an abuse by the Administra-
tor, consultations shall be held between the Party
and the Commission to determine the action to be
taken.

(2) In the case' of an abuse by any individual
referred to in paragraphs (1) or (2) of Article 1,
the Party which considers tliat there has been an
abuse may, after consultation with the Party whose
representative is concerned and in accordance with
the diplomatic procedure applicable to diplomatic
envoys accredited to the former Party, require the
representative to leave its territory.

(3) In the case of an abuse by any individual
referred to in paragraphs B and C of Article 6,
the Party which considers that there has been an
abuse may, after consultation with the Adminis-
trator and, in the event of disagreement, with the
Commission, require the Administrator to arrange
for an immediate replacement.

Article 8
Laissez-Passer
A. Members of the staff of the Organization and
experts on missions on behalf of the Organization
shall be entitled to use a special laissez-passer pro-
cedure modelled on the United Nations laissez-

June 5, 1961

893

passer procedure, to be evolved by the Administra-
tor pursuant to regulations approved by the Com-
mission.

B. Parties shall recognize and accept the Or-
ganization laissez-fasser issued to members of the
staff of the Organization and to experts on mis-
sions on behalf of the Organization as valid travel
documents.

C. Members of the staff of the Organization and
experts travelling on the Organization laissez-
fasser on the business of the Organization, shall be
granted the same facilities for travel as are ac-
corded to comparable categories of the staffs of
diplomatic missions.

Akticle 9

Interpretation and Supplementary Agreements

A. The provisions of this Annex shall be in-
terpreted in the light of the functions with which
the Organization is entrusted by this Treaty and
its Annexes.

B. The provisions of this Annex shall in no
■way limit or prejudice the privileges and immimi-
ties which have been, or may hereafter be, accorded
to the Organization by a State by reason of the
location, in the territory of that State, of the head-
quarters or other components and agencies of the
Organization. The Organization may conclude
with any Party or Parties agreements supple-
menting the provisions of this Annex, so far as
that Party or those Parties are concerned.

ANNEX III

The Preparatory Commission

A. A Preparatory Commission, consisting of
one representative from each of the original Par-
ties to this Treaty, shall come into existence on the
day after this Treaty shall have been signed by
all the original Parties. The Preparatory Com-
mission shall remain in existence until the Control
Commission has been elected in accordance with
Article 4 of this Treaty.

B. Except as provided in Section E of this An-
nex, the Preparatory Commission shall take deci-
sions by agreement among the three original
Parties, adopt its own rules of procedure, meet as
•often as necessary and determine its own place of
meeting. It shall appoint an executive secretary
and such staff as shall be necessary, who shall exer-

cise such powers and perform such duties as the
Preparatory Commission may determine.

C. The expenses of the Preparatory Commission
may be met by a loan provided by the United Na-
tions or by advances from governments. The re-
payment of loans shall be included as an item in
the budget for the Control Organization's first
financial period. The Preparatory Commission
shall make the necessary arrangements with tlie
appropriate authorities of the United Nations for
repayment of the loan. Advances from govern-
ments may be set off against assessments of the
governments concerned levied in accordance with
the provisions of Article 15.

D. Pending deposit of instruments of ratifi-
cation of the Treaty by all the original Parties, the
Preparatory Commission shall :

1. Conduct preliminary technical studies and
consultations with regard to the location, installa-
tion, and equipping of control posts and other
components of the Control Organization,
including :

(a) geological and topographic map studies of
the geographical areas of the world where control
posts are to be located ;

(b) consultations with technical representatives
of the original Parties for the purpose of adopting
standard construction designs for control posts
and regional offices and of choosing types of equip-
ment for each of the methods of detection ;

(c) studies of the surveys which will be re-
quired for selecting sites for control posts and
other components ;

(d) studies of commimication requirements;

(e) consultations with the original Parties for
equipping and utilizing their aircraft for routine
flights and vessels to be stationed in accordance
with the Treaty and its Annexes;

(f) studies of requirements for standard time
transmission and reception to ensure accurate rela-
tive time at all control posts and other components
of the Control Organization.

2. Draw up detailed requirements and regula-
tions for the staffing of the Organization and in-
vite applications for posts to be filled during the
initial operations of the Organization;

3. Draw up requirements and invite applica-
tions for the post of Administrator ;

4. Recommend the site in Vienna of the perma-
nent headquarters of tlie Organization; draw up

894

Department of State Bulletin

recommendations for the provisions of a head-
quarters agreement defining the status of tlie Or-
ganization and its rights and relationship with
the host country;

5. Draw up detailed plans for the day-to-day
technical and administrative operations of the
Organization ;

6. Draw up for submission to the Conference
the budget for the Organization's first financial
period and a recommended scale of assessment ;

7. In conjunction with the United Nations,
initiate the preparation of a draft agreement
which would be in accordance with Article 17 of
this Treaty ;

8. Make arrangements for the convening of the
first conference, to be held not later than six
months from the date instruments of ratification
have been deposited by all the original Parties.

E. 1. On the day after deposit of instruments
of ratification of the Treaty by all the original
Parties, or as soon thereafter as possible, the
Preparatory Commission shall be enlarged, to
consist of one representative from each of the
original Parties to this Treaty and one representa-
tive from eight other states, chosen by agreement
between the three original Parties from among
those states which at that time have deposited in-
struments of ratification of the Treaty.

2. The Preparatory Commission thus en-
larged shall exercise the powers conferred upon
the Control Commission by the Treaty, in accord-
ance with the Procedures therein specified for the
Control Commission. After the Preparatory
Commission has been enlarged and pending the
appointment of the Administrator, the executive
secretary of the Preparatory Commission shall
exercise the powers conferred upon the Admin-
istrator by the Treaty.

3. Pending the enlargement of the Prepara-
tory Commission pursuant to paragraph (1) of
this Section, the Preparatory Commission shall
continue to exercise only those functions listed in
Section D of this Annex.

Dr. Spilhaus To Be U.S. Commissioner
of Century 21 Exposition

The Senate on May 11 confirmed the nomina-
tion of Dr. Athelstan Spilhaus to be U.S. Com-
missioner for the World Science-Pan Pacific
Exposition, now known as Century 21 Exposition.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

Inter- American Nuclear Energy Commission

The Department of State announced on May 8
(press release 300) that Atomic Energy Commis-
sioner Leland J. Haworth would serve as U.S.
representative to the third meeting of the Inter-
American Nuclear Energy Commission (lANEC) ,
at the Pan American Union, Washington,
May 9-13. Jolm A. Hall, Assistant General Man-
ager for International Activities, Atomic Energy
Commission, was alternate U.S. representative.
Other members of the delegation included:

Senior Advisers

Howard E. Furnas, Deputy Special Assistant to the

Secretary for Atomic Energy and Outer Space Matters,

Department of State
Walter G. Whitman, Science Adviser, Department of

State

Advisers

Allan T. Dalton, Division of International AfCalrs, Atomic
Energy Commission

Francis J. McNeil III, Office of Inter-American Regional
Political Affairs, Department of State

Edvpard E. Sinclair, Assistant Director, Division of In-
ternational Affairs, Atomic Energy Commission.

TREATY INFORIVIATION

Pilotage Arrangements Agreed Upon
for Great Lakes and Seaway

The Department of State announced on May 12
(press release 308) that by an exchange of notes
on May 5, 1961, the United States and Canada en-
tered into an agreement to give effect as from May
1, 1961, to arrangements for a coordinated pilotage
system to meet requirements for the pilotage of
ocean vessels navigating the waters of the Great
Lakes and St. Lawrence River as far east as St.
Regis, N.Y. The basis for such a system is pro-
vided for in Public Law 86-555 (Great Lakes
Pilotage Act of 1960) and Canadian legislation of
August 1, 1960, to amend the Canada Shipping
Act.

Under the Great Lakes Pilotage Act of 1960 the

June 5, 1961

895

Secretary of Commerce has regulatory responsi-
bilities in regard to the operations of U.S. pilots in
such a system. The Secretary is also authorized to
enter into certain arrangements with the appro-
priate agency of Canada for coordination of, and
participation by U.S. and Canadian pilots in, the
pilotage of the vessels concerned in the above-men-
tioned waters of both countries. Section 6 of the
Great Lakes Pilotage Act provides that written
arrangements between the Secretary of Commerce
and the Canadian agency shall be subject to the
concurrence of the Secretary of State.

Written arrangements between the Secretary of
Commerce and the Minister of Transport of Can-
ada as the head of the appropriate agency of
Canada are covered in an annex of the agreement
reached by the exchange of notes. These arrange-
ments provide for the basis of participation by
U.S. pilots registered by the Secretary of Com-
merce and by Canadian pilots registered by the
Minister of Transport. Provision is also made for
coordination in the number of pilots to be regis-
tered; the dispatching of pilots and use of fa-
cilities by pilotage pools; rates, charges, and con-
ditions for the performance of pilotage services;
sharing of revenues and expenses by pools, and
accounting in connection therewith; and the re-
porting of violation of regulations.'

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

Convention on the international recognition of rights in
aircraft. Done at Geneva June 19, 1948. Entered into
force September 17, 1953. TIAS 2847.
Ratifications deposited: Switzerland, October 3, 1960;

Italy, December 6, 1960.
Adherence deposited: Haiti, March 24, 1961.

Postal Services

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail, with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3,

^ For texts of the Secretary of State's note on behalf of
the U.S. Government and the annex thereto, together with
the Canadian Ambassador's note on behalf of the Ca-
nadian Government, see Department of State press release
308 dated May 12.

1057. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202.
Ratification deposited: Saudi Arabia (with reserva-
tions), March 6, 1961.
Adherence deposited: Dahomey, April 27, 1961.

Telecommunications

North American regional broadcasting agreement and final
protocol. Signed at Washington November 1.5, 1950.
Entered into force April 19, 1960. TIAS 4460.
Ratification deposited: Dominican Republic, May 4, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to the
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 1959.*
Signature: Ghana, April 24, 1961.
Declaration on the provisional accession of Argentina to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Geneva November 18, 1960.^ Becomes effective between
Argentina and any participating government on 30th
day following acceptance, by signature or otherwise, by
Argentina and that government.

Signatures : Argentina (subject to ratification), France,
and Uruguay, November 18, 1960 ; Chile, November 21,
1960 ; Belgium, Finland, and Peru, November 24, 1960;
Austria (subject to ratification), November 25, 1960;
Brazil (subject to ratification), January 3, 1961;
Norway, January 27, 1961 ; Israel, February 9, 1961 ;
Luxembourg, February 24, 1961 ; Canada, April 14,
1961 ; Denmark, April 21, 1961 ; Netherlands, April 25,
1961 ; United Kingdom, May 1, 1961 ; United States,
May 4, 1961.

BILATERAL

Brazil

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 4.55; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at Rio de Janeiro
May 4, 1961. Entered into force May 4, 1961.

Greece

Agreement concerning the uses of the drachmas deposited
under the agricultiiral commodities agreement of Janu-
ary 7, 1960 ( TIAS 4403) . Effected by exchange of notes
at Athens April 20 and 29, 1961. Entered into force
April 29, 1961.

Israel

Agreement amending and extending the agreement of
July 26, 1956 (TIAS 3612), for financing certain edu-
cational exchange programs. Effected by exchange of
notes at Tel Aviv March 23 and April 30, 1961. Entered
into force April 30, 1961.

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with memorandum of understanding. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Tel Aviv May 10, 1961. Entered
into force May 10, 1961.

Senegal

Agreement relating to economic, financial, technical, and
related assistance. Signed at Washington May 13,
1961. Entered into force May 13, 1961.

' Not in force.

896

Department of Stale Bulletin

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

United States To Establish Mission
Accredited to Tlie West Indies

The Wliite House announced on May 12 that the
Government of the United States intends to estab-
lish a mission accredited to the federation of The
West Indies. This action was taken following
consultation with the Governments of the United
Kingdom and of the federation. The mission will
be formally established in July of this year and
will be located in Trinidad, the capital site of the
federation.

This action is responsive to the expansion of
political, economic, and military ties between the
United States and The West Indies. On Febru-
ary 10 a new defense areas agreement was con-
cluded between the U.S. Government and the
federation ; ' and the United States, through both
public and private agencies, is cooperating in the
economic development programs of the federation
and its unit territories.

As head of the mission President Kennedy has
designated Ivan B. White, Foreign Service officer,
who will serve as U.S. special representative with
the pereonal rank of Ambassador.

Deputy Assistant Secretary Appointed
for Politicomilitary Affairs

The Department of State announced on May 19 (press
release 331) the appointment of Jeffrey C. Kitchen as
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Politicomilitary Af-
fairs. In this capacity Mr. Kitchen has been assigned to
the Office of the Deputy Under Secretary for Political
Affairs and will assist the Secretary of State and other
senior officials of the Department on matters of mutual
Interest to the Departments of State and Defense.

The appointment of Mr. Kitchen is part of the continu-
ing effort by Secretary Kusk to strengthen the Depart-
ment of State and to enable the Department to provide
leadership and timely foreign policy guidance to other
departments and agencies of the Government concerned

with international affairs. The increasing interrelation-
ship of diplomacy and modern military problems requires
effective integration of foreign policy and military policy
in order to fulfill satisfactorily the national interest.

Mr. Kitchen will be primarily concerned with assuring
that key policy and operating officials in the Department
of Defense and the military services are informed and
advised on foreign policy considerations affecting their
responsibilities and similarly, in the case of key officials
of the Department of State, that they are aware of cur-
rent and future military considerations affecting their
foreign policy responsibilities.

Designations

J. Wayne Fredericks as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
African Affairs, effective May 4. (For biographic details,
see Department of State press release 311 dated May 11.)

Arturo Morales Carri6n as Interim Representative of
the United States on the Council of the Organization of
American States, effective May 15. (For biographic de-
tails, see Department of State press release 318 dated
May 15.)

PUBLICATIONS

* For background, see BtnxETiN of Mar. 6, 1961, p. 350.

Foreign Relations Volume

Press release 298 dated May 8, for release May 13

The Department of State released on May 13 Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1942, Volume III, Europe,
one of a series of six regular volumes giving the docu-
mentary record of the diplomacy of the United States
for the year 1942. One volume of this series has already
been published : Volume I, General, The British Common'
wealth, The Far East. There has also been published a
special Foreign Relations volume for 1942 on China.

Volume III contains the sections on Iceland, Italy, the
Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden,
Switzerland, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the
Vatican, and Yugoslavia. All the subjects treated relate
to the diplomacy of World War II. Volume II for 1942,
which is In process of preparation, will cover relations of
the United States with European countries in alphabetical
order from Belgium to Greece.

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 19^2,
Volume III, Europe (869 pp.) may be obtained from the
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington 25, D.C., for $3.25 each.

June 5, 1967

897

Recent Releases

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Offlce, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which map be ob-
tained from the Department of State.

Employment Information— United States Department of
State (Revised). Pub. 7130. Department and Foreign
Service Series 98. 37 pp. 20^.

This pamphlet outlines the requirements for employment
in the Department of State, both at home and abroad,
and the manner in which appointments are made under
both systems.

Foreign Affairs. (Excerpt from President Kennedy's
State of the Union Message January 30, 1961). Pub. 7140.
General Foreign Policy Series 162. 14 pp. Limited
distribution.

A pamphlet containing an excerpt from President Ken-
nedy's State of the Union Message.

Establishment. TIAS 4625. 29 pp. 15(f.

Convention, with protocol and joint declaration with
France. Signed at Paris November 2.5, 1959. Ratifica-
tions exchanged at Washington November 21, 1960. En-
tered into force December 21, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4626. 12 pp.
10<f.

Agreement with Ecuador. Signed at Quito September 27,
1960. Entered into force September 27, 1960. With memo-
randum of understanding and exchange of notes signed
at Quito September 27 and 28, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4628. 6 pp.

Agreement with China, amending the agreement of
August 30, 1960. Exchange of notes— Signed at Taipei
October 31, 1960. Entered into force October 31, 1960.

Settlement of Claims of United States Nationals. TIAS
4629. 6 pp. 5<t.

Protocol with Poland, relating to article 5 of the agree-
ment of July 16, 1960 — Signed at Warsaw November 29,
1960. Entered into force November 29, 1960.

Insured Parcel Post. TIAS 4630. 30 pp. 15<t.

Agreement with Republic of Korea — Signed at Seoul
July 15, 1960, and at Washington August 17, 1960. En-
tered into force January 1, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4633. 11 pp.
10#.

Agreement with Prance. With minute of understanding
and exchanges of notes — Signed at Paris November 4,
1960. Entered into force November 4, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4634. 6 pp.

50.

Agreement with China, amending the agreement of
August 30, 1960, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Taipei December 1, 1960. Entered into force
December 1, 1900.

United States Educational Commission in Japan. TIAS
4635. 5 pp. 5^.

Agreement with Japan, amending the agreement of Jan-
uary 11, 1958. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tokyo De-
cember 2, 1960. Entered into force December 2, 19C0.

United States of America Educational Commission in
Brazil. TIAS 4636. 4 pp. 54.

898

Agreement with Brazil, amending the agreement of No*
Vember 5, 1957. Exchange of notes — Signed at Rio
de Janeiro October 14 and November 5, 1960. Entered
into force November 5, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

TIAS 4637. 9 pp.

Agreement with Viet-Nam.
at Saigon October 28, 1960.
28, 1960.

Exchange of notes — Signed
Entered into force October

Defense : Loan of Additional Vessels. TIAS 4638. 5 pp.

50.

Agreement with Chile. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Washington December 2, and 7, 1960. Entered into force
December 7, 1960.

No. Date

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 15-21

Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to May 15 which appear in
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 270 of April
28 ; 275 of May 1 ; 292 of May 6 ; 298 and 300 of
May 8 ; 301 and 303 of May 9 ; 306 of May 10 ; and
308 and 313 of May 12.

Subject

Everton sworn in as Ambassador to
Burma (biographic details).

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

Morales Carri6n designated Interim
U.S. Representative to OAS (bio-
graphic details).

Holmes sworn in as Ambassador to
Iran (biographic details).

Martin : Agricultural Trade Develop-
ment and Assistance Act.

Chapman sworn in as Special Assistant
to Secretary and Coordinator for
International Labor Affairs (bio-
graphic details).

Mauritania credentials (rewrite).

Economic mission to Nigeria.

Kohler : Ohio State University.

Bonsai sworn in as Ambassador to
Morocco (biographic details).

Cultural exchange (Sierra Leone).

Williams: New York Slate division
of American Negro Centennial Au-
thority.

Cultural exchange (Latin America).

Carnahan sworn in as Ambassador to
Sierra Leone (biographic details).

Cultural exchange (Lebanon).

Kitchen appointed Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Politicomilitary Af-
fairs (rewrite).

Williaui.s: Wichita Urban League.

Williams: "Africa's Challenge to
America's Position of Free-World
Leadership."

Cultural exchange (Venezuela).

Coombs: conference of African states
on education.

"Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

*315

5/15

■►317

5/15

*318

5/15

*319

5/15

t320

5/16

*321

5/16

322
323

t3L>4
*325

5/16
5/16

0/16
5/17

•326
•327

5/17
5/17

•328
•329

5/18
5/18

•330
331

5/18
5/19

•3.S2
t333

5/19
5/19

*.S.S4

5/19
5/19

Department of State Bulletin

June 5, 1961

Ind

e X

Vol. XLIV, No. 1145

Africa

Fredericks designated Deputy Assistant Secretary

for African Affairs 897

United States Policy Toward Africa and the United

Nations (Williams) 854

American Republics

Department Urges Appropriation of Funds for
Inter-American Program (Ball) 864

Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (dele-
gation) 895

Morales Carri6n designated Interim Representative
on OAS Council 897

Atomic Energy

Draft Treaty on the Discontinuance of Nuclear
Weapon Tests Submitted by Western Delegations
at Geneva Conference (text) 870

Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (dele-
gation) 895

Brazil. U.S. and Brazil To Cooperate on Financial
Matters (Dillon, Marianl, text of IMF announce-
ment) 862

Canada

The Common Aims of Canada and the United States
(Diefenbaker, Kennedy, text of joint com-
munique) 839

Pilotage Arrangements Agreed Upon for Great

Lakes and Seaway 895

Chile. Department Urges Appropriation of Funds
for Inter-American Program (Ball) 864

Congress, The

Department Urges Appropriation of Funds for

Inter-American Program (Ball) 864

President Bourguiba Concludes Visit to the United
States (Bourguiba, Kennedy, texts of communi-
ques) 848

Department and Foreign Service

Deputy Assistant Secretary Appointed for Politico-
military Affairs 897

Fredericks designated Deputy Assistant Secretary
for African Affairs 897

Morales Carrl6n designated Interim Representa-
tive on OAS Council 897

United States To Establish Mission Accredited to
The West Indies 897

Economic Affairs

Head of European Common Market Visits United

States (text of communique) 868

Pilotage Arrangements Agreed Upon for Great

Lakes and Seaway 895

U.S. and Brazil To Cooperate on Financial Matters

(Dillon, Marianl, text of IMF announcement) . . 862

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Professional
Thought on Things as They Are (Cleveland) . . 858

Europe. Head of European Common Market Visits
United States (text of communique) 868

France. President To Meet French President, So-
viet and British Prime Ministers 848

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 869

Draft Treaty on the Discontinuance of Nuclear
Weapon Tests Submitted by Western Delegations
at Geneva Conference (text) 870

Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (dele-
gation) 895

Morales Carri6n designated Interim Representa-
tive on OAS Council 897

Dr. Spilhaus To Be U.S. Commissioner for Century
21 Exposition 895

United States Outlines Program To Insure Genuine
Neutrality for Laos (Rusk) 344

U.S. and Brazil To Cooperate on Financial Matters

(Dillon, Mariani, text of IMF announcement) . . 862

Laos. United States Outlines Program To Insure

Genuine Neutrality for Laos (Rusk) 844

Mauritania. Letters of Credence (Sidya) . ... 857

Military Affairs. Deputy Assistant Secretary Ap-
pointed for Politicomilitary Affairs 897

Mutual Security

Economic Mission Visits Nigeria 857

U.S. To Supply Grain to Tunisia Under Food-for-
Peace Program 353

Nigeria. Economic Mission Visits Nigeria .... 857

Presidential Documents

The Common Aims of Canada and the United States
(Diefenbaker, Kennedy, text of joint com-
munique) 839

Head of European Common Market Visits United

States (text of communique) 868

President Bourguiba Concludes Visit to the United
States (Bourguiba, Kennedy, texts of communi-
ques) 848

Publications

Foreign Relations Volume 897

Recent Releases 89^

Science. Dr. Spilhaus To Be U.S. Commissioner for
Century 21 Exposition 895

Treaty Information

Current Actions 896

Draft Treaty on the Discontinuance of Nuclear
Weapon Tests Submitted by Western Delegations

at Geneva Conference (text) 870

Pilotage Arrangements Agreed Upon for Great
Lakes and Seaway 895

Tunisia

President Bourguiba Concludes Visit to the United
States (Bourguiba, Kennedy, texts of com-
muniques) 84S

U.S. To Supply Grain to Tunisia Under Food-for-
Peace Program 853

U.S.S.R. President To Meet French President, So-
viet and British Prime Ministers 848

United Kingdom. President To Meet French Presi-
dent, Soviet and British Prime Ministers .... 848.

United Nations. United States Policy Toward Af-
rica and the United Nations (Williams) . . . . 854

West Indies, The. United States To Establish Mis-
sion Accredited to The West Indies 897-

Name Index

Ball, George W 864

Bourguiba, Habib 849

Cleveland, Harlan 858

Diefenbaker, John 839

Dillon, Douglas 862

Fredericks, J. Wayne 897

Hallstein, Walter 868

Kennedy, President 839, 848, 868

Kitchen, Jeffery C 897

Mariani, Clemente 862

Morales Carrion, Arturo 897

Rusk, Secretary 844

Sidya, Souleymane Ould Cheikh 857

Spilhaus, Athelstan 895

Williams, G. Mennen 854

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This pamphlet describes the recently created OECD, composed of
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Vol. XLIV, No. 1146 JUL 1^ 1961 June 12, 1961

DEPOSITORY

URGENT NATIONAL NEEDS • Special Message of the

President to the Congress 903

AFRICA'S CHALLENGE TO AMERICA'S POSITION

OF FREE- WORLD LEADERSHIP • by Assistant
Secretary Williams 911

CHANGING TRADE WINDS ACROSS AFRICA • by

H. J. Cumtnings 915

THE PERMANENT AMERICAN REVOLUTION •

by Assistant Secretary Kohler 924

U.S. PHILOSOPHY AND POLICIES ON REFUGEE

AND MIGRATION AFFAIRS • Remarks by
Deputy Under Secretary Jones 928

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1 146 • Publication 7202
June 12, 1961

For sole by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Goremment Printing Office

Washington 25, D.O.

Price:

(2 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25

Shigle copy, 26 cents

Use of funds tor printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publlcntlon are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the Presiden t and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and interruitional agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
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natioTuil relations are listed currently.

Urgent National Needs

SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE CONGRESS'

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, my copartners
in government, gentlemen — and ladies : The Con-
stitution imposes upon me the obligation to "from
time to time give to the Congress Information of
the State of the Union." While this has tradition-
ally been interpreted as an annual affair, this
tradition has been broken in extraordinary times.

These are extraordinary times. Aiid we face an
extraordinary cliallenge. Our strength as well as
our convictions have imposed upon this nation the
role of leader in freedom's cause.

No role in history could be more difficult or more
important. We stand for freedom. That is our
conviction for ourselves — that is our only commit-
ment to others. No friend, no neutral, and no ad-
versary should think otherwise. We are not
against any man — or any nation — or any system —
except as it is hostile to freedom. Nor am I here
to present a new militai-y doctrine, bearing any
one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to
promote the freedom doctrine.

The great battleground for the defense and ex-
pansion of freedom today is the whole southern
half of the globe — Asia, Latin America, Africa,
and the Middle East — the lands of the rising
peoples. Their revolution is the greatest in human
history. They seek an end to injustice, tyranny,
and exploitation. More than an end, they seek a
beginning.

And theirs is a revolution which we would sup-
port regardless of the cold war and regardless of
which political or economic roiite they should
choose to freedom.

" Delivered before a joint session of the Congress on
May 25 (White House press release; as-delivered text).

For the adversaries of freedom did not create the
revolution; nor did they create the conditions
which compel it. But they are seeking to ride the
crest of its wave^to capture it for themselves.

Yet their aggression is more often concealed
than open. They have fired no missiles ; and their
troops are seldom seen. They send arms, agitators,
aid, teclinicians, and propaganda to every troubled
area. But where fighting is required, it is usually
done by others — by guerrillas striking at night,
by assassins striking alone — assassins who have
taken the lives of 4,000 civil officers in the last
12 months in Viet-Nam alone — by subversives and
saboteurs and insurrectionists, who in some cases
control whole areas inside of independent nations.

With these formidable weapons, the adversaries
of freedom plan to consolidate their territory — to
exploit, to control, and finally to destroy the hopes
of the world's newest nations ; and they have am-
bitions to do it before the end of this decade. It
is a contest of will and purpose as well as force and
violence — a battle for minds and souls as well as
lives and territory. And in that contest we can-
not stand aside.

We stand, as we have always stood from our
eai'liest beginnings, for the independence and
equality of nations. This nation was born of
revolution and raised in freedom. And we do not
intend to leave an open road for despotism.

There is no single simple policy which meets this
challenge. Experience has taught us that no one
nation has the power or the wisdom to solve all
the problems of the woi'ld or manage its revolution-
ary tides — that extending our commitments does
not always increase our security — that any initia-
tive carries with it the risk of a temporary defeat^
that nuclear weapons cannot prevent subversion —
that no free peoples can be kept free without will

June 72, 1967

903

and energy of their own — and that no two nations
or situations are exactly alike.

Yet there is much we can do — and must do. Tlie
proposals I bring before you are numerous and
varied. Tliey arise from the host of special op-
portunities and dangers which have become in-
creasingly clear in recent months. Taken together,

1 believe that they can mark another step forward
in our efforts as a people. I am here to ask the
help of this Congress and the Nation in approving
these necessary measures.

II. Economic and Social Progress at Home

The first and basic task confronting this nation
this year was to turn recession into recovery. An
affirmative antirecession program, initiated with
your cooperation, supported the natural forces in
the private sector; and our economy is now enjoy-
ing renewed confidence and energy. The reces-
sion has been halted. Recovery is underway.

But the task of abating unemployment and
achieving a full use of our resources does remain a
serious challenge for us all. Large-scale unem-
ployment during a recession is bad enough ; large-
scale unemployment during a period of prosperity
would be intolerable.

I am therefore transmitting to the Congress a
new manpower development and training pro-
gram, to train or retrain several hundred thousand
workers particularly in those areas where we have
seen chronic unemployment as a result of tech-
nological factors and new occupational skills over
a 4-year period, in order to replace those skills
made obsolete by automation and industrial
change with the new skills which the new processes
demand.

It should be a satisfaction to us all that we have
made great strides in restoring world confidence
in the dollar, halting the outflow of gold, and im-
proving our balance of payments. During the last

2 months, our gold stocks actually increased by $17
million, compared to a loss of $635 million during
the last 2 months of 1960. We must maintain this
progress — and this will require the cooperation
and restraint of everyone. As recovery progresses,
there will be temptations to seek unjustified price
and wage increases. These we cannot afford.
They will only handicap our efforts to compete
abroad and to achieve full recovery here at home.
Labor and management must — and I am confident

that they will — jjursue responsible wage and price
policies in these critical times. I look to the Presi-
dent's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management
Policy to give a strong lead in this direction.

Sloreover, if the budget deficit now increased by
the needs of our security is to be held within man-
ageable proportions, it will be necessary to hold
tightly to prudent fiscal standards ; and I request
the cooperation of the Congress m this regard — to
refrain from adding funds or programs, desirable
as they may be, to the budget, to end the postal
deficit, as my predecessor also recommended,
through increased rates — a deficit incidentally, this
year, which exceeds the fiscal year 1962 cost of all
the space and defense measures that I am sub-
mitting today — to provide full pay-as-you-go
highway financing, and to close those tax loop-
holes earlier specified. Our security and progress
cannot be cheaply purchased ; and their price must
be found in what we all forgo as well as what we
all must pay.

III. Economic and Social Progress Abroad

I stress the strength of our economy because it
is essential to the strength of our nation. And
what is true in our case is true in the case of other
countries. Their strength in the struggle for free-
dom depends on the strength of their economic
and their social progress.

We would be badly mistaken to consider their
problems in military terms alone. For no amount
of arms and armies can help stabilize those govern-
ments which are unable or unwilling to achieve
social and economic reform and development.
Military pacts cannot help nations whose social
injustice and economic chaos invite insurgency and
penetration and subversion. The most skillful
counterguerrilla efforts cannot succeed where the
local population is too caught up in its own misery
to be concerned about the advance of communism.

But for those who share this view, we stand
ready now, as we have in the past, to provide gen-
erously of our skills, and our capital, and our food
to assist the peoples of the less developed nations
to reach their goals in freedom — to help them be-
fore they are engulfed in crisis.

This is also our great opportunity in 1961. If
we grasp it, then subversion to prevent its success
is exposed as an unjustifiable attempt to keep these
nations from either being free or equal. But if
we do not pursue it, and if they do not pursue it,

904

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

the bankruptcy of unstable governments, one by
one, and of unfulfilled hopes will surely lead to a
series of totalitarian receiverships.

Earlier in the year I outlined to the Congress a
new program for aiding emerging nations ; ^ and
it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legisla-
tion to implement this program, to establish a new
Act for International Development, and to add to
the figures previously requested, in view of the
swift pace of critical events, an additional $250
million for a Presidential Contingency Fund, to be
used only upon a Presidential determination in
each case, with regular and complete reports to the
Congress in each case, when there is a sudden and
extraordinary drain upon our regular funds which
we cannot foresee — as illustrated by recent events
in southeast Asia — and it makes necessary the use
of this emergency reserve. The total amoimt re-
quested— now raised to $2.65 billion — is both
minimal and crucial. I do not see how anyone
who is concerned, as we all are, about the growing
threats to freedom around the globe — and is asking
what more we can do as a people — can weaken or
oppose the single most important program avail-
able for building the frontiers of freedom.

iV.

All that I have said makes it clear that we are
engaged in a worldwide struggle in which we bear
a heavy burden to preserve and promote the ideals
that we share with all mankind, or have alien ideals
forced upon them. That struggle has highlighted
the role of our Information Agency. It is essential
that the funds previously requested for this effort
be not only approved in full but increased by
$2,400,000, to a total just over $121 million.

This new request is for additional radio and
television to Latin America and southeast Asia.
These tools are particularly effective and essential
in the cities and villages of those great continents
as a means of reaching millions of uncertain
peoples to tell them of our interest in their fight
for freedom. In Latin America we are proposing
to increase our Spanish and Portuguese broad-
casts to a total of 154 hours a week, compared to
42 hours today, none of which is in Portuguese,
the language of about one-third of the people of
South America. The Soviets, Red Chinese, and
satellites already broadcast into Latin America

' Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.
June 12, I96T

more than 134 hours a week in Spanish and Portu-
guese. Communist China alone does more public
infoi'mation broadcasting in our own hemisphere
than we do. Moreover, powerful propaganda
broadcasts from Habana now are heard through-
out Latin America, encouraging new revolutions
in several countries.

Similarly, in Laos, Viet-Nam, Cambodia, and
Thailand we must communicate our determination
and support to those upon whom our hopes for
resisting the Communist tide in that continent ulti-
mately depend. Our interest is in the truth.

V. Our Partnership for Self-Defense

But while we talk of sharing and building and
the competition of ideas, others talk of arms and
threaten war. So we have learned to keep our de-
fenses strong and to cooperate with others in a
partnership of self-defense. The events of recent
weeks have caused us to look anew at these efforts.

The center of freedom's defense is our network
of world alliances, extending from NATO, recom-
mended by a Democratic President and approved
by a Republican Congress, to SEATO, recom-
mended by a Republican President and approved
by a Democratic Congress. These alliances were
constructed in the 1940's and 1950's ; it is our task
and responsibility in the sixties to strengthen them.

To meet the changing conditions of power — and
power relationships have changed — we have en-
dorsed an increased emphasis on NATO conven-
tional strength. At the same time we are affirming
our conviction that the NATO nuclear deterrent
must also be kept strong. I have made clear our
intention to commit to the NATO command, for
this purpose, the five Polaris submarines originally
suggested by President Eisenhower, with the pos-
sibility, if needed, of more to come.

Second, a major part of our partnership for self-
defense is the military assistance program. The
main burden of local defense against local attack,
subversion, insurrection, or guerrilla warfare must
of necessity rest with local forces. Wliere these
forces have the necessary will and capacity to cope
with such threats, our intervention is rarely neces-
sary or helpful. Where the will is present and only
capacity is lacking, our military assistance pro-
gram can be of help.

But this program, like economic assistance,
needs a new emphasis. It cannot be extended with-

905

out regard to the social, political, and military
reforms essential to internal respect and stability.
The equipment and training provided must be
tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own
foreign and military policies, not to our supply of
military stocks or a local leader's desire for mili-
tary display. And military assistance can, in ad-
dition to its military purposes, make a contribution
to economic progress, as do our own Army
Engineers.

In an earlier message I requested $1.6 billion for
military assistance,^ stating that this would main-
tain existing force levels but that I could not fore-
see how much more might be required. It is now
clear that this is not enough. The present crisis
in southeast Asia, on which the Vice President has
made a vahiable report, the rising threat of com-
mimism in Latin America, the increasing arms
traffic in Africa, and all the new pressures on every
nation found on the map by tracing your finger
along the borders of the Communist bloc in Asia
and the Middle East — all make clear the dimen-
sion of our needs.

I therefore request the Congress to provide a
total of $1,885 billion for military assistance in the
coming fiscal year — an amount less than that re-
quested a year ago, but a minimum which must be
assured if we are to help those nations make secure
their independence. This must be prudently and
wisely spent, and that will be our common en-
deavor. Military and economic assistance has been
a heavy burden on our citizens for a long time,
and I recognize the strong pressures against it;
but this battle is far from over — it is reaching a
crucial stage, and I believe we should participate
in it. We cannot merely state our opposition to
totalitarian advance without paying the price of
helping those now under the greatest pressures.

VI. Our Own Military and Intelligence Shield

In line with these developments I have directed
a further reinforcement of our own capacity to
deter or resist nonnuclear aggression. In the con-
ventional field, with one exception, I find no pres-
ent need for large new levies of men. Wliat is
needed is rather a change of position to give us
still further increases in flexibility.

Therefore I am directing the Secretary of De-
fense to imdertake a reorganization and modern-

3 ma., p. 513.

ization of the Army's divisional structure, to
increase its nonnuclear firepower, to improve its
tactical mobility in any environment, to insure its
flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat, to
facilitate its coordination with our major allies,
and to provide more modern mechanized divisions
in Europe and bring our equipment up to date,
and new airborne brigades in both the Pacific and
Europe.

And secondly, I am asking the Congress for an
additional $100 million to begin the procurement
task necessary to reequip this new Army structure
with the most modern material. New helicopters,
new armored personnel carriers, and new howitz-
ers, for example, must be obtained now.

Tliird, I am directing the Secretary of Defense
to expand rapidly and substantially, in coopera-
tion with our allies, the orientation of existing
forces for the conduct of nonnuclear war, para-
military operations, and sublimited or imconven-
tional wars.

In addition, our special forces and unconven-
tional warfare units will be increased and re-
oriented. Throughout the services new emphasis
must be placed on the special skills and languages
which are required to work with local populations.

Fourth, the Army is developing plans to make
possible a much more rapid deployment of a major
portion of its highly trained reserve forces. When
these plans are completed and the reserve is
strengthened, 2 combat-equipped divisions, plus
their supporting forces — a total of 89,000 men —
could be ready in an emergency for operations with
but 3 weeks' notice, 2 more divisions with but 5
weeks' notice, and 6 additional divisions and their
supporting forces, making a total of 10 divisions,
could be deployable witln less than 8 weeks' notice.
In short, these new plans will allow us to almost
double the combat power of the Army in less than
2 months, compared to the nearly 9 months here-
tofore required.

Fifth, to enhance the already formidable ability
of the Marine Corps to respond to limited war
emergencies, I am asking the Congress for $60
million to increase Marine Corps strength to
190,000 men. This will increase the initial im-
pact and staying power of our three Marine divi-
sions and three air wings and provide a trained
nucleus for further expansion, if necessary for
self-defense.

906

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

Finally, to cite one other area of activities that
ai'e both legitimate and necessai-y as a means of
self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole
intelligence effort must be reviewed and its co-
ordination with other elements of policy assured.
The Congress and the American people are en-
titled to Imow that we will institute whatever new
organization, policies, and control are necessary.

VII. Civil Defense

One major element of the national security pro-
gram which this iiation has never squarely faced
up to is civil defense. This problem arises not
from present trends but from national inaction in
which most of us have participated. In the past
decade we have intermittently considered a variety
of programs, but we have never adopted a con-
sistent policy. Public considerations have been
largely characterized by apathy, indifference, and
skepticism, while, at the same time, many of the
civil defense plans have been so far-reaching and
unrealistic that they have not gained essential sup-
port.

This administration has been looking hard at
exactly what civil defense can and cannot do. It
cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an as-
surance of blast protection that will be proof
against surprise attack or guaranteed against ob-
solescence or destruction. And it cannot deter a
nuclear attack.

We will deter an enemy from making a nuclear
attack only if our retaliatory power is so strong
and so invulnerable that he Iviiows he would be
destroyed by our resi^onse. If we have that
strength, civil defense is not needed to deter an
attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense
would not be an adequate substitute.

But this deterrent concept assumes rational cal-
culations by rational men. And the history of this
planet, and particularly the history of the 20th
century, is sufficient to remind us of the possibili-
ties of an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an
accidental war, or a war of escalation in which the
stakes by each side gradually increase to the point
of maximum danger which cannot be either fore-
seen or deterred. It is on this basis that civil de-
fense can be readily justifiable — as insurance for
the civilian population in case of an enemy mis-
calculation. It is insurance we trust will never
be needed — but insurance which we could never

forgive ourselves for forgoing in the event of
catastrophe.

Once the validity of this concept is recognized,
there is no point in delaying the initiation of a
nationwide long-range progi'am of identifying
present fallout shelter capacity and providing
shelter in new and existing structures. Such a
program would protect millions of people against
the hazards of radioactive fallout in the event of
a large-scale nuclear attack. Effective perform-
ance of the entire program not only requires new
legislative authority and more funds but also
sound organizational arrangements.

Therefore, under the authority vested in me by
Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1958, I am assign-
ing responsibility for this program to the top ci-
vilian authority already responsible for continen-
tal defense, the Secretary of Defense. It is
important that this function remain civilian, in
nature and leadership; and this feature will not
be changed.

The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization
will be reconstituted as a small staff agency to as-
sist in the coordination of these functions. To
more accurately describe its role, its title should be
changed to the Office of Emergency Plamiing.

As soon as those newly charged with these re-
sponsibilities have prepared new authorization and
appropriation requests, such requests will be
transmitted to the Congress for a much strength-
ened Federal-State civil defense program. Such
a program will provide Federal funds for identi-
fying fallout shelter capacity in existing struc-
tures, and it will include, where appropriate, in-
corporation of shelter in Federal buildings, new
requirements for shelter in buildings constructed
with Federal assistance, and matching grants and
other incentives for constructing shelter in State
and local and private buildings.

Federal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal
1962 under this program will in all likelihood be
more than triple the pending budget requests ; and
they will increase sharply in subsequent years.
Financial participation will also be required from
State and local governments and from private citi-
zens. But no insurance is cost-free; and every
American citizen and his community must decide
for themselves whether this form of survival in-
surance justifies the expenditure of effort, time,
and money. For myself, I am convinced that it
does.

June 12, 1967

907

VIII. Disarmament

I cannot end this discussion of defense and arm-
aments without emphasizing our strongest hope:
the creation of an orderly world where disarma-
ment will be possible. Our arms do not prepare
for war; they are efforts to discourage and resist
the adventures of others that could end in war.

That is why it is consistent with these efforts
that we continue to press for properly safeguarded
disarmament measures. At Geneva, in cooperation
with the United Kingdom, we have put forward
concrete proposals to make clear our wish to meet
the Soviets halfway in an effective nuclear test ban
treaty *■ — the first significant but essential step on
the road toward disarmament. Up to now their
response has not been whxit we hoped, but Mr.
[Arthur H.] Dean returned last night to Geneva
and we intend to go the last mile in patience to
secure this gain if we can.

Meanwhile we are determined to keep disarma-
ment high on our agenda — to make an intensified
effort to develop acceptable political and technical
alternatives to the present arms race. To this end
I shall send to the Congress a measure to establish
a strengthened and enlarged disarmament agency.

IX. Space

Finally, if we are to win the battle tliat is now
going on around the world between freedom and
tyranny, the dramatic achievements in space which
occurred in recent weeks should have made clear
to us all, as did the sputnik in 1957, the impact of
this adventure on the minds of men everywhere,
who are attempting to make a determination of
which road they should take. Since early in my
term, our efforts in space have been under review.
With the advice of the Vice President, who is chair-
man of the National Space Council, we have ex-
amined where we are strong and where we are not,
where we may succeed and where we may not.
Now it is time to take longer strides, time for a
great new American enterprise, time for this na-
tion to take a clearly leading role in space achieve-
ment, which in many ways may hold the key to our
future on earth.

I believe we possess all the resources and talents
necessary. But the facts of the matter are that we

* For text of a draft treaty introduced by the U.S. and
U.K. delegations at Geneva on Apr. 18, see ibid., of June 5,
1961, 1). 870.

have never made the national decisions or mar-
shaled the national resources required for such
leadership. We have never specified long-range
goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our
resources and our time so as to insure their
fulfillment.

Eecognizing the head start obtained by the
Soviets with their large rocket engines, which
gives them many months of leadtime, and recog-
nizing the likelihood that they will exploit this
lead for some time to come in still more impressive
successes, we nevertheless are required to make
new efforts on our own. For while we cannot
guarantee that we shall one day be first, we can
guarantee that any failure to make this effort will
make us last. We take an additional risk by mak-
ing it in full view of the world, but as shown by
the feat of astronaut Shepard, this very risk en-
hances our stature when we are successful. But
this is not merely a race. Space is open to us now ;
and our eagerness to share its meaning is not
governed by the efforts of others. We go into
space because, whatever mankind must undertake,
free men must fully share.

I therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond
the increases I have earlier requested for space
activities, to provide the funds which are needed to
meet the following national goals :

First, I believe that this nation should commit
itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is
out, of landing a man on the moon and returning
him safely to the earth. No single space project
in this period will be more impressive to mankind,
or more important for the long-range exploration
of space ; and none will be so difficult or expensive
to accomplish. We propose to accelerate develop-
ment of the appropriate lunar space craft. We
propose to develop alternate liquid and solid fuel
boosters, much larger than any now being de-
veloped, until certain which is superior. We
propose additional funds for other engine develop-
ment and for unmanned explorations — explora-
tions which are particularly important for one
purpose which this nation will never overlook :
the survival of the man who first makes this daring
flight. But in a very real sense, it will not be one
man going to the moon ; if we make this judgment
affirmatively, it will be an entire nation. For all
of us must work to put him there.

Secondly, an additional $23 million, together
with $7 million already available, to accelerate de-

908

DeparlmenI of State Bulletin

velopment of the Eover nuclear rocket. This gives
promise of some day providing a means for even
more exciting and ambitious exploration of space,
perhaps beyond the moon, perhaps to the very
end of the solar system itself.

Third, an additional $50 million will make the
most of our present leadership by accelerating the
use of space satellites for worldwide communica-
tions.

Fourth, an additional $75 million — of which $53
million is for the Weather Bureau — will help give
us at the earliest possible time a satellite system
for worldwide weather observation.

Let it be clear — and this is a judgment which
the Members of Congress must finally make — let
it be clear that I am asking the Congress and the
country to accept a firm commitment to a new
course of action — a course which will last for many
years and carry very heavy costs of $531 million in
fiscal 1962— an estimated $7-$9 billion additional
over the next 5 years. If we are to go only half-
way, or reduce our sights in the face of diiBculty,
in my judgment it would be better not to go at all.

Now this is a choice which this country must
make, and I am confident that under the leader-
ship of the space committees of the Congress, and
the appropriating committees, you will consider
the matter carefully.

It is a most important decision that we make as
a nation. But all of you have lived through the
last 4 years and have seen the significance of space
and the adventures in space, and no one can predict
with certainty what the ultimate meaning will be
of mastery of space.

I believe we should go to the moon. But I think
every citizen of this country as well as the Mem-
bers of the Congress should consider the matter
carefully in making their judgment, to which we
have given attention over many weeks and months,
because it is a heavy burden and there is no sense
in agreeing or desiring that the United States take
an affirmative position in outer space unless we are
prepared to do the work and bear the burdens to
make it successful. If we are not, we should de-
cide today and this year.

Tliis decision demands a major national commit-
ment of scientific and technical manpower, ma-
terial, and facilities, and the possibility of their
diversion from other important activities where
they are already thinly spread. It means a degree
of dedication, organization, and discipline which

have not always characterized our research and
development efforts. It means we cannot afford
undue work stoppages, inflated costs of material or
talent, wasteful interagency rivalries, or a high
turnover of key personnel.

New objectives and new money cannot solve
these problems. They could, in fact, aggravate
them further — unless evei-y scientist, every engi-
neer, every serviceman, every technician, con-
tractor, and civil servant gives his personal pledge
that this nation will move forward, with the full
sjDeed of freedom, in the exciting adventure of
space.

X. Conclusion

In conclusion let me emphasize one point : It is
not a pleasure for any President of the United
States, as I am sure it was not a pleasure for my
predecessor, to come before the Congress and ask
for new appropriations which place burdens on
our people. I came to this conclusion with some
reluctance. But in my judgment this is a most
serious time in the life of our country and in the
life of freedom aroimd the globe, and it is the
obligation, I believe, of the President of the
United States to at least make his recommenda-
tions to the Members of the Congress, so that they
can reach their own conclusions with that judg-
ment before them. You must decide yourselves,
as I have decided, and I am confident that whether
you finally decide in the way that I have decided or
not, your judgment — as my judgment — is reached
on what is in the best interests of our country.

In conclusion let me emphasize one point : that
we are determined, as a nation, in 1961 that free-
dom shall survive and succeed — and whatever the
peril and setbacks, we have some very large
advantages.

The first is the simple fact that we are on the side
of liberty, and since the beginning of history, and
particularly since the end of the Second World
War, liberty has been winning out all over the
globe.

A second great asset is that we are not alone.
We have friends and allies all over the world who
share our devotion to freedom. May I cite as a
symbol of traditional and effective friendship the
great ally I am about to visit — France. I look for-
ward to my visit to France and to my discussion
with a great captain of the Western World, Presi-
dent de Gaulle, as a meeting of particular signifi-

Jwne 12, J96I

909

cance, permitting the kind of close and ranging
consultation tliat will strengthen botli our coun-
tries and serve the common purposes of world-
wide i^eace and liberty. Such serious conversations
do not require a pale unanimity ; they are rather
the instruments of trust and imderstanding over
a long road.

A third asset is our desire for peace. It is
sincere, and I believe the world knows it. We are
pi'oving it in our patience at the test-ban table,
and we are proving it in the U.N., where our efforts
have been directed to maintaining that organiza-
tion's usefulness as a protector of the independence
of small nations. In these and other uistances,
the response of our opponents has not been
encouragmg.

Yet it is important that they should know that
our patience at the bargaining table is nearly in-
exhaustible, though our credulity is limited — that
our hopes for peace are unfailing, while our de-
termination to protect our security is resolute.
For these reasons I have long thought it wise to
meet with the Soviet Premier for a personal ex-
change of views. A meeting in Vienna turned out
to be convenient for us both; and the Austrian
Government lias kindly made us welcome. No
formal agenda is planned, and no negotiation will
be undertaken ; but we will make clear America's
enduring concern is for both peace and freedom,
that we are anxious to live in harmony with the
Russian people, that we seek no conquests, no satel-
lites, no riches, that we seek only the day when
"nation shall not lift up sword against nation,
neither shall they learn war any more."

Finally, our greatest asset in this struggle is the
American people — their willingness to pay the
price for these programs; to understand and ac-
cept a long struggle ; to share their resources with
other less fortunate peoples; to meet the tax levels
and close the tax loopholes I have requested; to
exercise self-restraint instead of pushing up wages
or prices, or overproducing certain crops, or
spreading military secrets, or urging unessential
expenditures or improper monopolies or harmful
work stoppages; to serve in the Peace Corps or
the Armed Services or the Federal Civil Service or
the Congress; to strive for excellence in their
schools, in their cities, and in their physical fitness

and that of their children; to take part in civil
defense; to pay higher postal rates and higher
payroll taxes and higher teachers' salaries, in
order to strengthen our society; to show friend-
ship to students and visitors from other lands who
visit us and go back in many cases to be the future
leaders, with an image of America — and I want
that image, and I know you do, to be affirmative
and positive — and, finally, to practice democracy
at liome, in all States, with all races, to respect
each other and to protect the constitutional rights
of all citizens.

I have not asked for a single program which did
not cause one or all Americans some inconvenience,
or some hardship, or some sacrifice. But they
have responded — and you in the Congress have re-
sponded to your duty — and I feel confident in
asking today for a similar response to these new
and larger demands. It is heartening to know, as
I journey abroad, that our country is united in its
commitment to freedom and is ready to do its
duty.

Letters of Credence

El Salvador

The newly appointed Ambassador of El Salva-
dor, Francisco Roberto Lima, presented his cre-
dentials to President Kennedy on May 25. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press release
345 dated May 25.

Ethiopia

The newly appointed Ambassador of Ethiopia,
Berhanu Dinke, presented his credentials to Presi-
dent Kennedy on May 23. For texts of the Am-
bassador's remarks and the President's reply, see
Department of State press release 342 dated
May 23.

New Zealand

The newly appointed Ambassador of New Zea-
land, George Robert Laking, presented his cre-
dentials to President Kennedy on May 24. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press release
340 dated May 24.

910

Department of Stale Bulletin

Africa's Challenge to America's Position of Free-World Leadership

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

It is a great pleasure and honor to be invited to
address the Southwestern Conference on Inter-
national Relations. Your meeting is one more
essential contribution to America's understanding
of the world's developing nations, and I applaud
the initiative of the University of Oklahoma and
its graduate program in international studies. As
President Kennedy himself said in a speech in
1957:

. . . just as foreign policy now more than ever influences
the average American, so he — now more than ever — influ-
ences that policy. His opinions, his votes, and his efforts
define the limits of our policy, provide its guideposts and
authorize its implementation. His attitude toward taxa-
tion and selective service, foreign aid and alliances, the
United Nations, imports, immigration, minority groups —
all of these have an impact upon foreign policy far beyond
his knowledge. Without his indispensable support and
loyalty, no American foreign policy can succeed. Our
choice, then, is not whether public opinion should influence
our foreign policy, but whether its influence is to be good
or bad.

We can all agree that an informed public opin-
ion is vital to effective governmental action in our
democratic society. But I believe I can say that
there is a special need for Americans to inform
themselves about Africa. For Africa has stepped
from the shadows with a suddenness as stunning
as the first news of sputnik — and with a signifi-
cance as lasting. I am, therefore, particularly
grateful for the opportunity to discuss with you
today the nature of Africa's challenge to America
and the response we are called upon to make.

The daily headlines have turned our eyes toward
Africa with growing frequency, and we are begin-

' Address made before the Southwestern Conference on
International Relations at the University of Ol^lahoma,
Norman, Okla., on May 19 (press release 333).

ning to fill in the blanks in our picture of this vast
continent. Here we have a landmass more than
three times the area of our 50 States, with glaring
contrasts of desert and rain forest and snowcapped
mountains defying an equatorial sun. AVe have
long known of Africa's fabled riches in gold and
diamonds; we are now learning, more fully each
day, that the continent abounds in the more mun-
dane but vital resources of oil, bauxite, iron ore,
manganese, copper, and uranium. We know
Africa's natural bounty in cocoa, palm oil, peanuts,
and bananas; we are getting to know that an im-
mense water-power potential awaits development.
But for all its size and great potential this dra-
matic continent, with about 20 percent of the
world's land surface, barely sustains 6 percent — ■
about 220 millions — of the world's population,
producing goods and services valued at only 3 per-
cent of those produced by the United States. This
population is presently divided into more than 40
political entities. Established by colonial fiat,
many of these borders ignore ethnic groupings,
which are indeed varied; there are 800 or more
tribal and linguistic fragments in Africa, and they
remain the basic social tmits in large areas. Most
of Africa's peoples live by primitive soil-mining
agriculture and grazing. Ninety percent are il-
literate. Most suffer from debilitating diseases,
which are frequently the result of under-
nourishment.

Common Aspirations of Africa's People

Yet the peoples of Africa today are imbued with
common aspirations. From Western education,
from Christian teachings, from European living
standards, and, perhaps most of all, from evidence
of the productive wonders of technology, they

iune 12, ?96?

911

have drawn hope for a better life. These hopes
have given impetus to the anticolonial drive of
nationalist leaders. They have helped to inspire
the struggle for "one man, one vote" where white
men monopolize political power. And these same
hopes have turned African eyes toward the great
industrial nations in expectation of material and
teclmical help.

It was my good fortmie to talk with many of
the new leaders of Africa in my recent trip to 16
of the middle African countries. They are, by
and lai-ge, capable and dedicated men, and they
are caught up in a great movement to freedom
that has swept across the continent and that is still
on the march. Five years ago today there were
8 independent nations in Africa. Today there are
28, and the 26 who have so far been seated in the
U.N. constitute over a quarter of the membership
of that world organization.

The leaders I met define Africa's new freedom
in three principal ways. It means for them and
for their peoples the right, first of all, to shape
their own political destinies, their future as in-
dependent nations. Secondly, it means the right
to full racial equality. And, finally, it means
freedom from debilitating and degrading pov-
erty— it means the prospect of a better standard of
living.

For Americans, also, freedom has always meant
these things. And it is in these common meanings
that we see Africa's challenge to America's posi-
tion of free- world leadership.

In simplest terms the challenge is whether we
will live up to our own ideals — the ideals of free-
dom and human dignity which inspired our
Founding Fathers and which now inspire the
revolutionary founders of the new nations of
Africa. These leaders say to us in effect, "If
you would have us choose and uphold freedom,
show us you know its meaning. Stand up and be
counted when the United Nations votes on self-
determination for Algeria and Angola. Stand up
and be counted when apartheid is condemned, and
lend us a helping hand that we too may have a
full belly and hold our heads up knowing that our
cliildren, with work, can have a better life."

This challenge is put to us urgently, and we must
respond. No other course is right ; no other course
is human. And any otlier course is dangerous.

Our response was clearly pledged by President

Kennedy in these words from his inaugural ad-
dress : ^

To those peoples in the huts and Tillages of half the
globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we
pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for
whatever period is required — not because the Communists
may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but be-
cause it is right.

In fulfillment of this pledge we intend, first of
all, to stand up and be counted when issues of
political self-determination and racial equality
are debated at the United Nations. Already, in
the General Assembly session this spring we have
made this intention clear in our votes on Angola,'
on South-West Africa,^ and on apartlieid in the
Union of South Africa.^

President Kennedy proposes also to use the full
powers of the Federal Government to expand the
area of respect for human rights here at home.
To the colored two-thirds of the world's peoples
our miresolved racial problem is an emotion-
charged issue. We must accept it as a disgrace to
the United States when diplomats and other visi-
tors from Africa — among them students and lead-
ers here at our invitation — suffer from incidents
of racial discrimination. We can hope these
visitors will understand that the prejudices of a
few are not the true measure of the spiritual fiber
of America ; we can hope they will recognize that
the problem is deep-rooted in some areas, that our
national policy is dead-set against these injustices,
and that we have made considerable progress.
But we cannot really expect such understanding
unless it is clear that we mean to press forward to
rid our house of this blight, entirely apart from
considerations of receiving visitors.

Meeting the Challenge of Rising Expectations

Beyond these vital issues of anticolonialism and
racial equality, there is the challenge presented by
African hopes for a rising standard of living.
And here we confront a series of complex problems
deserving the very careful attention of all who
would see American leadership gain in strength
in a perilous world.

The challenge of rising expectations for a better
life in Africa can only be met by dynamic pro-

'Bttlletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.
' Ibid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497.
* lUd., Apr. 17, 1961, p. 569.
' Ibid., Apr. 24, 1961, p. 600.

912

Department of State Bulletin

grams of economic and social development carried
out over a period of years. In this, of course,
African governments will play the principal role ;
theirs is the problem to define, the path to choose.
But today they have all too little to work with.
As I have said, the literacy rate in Africa averages
about 10 percent — literacy, that is, in wi-itten and
widely used languages. And the average per
capita income, according to latest figures, is $132
per year for all Africa, and only $89 for tropical
Africa.

Obviously there are tremendous needs in Africa
for trained technical and managerial skills and
for investment capital. A great part of these
needs must come from outside, and for some years,
mitil these new nations reach a point of self-
sustaining economic growth.

As help is so clearly needed, so it will be vigor-
ously sought by the Africans. And all sources of
help will be explored. Presently Britain and
France are extending economic assistance to
African countries at a level of some $750 million a
year. This is a testimonial to the positive relation-
ships which, despite the tensions of the colonial
experience, have been developed and maintained
by enlightened officials, both African and Euro-
pean. We very strongly hope this assistance will
continue, and we believe it will.

In contrast our own Government aid to Africa
in the present fiscal year is about a third of this
total — $250 million. We are relative newcomers.
And we are not alone. The Germans and other
West European countries are beginning to extend
some aid to Africa. And of course there are the
Kussians and the Chinese Communists, plus the
satellites such as Czechoslovakia, Eastern
Germany, and Poland.

Those of you who are economists will know that
the simis I have mentioned are small compared to
the very evident needs if African coimtries are to
reach the level of self-sustaining growth. More
must be done, and the United States must share
in this new effort. Actually the assistance given
Africa by the United States this year is less, for
the whole continent, than we provided Austria in
the first year of the Marshall plan. It is clear not
only that we must but that we can do more in
Africa.

A first need, and the broadest one, is for aid to
education and for getting trained people into key
jobs. Here we see the very problems which gave

rise to the Peace Corps. Everywhere I went in
Africa I found great interest in this idea, this
mechanism for sending skilled Americans to work
right alongside the Africans. The first Peace
Corps agreements to be signed will provide
Tanganyika, by late summer or early fall, with a
group of young American surveyors who will lay
out roads into long-isolated areas and teach this
skill to Tanganyikans.

Peace Corps assistance supplements aid already
being provided to the development of Africa's
human resources. Assistance over the longer term
involves training of Africans in the United States
as well as contributing to their training at home
through support of African educational institu-
tions. There are now more than 2,000 Africans
studying in the United States, some imder govern-
mental but most under private auspices.

Both through the International Cooperation
Administration and the Department of State, aid
reaches African educational institutions in
Ethiopia, Liberia, Nigeria, the Somali Republic,
Sudan, Kenya, Morocco, Tunisia, and the Federa-
tion of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Your own Uni-
versity of Oklahoma is working with Sierra Leone
in the field of economic statistics under contract
with ICA.

Need for Long-Range National Planning

Now let us consider the need for investment
capital in Africa. Capital is required for the de-
velopment of human resources. Education re-
quires facilities and materials. Teaching materials
suited to African needs have been developed for
little beyond primary school levels. There may
well be a major use for educational radio and tele-
vision networks.

Expanded health facilities are required to pre-
vent as well as cure the diseases which reduce the
efficiency of large numbers of Africa's peoples.
Basic transportation and communication facilities
must be extended to link still isolated areas. They
are necessary to facilitate the movements of edu-
cators, doctors, and agricultural-extension advis-
ers, as well as to transport produce to market.
Ports, both sea and air, must be developed to ac-
commodate increasing trade.

Here we see a very broad range of needs — too
broad to start on all at once, too deep to fill in any
one year. African governments are persuaded by
the force of this dilemma that medium- and long-

June 12, 1967

913

range national planning are necessary to real
economic advance. This does not mean the gov-
ernments will do everything, for private industry
and commerce have a very large role to play. But
governments must intervene to create an infra-
structure in such fields as transport and power and
agricultural practice and resource development.
They must set priorities and guard scarce resources
in foreign currency.

Necessary planning goes further. It goes be-
yond consideration of one nation's potential. It
embraces the interaction of neighboring nations'
economic plans and their impact in turn on world
trade. Exploitation of the waters of the Nile or
the Niger or the Zambezi requires careful long-
range, coordinated planning by several nations.
Whether or not to build a steel manufacturing
plant in Liberia or Mauritania close to the ore de-
posits must be decided in the light of such things
as the size of the capital commitment, the cost of
imported steel products, and the availability of
markets, and so on.

In light of these facts what policies should gov-
ern American help to Africa? Let me state a
few key points.

We must seek the support of other developed
nations of the free world who are able to take part
in the great effort that is called for.

We must encourage by practical measures, in-
cluding political guarantees, the fullest response
of private investors to the opportunities to be
found in opening up the African potential — being
sure they understand that African benefit is a
necessary condition and goal, apart from return on
investment.

We must encourage regional economic and de-
velopment planning. Indeed, this was one of my
first missions after taking office. I made it a point
to attend the meeting at Addis Ababa last Febru-
ary of the United Nations Economic Commission
for Africa, where such regional problems were
dealt with.'

Finally, we must suit our government aid pro-
grams to this framework of julanned development
which we find in Africa — as elsewhere in the less
developed world.

" For an address made by Secretary Williams at Addis
Ababa on Feb. 17, see ihid., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 373.

It is to fit that framework that President Ken-
nedy has shaped his new economic aid proposals
to Congress.'' The heart of the proposed proce-
dure is to be able to make forward-looking commit-
ments to developing countries. Instead of an
annual scramble to fill only the needs of the mo-
ment—and the wastefulness and errors of that
process — we want to be in a position to encourage
rational medium-range and long-range planning.
We want to make sure our dollars serve coherent
and positive goals, and we can do so better in a
number of cases with 2-year, 3-year, even 5-year
conrunitments.

I think the problem here — what the Africans
seek and what we are trying to do in response — is
summed up in the following passage from the
communique issued by President Kennedy and
President Bourguiba of Tunisia after their meet-
ings early tliis montli in Washington : ^

In the social and economic fields. President Bourguiba
stressed the importance which Tunisia attaches to the
full realization of its human and material potential
through a well-conceived national program. President
Kennedy expressed his full sympathy with these objec-
tives and made clear the desire of the United States to
enter into partnership relationships with the developing
countries, based on social justice, self-help and long-range
planning. The two Presidents agreed that cooperative
efforts of their two countries toward these ends should be
continued and expanded. They directed their advisers to
explore without delay and in greater detail the means
whereby these efforts could be rendered more effective in
support of accelerated economic and social growth on a
long-range basis.

I have outlined for you the challenges of Africa
as I see them. I have touched on the problems and
sketched for you the goals of American policy and
American effort. This is all, I fear, much easier
in tlie telling than in the doing that is called for.
But if we want freedom to prevail — in Africa, in
the rest of the world, in America itself — we cannot
turn away from this call we hear from Africa.

It is my hope that here deep in the American
heartland you, too, will listen to that call and lend
us your support in responding to it. I

7 For text of the President's message to Congress, see
Hid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.
' For text, see i6i(?., June 5, 1961, p. 848.

914

Department of State Bulletin

K

Changing Trade Winds Across Africa

&y H. J. Gv/rmnings

Director, Africa-Near East Division, Department of Commerce ^

I am delighted to have tliis opportunity to par-
ticipate in the Institute's discussions of some of
the economic problems of Africa. In order to
keep within the allotted time limit, I shall focus
my remarks on three specific aspects of economic
change now underway in Africa.

First, I would like to examine the basic sliift
of the economic power of Africa from a compara-
tively small number of European foundations to
a large number of African bases. Secondly, I
will comment on the immediate and longrun effects
of this transfer of economic power on African-
U.S. relationships. And, finally, I will attempt
to analyze these changes in terms of increased
U.S. economic cooperation with Africa.

Shift of Economic Power

The transfer of control of the economic power
of Africa from established European economic
institutions to emergent African economic institu-
tions is a phenomenon that deserves the attention
of aU serious economic observers of contemporary
Africa. I think that the nature of this transfer of
economic power can be understood best by compar-
ing some of the passing forces of yesterday with
the emerging forces of tomorrow. For our pur-
poses here I shall mention only four of them :

Passing forces vs. Emerging forces

1. Colonial status with eco- Independent status with

nomic policy made in policy made locally,
metropole.

3. Foreign-based business or-
ganization with little or
no African participation.

Dominance of a few large
expatriate trading firms.

Indigenous African entry
into commerce and in-
dustry.

4. Imports of manufactured
goods and exports of
raw materials.

^ Address made before the World Affairs Institute on
Africa at East Carolina College, GreenviUe, N.C., on
May 2.

The mixed business or-
ganization— local pri-
vate capital, local pub-
lic capital, and private
foreign capital.

Processing of raw mate-
rials and development
of industrial production
for domestic consump-
tion.

^Vliat we are dealing with here is not merely a
transfer in the control of economic power from one
geographic area of the world to another but also
the development of new institutions through which
this transferred power is to be exercised. Already
the experimentation in institutional development
has produced a wide variety of organizational
structures.

In some cases the basic organizational structure
has been altered little during an orderly and grad-
ual period of transfer. Nigeria is perhaps the best
case in point. The fotmdations for the private
sector of the economy — including the establish-
ment and expansion of the regional development
corporations — were laid years before that country
achieved its political independence. Since inde-
pendence the private sector has demonstrated
strength enough to attract participation by many
reputable foreign firms including two large Amer-
ican banks as well as a number of American
industrial and business services organizations.

In some other cases in Africa the structure of
most economic institutions has been drastically
altered. This has been particularly true in in-
stances where the period of transfer was extremely
short, as in Guinea.

It is too early to assess with reasonable accuracy
the long-term economic effects of this series of

June ?2, 7961

915

power transfers on Africa as a whole or on specific
African countries. It is not, however, too early
to recognize some of the serious problems that
have resulted from tliis shift and to see what is
being done to solve them.

Shortage of Managerial Personnel

Foremost among these problems is the shortage
of managerial personnel and the lack of provision
for assuring an adequate supply of managerial and
technical personnel in the future. Perhaps a prior
problem is that in some cases there was a failure
on the part of some Africans to recognize the
fact that the function of management was not
elimmated as a result of the transfer of control
from European hands to African hands. This
function not only continues to exist after the trans-
fer of control has taken place, but its importance
is magnified by the acute shortage of qualified
African managers and by increasing management
responsibilities resulting from economic growth.

American resources for assisting Africans in
coping with management problems are substantial,
and every effort should be made to acquaint in-
terested African businessmen and government
officials with these services and with their avail-
ability to Africans. A number of American banks
and business firms are already engaged in train-
ing Africans in this field. It should be noted in
passing that a number of Africans who are now
occupying responsible managerial positions in
commerce and industry in countries like Nigeria
received valuable training and experience in this
field from large British trading companies and
banks which have been operating in Africa for
decades. I mention this for two reasons. First,
I think there has been a tendency among Africans
and non- Africans alike to overlook the assistance
that has already been derived from these sources
and, secondly, a tendency among the same persons
to underestimate the valuable assistance that can
and should be obtained in the future from these
sources.

Financing From External Sources

Another serious problem confronting the new
economic institutions in most of the new countries
of Africa is that of obtaining adequate financing
from external sources for desired development
projects. Traditional sources in the former metro-

poles and through expatriate trading firms and
foreign-based banks may, in some instances, no
longer be available. In addition, newly emergent
countries may find it increasingly difficult to com-
pete with economically more advanced nations
in obtaining funds in the world's major private
capital markets.

I am intentionally omitting comments on pros-
pects of these countries for obtaining assistance
from international or national public lending
agencies, but for purposes of this discussion I
tliink we must recognize that the resources of
public lending organizations are likely to be quite
limited in terms of worldwide demand for these
resources. This is an important reason why Afri-
can countries will have to pay mcreasing atten-
tion to the strengthening of the private sectors
of their respective national economies.

It is not difficult to point out as I have just
done in some detail many weaknesses in the eco-
nomic institutions of many of the new African
states. It is, Iiowever, exceedingly difficult to de-
velop programs for constructively cooperating
with Africans in the strengthening of these in-
stitutions so that they facilitate attaimnent of
the economic and social ends desired by the com-
munity of Africans they are designed to serve.
In most of the new coimtries of Africa these ends
are not clearly defined, and in only very few
comitries have they been considered in relation
to the capacity of the country's resources to per-
mit attainment of the desired goals.

African-U.S. Economic Cooperation

In the light of these obvious difficulties, how
can private U.S. business groups, foundations,
academicians, and appropriate U.S. Government
agencies demonstrate their good will toward spe-
cific African countries by making effective con-
tributions to the development efforts of these
comitries ?

I submit that the answer to this question rests
largely on three elements :

First, on a basic understanding of the specific
needs by the Africans requesting assistance and
by the Americans agreeing to supply it. This
means, for example, that Africans who want a
development bank, or an oil refineiy, or a steel
mill should be able to justify their recommenda-
tions in terms of international economic realities

916

Department of State Bulletin

and not merely because of "domestic political
expediency."

Secondly, tlie answer rests on the extent to
which Americans and Africans recognize that
neither Africa nor America nor the combination
of the two represents the controlling power
in a world that is influenced as much by non-
economic factors — psychological, social, political,
anthropological — as by economic factors.

And finally and perhaps most importantly, the
answer will rest on the ability of Africans and
Americans to maintain a genuine and deep-seated
spirit of mutual respect for each other.

Now, with these three factors in mind we can
have a look at some of the specific areas for Afri-
can-U.S. economic cooperation which have opened
up at least in part by the power shift which we
have described and, in part, by a dramatic speedup
in the rate of economic development in many coun-
tries of Africa. Perhaps the first thing we think
of when we mention the phrase "economic develop-
ment" is construction — construction of factories,
roads, railroads, houses, dams, and, of course, pub-
lic buildings, for Parkinson's Law on bureaucratic
growth appears to be equally ajiplicable in Lagos
and London, Washington and Ouagadougou. A
number of American construction firms are now
participating in this continent-wide construction
boom, and many others are sharpening their pen-
cils for forthcoming competitive bid contests.

Services Available From Department of Commerce

I would like to point out that notice of these
bid invitations is published in the Department
of Commerce's Foreign Commierce Weekly, which
is sold on a subscription basis to thousands of
interested American businessmen. Copies of the
April 17 issue of this magazine, which contains
a special 16-page supplement on Africa, are avail-
able to interested persons from the Department of
Commerce. To complete this brief and, I hope,
valuable commercial, I would like to call your
attention to the pamphlet describing the wide
range of services available to the U.S. business-
man at the Department of Commerce in Wash-
ington or at any of its field offices in tlie major
cities of this country.

And now, back to our discussion of the specific
areas in which African-American economic co-
operation appears most promising.

American banks have recently established

June 12, J967

596260—61 3

branches in some of the new African countries
and are oflFering Africans valuable training pro-
grams in all phases of commercial banking. They
are already participating in a variety of ways in
the economic development of tJie particular Afri-
can countries in which they are operating.

American industrial firms are joining with
Africans in establishing new industries in Africa.
The desire for African shareholders in African
industry is not a dream of tomorrow but a reality
of today. Admittedly, shareholding in African
industry among Africans is in its infancy in 1961,
but by 1971 it may well become a significant moti-
vating force in the African drive for economic
improvement. Many African leaders are aware
of the advantages of developing local securities
markets as rapidly as possible.

African leaders have requested American as-
sistance in virtually every phase of education,
and the response to these requests by private Amer-
ican educational institutions as well as by various
agencies of the U.S. Government has been sub-
stantial. Some of you may wonder why I include
education in my list of areas in which African-
American economic cooperation is expanding
rapidly. First let me say, as a person who has
two children in college, that I am more than
casually aware of the relation of economics to
education. Secondly, I am sure that every re-
sponsible African leader recognizes that his hoped-
for rate of development of industry, agriculture,
and trade cannot be maintained unless his local
educational institutions provide generally and
technically trained recruits in sufficient numbers
to satisfy the demands of a growing economy.

I have reviewed for you some of the basic
economic changes that are now taking place in
Africa. I have attempted to point out how some
of these changes have opened up new opportuni-
ties for Americans to cooperate with Africans in
African programs for economic and social better-
ment. Some of you may say — what is the aim of
tliis American effort in Africa? What is
America's foremost desire for Africa? It seems
to me that the answer to this was given very suc-
cinctly by President Kennedy when he said:^

"We want an Africa which is made up of a com-
munity of stable and independent govem-

'In an address made by Senator John F. Kennedy
before the National Council of Women, Inc., at New York,
N.Y., on Oct. 12, 1960.

917

ments . . . where men are given the opportunity
to choose their own national course free from the
dictates or coercion of any other country."

Prime Minister of Nigeria
To Visit United States

White House press release dated May 20, for release May 21

The President announced on May 21 that Alhaji
Sir Abubakar Taf awa Balewa, Prime Minister of
the Federation of Nigeria, has accepted the Presi-
dent's invitation to visit the United States. The
official visit, which will begin with the Prime Min-
ister's arrival at Washington on July 25, will in-
clude a tour of the United States, ending on
Augfust 3.

The International Cooperation Administration
(ICA), pursuant to the foregoing, is directed to
negotiate forthwith a number of projects in the
fields of education, training and public health
which have been assigned to it under the Bogota
Progi-am. In carrying out this directive, the ICA
should select cases where the recipient Govern-
ments are making the greatest efforts at self-help
and institutional reforms. Projects selected
should include a number of countries and a num-
ber of types of educational projects.

The ICA should set $25 million as a minimum
target for the obligation of funds by June 30, 1961,
with an optimum target of $35 to $50 million.

The ICA is also requested to advise me by June
1 of the specific steps it is taking to carry out the

foregoing.

George W. Ball

United States Moves To Strengtiien
Alliance for Progress

White House press release dated May 15

Following are tnemoTanda sent hy George W.
Ball, Under Secretary of State for Economic Af-
fairs, at the direction of the President.

Memorandum for ICA

May 9, 1961
Memorandum for :

The Honorable Henry E. Labothsse
Director, International Cooperation Admin-
istration
Subject : Strengthening the Alliance for Progress

The National Security Council recently decided
that the Alliance for Progress program ^ should be
expedited and strengthened. The Department of
State has been assigned responsibility for seeing
that this decision receives appropriate action.

It is proposed to move rapidly on implementing
selected social development projects under the
Inter-American Program for Social Progi'ess
(Bogota Program) as one means of strengthening
the Alliance for Progress. Final Congressional
action on the appropriation for this program is
expected shortly.

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

Memorandum for Export-Import Bank

May 9, 1961
Memorandum for :

The Honorable Harold Linder

President, Exjiort-Import Bank
Subject: Strengthening the Alliance for Progress

Tlie National Security Council recently decided
that the Alliance for Progress program should
be expedited and strengthened. The Department
of State has been assigned responsibility for see-
ing that this decision receives appropriate action.

It is proposed to assist in strengthening the Al-
liance by accelerating the implementation of as-
sistance already extended to Latin America. In
the light of the foregoing, the Export-Import
Bank is requested to take ajDjorojiriate steps to
accelerate the implementation of projects already
funded.

In order to achieve our objectives, it is hoped
that careful consideration will be given to over-
coming internal policy and other operating con-
siderations which may delay the carrying out of
credits already extended in the Latm America
area.

In order that we may be kept apprised of prog-
ress in implementing approved credits, the Bank
is requested to advise me by June 1 of the
specific steps it is taking to carry out the
foregoing.

George W. Ball

918

Department of State Bulletin

Memorandum for Department of State

Mat 9, 1961
Memorandum for :

Mr. Edwin M. Mabtin
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs
Subject: Strengthening the Alliance for Progress

The National Security Council recently decided
that the Alliance for Progress program should
be expedited and strengthened. The Department
of State lias been assigned responsibility for see-
ing that this decision receives appropriate action.

One step in strengthening the Alliance is the
prompt developnient of appropriate United States
positions for the forthcoming meeting of the In-
ter-American Economic and Social Council (lA-
ECOSOC).-' The agenda proposed for this
meeting includes items on economic integration
and commodity market problems. I have been
directed to arrange for the prompt development
of clear U.S. positions on Latin American eco-
nomic integi-ation and on commodity market and
foreign exchange income stabilization which will
be as responsive as possible to legitimate Latin
American aspirations in this field. These posi-
tions are to be incorporated in the planning docu-
ments for the July meeting of lA-ECOSOC.

You are requested to assure that work on these
matters progresses rapidly. You should work
closely with the Bureau of Inter- American Affairs
(ARA) in the development of these positions.

You are requested to inform me by June 1 of
the progress being made on this work.

George W. Ball

Memorandum for Development Loan Fund

Mat 9, 1961
Memorandum for :

The Honorable Frank M. Coffin
Managing Director, Development Loan Fund

Subject : Strengthening the Alliance for Progress

The National Security Council recently decided
that the Alliance for Progress program should be
expedited and strengthened. The Department of

" For a statement by President Kennedy, see ibid., May
22, 1961, p. 766.

State has been assigned responsibility for seeing
that this decision receives appropriate action.

It is proposed to assist in strengthening the Al-
liance by accelerating the implementation of as-
sistance already provided to Latin America. The
Development Loan Fund is hereby directed to ac-
celerate the implementation of projects already
funded in Latin America. The Fund should seek
to remove promptly obstacles to the more rapid
expenditure of funds on its side and be prepared
to assist loan recipients in moving their projects
forward. It is recommended, too, that the De-
velopment Loan Fund move particularly rapidly
on the financing of aided self-help housing proj-
ects in Colombia under the already approved
credit for that country.

The Development Loan Fund is also requested
to advise me by June 1 of the specific steps it is
taking to carry out the foregoing.

George W. Ball

Memorandum for Task Force on Foreign Aid

Mat 9, 1961
Memorandum for:

The Honorable Henrt R. Labouisse
Chairman, President's Task Force on Foreign
Aid
Subject : Strengthening the Alliance for Progress

The National Security Council recently decided
that the Alliance for Progress program should be
expedited and strengthened. The Department of
State has been assigned responsibility for seeing
that this decision receives appropriate action.

One means of strengthening the Alliance is to
provide additional resources for economic develop-
ment. It is understood that the Task Force on
Foreign Aid currently envisages development
loans to Latin America in FY 1962 of $250-350
million. Your Task Force is hereby directed, upon
the completion of its current work of preparing
the foreign aid bill, to examine carefully the Latin
American needs and absorbtive capacity for addi-
tional capital. In conducting this examination,
you should utilize the facilities of the Task Force,
the Department of State, and other interested
agencies.

George W. Ball,

June 72, J96J

919

United States-Argentine Cooperation
Essential to Progress in Americas

Following is a statetnent made hy President
Kennedy on May 2Ji. after a meeting with Roberto
T. Alemann, Minister of Economy of Argentina.

White House press release dated May 24

The United States has long had deep ties of
friendship with the people of Argentina. In the
past we have worked together to raise living stand-
ards and to defend the freedom of all of the Ameri-
can states. If the 1960's are to be a decade of
progress for the Americas — if we are to bring in-
creasing economic progress and social justice under
freedom to our entire hemisphere — then we must
rely, in substantial part, on the future cooperative
efforts of the Governments of Argentina and the
United States.

We in the United States hope to work with the
Argentine Government in its heroic effort to im-
prove the welfare of its people, for we are com-
mitted to the long-range economic development of
Argentina. Even more important, we are com-
mitted to a continumg relationship of friendship,
partnership, and mutual respect.

Together Argentina and the United States can
work not only to solve their own problems but to
improve the life of free men in this hemisphere
and throughout the world. For the United States
and the cause of freedom has no stronger or more
respected friends than the people of Argentina.

U.S. and Bolivia To Cooperate on
Long-Range Development Program

Following is an exchange of letters between
President Kennedy and President Victor Paz
Estenssoro of the Republic of Bolivia.

PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO PRESIDENT PAZ

White House press release dated May 14

Excellency: The Government of the United
States has long had a deep concern for the welfare
of the people of Bolivia; and a close friendship
for your country. We believe it is essential to
work with you in helping the Bolivian people
satisfy their aspirations for a better life and for
increased social justice. This means rapidly stim-

920

ulating the growth of your economy in order to
raise the standard of living of the Bolivian people.

To this end I recently sent a special economic
mission to Bolivia ^ to explore, with tlie Bolivian
government, ways in which the United States and
its free world allies could effectively aid the inten-
sified development of Bolivia. That mission has
returned, and on the basis of its reports we are
prepared to take some immediate steps which have
been in preparation for several weeks.

However, we must realize that these steps are
just the beginning in the development of a long-
range plan for the steady growth of the Bolivian
economy. Bolivia is a country rich in resources,
and in the skill and courage and determination of
its people. As these riches are liberated and used
to the benefit of the Bolivian people, we can help
eliminate poverty from your land. This will re-
quire the combined efforts of the Bolivian govern-
ment and people and the industrial nations of
the West.

First, we commit ourselves to help in the long-
range, systematic development of the Bolivian
economy — looking on Bolivia as a full partner
in the Alliance for Progress — working toward the
day when all Bolivians can enjoy a higher stand-
ard of living and external assistance is no longer
required.

Secondly, we will cooperate with the Bolivian
National Planning Commission, the United Na-
tions Advisory Group and the Inter-American
Economic and Social Council to work together
in developing a long-range program of economic
development — and in preparing the necessary
technical studies needed to implement this plan.
Such a plan can be the guide to the contributions
and loans of all resource supplying institutions.

Third, if you believe it will be helpful, I am
prepared to send a special representative to assist
in carrying forward the Program and especially
to try to insure that United States assistance —
from all sources — contributes effectively to the
long-term development of the Bolivian economy.
With your approval this repx'esentative can be
dispatched in the very near future.

We are also willing to begin immediately on a
series of projects important to the economic de-
velopment of Bolivia. These are projects which
are already in an advanced state of preparation

' Bulletin of Mar. 27, 1961, p. 454.

Department of State Bulletin

and which will make an immediate contribution to
national welfare. Other urgent projects — such as
low-cost worker and campesino housing — can be
undertaken as soon as planning and programming
are complete.

Fourth, a loan agreement was signed with the
Bolivian Government on March 24, providing $3.5
million to finance the purchase of urgently needed
machinery and equipment to improve the operat-
ing efficiency of the state-owned mining enter-
prise, COMIBOL. This amount constitutes the
United States contribution to the first phase of
a "triangular" program for the rehabilitation of
the Bolivian mining industry. The Federal Re-
public of Germany has also made a similar sum
available for this purpose. It is expected that
the Inter-American Development Bank will an-
nounce its contribution to the triangidar agreement
soon. The loan arrangements also provide for
new geological explorations and research for im-
proved recovery facilities under a management-
consultant contract with the expert West German
firm of Salzgitter. Urgent discussions with the
two latter partners in this operation are currently
in progress to complete working arrangements for
the first phase of this project and to consider the
total investment eventually to be required.

Fifth, the YPFB has recently made application
to Washington lending agencies for a loan to
finance the import purchase of essential repair and
replacement equipment urgently needed to restore
oil production to former levels. In response to
this request the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration will extend an immediate loan for
YPFB of $6 million for this purpose.

Sixth, the diversification of the Bolivian econ-
omy urgently requires the extension of its existing
road network to open up new areas for settlement.
I propose that steps be immediately taken to ac-
celerate the use of counterpart over and above the
Bs 16 billion now earmarked for road construc-
tion. In addition we will, as soon as plans are
complete, loan $2 million to finance the equipment
costs of this road program.

Seventh, pursuant to the objectives of our
"Food for Peace" program, and in agreement with
your Government, $1,350,000 of surplus agricul-
tural products are being allocated for a school
lunch and family relief program to be admin-
istered by voluntary relief agencies under PL 480
Title III. To cover the transportation and dis-
tribution costs incurred in this program, a sum

of $500,000 is being made available from United
States dollar funds.

Eighth, in addition, several other projects to be
financed by counterpart funds have already been
agreed on.

As a result of these special measures, existing
programs, loans already committed to Bolivia by
such agencies of the United States government
as the Development Loan Fund (for the El Alto
airport and the La Esperanza Sugar Mill, for
example), and funds committed by the Federal
Republic of Germany and such agencies as the
Inter-American Development Bank, a total of
some $50 million in free world assistance is
pledged to Bolivia. The projects to be financed
through this assistance are regarded by my Gov-
ernment as initial steps towards the realization of
the longer-range program of economic develop-
ment to which I have already referred.

With these steps I believe we can begin to help
the Bolivian nation move toward its ultimate
destiny as a strong and prosperous country.
Bolivia has a vital role to play in the task of
developing our hemisphere and in the preservation
of the values of American civilization. This
great revolution has blazed a path for others to
follow. And I believe that if we work together
the horizons of your people and mine will be un-
limited— and that the next ten years will see the
fulfillment of the hopes of the American people
for economic progress with social justice.

My best personal good wishes,

John F. Kennedy

His Excellency

Victor Paz Estenssoro,

President of the Republic of Bolivia

PRESIDENT PAZ TO PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release dated May 17

His Excellency

John F. Kennedy

President of the United States of America

Excellency : I am highly honored to reply to the per-
sonal message by which you were good enough to an-
nounce the high aims which motivate the Government of
the United States to cooperate in a long-range economic
plan designed to satisfy the aspirations of the Bolivian
people to achieve a higher standard of living within a
framework of social justice for all.

The traditional friendship of our two nations, which
dates from the influence which the emancipation of the

June 12, I96I

921

North American colonies had upon our people's struggle
for independence, is now reinforced by the understand-
ing of the complex problems which we face and by the
effective aid which your enlightened government promises
us In our efforts to find a complete solution for them.
Such a solution, without doubt, will strengthen the ad-
vance which Bolivia has made in the last decade on the
road of democracy and will contribute to preserving the
enduring ideals of peace and freedom which inspire the
peoples of the continent. Once their vital needs have been
met, Bolivians will be able to develop their creative
capacity freely and to participate, with their own contri-
bution, in the creation of the new American society.

For these reasons I was particularly pleased to receive
the si)ecial economic mission despatched by you to seek,
with my government, the manner in which the United
States and its free world allies, especially the German
Federal Republic, might be able to help Bolivia effectively
in the development of her economy. The interest, the
clear view of the total situation and the professional
capacity of the members of the mission have demon-
strated the desire of the high officials of the present
United States Government to face the problems of the
continent as their own.

Unquestionably Bolivia possesses vast natural resources
and a hardworking population capable of assimilating
modern techniques; but in order that those potential
factors may become realities, serving the well-being of the
Bolivian people, a substantial investment of capital in
keeping with a carefully prepared economic development
plan is required. Tour offer opens the promising pos-
sibility for joint action in the effort which the Bolivian
Government and people are making with the determined
cooperation of Western industrial nations within the
framework of democracy, in order to combine freedom
with economic security.

Within these common aims and with reference to the
specific points in your letter, I wish in turn to state:

First. I express appreciation in the name of my people
and my government for your commitment to aid the sys-
tematic development of the Bolivian economy in keeping
with a long-range plan making us participants in the Al-
liance for Progress with the aim of overcoming misery
and ignorance and of obtaining economic independence.
Second. The planning which is always desirable for
speeding the transition from one phase to another in eco-
nomic development is indispensable where underdeveloped
countries are concerned. In Bolivia the National Planning
Board, with a group of advisers from the Economic Com-
mission for Latin America and other organs of the United
Nations, is preparing an integral economic development
plan which will be completed next July. The cooperation
of the United States and of the Inter-American Economic
and Social Connril will be extraordinarily valuable in the
final formulation of that plan which will constitute a
guide to the investment of credits and contributions which
may be obtained. That cooperation will also be important
in completing the plan by means of detailed technical
studies.

Third. I shall be pleased to receive your special repre-
sentative who will be charged with assisting in carrying

922

forward the program and assuring that external assist-
ance, particularly that from the United States, fulfills the
high purjKJse for which it is intended, avoiding the proce-
dures which often unnecessarily obstruct and delay the
execution of programs.

Meanwhile, we should carry forward a series of impor-
tant projects for which sufficient technical preparation
exists and whose immediate realization will contribute in
a decisive way to improving the economic situation of my
country.

We shall si>eed the completion of studies of a special
project for the construction of low cost housing in urban
centers and another for the total improvement of the life
of the campesino, looking toward their early financing
inasmuch as both are problems of great magnitude because
they affect enormous sectors of the population.

Fourth. I wish to express to you the gratitude of my
government for the prompt manner in which .vour govern-
ment made it possible for the triangular operation, aimed
at rehabilitating the Bolivian Mining Corporation, to enter
its initial phase by means of a loan of $3..^ million for the
acquisition of tools, equipment and material.

I am optimistic about the negotiations currently in
progress with the Governments of the United States and
of the German Federal Republic and with the Inter-
American Development Bank, to reach an agreement on
the total investment required for the complete recovery of
the state mining industry, the mainspring and basis of our
national economic activities.

Fifth. The immediate concession of a loan of $6 million
to Yacimientos PetroUferos Fiscales Bolivianos [the
Bolivian Government Petroleum Agency] by the Inter-
national Cooperation Administration fills an urgent need
since it will permit the re-establishment of previous levels
of production in the state petroleum entity. The recent
discovery of new oil fields in areas bordering those of
Yacimientos PetroUferos Fiscales Bolivianos has opened
extraordinary prospects for increasing development work
which will require additional financing.

Sixth. The extension and improvement of the road net-
work is of vital importance, given the geographic charac-
teristics of our counti-y. The ojiening of new areas for
colonization by creating better demographic distribution
will provide the bases for the complete integration of the
different national regions.

My government agrees that as a first step counterpart
funds be used for road constniction and additionally that
$2 million be loaned us for the acquisition of roadbuildlng
equipment.

Seventh. I appreciate the shipment of surplus agri-
cultural products within the "Food for Peace" program
which will be used for school lunches and other social
services. In this way we shall be able to meet needs
which are currentl.v urgent until such time as the in-
crease in our income permits us to do so for ourselves.

Eighth. The financing with counterpart funds of var-
ious other projects and the loans extended to Bolivian
state entities and private firms by agencies of the United
States will be a powerful stimulant to our economic
activities.

The aggregate of projects which are included in the
broad program to which you refer is truly encouraging

Department of State Bulletin

to the Bolivian people, whose government esteems in the
highest degree the cooperative manner in which the free
world is facing the situation of the underdeveloped coun-
tries. With regard to Bolivia, the sum of $50 million
committed in the initial phase of the loan constitutes
a broad base for carrying forward a long-term program
destined to develop the natural economic potential in an
Integrated and coordinated way, lifting the nation from
its backwardness to make it equal to the demands of
contemporary life.

I share, Jlr. President, your vision of the future of my
country and your estimate of the role it will play in the
development of the hemisphere and in the preservation
of the values of American civilization.

We Bolivians have faiti in our destiny. The territory
in which we live contains extraordinary natural riches.
We are a vigorous people, tempered in adversity and with
noble ambitions, and we have cut out a road for ourselves
in keeping with geographic reality and taking into ac-
count our historic past. The conviction which now guides
the great nations, that the fate of small countries is a
part of their fate as well, strengthens our faith and
justifies our assurance of being able — when the hopes
which animate your cooperation have been realized — to
contribute to the achievement of a better world. We
pride ourselves on having demonstrated with patient
effort and sacrifices that in America it is possible to carry
out a revolution inspired by the ideal of social justice
without encumbering the freedom of the individual, but
rather opening for him the doors to a more worthwhile
and happier life. I reiterate to you the gratitude of the
Bolivian people and government for your generous aid
and I express to you my most sincere personal good
wishes.

Drought Relief Program in Peru
Explained by Department

Department Statement

Press release 350 dated May 26

In 1956-58 the United States Government sup-
plied approximately $13.9 million worth of United
States surplus foods to the Government of Peru for
a drought relief program to avert a very serious
danger of starvation facing about 1,800,000 peo-
ple, mostly subsistence farmers living in the high
Andean Sierras of southern Peru. These foods
•were supplied under title II of Public Law 480,
which provides for government-to-government
grants of surplus foods to meet such disaster
situations.

Tlie Government of Peru administered this pro-
gram in a manner that achieved the objectives of
halting starvation, providing work for tlie unem-
ployed in the disaster area and, in so doing, of pre-

venting serious unrest. This was accomplished in
the face of extraordinary difficulties presented by
the emergency situation, the need to create new
administrative machinery to handle this program,
the inaccessibility of the drought area, the inade-
quacy of storage and transportation facilities, and
was complicated further by landslides blocking
transportation lines and by Commimist efforts to
sabotage the program by such means as railroad
strikes.

Recent press stories have appeared, giving the
impression that a large part of the foodstuffs sent
to Peru under this program was somehow illicitly
diverted. Such stories may have been based on
the fact that only a relatively small percentage of
the foodstuffs was actually given directly to the
drouglit sufferers. Tlte terms of the agreements
with Peru covering the drought relief program
provided that the food could be used for direct
gifts to the drought sufferers, as payment for work
performed on relief projects, or for sale in regular
channels of trade, with the proceeds to be used on
work projects in and beneficial to the drought area
in order to provide employment and the where-
withal to purchase food. The Peruvian Govern-
ment generally preferred the last method to an
outright dole, since it created employment in the
drought area and thereby provided wages with
which to purchase food, in addition to accomplish-
ing useful work. According to an IGA [Interna-
tional Cooperation Administration] audit report
completed in 1960, the known losses of foodstuffs
through spoilage, pilferage, and other causes
amounted to 4.5 percent, and a later figure pro-
vided by the United States Operations Mission in
Peru placed this at only 2.6 percent. Either figure
paints a very different picture from that conveyed
in the stories mentioned.

Questions have been raised as to whether the
United States-Peruvian agreements covering this
program should have been more explicit relative
to such matters as the types of work projects to be
financed from the proceeds of the sale of those
foodstuffs and as to whether the responsible
United States authorities should have permitted
the use of some of these proceeds for the payment
of necessary transportation, storage, distribution,
and related costs. These questions concern tech-
nical administrative matters and do not involve
or imply malfeasance on the part of either the
Peruvian or American authorities.

June 12, I96I

923

The Permanent American Revolution

hy Foy D. Kohler

Assistant Secretary for Evropean Affairs'^

I like to think that, when I decided way back
that I wanted to join the Foreign Service, I fore-
saw the vast changes that would take place in the
world and in the role of the United States in the
world in these years. I made that decision out
here in the Midwest at about the same time when
"Big Bill" Thompson was running for Mayor of
Chicago on a platform pledging him to keep King
George V out. Well, as a matter of fact, King
George V never got to Chicago; but a couple of
years ago Cliicago staged a tremendously enthu-
siastic demonstration for his granddaughter and
successor. Queen Elizabeth II. "Big Bill" and his
one-sided feud with King George V were a sample
of an isolationism arising out of the relative big-
ness of the world at that time and out of our long-
time preoccupation with our own development.
We now realize that we could have this long era
of peaceful construction only thanks to the fact
that we enjoyed the protection of Britain's rule
of the waves. Today the burden that Britain bore
so long and so ably has fallen mainly upon the
United States. In fulfillment of this responsibil-
ity, we are today allied with some 42. nations, for
our own security and the security of the free world.
No longer is it possible for us to live to ourselves
and for ourselves alone.

The world in which you will live will require
the best you can give it if hiunan life is to go on
rewardingly on this planet. There are a few as-
pects of this world as it is and as it promises to be
in your lifetimes on which I should like to make
a few observations.

The first factor I would mention is the technical

^ Address made at the President's Scholarship Recogni-
tion Dinner at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, on
May 17 (press release 324 dated May 16).

and technological revolution of our times. It has
already wrought vast changes and is still in full
course. It has shrunk our planet physically to
the point where man is already reaching out for
the universe. Wlien I first went to Europe 20-odd
years ago it was a voyage of 11 days by passenger
vessel. Last week I had lunch and afternoon meet-
ings in Oslo, Norway, dinner in Geneva, Switzer-
land, and an early — exceedingly early — breakfast
back in Washington, D.C. The development of
jet and rocket engines, the wonders of chemistry,
the power of the atom, the miracles of electronics
are changing and will continue to change the very
nature of the physical environment in which we
live. Tomorrow it will not be 8 hours across the
Atlantic but 3 hours and then 15 minutes. Through
worldwide television you will see events as they
happen in all parts of the globe. Electronic eyes
will peer down on you from outer space. Elec-
tronic brains will make mathematical calculations
previously undreamt of, will remove the last great
obstacle to human communication by speedily
translating the most difficult of foreign languages.
Machines will be better and better. But who will
use them — and for what ? What about man ? Can
we say that we have produced or that we know how
to produce a better man than, let us say, Plato of
Athens, or Jesus of Nazareth? So on this score
let me say that, while man must today understand
science, the scientist must also understand man
if life is to be good — or indeed if life is to be even
tolerable.

The second factor characterizing the world of
today and tomorrow is often referred to as the
revolution of rising expectations. The develop-
ment of the arts and sciences of communication
has brought us far beyond the point where vast
parts of the human family can live in isolation.

924

Department of State Bulletin

ignorance, and misery. Ease of travel, availability
of radio communications, aided by the turbulence
and turmoil arising from two world wars, have
made the most backward populations aware of the
fact that there is another way of life. They con-
sider it a better way of life. They want better
material things, and they want to make them
themselves. They want better conditions of life
generally, better sanitation, better roads, better
education, better justice. And they want to be
free, to be their own masters. Too often they do
not know how to go about reaching this new life.
Too often they do not know the price in terms of
sacrifice and hard work and consistent endeavor
that must be paid. In the end, however, their con-
sciousness and realization of the new possibilities
will impel them to find a way. The question that
confronts them and confronts us is: what way?
Their aspirations cannot be suppressed. If we are
wise and generous, they can be guided.

This whole problem of the emergent peoples is
complicated by the fact that the wonders of medi-
cal science, carried to the farthest reaches of the
earth by missionaries and other peoples of good
intent, have so reduced the toll of disease and
lengthened the span of life as to produce almost
literally an explosion of the world's population.
What we in the past comfortably referred to as a
total of 2 billion people has now passed 3 billion
and is predicted to double — to 6 billion — by the
end of the century. This simultaneous expansion
of population and of wants brings up the most
serious problems of production and distribution of
goods, of education, and of social organization. It
may well involve fundamental reform of the
world's trading and financial systems and a myriad
of related problems. These problems will be yours
to solve. The solution will require not only the
best technical skills that you can develop but a
deep and sympathetic understanding of the nature
of the human beings involved.

The third factor is the fact that in your life-
times, and possibly in the lifetimes of your chil-
dren and their children, free societies will be faced
with the direct challenge of a relentlessly hostile
political system, established in the heartland of the
great Eurasian landmass and reaching out from
there to spread its ideology and its power in all
parts of the earth. Materialistic in concept, that
ideology regards man as the instrument of the
state rather than the state as the instrument of
man — and in turn it regards the state as the instru-

ment of a self -chosen and self-imposed Communist
elite. Basing itself upon a pseudoscientific doc-
trine of historical processes, this elite proclaims
that its system is destined inevitably to rule the
world. It will behoove you to know and under-
stand that system. Indeed, such knowledge and
understanding may be a matter of freedom or
slavery, or even of life and death.

The Moscow Declaration

While the leaders of this system are adept at
conspiratorial operations, they certainly make no
secret of their views or purposes. In fact, they
boast of these, most lately in the Moscow declara-
tion of last December, issued following a meeting
of the 12 Communist-controlled governments and
69 affiliated Communist parties throughout the
world. This new "Communist manifesto" is
described as "the militant standard and guide of
action for the entire international Communist
movement." What does it say? Well, it says a
great deal in some 40 closely printed pages, wliich
I would recommend you add to your studies, how-
ever remote it might seem from your chosen aca-
demic discipline. I will quote a few samples:

A new distinctive feature of our time is that the world
socialist system is being transformed into a decisive
factor in the development of human society. The strength
and invincibility of socialism have been shown in the past
decades in the gigantic clashes between the new and the
old world. The attempts by imperialism and its striking
force, fascism, to halt the course of historic development
by military means have met with failure. . . . No efforts
by imperialism can stop the progressive development by
history. The firm prerequisites have been laid down for
further and decisive victories for socialism. The complete
victory of socialism is inevitable. . . . The decay of
capitalism manifests itself chiefly in the principal country
of contemporary imperialism — the United States. . . .
American imperialism has become the biggest national ex-
ploiter. . . . American imperialism strives to dominate
many states, using aid as its chief means.

The declaration then goes on at some length
to modify previous Communist doctrine to the ef-
fect that wars are inevitable as long as "imperial-
ism" exists. The shift in the world balance of
power, it claims, now makes it possible for the
Communist camp to prevent imperialist aggres-
sion and war. Since "time is working for social-
ism and against capitalism," the manifesto rejects
what it calls "the American doctrine of the cold
war" and calls for a policy of "peaceful coexist-
ence." But it goes on to define this "peaceful co-

June 12, 7967

925

existence" in terms which we would consider in
fact a declaration of "cold war." Here is how
they put it :

Peaceful coexistence among states does not mean, as the
revisionists assert, a rejection of the class war. Coexist-
ence between states of differing social systems is a form
of class struggle between socialism and capitalism. . . .
Peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems
does not mean reconciliation between the socialist and
bourgeois ideologies. On the contrary, it implies an in-
tensification of the struggle of the working class and of
all Communist parties for the triumph of socialist ideas.

Now, I think we can agree that this kind of "co-
existence" does not sound very "peaceful." More-
over, while the new manifesto professes to reject
the inevitability of war, it lays down a militant
course of action which would keep the world close
to the brink of war, if not actually push it over
that brink. "The Communist parties," it says,
"are actively fighting for the consistent fulfillment
of the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic rev-
olution. . . . they support the actions of national
governments which lead to the consolidation of
the gains they have won and which undermine the
positions of imperialism." In general, the docu-
ment proclaims, "the working class and its revo-
lutionary vanguard (i.e. the Communists) will in-
creasingly take the offensive against the rule of
oppressors and exploiters (i.e. non-Communists)
in every aspect of political, economic and ideolog-
ical life in every country."

Now this is a very messianic declaration. I
think I can safely say, however, that the threat
is not quite so formidable as it might seem if
taken simply at face value. The document itself
reveals some fissures under the ostensibly mono-
lithic facade of the Communist camp, in its at-
tacks on "dogmatists" (i.e. fundamentalists), on
one side, and "revisionists" (i.e. liberals), on the
other, as well as in its warnings against the ef-
forts of the imperialists "to divide and disrupt
the solidarity of the working class."

Finally, and perhajis most important, the De-
cember declaration points out that :

Historical experience shows that the vestiges of cap-
italism in the minds of the people remain for a long time
even after the establishment of a socialist order.

To this statement I can certify out of my own
observation and experience in the Soviet Union it-
self. Dictatorship is dictatorship, in whatever
name it professes to rule. It is ti-ue tliat the Eus-
sians and other peoples living in the Soviet Union

have been subjected to long conditioning in tyr-
anny and despotism, which makes them discourag-
ingly acquiescent in the regime's controls and
manipulations of the populace toward its own
power ends. It is also true that the industrial
and scientific accomplislunents engineered by the
Communist government have aroused a real na-
tional pride. But the Russians are not only a
virile and gifted people; they are also skeptical
and realistic. They know that the system de-
scribed to them as Marxism-Leninism has in most
respects overpromised and underperformed.
"From each according to his ability, to each ac-
cording to his need" ; production for the use of the
people; the withering away of the state — these
original Marxist ideas are nowhere in evidence.
The Russians recognize that the "new Soviet
society" has rapidly developed into an old-
fashioned class society — "Russian aristocracy
turned upside down," as one of their leading tlunk-
ers, Herzen, predicted would be the case 3 score
years ago. The Russian, too, knows that the world
is getting smaller and smaller and is increasingly
suspicious of his Government's efforts to deny him
any real knowledge of what goes on outside the
Soviet borders.

Soviet Propaganda vs. the Russian Classics

Probably the most significant and hopeful phe-
nomenon is the persistent dependence of the Rus-
sian people for spiritual nourisliment on the great
body of classics produced by the flowering of Rus-
sian culture during the century before the Bol-
shevik revolution, and on the Western classics to
whicli tliey still have access. Happily the Soviet
regime has greatly extended the range of literacy
among the Russian peoples. While it has done so
for its own propaganda purposes, it has thus un-
locked for millions the treasures of this Russian
culture. Puslakin, Lermontov, Krylov, Gogol,
Belinsky, Dostoevsky, Cliekhov, Tolstoy — beside
these great masters tlie regimented literary pro-
duction of today falls flat indeed. Parts of this
great heritage have been suppressed, it is true, but
the bulk cannot be suppressed. And these great
masters do not propagate the ideas of tlie total
state. On the contrary, they offer a diet of subtle
social protest and exalt the dignity of the in-
dividual.

It is observedly true that the works of Marx
and Lenin and their minions receive a tremendous

926

Department of State Bulletin

circulation and that they are widely read. But it
is obvious that the motivation of the readers is
more protective self-interest than honest enthusi-
asm. Moreover, even these works are not wholly
misleading to the quick Russian intelligence. One
of the most interesting papers I ever read was
an analysis of the Soviet social and economic sys-
tem written by a young Soviet defector in purely
Marxist terms. He very aptly described the drain-
ing off of the "surplus value" of Soviet production
for the benefit and purposes of the Soviet elite
and the operation of this system in grinding down
the level of the workers.

A seeming contradiction in this general rule
of the unpopularity of Soviet propaganda worka
as compared with Russian classics is worth noting.
While a play exalting the glories of life of the
new Soviet man on a kolklioz, for example, clearly
lacks box office appeal, strictly anti-American
propaganda can be very popular. This was cer-
tainly true of the first major propaganda vehicle
after the war, the film version of Eusski Vopros
{The Russian Question), which played through-
out the Soviet Union while I was there. I went
to see it in an extremely crowded public theater.
I was very interested in the reaction of the audi-
ence. The film opened with some old newsreel
shots of life in the United States during the great
depression. A Negro woman was shown doing
her washing in a "Hooverville," in the very
shadow of the great New York skyscrapers. A
muiTnur ran throughout the audience. It was
not, as you might expect, a murmur of social
protest against the conditions of life being shown.
The "Hooverville," in fact, very closely resembled
large sections of Moscow. No, the murmur was
one of awe at the quantity of clothing the Negro
woman was hanging on the line. There was a
similar reaction to the neat-looking Long Island
cottage in which the play's leftist hero lived, and
still another when a great mass meeting was por-
trayed in Madison Square Garden, where that
hero openly opposed the policy of the American
Government. The lessons were not lost on the
audience.

The Soviet citizen apparently has the same sort
of reaction when he reads the modem American
books available to him. Generally speaking, these
are limited to works of social criticism by such
authors as Theodore Dreiser, Upton Sinclair,
Ernest Hemingway, Erskine Caldwell. Not only

do such works give him some real glimpses of
American life, but they raise in his mind the ques-
tion as to how such critical works could have been
published in the United States if our system were
in fact that pictured in Kremlin propaganda.

Tradition of the American Revolution

Now all of this brings me at last to what I really
want to say. If you are to be a useful citizen of
this small world, then you must first be a real
citizen of your own country.

The valid revolution for our time in history is
the American Revolution. I do not speak here
solely in the narrow terms of our war for inde-
pendence, glorious as that event was and inspiring
as it should be to other peoples who are today in
the stage of development that we were two cen-
turies ago. I am referring rather to the dynamic
political, social, and economic concepts which
flowed from that great liberating movement and
have been incorporated in our social organization.
These concepts have given us what may, in truth,
be called the permanent revolution.

Now, the beginning of our national life coin-
cided with the early years of the Industrial Revo-
lution. I think the least that we can say for Karl
Marx is that, somewhat belatedly, he described the
evils of that era more graphically and more effec-
tively than any other man. His prejudices and
limitations, however, led him to the conclusion
that these evils were incurable by any means other
than a revolutionary upheaval. The very position
of the United States in the world today is the
negation of Marx's faulty analysis. We have
demonstrated that monopoly can be curbed and
competition and production stimulated by effective
antitrust laws. We have shown that society can
successfully impose decent standards for working
conditions and hours of labor. We have proven
that labor, free to organize, will not be ground
down into increasing poverty, that, on the con-
trary, labor can become so powerful an element in
the productive system that it must itself be sub-
jected to restrictions on abuse of its great power.
We have shown that a free society can insure a
high degree of equality and investment of its
funds for the general welfare through such devices
as credit controls and steeply progressive income
taxes. We have shown that this permanent revo-
lution is the way to a better life for more and
more of the earth's population.

June 12, 7961

927

I think Lenin realized this when he wrote, many
years ago, that the American Revohition was one
of the epochal liberating and progressive forces
in the history of the world. I think that Soviet
propaganda, which attempts to beguile and mis-
lead the outer world, shows its awareness of this
truth every day. If you follow that propaganda
you camiot fail to be struck by the fact that it re-
lies almost exclusively on our special vocabulary.
This propaganda is loaded, in its upside-down
way, with such borrowed terms as "democracy"
and "peace." Inside the Soviet Union elaborate
hoaxes are contrived in an attempt to cover the
ugliness of totalitarianism with the mantle of dem-
ocratic procedures. A constitution is promul-
gated, 90 percent of wluch might have been
written by you or me or indeed by our Founding
Fathers. The 10 percent — the jokers like tlie
single-party provisions — which falsifies the whole
document is usually glossed over. Stupendous
elections are organized, with great fanfare and
reference to such Western devices as "political
speeches" and the "secret ballot." As an eminent
Frenchman put it: "Hypocrisy is the tribute
which vice pays to virtue."

Yes, it is quite possible that the Kremlin masters
are more aware of our great revolutionary tradi-
tion than we are ourselves. We have increasingly
tended to take it for granted. This we must do no
longer. In the turbulent, changing world in which
you will do your life's work, and in the face of this
hostile challenge, you must know where you stand
and what you stand for. You must know your own
country, its history, its traditions, its ideals. You
must cherish its political institutions which pro-
vide freedom with order and justice. You must
see to it that this system continues to meet the real
wants of man by providing equality of opportimity
and freedom of choice for all its citizens. Above
all, you must be able to explain persuasively to
others what you believe and why you believe.
Herein lies the continuing test of your scholarship
for present and future generations to judge.

Tomorrow's world may seem grim and frighten-
ing as we talk about it here tonight. But if you
approach the future with knowledge — and with
the faith and confidence that come from knowl-
edge— then you will share in the most exhilarating
era of man's life on this planet — and, in your day,
of man's life in the universe.

U.S. Philosophy and Policies

on Refugee and Migration Affairs

Remarks hy Roger W. Jones

Deputy Under Secretary for Administration ^

Secretary Rusk sends his personal greetings and
best wishes to all of you. I want to add my own
congratulations for the fine work your Committee
has been doing in building public interest and sup-
port for programs for the world's refugees. You
are representatives of the public in these matters,
and I want to outline for you today the adminis-
tration's policies and philosophy as they relate
to refugees and migration affairs. This philoso-
phy and these policies are the results of your con-
tinued efforts and your close working relationship
with the Government.

You are familiar with the record of the Presi-
dent with respect to refugees and migration during
his service in the Senate. The leadership which
he has given over many years will continue to be
reflected in this administration's legislative and
operational programs.

This Goverimaent has played a part in all its
history in helping the stateless, the homeless, and
the victims of oppression. Since World War II
the United States has been recognized as a leader
in meeting crisis after crisis related to displaced
persons, refugees, escapees, expeUees, or unsettled
people by whatever term tliey have been labeled.
We can take pride in the achievements of the Gov-
ernment and the signal contribution made by the
many American and international agencies which
have worked with selflessness and devotion. This
administration intends to maintain United States
concern and support in these matters which are so
important to us abroad and at home and which in-
volve us directly in assuring the survival and dig-
nity of our fellow men. This administration plans
to continue support to international agencies com-
mensurate with our resources and appropriate to
our national interest. We plan to continue unilat-
eral support with increased use of surplus foods in
the Food-f or-Peace Program, with the program of
the new Peace Corps, and in the United States
Escapee Program.

^Made at the annual meeting of the United States Com-
mittee for Refugees at Washington, D.C., on May 25
(press release 344) .

928

Department of State Bulletin

The administration is continuing to give careful
attention to new refugee problems as they emerge.
We liave already stepped up the program for aid-
ing Cuban refugees. We are participating in ef-
forts with tlie United Nations and other interna-
tional organizations on behalf of Angolan refugees
in the Congo. We are conducting an evaluation of
the problems of refugees in the Far East and in
soutlieast Asia.

As a result of compreliensive reviews a decision
has been made to present to the Congress proposals
which will continue the programs of material as-
sistance for refugees during fiscal year 1962 at
levels consistent witli the anticipated requirements.

The administration is seeking support for tlie
United Nations Higli Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) at approximately the same level as for
fiscal year 1961. This would mean that the United
States would share along with tlie other 25 mem-
ber governments in supporting the UNHCR's reg-
ular program and would assist materially in help-
ing the UNHCR to meet the demands of the almost
300,000 Algerian refugees in Tunisia and Morocco.

Similarly the administration is requesting funds
for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency
(UNRWA) m appproximately the same amount
as for the present fiscal year but with a slight in-
crease earmarked for support of the expanded vo-
cational training program. The administration is
convinced that we must extend substantial support
to the more than 1 million Arab refugees located
in the Middle East in the coming year.

Although the improved economies of most
European countries afford greater job opportuni-
ties, we anticipate that the movements of refugees
and migrants by the Intergovernmental Commit-
tee for European Migration (ICEM) will con-
tinue in 1962 at substantially the same level as for
this current year. The receiving and sending
countries as well as the migrants themselves are
able, however, to assume a larger share of trans-
portation costs. There is a real need for them to
do so. Thus we will seek a somewhat smaller con-
tribution for ICEM for 1962.

The administration will continue to urge United
States support for the Intergovernmental Com-
mittee for European Migration in furtherance of
United States foreign assistance and economic pol-
icies. Although the improved economies of most
European coimtries, with their improved employ-
ment opportimities, will have a definite effect on

the resettlement of refugees and other migrants,
the anticipated movements by ICEM in cal-
endar year 1962 should still be about 100,000.

Between 1952 and 1960 ICEM moved 1,004,080
persons overseas, of whom 408,311 were refugees.
In the same period the Committee moved an addi-
tional 15,168 refugees of European origin from
mainland Chuia through Hong Kong to perma-
nent resettlement in the free world. In 1960
movements from Europe totaled 96,987 and from
mainland China 1,008. Of these migrants moved,
40 percent were refugees, an emphasis which the
United States promotes in concert with other
member governments.

The administration hopes that the other 29 mem-
ber governments of ICEM will join the United
States in efforts to strengthen special activities of
the Committee which will insure the increased
movement of the much needed skilled and semi-
skilled manpower to the less developed countries
from countries where their contribution to na-
tional economies is less in demand. The United
States contributions will henceforth be used less
for transportation and more for activities which
will improve migrant reception and placement fa-
cilities, land settlement, and vocational training.

In addition to its participation in international
programs to assist refugees, the administration
advocates the contmuation of unilateral U.S. pro-
gi-ams for refugees, in particular the United States
Escapee Program. As a result of the excellent co-
operation and efforts of many of the voluntary
agencies represented here today, this program has
been able to reduce its caseload, consisting of the
more recent escapees, to a point approaching the
number of annual arrivals.

In 1962 USEP will have reached its 10th anni-
versary. It has helped about 625,000 escapees in
Europe, the Near East, and the Far East. From
1952 to the begiiming of this year over 126,000
escapees have been resettled from Europe and the
Near East and an additional 33,825 have been in-
tegrated in the countries of asylum. During the
same period 23,500 escapees were resettled from
Hong Kong and over 395,000 given help in local
integration and other assistance in the Far East.

The USEP program proposed for calendar year
1962 will be reduced in proportion to the reduced
caseload in Europe and the Middle East. This re-
duction will not be reflected in a reduction in as-
sistance to the individual escapees, although, of

June J2, 1967

929

course, the improved economic situations in many
of the asylum countries have made it possible for
more escapees to support themselves without cer-
tain types of assistance from the United States or
from other external sources. The United States,
however, will continue to provide aid not available
from other sources to insure the firm reestablish-
ment of escapees in a free comitry. There will be
no diminution of the support presently given to the
refugee jirograms in Hong Kong, Macau, and
Taiwan.

The administration is seeking congressional ap-
proval for the continuation of handling the ocean-
sliipping costs of the voluntaiy agencies for relief
supplies. As I previously mentioned, the admin-
istration plans to continue and where necessary to
expand the use of agricultural foods to meet the
needs of refugees.

Commenting on the need for immigration legis-
lation, the President in a recent message ^ has said :

The tasks we face in revision of our immigration policy
must be keyed to the tasks we face in connection with
every aspect of our rapidly changing world. The emer-
gence of new nations in Asia and Africa, the assumption
of power by any totalitarian tyranny, the cries for assist-
ance when disaster strikes, all call for the best in our
American traditions. Our immigration programs must be
free from any taint of racism or discrimination.

The most important immediate objective of our
immigration policy is the reuniting of families.
Both Houses of Congress have now under consid-
eration bills which would go far in making this
reunion of families possible by permitting the use
of unused quotas for this purpose.

You can see that the administration's policies
and philosophy regarding refugees are a reflection
of the traditional interest of all Americans in peo-
ple denied a life in peace and freedom. They are
a reaffirmation of our interest in helping any vic-
tim of tyranny, oppression, political upheaval, or
of a national disaster.

This administration intends to continue our na-
tional policy of assisting the world's homeless peo-
ple. We see this as a responsibility of a free coun-
try and as an element of strength in opposing all
totalitarianism. Our motives and purposes are
nonpartisan and humanitarian. However, we also
recognize that in assisting refugees we derive cer-

'A letter of Mar. 13, 1961, to Angier Biddle Duke as
president of the American Immigration and Citizenship
Conference.

tain important benefits. These programs are im-
portant in maintaining political and economic
stability within countries extending asylum to ref-
ugees. They make possible the transfer of skilled
and semiskilled workers from areas not in need
of them to other areas for which this manpower
potential is an essential factor in achieving eco-
nomic stability. They are a demonstration to the
captive populations in enslaved areas of the world
of America's continued interest and concern for
them as fellow beings subjected to the loss of hu-
man dignity and basic rights.

The administration assures you of its continu-
ing intention to support refugee and migration
programs. To do so will require not only this
Committee's fullest cooperation but also an in-
creased awareness and sense of responsibility on
the part of the American people in these problems.

In conclusion, may I extend to you personally
and in behalf of all those in the Department of
State responsible for these activities, our sincerest
thanks for your cooperation and for your help, and
offer our best wishes for the success of this meet-
ing and for your efforts this coming year.

Mr. Bowles Responds to Request I

for U.S. Views on Korean Economy

Following is the text of a letter from, Chester
Bowles^ Acting Secretary of State, to Donald
H. Choi, Washington correspondent for the Orient _
Press. 1

March 31, 1961
Dear Mr. Choi : In the absence of Under Sec-
retary Ball, I am responding to your recent re-
quest for his comments upon a number of aspects
of the current economic situation in the Republic
of Korea as well as upon the probable outcome of
current trends. Your questions are well chosen
to bring out both the problems and the hopes of
the economic future of the Republic of Korea.

1. What is the prospect of Korea''s economic

future?

Many observers of the south Korean economic
scene appear to be overwhelmed by the negative
aspects — the paucity of natural resources, the pop-
idation pressure, the necessity of maintaining a
large military force, the lack of accumulated cap-

930

Department of State Bulletin

ital, shoi'tages of skills and of managerial and en-
trepreneurial experience, etc. In facing up to
these handicaps Korea can perhaps take comfort
in the fact that many other countries, especially in
South Asia and in Africa, no more favorably sit-
uated, are embarked on the same adventure — that
of emerging from colonialism into the status of an
independent nation — and all can draw upon the
experience and assistance of the United States and
other advanced nations of the free world which
are today enjoying the fruits of decades of steady
advancement under the free enterprise system, the
most beneficial economic system yet devised.

In at least one respect Korea is singularly for-
tunate, namely, in its human resources. The pop-
ulation is highly literate, and over the more than
fifteen years since liberation from Japan, there has
been a progressive upgrading of managerial and
labor skills. This has been accomplished through
the establishment of modern mills and factories
and through United Nations and United States
programs which have enabled foreign technicians
to work with Koreans in a wide variety of enter-
prises and through wliich many hundreds of Ko-
reans have gone abroad for advanced work and
study. In addition, many thousands of young
Koreans have acquired new skills through service
in the modernized Korean armed forces. It is
not an exaggeration to say that its people repre-
sent Korea's most valuable resource, although it
is doubtless true that there remain shortages of
particular skills in technologies that are new to
Korea.

To achieve a viable self-supporting economy,
Korea must make optimum utilization of its hu-
man resources. This means, among other things,
that the present severe unemployment and imder-
employment must somehow be surmoimted, and
every man and woman provided with the oppor-
tunity to contribute to the nation's recovery and
advancement. Many examples can be found of
viable prosperous countries that have surmounted
the limitations of physical resources by maximiz-
ing their human resources (England, Denmark,
and Switzerland are among these) .

The present Korean Government, under Prime
Minister [John M.] Chang, is tackling this prob-
lem head-on through the National Construction
Service under a program which will absorb large
numbers of unemployed persons in work that
will provide roads, irrigation works, land and
forest improvements, and other "social overhead"

works that will be of enduring value to the
country.

Another encouraging sign of the social maturity
of the Korean people and of their determination
to achieve economic progress by their own efforts
is their willingness to make sacrifices now for a
better day ahead for themselves and their chil-
dren. To this end, for example, the Government
has taken steps to restrict or prohibit the import
of luxury-type commodities, and various groups of
citizens undertaking to promote austerity in daily
living are gaining wide popular support. The
"tightened belt" is a must in Korea's struggle for
economic independence, and such programs are
more successfid and more palatable when they
are willingly adopted by a free people.

The task of achieving economic viability would,
of course, be made immeasurably easier if the coun-
try were united. Until such time as reimification
is possible, south Korea's best prospect is steadfast
adherence to the course it has already laid out for
achievement of an ever-increasing degree of eco-
nomic self-help. United States assistance since the
establishment of the Republic of Korea has been
based on the belief that a healthy expanding econ-
omy is basic to attainment of our mutual objec-
tives. We shall continue our assistance toward
this goal.

It is gratifying that the Eepublic of Korea has
been able to adjust to a gradual decline in direct
United States aid since 1957 (with the exception
of the current year's increase in aid). There is
every reason to expect a continued march toward
economic mdependence as Korea gains experience
in maximizing its own resources, increasingly
avails itself of the cooperation and assistance
available through mternational organizations, and
expands trade and investment relations with other
countries.

2. Long-term vs. short-term assistance

As you suggest, there has been increasing criti-
cism of the short-term approach in programs for
economic development. In this regard you will
be interested in President Kennedy's message to
Congress, of March 22, 1961, in which he outlines
new concepts and principles with respect to the
United States aid program. A copy of the Presi-
dent's message is enclosed ;^ I suggest that you will

1 For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

June 12, I96I

931

find Parts III and V of particular interest. The
new proposals place heavy emphasis upon develop-
mental loan assistance extended on a multi-year
basis. As recognized by Under Secretary Ball in
a recent speech in Chicago,^ however, grant as-
sistance may also be necessary to supplement loan
capital during an interim period in special situa-
tions such as that created by Korea's need to main-
tain large military forces against the threat to its
security. Such grant assistance, as pointed out in
the President's message, will be shifted to a long-
term developmental loan basis as rapidly as cir-
cumstances permit.

Meanwhile, as you know, long-term assistance
is available through various loan programs spon-
sored by the United States Government. Korea
has participated in at least two of these — the
Development Loan Fund and the so-called
"Cooley" Amendment loans under Public Law
480. Under these programs loan conditions of in-
terest and duration are flexible and repayment
may be made in the currency of the recipient
coimtry.

Actually, the ideal long-term arrangement is
provided by bona fide private investment, both
foreign and domestic. A businessman will
maintain and expand his investment so long as
there are good prospects for profits and reasonable
security.

3. Prospects for stabilization of currency and ex-
pansion of exports

For both of these, I feel that the prospects are
excellent. The exchange rate of 1300 hwan per
U.S. dollar, established by your Government
on February 1, 1961, as part of a major reform in
the foreign exchange system, brought to an end
a long period when the hwan was grossly over-
valued in terms of the dollar and other currencies.
That situation brought about many inconsistencies
and difficulties that hampered the economy and
adversely affected the lives of all the people. It
distorted the prices of domestically produced
goods, so that to import became cheaper than to
produce at home ; the proceeds from the import of
aid goods were deposited in the coimterpart fund
at the unrealistic official exchange rate — this
meant that the Korean Government and people
received as little as 50 to 60 percent of the value
intended for them by the United States, while

• lUd., Mar. 2T, 1961, p. 449.
932

windfall profits went to importers and middle-
men; it discouraged exports, including supplies
to the United States forces, by placing Korean
goods in an unfavorable competitive position on
world markets; it encouraged a flourishing black
market in hwan and dollars and led to the use of
complex multiple exchange rate devices; it was
a never-ending source of waste, confusion, and
corruption.

The new exchange rate was established after
careful and expert study. To the extent that it
succeeds in correctmg the distortions and inequi-
ties of the previous over-valued currency it will
lead to a strengthened and developing economy
and a larger measure of social stability for the
Korean people. Despite temporary disruption
following the political uprising of 1960, Korea's
industrial production for the year showed a very
satisfactory gain of 9 percent over 1959 levels.
Steady growth in industrial output will fulfill an
increasing share of the country's total require-
ments and permit gradual expansion in exports.

The problem of increasing export trade is a
challenging one deserving of the most concentrated
efforts. As mentioned above, adoption of a uni-
tary exchange rate is an important step toward
normalizing Korea's position in the world market.
The techniques of international trade and know-
how in meeting foreign requirements will come
with experience. Diversification of export com-
modities is urgently needed, since now only ten
commodities regularly make up 70 to 80 per cent of
Korea's total exports. Like many other countries,
divided Korea may not achieve a favorable balance
in its commodity trade. But each gain in exports,
such as was achieved in 1960, could represent a
step toward reducing the nation's trade gap, a
staggering burden which at present can only be
met with foreign aid.

4. Comparison with the economic situation in
nx)rth Korea

We must view with some skepticism the avail-
able information concernuig economic conditions
in Commimist north Korea, since there is no
means of evaluating the tales of impressive gains
and giant strides forward. We do know, of course,
that the northern part of the peninsula is more
favorably endowed with mineral and power re-
sources than is the Republic of Korea, and it is
not milikely that imder rigid governmental con-
trols some sectors of the economy and some

Department of Stale Bulletin

favored segments of the population may indeed
be making substantial gains.

I should like to think that the south Koreans
will take up this challenge, and prov-e to them-
selves, to north Korea, and to the world that the
blessings of liberty, not least of which is an in-
creasingly satisfactory livelihood for all the peo-
ple, have been worth fighting and working for.
As time goes by the growing benefits of a demo-
cratic free society will be the most compelling
argument for a reunited Korea ; and it will be an
argument that is based on solid fact, not propa-
gandized myth.

In this connection I may say that my govern-
ment fully understands the aspiration of all the
Korean people for reunification in freedom not
only for its economic benefits but for the sake of
ending this tragic division of a historically miited
country and its resultant human suffering. We
shall continue to work through the United Nations
to realize this goal.

5. SpecificaUy how can the economy he strength-
ened and levels of living improved?

The Eepublic of Korea is currently undertaking
a series of economic reforms that will significantly
affect the direction of the economy. As mentioned
above, these include adoption of monetary and
fiscal measures designed to promote economic
stabilization, measures to relieve unemployment,
measures to expand public works and basic facili-
ties and an austerity program. The plan is de-
signed to lay the basis for a rate of growth which
will insure a brighter future for the Korean people
and a lessening of their dependence on external
assistance.

This is an attainable, measurable goal and its
achievement rests in the urgent and dedicated
efforts of all the people. Ideally, the program
should cover the long pull, so that efforts will not
be wasted on fly-by-night undertakings or those of
temporary allure. At the same time frequent re-
views will measure progress, uncover and correct
errors, and, where needed, permit revisions. It is
not feasible to set a target date for south Korea's
attainment of complete self-sufficiency, but each
passing year should see progress in that direction.
Friends of the new Eepublic throughout the free
world have a right to expect this, and Korea's own
self-respect as an independent sovereign state
demands it.

The level of living in south Korea is considered
to be at least on a plane with the pre-World War
II period, except in the important area of housing
which has not yet been fully rehabilitated from
the ravages of the Communist invasion. This
urgent need should be tackled forthwith. In some
respects present availabilities are higher than ever
before (textiles, railway transportation, telecom-
munications). It is a fact, however, that large
numbers of the population (e.g., farm families on
fragmented land holdings) are living in sub-stand-
ard conditions. Elementary justice, as well as the
nation's economic self-interest, requires that this
situation be ameliorated with all possible speed.

For the most part, however, it seems to me that
the people of south Korea would do well, in the
years immediately ahead, to avoid becoming un-
duly preoccupied with improving their present
levels of living at the expense of future progress.
Students and other groups are to be commended in
encouraging an "austere" way of life, because
today's sacrifices are needed for tomorrow's bene-
fits, and these sacrifices should be shared by all
voluntarily for the common good — not forced by a
dictatorial regime.

This is not to say, however, that the population
of the Republic of Korea should forever forego
the universal desire of mankind to improve his
lot in life. Rather, what I am proposing is that,
for Mr. Average Korean Citizen, this is another of
those times in history that clearly calls for placing
the national interest above personal interests.
The Korean people are accustomed to sacrifice, and
the free world is deeply indebted to them in this
matter. Our Mr. Average Korean Citizen will
perhaps find courage in the knowledge that his
sacrifices of today will provide a better future
for himself and his children as his country,
through the efforts of all its citizens, grows
steadily in economic, political, and social stability.

With my warmest regards,
Sincerely,

Chester Bowles
Acting Secretary

Enclosure :

Special Message on Foreign Aid,
March 22, 1961.

Me. Donald H. Choi,
Orient Press,
705 18th Street, N.W.,
Washington, B.C.

June 12, J96J

933

President Urges Support

of Tractors-for-Freedom fVSovement

Sfatement iy President Kennedy

White House press release dated May 24

The Tractors-for-Freedom movement is a
■wholly private, humanitarian movement aimed at
saving the lives of several hundred men. It is
supported by free men and women througliout the
Americas.

Wlien Fidel Castro first made his ofi'er to "ex-
change" the lives and liberty of 1,200 prisoners
for 500 agricultural tractors, the American people
responded with characteristic compassion. A
number of private committees were organized to
raise the necessary funds, and many private
citizens, in this country and throughout the hemi-
sphere, inquired as to where they could contribute.
My concern was to help make certain that a single,
representative group of citizens headed this elTort
in the United States. And I am grateful to Mrs.
[Franklin D.] Roosevelt, Walter Reuther, and Dr.
Milton Eisenhower for their leadership.

The United States Government has not been and
cannot be a party to these negotiations. But when
private citizens seek to help prevent suffering in
other lands through voluntary contributions —
which is a great American tradition — this Govern-
ment should not mterf ere with their humanitarian
efforts.

Neither law nor equity calls upon us to impose
obstacles in their path as they seek to save those
who fought to restore freedom in our hemisphere.
I am advised that the Logan Act is not involved,
inasmuch as it covers only negotiations "in rela-
tion to any disputes or controversies with the
United States, or defeat the measures of the
Government of the United States"; that tax
exemption is granted as a matter of course to any
"charitable" organizations engaged in the reha-
bilitation and assistance of needy refugees; and
that export licenses are routinely granted for hu-
manitarian reasons, to ship farm produce and
medicines to Cuba, and would thus be granted for
a humanitarian shipment of farm implements.

While this Government is thus putting forward
neither obstacles nor assistance to this wholly pri-
vate effort, I hope that all citizens will contribute
what they can. If they were our brothers in a
totalitarian prison, every American would want

934

to help. I happen to feel deeply that all who
fight for freedom — particularly in our hemi-
sphere— are our brothers.

Administration of Export Control
Act Defined by President

AN EXECUTIVE ORDER"
Administration of the Export Control Act of 1949

By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Export
Control Act of 1949, as amended, and as President of the
United States, it is ordered as follows :

Section 1. The power, authority, and discretion con-
ferred upon the President by the provisions of the Export
Control Act of 1949 (63 Stat. 7), as amended (50 U.S.C.
App. 2021-2032), are hereby delegated to the Secretary of
Commerce, vt'ith power of successive redelegation.

Sec. 2. There is hereby established the Export Control
Review Board (hereinafter referred to as the Board).
The Board shall be composed of the Secretary of Com-
merce, who shall be the Chairman of the Board, the
Secretary of State, and the Secretary of Defense. No
alternate Board members shall be designated, but the
acting head of any department may serve in lieu of the
head of the department concerned. The Board may in-
vite the heads of Government agencies, other than the
departments represented by the Board members, to par-
ticipate in the activities of the Board when matters of
interest to such agencies are under consideration.

Sec. 3. The Secretary of Commerce may from time to
time refer to the Board such particular export license
matters, involving questions of national security or other
major policy issues, as he shall select. The Secretary of
Commerce shall also refer to the Board any other such
export license matter, upon the request of any other mem-
ber of the Board or of the head of any other Government
department or agency having an interest in such matter.
The Board shall consider the matters so referred to it,
giving due consideration to the foreign policy of the
United States, the national security, and the domestic
economy, and shall make recommendations thereon to the
Secretary of Commerce.

Sec 4. The President may at any time (a) prescribe
rules and regulations applicable to the power, authority,
and discretion referred to in section 1 of this order, and
(b) communicate to the Secretary of Commerce such
specific directives applicable thereto as the President shall
determine. The Secretary of Commerce shall from time
to time report to the President upon the administration of
the Export Control Act of 1949, as amended, and, as he
may deem necessary, may refer to the President recom-
mendations made by the Board under section 3 of this
order. Neither the provisions of this section nor those of
section 3 shall be construed as limiting the provisions of
section 1 of this order.

' No. 1094.5 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 4487.

Department of State Bulletin

Sec. 5. (a) AU provisions relating to export control that
are contained in the following and are now effective are
hereby superseded :

(1) Proclamat

(2) Executive

(3) Executive

(4) Executive

(5) Executive

(6) Executive

(7) Executive

ion No. 2413 of
Order No. 8900
Order No. 89S2
Order No. 9361
Order No. 9380
Order No. 9630
Order No. 9919

July 2, 1940

of September 15, 1941

of December 17, 1941

of July 15, 1943

of September 25, 1943

of September 27, 1945

of January 3, 1948

(b) Except to the extent that they are inconsistent
with this order, all outstanding delegations, rules, regula-
tions, orders, licenses, or other forms of administrative
action made, issued, or otherwise talien under, or continued
in force by, the Export Control Act of 1949, as amended,
shall remain in full force and effect until amended, modi-
fied, or terminated by proper authority.

/^L^/. Au^^

The White House,
Uaxj 21,, WGl

U.S. and Japan Hold Air Talks

Press release 347 dated May 26

Delegations of the United States and Japan will
initiate consultations at Washington under the
U.S.-Japanese air transport services agreement ^
on May 29, 1961. Aviation matters of concern to
the two parties will be discussed.

The Japanese delegation will consist of Akira
Nishiyama, Minister of the Japanese Embassy at
Washington, chairman; Eibun Imai, Director of
the Japanese Civil Aviation Bureau ; Yoichi Hay-
ashi. Chief of the International Section, Japanese
Civil Aviation Bureau; Hisaharu Kajita, First
Secretary of the Japanese Embassy; and Chiisei
Yamada, American Affairs Bureau, Japanese Min-
istry. Kyohei Itoh, Executive Director of Japan
Air Lines, will attend as observer, and Ryoichi
Kurimoto, Director of Planning of Japan Air
Lines, as alternate observer.

The U.S. delegation will be chaired by Edward
A. Bolster, Director of the Office of Transport and
Communications, Department of State. Other
members of the delegation will be G. Joseph Mi-
netti, Member of the Civil Aeronautics Board;
Joseph C. Watson, Director of the Bureau of In-

* Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2854 and
4158.

ternational Affairs, and George B. Wharton, of the
Bureau of International Affairs, CAB ; Charles G.
Mueller, Office of Northeast Asian Affairs, and
Carroll E. Cobb, Aviation Division, Department
of State; and Ralph E. Hays, Program Officer
(Air), Department of Commerce. Harvey Wex-
ler of the Air Transport Association of America
will attend as observer.

Morocco Receives U.S. Loans

Press release 348 dated May 26, for release May 28

The U.S. Government announced on May 28 the
signing of loan agreements totaling $27.5 million
to contribute to the Government of Morocco's eco-
nomic development program. The loans will rep-
resent the major portion of the $40 million fiscal
year 1961 Mutual Security Program of economic
assistance to Morocco. An additional loan of
$12.5 million is expected to be signed in the near
future.

The Mutual Security Program loans were nego-
tiated through the Export-Import Bank, acting on
behalf of the International Cooperation Adminis-
tration. Harold F. Lindei", President of the
Bank, signed for the United States, and the Am-
bassador of Morocco, El-Mehdi Ben Aboud, for his
Government.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Facts on Communism — Volume II, the Soviet Union,
From Lenin to Khrushchev. Prepared by the House
Un-xlmerican Activities Committee. H. Doc. 139.
December 1960. 367 pp.

Cuban Refugee Student Assistance Program (University
Free Cuba). Hearing before the Subcommittee on
Inter-American Affairs of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee on H. Con. Res. 209 and 120 requesting the
President to exercise his authority to operate a pro-
gram, to be known as "University Free Cuba," to pro-
vide assistance to certain Cuban refugee students, and
for other purposes. March 24, 1961. 13 pp.

The Thirteenth Semiannual Report on Activities Carried
on Under Public Law 480, 83d Congress, as Amended.
Message from the President transmitting a report for
the period July 1 through December 31, 1960. H. Doe,
131. April 10, 1961, 94 pp.

Staff Memorandum on the Caribbean Commission and the
Proposed Caribbean Organization. Prepared for the
House Foreign Affairs Committee. April 18, 1961. 45
pp. [Committee print]

Amendments to the Mutual Defense Assistance Control
Act of 1951 (the Battle Act). Report to accompany S.
1215. S. Kept. 199. April 27, 1961. 17 pp.

June 72, 7967

935

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

U.S. Sends Observer Delegation
to Education Conference in Africa

A Conference of African States on the Develop-
ment of Education in Africa, under the joint aus-
pices of the United Nations Educational, Scien-
tific and Cultural Organization and the Economic
Commission for Africa, was held at Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, May 15-25. Following is the text of
remarks made at the meeting on May 18 by Philip
n. Coomis, Assistant Secretary of State for
Educational and Cultural Affairs, who was
chairman of the U.S. observer delegation, and a
Department announcement of the members of the
U.S. delegation.

REMARKS BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY COOMBS

Press release 335 dated May 19

My remarks will be brief because my colleagues
and I from the United States have come here to
listen, not to talk ; to learn, not to preach. We ap-
preciate the privilege of being here as obsei-vers,
and we would not wish to abuse that privilege by
intruding upon this excellent discussion, which
properly belongs to the African nations. We hope
tliat by learning more about your educational
needs and plans the United States can be a still
more useful friend in the years to come to all your
new nations whose bold aspirations we admire and
share. We think of ourselves as students at this
conference and of you as our teachers. We have
already learned much. This is not surprising be-
cause the conditions for learning have been ideal.
We have had extremely competent teachers, an
extraordinarily favorable student-teacher ratio,
splendid facilities, abundant instructional mate-
rials, high motivation, and not least of all a cur-
riculum highly relevant to the needs of our times.
If comparable educational conditions could be
provided to all students, what brilliant progress
there would be!

My colleagues and I congratulate the otBcials
and staff of UNESCO and EGA for having pre-

pared this conference so well. Similarly we ex-
press our admiration and thanks to the spokesmen
for the African nations for their highly informa-
tive and indeed brilliant presentations. Above all
I want to express our deep gratitude for the warm
hospitality we have received from His Imperial
Majesty, from the Government, and from the peo-
ple of Ethiopia. More specifically we thank His
Imperial Majesty, who welcomed us so generously ;
we thank the Minister of Education and his col-
leagues who have pi'ovided for our needs and com-
forts in so many ways; we thank the university
students and faculty members who have opened
their hearts to us. And not least of all we thank
the many working people in the hotels and else-
where who with great patience and good humor
have made us feel at home.

It is my sad task also to express personally and
in behalf of my Government to the Government
of Chad our deep sorrow over the tragic and un-
timely loss of the Chad delegates who gave their
lives in the line of patriotic duty. We miss them
in our circle.

I want also to pay tribute to another great friend
of Africa and of education who was known and
loved by many of us here and who likewise was
the victim of a tragic accident within the past
year, Mr. Gaston Berger, as one of the most hu-
mane and humanistic men of action of our time.
Shortly before his death he had left liis high post
in the French Ministry of Education to devote
himself fully to working with like-minded people
of other nations and other continents toward
building a better world. Last summer as chair-
man of a special conference on the economics of
education at Ballagio, Italy, sponsored by the In-
ternational Association of Universities, Mr. Berger
contributed enormously to the development of new
insights into one of the major topics of our present
conference.

The United States comes to this meeting with
no preconceptions or blueprints for African edu-
cation. But we do come with deep convictions,
born of our own national history, that the first
duty of a new nation — and indeed of an old na-

936

Department of State BuUetin

tion — is to develop its people, its human resources,
through education. That duty never ceases. Ke-
gardless of how scarce or abundant a nation's
natural resources may be, its greatest wealth and
hope lies in its people. It is the obligation of a
responsible government in a free society to in-
sure— to the full limit of its ability — that every
individual is given the opportunity to realize his
full human potential, not just matei'ially and
economically but morally, spiritually, and crea-
tively. Without the development of these human
potentials, common values, and dedication, a free
society cannot grow and cannot endure.

This great goal obviously cannot be reached
overnight. My own nation is still working hard
toward this ideal after nearly 200 years of nation-
hood. Our system of universal educational op-
portunity has made dramatic strides, but we still
have unfinished business. For example, we will
double our college and imiversity enrollments in
the next 10 years so that approximately 50 percent
of all American boys and girls will attend a
university.

Your nations do not have two centuries to make
similar strides. We understand well your eager-
ness to shorten time and accelerate progress. The
United States wants to help you in this process,
for we share your ideals and to a considerable de-
gree your heritage.

As a comparatively yomig nation which gained
its independence not without difficulty, the United
States understands and respects your strong de-
termination to preserve your independence, to set
your own goals, to run your own affairs, and to
get on with the important business of building a
strong, free society without outside interference.
Moreover, the people of my country feel a special
kinship with the new nations of Africa because
we have a long and proiid tradition of revolution.
The United States won its independence through
political revolution. But our revolution did not
stop there. It only began and is still going for-
ward. We advanced our economy through great
agricultural and industrial revolutions. We are
still vigorously engaged in spreading social justice
and raising the basic level of living conditions for
all our people through social revolution. Perhaps
most important of all, because it miderlies all these
other advances, the United States has undergone
and is still vmdergoing a great educational
revolution.

President Salutes African Conference
on Development of Education

Message of President Kennedy
White House press release dated May 16

Mat 16, 1961
It is a great pleasure, both personally and
officially, to extend the best wishes of the Govern-
ment and the people of the United States to the
Conference of African States on the Development
of Education under the auspices of UNESCO and
the Economic Commission for Africa.

This Conference of African States can perform
an important function in establishing an inventory
of educational needs and a program to meet those
needs. In this endeavor, the United States stands
ready to assist wherever it can, if such assistance
is desired. For in the monumental task of educa-
tional development, there is much to be learned, and
I am confident we can learn it together.

The U.S. Observer Delegation, which we are
honored to send, wiU lay primary stress on the full
development of human resources. I believe this
general emphasis is sound for our own education
as well as for yours. For unless education aims at
elevating the motives of men we can find no basic
answer to the division and troubles of our times.

We need evaluations and plans, but we need in
the planners a passion to create through education
what Governor General Azikiwe of Nigeria called
for in his inaugural address : "a hate-free, fear-free,
greed-free world, peopled by free men and women."
We seek citizens and statesmen whose guiding
principle is not who is right but what is right. We
seek an education that gives wisdom as well as
knowledge.

The American people applaud the leaders of
Africa whose vision assigns to education a primary
role in the achievement of stability and progress.

It is in this spirit, then, that I wish to express on
behalf of the American people and myself our most
sincere hope that this conference, bringing to-
gether your leaders and educators, attains every
possible measure of success.

Two great characteristics have marked these
several American revolutions. First, they con-
stitute continuing revolutions : They are still going
on, and we intend that they shall continue. Sec-
ond, these revolutions have been based on the
consent of the majority within a system of law
whereunder the rulers were genuinely controlled
by the citizens.

At the root of this continuing revolution has
been a deep and abiding faith in the great po-
tential, the great good sense, and the great dignity

June 12, 7967

937

and importance of the individual. It is the ulti-
mate task of education, in our view, to develop
each individual's potential to the full as the ulti-
mate goal of a good society. An educational sys-
tem calculated to liberate every individual from
the bonds of ignorance and tyranny is, in our view,
the indispensable basis of a truly free and inde-
pendent nation.

I have stressed the relationship of our national
history and traditions to the new adventure upon
which your nations have embarked so that you
will understand why my countrymen are so
proudly sympathetic with your aspirations and so
anxious to be as helpful as we can in helijing you
to move toward jour goals. If you find them use-
ful, we will happily share with you the fruits of
our American revolution.

I hasten to add, however, that the fundamental
values of human freedom and dignity which can
be advanced by education are by no means a
monopoly or an invention of the United States.
These same values are universal and are expressed
in the cultures and educational system of many
other nations. Happily they are written brightly
in the charter of the United Nations. For this
reason the United States has found it desirable
to cooperate with other nations, particularly
through the United Nations, in assisting new na-
tions in their educational development plans and
programs.

In the past 3 days we have been well informed
and impressed by your careful statements of edu-
cational needs. We appreciate the seriousness
with which you regard these needs, and we share
your sense of urgency.

You will surely need help from a variety of
sources if you are to meet your goals. At a later
point in the agenda, when it becomes appropriate,
I will be happy to tell you about the prospects for
American support in the future. Meanwhile, all
of us on the United States delegation will con-
tinue to observe your proceedings with keen inter-
est and a sympathetic heart.

And we will continue also to try to be good
learners in the spirit of President Kennedy's mes-
sage to this conference, when he said : ". . . in
the monumental task of educational development,
there is much to be learned, and I am confident we
can learn it together."

As our teachers at this conference, you will —

938

I trust — be able to give us good grades at the end
of the course.

U.S. DELEGATION

The Department of State announced on May 11
(press release 309) that Philip H. Coombs, Assist-
ant Secretary of State for Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs, would serve as chairman of the U.S.
observer delegation to the Conference of African
States on the Development of Education in
Africa, held at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, May 15-25.

Other members of the delegation included:

John W. Morrow, U.S. Permanent Representative-desig-
nate to UNESCO, American Embassy, Paris

Edwin M. Adams, Bureau of African Affairs, Department
of State

Dorothy Stebbins Bowles, Washington, D.C.

William D. Fisher, Economic Officer, American Embassy,
Addis Ababa

William J. Handley, Director, Information Center Service,
United States Information Service

Harry Krould, International Cooperation Administration

Benjamin Mays, President, Morehouse College, Atlanta,
Ga.

0. Kenneth Snyder, Bureau of Educational and Cultural
Affairs, Department of State

This was the first major conference on education
to be held in Africa. Its purpose was to establish
an inventory of the educational needs of the
African states and to assist them in formulating
programs to meet these needs in the coming years.
Forty African states and territories, plus five
other states with African responsibilities, were in-
vited to send delegations. In addition, some 20
countries were expected to send observer dele-
gations.

Public Advisers Named for PFiase Two
of GATT Tariff Negotiations

Press release 337 dated May 22

In accordance with the plan of the executive
branch to increase participation by nongovern-
mental representatives in the U.S. delegation to
the 1961 GATT tariff negotiations conference at
Geneva,^ the Secretary of State has named 12 pub-
lic advisers to serve as members of the delegation
on a rotating basis in the second phase of the con-
ference. This plan was developed by the Cabinet-

1 For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 5, 1960, p. 876.
Department of State Bulletin

level Trade Policy Committee, which is chaired
by the Secretary of Commerce, for the purpose of
broadening the executive bi-anch practice of ap-
pointing public advisers to U.S. delegations to
tai'iff negotiations. Following is a list of these
advisers, who have been selected as broadly repre-
sentative of U.S. agriculture, industry, labor, and
the general public :

Elliott V. Bell, editor and publisher, Business Week, New
York, N.Y.

Homer L. Brinkley, executive vice president. National
Council of Farm Cooperatives, Washington, D.C.

Morris C. Dobrow, executive secretary. Writing Paper
Manufacturers Association, New York, N.Y.

Lee W. Minton, international president. Glass Bottle
Blowers Association of the United States and Canada,
Philadelphia, Pa.

Alfred C. Neal, president. Committee for Economic De-
velopment, New York, N.Y.

Jacob S. Potofsky, president, Amalgamated Clothing
Workers of America, New York, N.Y.

Raymond E. Salvati, president, American Mining Con-
gress, Huntington, W. Va.

Bert Seidman, economist, research department, AFL-CIO,
Washington, D.C.

Claude Wickard, former Secretary of Agriculture, Kokomo,
Ind.

Leighton Wilkie, president, DoAU Co., Des Plaines, 111.

Donovan Wilmot, former vice president of Aluminum
Company of America, Pittsburgh, Pa.

David J. Winton, president, Winton Lumber Co., Minne-
apolis, Minu.

In the second phase of the conference, which is
to begin on May 29, 1961, the United States ex-
pects to negotiate for the reciprocal exchange of
tariff concessions with the Commission of the Eu-
ropean Economic Community (EEC) on behalf
of the member states ( Belgium, France, Germany,
Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands) and
with other countries which are contracting parties
to the GATT or which are expected to negotiate
for accession to the General Agreement.

During the first phase of the conference, which
began on September 1, 1960,= the United States,
along with other GATT contracting parties, has
been negotiating with the EEC Commission con-
cerning the establishment of a new schedule of
tariff concessions for the EEC as a whole to replace
the present individual schedules of the member
states. The United States has also been negotiat-
ing, under provisions of article XXVIII of the
GATT, with 15 other contracting parties concern-

ing their modification or withdrawal of individ-
ual concessions in existing GATT schedules.

Carl D. Corse, U.S. representative on the GATT
Council of Representatives, and chairman of the
U.S. delegation since the opening of the confer-
ence, will continue in the same capacity during
the second phase. John A. Birch, chief of the
Trade Agreements Division, Department of State,
and Harold P. Macgowan, special assistant to the
director. Office of Economic Affairs, Department
of Commerce, will continue as vice chairmen of
the delegation.

United Nations Day, 1961

A PROCLAMATION!

Whereas the United Nations has clearly demonstrated
its capacity to act as a force for peace and human ad-
vancement, and has provided a dynamic spirit which is
leading the nations of the world along the road to human
progress ; and

Whereas the United Nations is available to assist all
nations and peoples in their efforts to combat hunger,
disease, and despair ; and

Whereas the United States strongly supports the United
Nations, the Charter of which is rooted In Ideals and
aspirations which we share with freedom-loving people in
all parts of the world ; and

Whereas the United States considers that this world
organization is an indispensable instrument of interna-
tional peace, economic improvement, and social develop-
ment, and that any attempt to destroy it would be a blow
aimed directly at the independence and security of
nations, large and small ; and

Whereas the General Assembly of the United Nations
has resolved that October twenty-fourth, the anniversary
of the coming into force of the United Nations Charter,
should be dedicated each year to making known the pur-
poses, principles, and accomplishments of the United
Nations :

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the
United States of America, do hereby urge the citizens of
this Nation to observe Tuesday, October 24, 1961, as
United Nations Day by means of community programs
which will demonstrate their faith in the United Nations
and contribute to a better understanding of its aims,
problems, and accomplishments.

I also call upon the officials of the Federal and State
Governments and upon local officials to encourage citizen
groups and agencies of the press, radio, television, and
motion pictures to engage in appropriate observance of
United Nations Day throughout the land in cooperation
with the United States Committee for the United Nations
and other organizations.

2 Ibid., Sept. 19, 1960, p. 453.
June ?2, 7967

• No. 3415 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 4487.

939

In witness whereof, I liave hereunto set my band and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this twenty-second day

of May in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred

[seal] and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the

United States of America the one hundred and

eighty-fifth.

By the President :
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.

/■^^^ / Xuv** .«, ^

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography^

Security Council

Report by the Secretary-General to the Security Council
on recent developments in the I/^opoldville area.
S/4758, March 3, 1961, 12 pp. ; Add. 1, March 4, 1961,

2 pp.; Add. 2, March 4, 1961, 1 p.; Add. 3, March 6,
1961, 2 pp. ; Add. 4, March 7, 1961, 2 pp. ; Add. 5, March
7, 1961, 4 pp., and Corr. 1, March 8, 1961, 1 p. ; Add. 6,
March 7, 1961, 3 pp., and Corr. 1, March 8, 1961, 1 p.

Report dated March 8 to the Secretary-General from his
special representative in the Congo on the events relat-
ing to the armed clashes which took place between U.N.
troops and Congolese forces at Moanda, Banana, and
Matadi on March 3-5. S/4761, March 8, 1961, 26 pp. ;
and Corr. 1, March 9, 1961, 1 p.

Note verbale dated March 10, 1961, from the permanent
representative of Belgium addressed to the Secretary-
General and report dated March 13, 1961, to the Secre-
tary-General from bis special representative in the
Congo. S/4768. March 14, 1961. 10 pp.

Notes verbales dated March 10 (S/4768) and March 20,
1961, from the permanent representative of Belgium
addressed to the Secretary-General and report dated
March 13, 1961, to the Secretary-General from his special
representative in the Congo. S./4768/Add. 1, March 21,
1961, 3 pp.; note verbale dated March 22, 1961, from
the Secretary-General addressed to the permanent rep-
resentative of Belgium. S/4768/Add. 2, March 22, 1961,

3 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council
on the implementation of paragraph A-4 of the resolu-
tion of February 21, 1961. S/4771. March 20, 1961.
2 pp.

Exchange of correspondence between the Secretary-Gen-
eral and the President of the Republic of the Congo
concerning Matadi. S/4775. March 30, 1961. 23 pp.

General Assembly

Question of South West Africa. Preliminary report of
the Committee on South West Africa on the implemen-

* Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.

tation of General Assembly Resolution 1568 (XV) of
December 18, 1960. A/4705. March 3, 1961. 4 pp.

Racial Discrimination in Non-Self-Governing Territories.
Report prepared by the Secretariat. A/AC.3D/L.334.
March 6, 1901. 24 pp.

Question of the Future of Ruanda-Urundi. Annexes to
the interim report of the United Nations Commission
for Ruanda-Urundi. A/4706/ Add. 1. March 8, 1961.
146 pp.

The Korean Question : Report of the United Nations
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of
Korea. Letter dated March 9, 1961, from the perma-
nent representative of the U.S.S.R. addressed to the
President of the General Assembly. A/0.1/833. March
13, 1961. 27 pp.

The Situation in the Republic of the Congo. Report of
the United Nations Conciliation Commission for the
Congo. A/4711, March 20, 1961, 105 pp. ; Corr. 1, March
23, 1961, 1 p. ; Add. 1, March 20, 1961, 56 pp. ; Add 2,
March 20, 1961, 84 pp.

Letter dated March 21, 1961, from the chairman of the
Guatemalan delegation addressed to the President of
the General Assembly concerning the complaint by the
Revolutionary Government of Cuba regarding the
various plans of aggression and acts of intervention
being executed by the Government of the United States
against the Republic of Cuba. A/4716. March 24, 1961.
2 pp.

Treatment of People of Indian and Indo-Pakistan Origin
in the Union of South Africa. Report of the Special
Political Committee. A/4718. March 29, 1961. 4 pp.

Question of the future of Ruanda-Urundi. Interim re-
port of the U.N. Commission for Ruanda-Urundi.
A/4706. March 8, 1961. 62 pp.

Economic and Social Council

Economic Commission for Africa
Progress report on the statistical survey of Africa.

E/CN.14/83. December 5, 1960. 14 pp.
Work of the Commission since the second session.
Report of the Executive Secretary. E/CN.14/97.
January 10, 1961. 42 pp.
Social aspects of economic development. E/CN.14/70.

January 26, 1961. 19 pp.
Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of government repre-
sentatives on the impact of Western European eco-
nomic groupings on African economies (Addis Ababa,
January 23-30, 1961). E/CN.14/100. February 1,
1961. 18 pp.
Commission on Human Rights. Periodic reports on
human rights. Report submitted by th» ILO. E/CN.4/
811/Add. 1. January 5, 1961. 82 pp.
Commission on the Status of Women. Access of women
to the teaching profession. Report by UNESCO. E/
ON.6/375. January 5, 1961. 93 pp.
Report on developments in the field of freedom of in-
formation since 1954. B/3443. February 2, 1961.
166 pp.
Commission on Human Rights. Study of the right of
everyone to be free from arbitrary arrest, detention,
and exile. E/CN.4/813. January 9, 1961. 285 pp.
Population Commission. Draft suggestions for national
programs of evaluation and analysis of population cen-
sus data in underdeveloped countries. E/CN.9/161.
January 10, 1961. 15 pp.
Commission on Human Rights. Freedom of information :
development of information media in underdeveloped
countries. Report by the Director-General of UNESCO.
E/CN.4/814. January 19, 1961. 227 pp.
United Nations Children's Fund. Report of the Execu-
tive Board, January 12-13, 1961. E/3439. February
6, 1961. 70 pp.
Commission on Human Rights. Periodic reports on hu-
man rights. E/CN .4/810. January 17, 1961. 224 pp. ;
and Add. 1, February 10, 1961. 42 pp.

940

Department of State Bulletin

Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East

Report of tlie fourth regional technical conference on
water resources development. E/CN.11/548. Janu-
ary 19, 1961. 45 pp.
Activities in the field of statistics. E/CN.11/550. Jan-
uary 23, 19fil. 5 pp.
Information paper on technical assistance provided to
countries and territories of tlie ECAFE region under
the expanded and regular programs. E/CN.11/552.
January 25, 1961. 35 pp.
Report of the Committee on Trade (fourth session) to
the Commission (seventeenth session) E/CN.11/553.
February 3, 1961. 46 pp.
United Nations Special Fund activities in Asia and the

Far East. E/CN.11/555. February 7, 1961. 6 pp.
Report of the Committee on Industry and Natural
Resources (13th session) to the Commission (17th
session). E/CN.11/554. February 16, 1961. 57 pp.
Decentralization of the United Nations economic and
social activities and strengthening of the regional
economic commissions. Note by the Secretary-
General. E/CN.11/558. March 1, 1961. 27 pp.
International cooperation on cartography. Report of the
Group of Experts on Geographical Names. E/3441.
February 7, 1961. 32 pp.
Report of the 13th session of the Sub-Commission on Pre-
vention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities
to the Commission on Human Rights. E/CN.4/815.
February 9, 1961. 99 pp.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Health

Constitution of the World Health Organization. Opened
for signature at New York July 22, 1946. Entered into
force April 7, 1948. TIAS 1808.

Acceptance deposited: Congo (L^opoldvllle), February
24, 1961.

Sugar

International sugar agreement of 1958. Done at London
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 1959 ;
for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS 4389.
Cessation of application to: Colony and Protectorate of
Sierra Leone, April 27, 1961.

I BILATERAL

Australia

Agreement relating to sampling by means of balloons the
radioactivity of the upper atmosphere. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Canberra Jlay 9, 1961. Entered into
force May 9, 1961.

Brazil

Treaty of extradition. Signed at Rio de Janeiro January
13, 1961.'
Ratification advised by the Senate: May 16, 1961.

Italy

Agreement for cooperation on the uses of atomic energy
for mutual defense purposes. Signed at Rome Decem-
ber 3, 1960.
Entered into force: May 24, 1961.

Korea

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities
agreement of December 28, 1960, as amended (TIAS
4656, 4699, 4700). Effected by exchange of notes at
Seoul May 11, 1961. Entered into force May 11, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Confirmations

The Senate on May 4 confirmed the following nomina-
tions :

John S. Everton to be Ambassador to the Union of
Burma. ( For biographic details, see Department of State
press release 315 dated May 15. )

Fulton Freeman to be Ambassador to Colombia. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
360 dated June 2.

The Senate on May 8 confirmed the nomination of
Julius C. Holmes to be Ambassador to Iran. (For bio-
graphic details, see Department of State press release
319 dated May 15.)

The Senate on May 11 confirmed the following nomina-
tions :

Walworth Barbour to be Ambassador to Israel. (For
biographic details, see White House press release dated
March 7.)

Philip W. Bonsai to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of
Morocco. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 325 dated May 17.)

A. S. J. Carnahan to be Ambassador to Sierra Leone.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 329 dated May 18. )

Robert F. Woodward to be the representative of the
United States to the 9th session of the Economic Com-
mission for Latin America of the Economic and Social
Council of the United Nations.

Appointments

Gordon W. Chapman as Special Assistant to the Sec-
retary of State and Coordinator for International Labor
Affairs, effective May 15. (For biographic details, see
Department of State press release 321 dated May 16.)

Designations

Thomas L. Hughes as Deputy Director of Intelligence
and Research, effective May 14. ( For biographic details,
see Department of State press release 187 dated April 3.)

* Not in force.

June 72, I96I

941

PUBLICATIONS

Foreign Relations Volume

Press release 343 dated May 26, for release June 3

The Department of State released on June 3 Foreign
Relations of the United States, 19^0, Volume Y, The
American Beptiblics. This is the final Foreign Relatiotis
volume to be released in a series of five volumes for the
year 1940.

This volume contains a general section dealing with
such multilateral questions as defense of the Western
Hemisphere, the second meeting of Foreign Ministers of
the American Republics held at Habana July 21-30, 1940,
and other matters growing out of the impact of the war
in Europe.

The remainder of the volume deals with bilateral re-
lations with the individual American Republics. Among
the questions treated are those of debts and financial as-
sistance, protection of American interests, elimination of
Axis influence from airlines in the American Republics,
and various commercial problems.

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 19^0,
Volume V, The American RepiMics (vii, 1202 pp.) may
be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing OtBce, Washington 2.5, D.C., for
$4 each.

Recent Releases

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free puhlications, which may be
obtained from the Department of State.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4639. 4 pp.

Agreement with Brazil, amending the agreement of De-
cember 31, 1956, as corrected and amended. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Washington December 9, 1960. En-
tered into force December 9, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4640. 3 pp.

Agreement with Uruguay, supplementing the agreement
of February 20, 1959, as supplemented. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Montevideo September 13 and 16, 1960.
Entered into force September 16, 1960.

TIAS 4641. 5 pp.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

54*.

Agreement with Uruguay, supplementing the agreement
of February 20, 1959, as supplemented. Signed at Monte-
video October 14, 1960. Entered into force October 14,
1960.

Cultural Relations. TIAS 4642. 9 pp. \0t

Agreement with Rumania. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Washington December 9, 1960. Entered into force
December 9, 1960.

World Health Organization. TIAS 4643. 6 pp. 5^.

Amendments to articles 24 and 25 of the Constitution
of the World Health Organization. Adopted by the
Twelfth World Health Assembly at its Eleventh Plenary
Meeting, at Geneva, on May 28, 1959. Entered into force
October 25, 1960.

Air Transport Services. TIAS 4645. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement with New Zealand, supplementing the agree-
ment of December 3, 1946. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Washington December 30, 1960. Entered into force
December 30, 1960.

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. TIAS 4649.

9 pp. lot-

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to
agreement of October 30, 1947, and the Polish People's
Republic. Done at Tokyo November 9, 1959. Entered
into force November 16, 1960.

Emergency Relief Assistance. TIAS 4651. 4 pp. 5^.

Agreement with Chile. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Santiago October 28, 1960. Entered into force October
28, 1960.

TIAS 4652. 3 pp.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

5<f.

Agreement with Peru, amending the agreement of Febru-
ary 12, 1960. Exchange of notes — Signed at Lima October
25 and November 24, 1960. Entered into force Novem-
ber 24, 1960.

Loan of Additional Vessels. TIAS 4653. 3 pp.

Defense :

Agreement with Argentina. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Washington December 27 and 29, 1960. Entered into
force December 29, 1960.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 22-28

Press releases may be obtained from the Ofiice of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to May 22 which appear in
this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 309 of May 11,
324 of May 16 and 333 and 335 of May 19.

Subject

Bohlen: Rockhurst Day dinner, Kan-
sas City, Mo.

Public advisers to GATT tariff negotia-
tions.

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

Report on ISth session of GATT.

New Zealand credentials (rewrite).

Martin : amendments to P.L. 480.

Ethiopia credentials (rewrite).

Foreign Relations volume.

Jones : U.S. Committee for Refugees.

El Salvador credentials (rewrite).

Italy credentials (rewrite).

U.S. -Japanese aviation negotiations.

Morocco receives U.S. loan.

Cultural exchange (Finland and East-
ei-n Europe).

Drought relief program in Peru.

*Not printed.

fHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

t336

5/22

337

5/22

*338

5/22

*339

5/22

340

5/24

t341

5/23

342

5/23

343

5/26

344

5/25

345

5/25

t346

5/26

347

5/26

348

5/26

*349

5/26

350

5/26

942

Department of Stale Bulletin

June 12, 1961

Africa

Africa's Challenge to America's Position of Free-
World Leadership (Williams)

Changing Trade Winds Across Africa (Cum-
mings)

President Salutes African Conference on Develop-
ment of Education (Kennedy)

U.S. Sends Observer Delegation to Education Con-
ference in Africa (Coombs)

American Republics

Foreign Relations Volume

United States-Argentine Cooperation Essential to
Progress in Americas (Kennedy)

United States Moves To Strengthen Alliance for
Progress (Ball)

Argentina

United States-Argentine Cooperation Essential to

Progress in Americas (Kennedy)

Aviation. U.S. and Japan Hold Air Talks . . .

Bolivia. U.S. and Bolivia To Cooperate on Long-
Range Development Program (Kennedy, Paz) .

Congress, The

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign
Policy

Urgent National Needs (Kennedy)

Cuba. President Urges Support for Tractors-for-
Freedom Movement (Kennedy)

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Chapman)

Designations (Hughes)

Confirmations (Barbour, Bonsai, Carnahan, Evei--
ton. Freeman, Holmes, Woodward)

Disarmament. Urgent National Needs (Kennedy) .

Economic Affairs

Administration of Export Control Act Defined by
President (text of Executive order)

Mr. Bowles Responds to Request for U.S. Views on
Korean Economy

Changing Trade Winds Across Africa (Cum-
mings)

Public Advisers Named for Phase Two of GATT
Tariff Negotiations

Educational and Cultural Affairs

The Permanent American Revolution (Kohler) . .

President Salutes African Conference on Develop-
ment of Education (Kennedy)

U.S. Sends Observer Delegation to Education Con-
ference in Africa (Coombs)

El Salvador. Letters of Credence (Lima) . . .

Ethiopia. Letters of Credence (Dinke) ....

International Organizations and Conferences

President Salutes African Conference on Develop-
ment of Education (Kennedy)

Public Advisers Named for Phase Two of GATT
Tariff Negotiations

U.S. Sends Observer Delegation to Education Con-
ference in Africa (Coombs)

Japan. U.S. and Japan Hold Air Talks ....

Korea. Mr. Bowles Responds to Request for U.S.
Views on Korean Economy

Index Vol. XLIV, No. 1146

Morocco. Morocco Receives U.S. Loans .... 935

Mutual Security
911 Drought Relief Program in Peru Explained by De-
partment 923

91^ Morocco Receives U.S. Loans 935

U.S. and Bolivia To Cooperate on Long-Range De-

937 velopment Program (Kennedy, Paz) .... 920
United States-Argentine Cooperation Essential to

936 Progress in Americas (Kennedy) 920

United States Moves To Strengthen Alliance for

942 Progress (Ball) 918

Urgent National Needs (Kennedy) 903

920 New Zealand. Letters of Credence (Laking) . . 910
Nigeria. Prime Minister of Nigeria To Visit United

918 States 918

Peru. Drought Relief Program in Peru Explained

by Department 923

920

Presidential Documents

935 Administration of Export Control Act Defined by

President 934

920 President Salutes African Conference on Develop-
ment of Education (Kennedy) 937

President Urges Support for Tractors-for-Freedom

935 Movement 934

903 United Nations Day, 1961 939

U.S. and Bolivia To Cooperate on Long-Range De-

velopment Program 920

United States-Argentine Cooperation Essential to

Progress in Americas 920

941 Urgent National Needs 903

^^ Publications

Foreign Relations Volume 942

9^1 Recent Releases 942

^^^ Refugees. U.S. Philosophy and Policies on Refugee

and Migration Affairs (Jones) 928

Science. Urgent National Needs (Kennedy) . . . 903

Treaty Information. Current Actions 941

930 U.S.S.R. The Permanent American Revolution

(Kohler) 924

915 United Nations

Current U.N. Documents 940

938 United Nations Day, 1961 (text of proclamation) . 939

Name Index

'''^ Ball, George W 918

Barbour, Walworth 941

937 Bonsai, Philip W . . . 941

Bowles, Chester 930

93g Carnahan, A. S. J [ 941

Chapman, Gordon W 941

910 Coombs, Philip H . . 936

910 Cummings, H. J . . . 915

Dinke, Berhanu giQ

Everton, John S [ \ 941

Freeman, Fulton '.'.'. 941

937 Holmes, Julius C ' * 941

Hughes, Thomas L [ 941

938 Jones, Roger W '.'.'. 928

Kennedy, President 903,920,934,937,939

Kohler, Foy D 924

936 Laking, George Robert '. 910

935 Lima, Francisco Roberto 910

Paz Estenssoro, Victor 921

Williams, G. Menneu 911

930 Woodward, Robert F [ 941

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present the highlights of this dramatic joint effort by the American
nations — North and South — to spread the benefits of economic develop-
ment by bettering the living conditions for millions of Latin Ameri-
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Vol. XLIV, No. 1147 JUL 17 1961 June 19, 1961

DEPOSITORY
BUILDING THE FRONTIERS OF FREEDOM • State-

ment by Secretary Rusk, 947

DRAFT OF FOREIGN AID BILL SENT TO CONGRESS

BY PRESIDENT 977

PRESIDENT PROPOSES LEGISLATION FOR ESTAB-
LISHING PEACE CORPS 980

VICE PRESIDENT JOHNSON VISITS SIX COUNTRIES
IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA • Texts of Joint

Communiques 955

THE FOREIGN SERVICE AND THE PANORAMA OF

CHANGE • by Charles E. Bohlen 964

THE CRISIS AND AMERICA'S IMAGE • by Assistant

Secretary Tubby 972

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol.. XUV, No. 1147 • Publication 7206
June 19, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Oovernment Printing Office

Washington 26, D.C.

Pricb:

82 Issues, domestic $8.60, forelEn $12.26

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds (or printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Oltatlon of the Department
or Stats Bitlletin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relation* are listed currently.

i

Building tlie Frontiers of Freedom

Statement by Secretary Rusk '

We are grateful to the committee for your
prompt consideration of the draft legislation for-
warded by the President last Friday [May 26] —
the Act for International Development and the
International Peace and Security Act.^ I par-
ticularly welcome the opportunity which these
legislative proposals provide to discuss the larger
purposes of our efforts in foreign affairs. From
day to day all of us find ourselves preoccupied
by the crises of the moment. In the course of
these hearings we shall have an opportimity for
a longer look at our situation — where we wish to
go as a nation and what we can do to get there.

Every age, historians remind us, is an age of
transition. But some ages are surely more transi-
tional than others. I camiot but feel that ours is
preeminently such an age and that here, just
beyond the middle of the 20th century, humanity
stands, for better or for worse, on the threshold
of a new historic epoch.

Behind us, great historic forces, sweeping na-
tions and institutions and ideas along in a tumul-
tuous flood, have brought mankind to the point
where the old ways of ordering our affairs are
being manifestly transformed by the new demands
of our decade. Ahead of us stretches an imknown
future — but a future which our own actions in
the present can endow with direction and content.

Wliat we decide now will determine whether
the second half of the 20th century records a
plmige into chaos or a steady ascent into more
effective coherence and order. Our decisions by
themselves can have only a partial effect on the
rest of the world. Yet this effect, if limited,
may also in many parts of the world provide

' Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on May 31 (press release 354) .
' S. 1983, S7th Cong., 1st sess.

the indispensable margin which makes the differ-
ence between a peaceful order and the law of the
jungle. That is wliy President Kemiedy has
rightly called the economic measures here under
consideration "the single most important program
available for building the frontiers of freedom." ^

The frontiers of freedom, we hope, will be the
symbols of the new international order which it
is our purpose to promote. What will the char-
acteristics of this international order be? Wliat
kind of world are we Americans striving for?

We want, of course, a world of peace and
progress under law. And I would lay particular
stress on the word "progress." For there can be
no greater error than to regard peace as a per-
manent ratification of an unacceptable status quo.
Peace in such terms would be quickly shattered
by the explosive forces of change. The object
of peace is not to bring change to an end: It is
to provide peoples the opportunity to achieve
essential change without war.

We seek, in short, not a static but a dynamic
peace. We hope for a world in which frontiers
will mark national identity and not national self-
assertion; in which peoples can peacefully revise
their own institutions to meet their own national
needs; in which nations differing in their internal
foi-ms of organization will dwell together in
mutual self-respect and freely exchange goods and
persons and ideas; in which competition among
national states will lose its cutting edge as nations
work together in the common interest of man-
kind ; in which the dignity of the individual will
be securely established on the basis of social jus-
tice, civic freedom, and international order.

' For text of President Kennedy's special message to
Congress on May 25 regarding urgent national needs,
see BuiXETiN of June 12, 1961, p. 903.

June 19, 7961

947

We seek, above all, a world of free choice in
which a great diversity of nations, each faithful
to its own traditions and its own genius, will learn
to respect the ground rules of human survival.
We do not wish to make the world over in our
own image — and we will not accept that the world
be made over in the image of any society or dog-
matic creed. Against the world of coercion, we
affirm the world of choice. We believe that the
revolution of human liberty will never come to an
end.

The world today is a vei-y different world from
what it was at the end of World War II. The
Soviet Union has grown in economic, technical,
and military strength. Western Europe, with its
astonishing economic recovery, has resumed its
place as a potent factor in international affairs.
The nations of Latin America, of Asia, and of
Africa, rising on the tide of nationalist aspiration,
are demanding their places in the sun.

Such a world contains contradictions, perplexi-
ties, and dangers. Wider distributions of power
increase the hazards of world affairs in a nuclear
age. At the same time this new world offers ex-
ceptional opportunities for positive, flexible, and
imaginative effort. Wise policy in this new world
requires a number of things from the United
States.

It requires a sufficiency of military force to
restrain nations from aggression — and sufficiently
diversified military capabilities to deter or meet
aggression at every level, from the thermonuclear
holocaust to assassination in the jungle.

It requires, equally, a strong and sincere deter-
mination to advance the cause of disarmament —
to do everything possible to establish the condi-
tions under which nations may reduce their
military establishments and know that, in doing
so, they are not exposing themselves to enemy
attack.

It requires, too, an active and affirmative policy
of building the social, economic, and moral
strength of independent nations so that they will
have the capacity within themselves to throw off
the virus of totalitarianism and pursue national
objectives in a climate of expanding freedom.

The first thing I would say about the programs
under consideration today is that they reflect to
a degree our own national experience. We were
once an underdeveloped country ourselves. We
grew through a combination of foreign assistance,

public aid, and private investment and enterprise.
We know that a free society under representative
institutions can achieve extraordinary economic
growth. Our opportunity today — and our obli-
gation— is to assist other nations to reach a stage
of secure national independence and self-sustain-
ing economic development.

The need today is for the United States and the
other developed nations to open to the emergent
societies of Latin America, Asia, and Africa oppor-
tunities for a continuous and concurrent growth
of independence, of democracy, of industry and
agriculture, of social justice, and of the institu-
tions and ideals which express and safeguard
the dignity of man.

Tlie battleground of freedom, as the President
said last Thursday, is the whole southern half of
the globe. Here over 40 new nations have attained
independence since the war, 19 since the begin-
ning of last year. Here nations, old and new,
are struggling to convert formal independence
into true nationhood. Everywhere peojjle are
awakening from the stagnation of centuries.
They decline any longer to regard poverty and
oppression and squalor as the law of nature. They
are determined to have for themselves and their
children the food they need, housing fit for human
habitation, the benefits of their farming, schools,
sanitation and medicine, and honest, responsible
government. They are determined to claim these
benefits of modern life without delay.

And if the democratic world cannot satisfy this
passion for modernization, then the Communists
can leap aboard this great revolution of freedom,
seize it, direct it to their own ends, and make it the
instrument of their own limitless imperialist .
ambitions. We would be false both to our own |
national interest and to our obligations to others
were we to allow this to happen. j

Our task is made more difficult because the Sino-
Soviet bloc has systematically focused its political,
economic, and propaganda assault on the under-
developed world in the last half-dozen years.
They have exploited their capabilities with con-
siderable effect. They have spread the illusion
that rapid development is their monopoly. They
have shown speed and flexibility, a minimum of
red tape, a readiness to make long-term commit-
ments, and a willingness to accept goods in repay-
ment of loans. They are competing hard, with
mixed results, but with an energy which ought to
concern those committed to freedom.

948

Deparfment of State Bulletin

But this competition or national self-interest
alone is not the essence of the program we are
discussing. We need no other reason to support
these measures than the profound and overriding
fact that they are right.

It is right to do these things because peoples are
in need of help and we are able to help them to
help themselves; because their children sicken and
die while we have the science to save them;
because they are illiterate while we have the means
of education and knowledge; because their agri-
cultural methods and tools win them an annual
income of $50 from the soil while we have the
technical skill and capital to help them live like
human beings.

Nor is there assurance that this aid will save
the underdeveloped world. But those who oppose
foreign aid must accept the consequences of their
opposition. They must understand that, if they
succeed, they deny the peoples in the emergent
societies their last great hope for independent
development and therefore condemn them to the
high probability of Communist servitude — and us
to Communist world encirclement.

Past Experience With Aid

Both Democrats and Eepublicans, in Congress
and in the executive departments, have been
active pai'ticipants in the development of our aid
programs. Many members of this committee
have worked at these programs throughout the
postwar period and have observed them in oper-
ation in all parts of the world. Despite short-
comings and disappointments which can be cited,
I believe that the American people can take great
satisfaction from the total result of the effort
expended.

In the years immediately following World War
II, UNERA [United Nations Eelief and Rehabili-
tation Administration] and other interim aid quite
literally saved the people and the political free-
dom of Austria, Italy, and France. Greece and
Turkey were assured of independence against
severe pressures by timely action and aid. The
Marshall plan, one of the most dramatic chapters
in history, restored the nations of our oldest
friends and stanchest allies to economic health.
The vitality and capacity of these nations to take
up a large share of the struggle for freedom are
sources of great strength for the decade of the
sixties. Before the Eui'ojDean recovery program

was finished it became apparent that help was
needed for the Republic of China, Korea, and for
southeast Asia. Another great humanitarian con-
cept was added in President Truman's point 4 pro-
gram, the fruitful beginning of technical assist-
ance throughout the world. Economic assist-
ance, known as defense support, was used to
strengthen those joined with us in common de-
fense. During the Eisenhower administration,
when these types of assistance proved inadequate
for the capital needs of long-term development
to achieve self-sustaining growth, there was added
the Development Loan Fund. And for 6 years
we have made substantial quantities of our surplus
foods available mider Public Law 480, as a valu-
able adjunct to our aid program.

These programs of aid in the past 15 years, eco-
nomic and military together, have cost a great
deal of money and deserve our thoughtful and
critical reflection. The sums amount to approxi-
mately 1.5 percent of our gross national product
during the period. We can never know,
fortunately, what our costs — or our fate — might
have been otherwise, for history does not reveal
its alternatives. If we have not accomplished all
that we had hoped, perhaps our hopes were too
sanguine, our understanding of this turbulent
epoch too limited. What has been acliieved is a
great deal — an opportunity for a free people, as-
sociated with friends and allies in all parts of the
world, to continue the effort to build a decent
world order.

A new administration has an opportunity to
sit down with Congress and review aid programs,
taking advantage of what can be seen and learned
from the experience of the past 15 years. Each
will have his own list of "lessons," but as one who
has observed these programs both from within
and outside of government, I would emphasize
the following :

First, we need simplicity — in legislation and in
administration. We need authority to move
promptly and authority in the hands of respon-
sible and identifiable individuals rather than in
faceless committees or in a diffused bureaucracy.
Timely action is both less expensive and more ef-
fective. The ability to decide affects our capacity
to enlist the help of othere — governments, inter-
national bodies, and private institutions and
agencies. Many countries receiving aid need help
with good public administration ; one way to teach
it is to practice it.

iune 19, J96I

949

Second, short-term financing, hazcardous and un-
even, malses it difficult for us and those we are
trying to help to plan ahead for the efficient use
of both our and their resources. This is even more
important to the receiver of aid than to us, for
theirs is by far the larger effort. At most we
can provide the critical increment to add a
stimulus to the best which they can do. Economic
and social development takes time, although the
rate of improvement can be rapid. Realistic de-
velopment requires that first things be done first —
such first things as the preparation of talent, the
building of essential administration, provision for
basic public services, and the enlistment of the in-
terest and energies of an entire people. Short-term
plans tend to emphasize the dramatic over the
basic, the facade over the foundations.

Third, the critical bottleneck in development is
in the skills and talents of people. This is espe-
cially true of assistance provided by one country to
another and is true both of those who give and
those who receive. We staff our own public and
private aid progi-ams through voluntaiy recruit-
ment. It has to be said that there is a serious
shortage of men and women who combine the
highest professional qualifications with a deep
commitment to serve in distant and sometimes dif-
ficult parts of the world. We can be grateful for
the gallant and dedicated service which those in
our aid programs have rendered, but the search
for talent is never-ending and must be a central
preoccupation of our efforts.

Fourth, the burden of assistance is not one
which we can or need cari-y alone. Our obligation
is to do the best we can, within the human and
material resources at our disposal. But what we
do can be joined with the efforts of others in a
serious undertaking to help the lesser developed
peoples to move economically and socially into the
modern world. Other free and advanced nations
are ready to help. International organizations
can multiply our resources and add to the talent
of which we are in short supply. A great variety
of private and volimtary agencies in our own and
other countries are playing a most significant role.
Countries receiving aid will discover that they
can help each other in regional cooperation.
Stimulating opportunities for multiplying the ef-
fort can be found through imaginative and flexi-
ble administration.

Fifth, there are conditions which should be met

before the commitment of our resources to foreign
aid. It is true that our own interest and our hopes
for a better world compel us to share our resources
with others. It is essential that we try to do so
without the "strings" which humiliate, offend, or
impair the freedom of others. But we do believe
that our investments should be good investments,
that we should be given something to support, and
that honest and diligent administration are indis-
pensable if outside help is to be productive. Self-
help must be our principal "string"- — and an
insistent one.

Sixth, economic and social development can oc-
cur only through advance on a broad front — in
education, health, economic productivity, and
good administration. Attempts to advance a nar-
row sector alone are likely to fail. Development
requires an entire people to be on the move — in-
terested, alerted, energetic, and self-reliant. Na-
tional development cannot be imported; it can
come only from within. Outside help can stimu-
late and encourage, and can fill critical gaps, but
only a people inspired by their own leaders can
develop themselves.

Finally, the mood and spirit of our aid are rele-
vant to its success. We should seek performance,
not gratitude, from those receiving help because
the yield in friendship is more enduring if it is not
extorted. If we have something to teach, we have
much to learn. Our objectives in foreign aid will
not be won by quick, flamboyant successes but in
quiet and persistent effort, applied in complex and
imfamiliar situations, as we help others to achieve
a larger share of the common aspirations of man.

The New Economic Assistance Program

With these thoughts in mind we lay before you
our proposals for a new Act for International
Development, a program of aid essential to sup-
port our national policy. The legislation calls for
the following:

(a) Authority to the President to borrow from
the Treasury $900 million in fiscal year 1962 and
$1.6 billion in each of the succeeding 4 fiscal years.

(b) Authority to the President to utilize ap-
proximately $300 million annually for each of 5
fiscal years derived from repayments on certain
outstanding loans.

(c) The authorization of $1.69 billion in annual
appropriations.

The first two elements form the foundation for

950

Departmenf of State Bulletin

development lending, and the third covers other
tools of assistance including development grants,
development research, investment feasibility sur-
veys, supporting assistance, and a contingency
fund.

Those members of this committee and of the
Appropriations and Armed Services Committees
who participated in the remarkable study of for-
eign aid made in 1957 * will recognize the origins
of a great deal which is new and best in the pro-
posals now before you. The fact that the study
was given the most thoughtful consideration in
the preparation of this new program will, I be-
lieve, be evident to you.

Mr. Henry Labouisse, presently the Director
of ICA [International Cooperation Administra-
tion] and head of the President's Task Force on
Foreign Economic Assistance, which was prima-
rily responsible for planning this program and
drafting the Act for International Development,
will be before you shortly to discuss its details.
However, I should like to discuss certain features
briefly.

Long-Term Development

If we are to achieve our major political objec-
tive of giving effective help to nations willing
and anxious to undertake long-t«rm development,
it is essential that we be able to do so on a long-
term basis and in amounts which are adequate to
the ends in view. We must attempt to forestall
crises — not simply live from crisis to crisis. The
heart of the new program, therefore, is the Presi-
dent's request for authority to make long-term
commitments for development.

Our ability to make these long-term commit-
ments is fundamental to the full support of long-
range country plans to achieve self-sustaining
economic growth. It is fundamental to the
adoption by recipient countries of maximum self-
help measures — measures which more than any-
thing else will insure that the people of each
such country will share the benefits of economic
and social progress. It is fundamental also to
our efforts to lead the other industrialized nations
to increase their share in helping the less de-
veloped coimtries along the paths of development.
And it is fundamental to planning needed by the
International Bank, the Inter- American Develop-
ment Bank, and other international financing

institutions to make the most effective use of
their resources in aid of long-term growth. In
short, we have no right to expect other nations
to make long-range commitments and realistic
plans unless we ourselves are able to inform them
of the part we can play over a considerable time
period.

You will recall that 4 years ago President
Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles urged the Con-
gress, in the establishment of the Development
Loan Fund, to authorize it to borrow specified
sums from the Treasury for loans.* This pro-
posal was approved by your committee and by
the Senate. Its failure of adoption by the Con-
gress has been a constant impediment to the long-
term planning required for sound economic
growth.

One material change has been made in our
new proposal. The request made by the execu-
tive branch at that time was for funds to be lent
for repayment in soft currencies. The request
now is for funds for loans to be repaid in dollars.

We believe that the purposes of long-term plan-
ning can be served while at the same time provid-
ing effective congressional control over these
fimds. You will note that tlie proposed statute
does not make the funds available all at once, but
only by annual increments. Criteria are estab-
lished for their use. Quarterly reports to Con-
gress on lending operations are proposed.
Standards for loans will be set by an interagency
loan committee. There will be an annual pres-
entation of aid legislation to both the authorizing
and the appropriating committees of the Con-
gress, during which all development lending
operations will be described. The Congress
would not only have opportunity to change the
lending criteria and other provisions covering
loans but also to curtail or end the borrowing
authority or any part of it. The executive branch
also proposes in the new legislation that the lend-
ing operations would be subject to the provisions
of the Government Corporations Control Act,
under which the President must submit to the
Appropriations Committees an annual budget
for lending operations.

This is the kind of authority essential to
a lending operation and now available to the
Export-Import Bank, the Commodity Credit
Corporation, and I understand some 20 other lend-

* S. Rept. 300, 85th Cong., 1st sess.
June 19, 7967

' For background, see Bulletin of June 10, 1957, p. 920.

951

ing agencies of the Federal Government. It is
critical to the success of the new program and
our hopes for effective long-term development.

Aid to Social Progress

Any program adequate to this decade must
provide — and the new program does provide —
for institutions of social progress and the develop-
ment of himian resources. Capital projects in
the form of mines, ports, highways, steel mills,
and fertilizer plants can create wealth to permit
increasing standards of living. But the benefits
of such growth ought to be fairly available to the
peoples of the countries involved. We have al-
ready seen in Latin America the need for a new
program of social progress. Your committee
recommended this program last September and
the Congress made appropriations for it last week.
The funds will assist in farm development for
the benefit of those who till the soil, the provision
of low-cost housing for rural and urban families,
for sanitation and health facilities, and for the
construction and equipping of schools. This new
proposal will endeavor to help bring about tliese
and other social and institutional advances in
other areas of the world and will continue to pro-
vide the technical assistance which the point 4
program has made a hallmark of America abroad.

Supporting Assistance

While our emphasis must be on long-term de-
velopment, we know very well that there are, and
will continue to be, a number of comitries where
supporting assistance will be needed for some time.
These include allies which are undertaking a sub-
stantial military burden, friendly countries facing
economic collapse, and other countries which pro-
vide valuable assistance to our security effort
through bases and other facilities.

These and others must be helped. We intend,
however, to encourage those countries receiving
supporting assistance to use it in ways more closely
related to economic and social development. As
this occurs, the amomit of supporting assistance
should decline and assistance can be transferred
to development loans and development grants.

We are confident that for many countries sup-
porting assistance will not be needed indefinitely.
We believe that several countries have already
made such progress that supporting grants may
be ended with the current fiscal year.

Development Research

The experience of the last 15 years has shown us
that we have much to learn about the iirocess of
assistance to the economic and social progress of
other nations. The President has therefore pro-
posed that there be initiated a program of research
to increase the effectiveness of our aid effort. This
problem has been studied by the development as-
sistance panel of the President's Science Advisory
Committee, which has made recommendations for
the creation of a unit within the development as-
sistance program to stimulate and finance intensive
research on the most effective use of development
assistance resources. Although the funds re-
quested for this program are relatively small, its
potential significance is very large.

Flexiiility

The flexibility which we have had in our aid
program in the past must be increased in the
future. Experience has shown us that the most
careful planning will still leave the events which
cannot be foreseen. For the current year the
Congress authorized and appropriated first $150
million and later an additional $100 million for a
contingency fund to meet needs which were un-
certain or unknown. Even this has proved inade-
quate and has been supplemented by a transfer
from the military assistance appropriation.

The President had at first planned to ask for
the same sum for the coming fiscal year, but, as we
can see from the daily headlines, the pace of events
is now such that the President has indicated to the
Congress that he is requesting an additional $250
million. This latter sum would be used only upon
a Presidential determination in each case where a
sudden and extraoi'dinary drain of regular funds
makes necessary the use of this emergency reserve.
In these uncertain times we must have the flexi-
bility to respond not only to new crises but to new
opportunities, as yet imknown, which we believe
will almost surely come.

Food for Peace

We must make the maximum possible use of one
of our greatest assets, the productivity of our
farms, through a Food-for- Peace Program. Al-
though legislation for Food for Peace is not in-
cluded in this bill, Food for Peace is an integral
part of the foreign aid program. For the future,
instead of considering food "an agricultural

952

Department of State Bulletin

problem" we must consider it a national asset and
use it in the most effective way possible to support
our foreign policy.

Unified Administration

The administration of the new program must
make the most effective use of the funds, men, and
resources available to it. We cannot alFord waste,
delay, or confusion. It is therefore intended that
there shall be a single agency in Washington and
unified administration in the field.

Although the aid program is directed to the
achievement of short- and long-term economic
goals, its total purpose is to support the foreign
policy of the United States. It will therefore be
in the Department of State headed by an Admin-
istrator of Under Secretary rank, reporting
directly to the Secretary of State and the Presi-
dent. Central direction and responsibility for the
program will be fixed in the Administrator.

In order to be most effective in carrying forward
the development of individual countries according
to a coimtry plan and to center in one spot and one
man the responsibility for all U.S. assistance to the
development of each country, the internal organi-
zation of the aid agency will be along geographic
lines. There will be Assistant Administrators
heading four regional bureaus for Latin America,
the Far East, the Near East and South Asia, and
Africa and Europe. These four administrators
will ranlv equally with the Assistant Secretaries
of the comparable geographic bureaus of the
Department of State and will work with them on
the closest possible basis.

The new agency will embrace and will have
available to it the functions now served by the
International Cooperation Administration, the
Development Loan Fund, the local-currency lend-
ing activities of the Export-Import Bank, the
Food-for-Peace Program in its relation to other
countries, and the related staff and program serv-
ices now provided by the Department of State and
the ICA.

The Help of Others

We must not assume that we can or should at-
tempt to do the job of assistance to economic and
social growth alone. We intend to seek multi-
lateral action. The program before 3'ou con-
tinues our participation in the work of inter-
national organizations engaged in economic devel-

opment and other aid activities. We will look
also, however, to an increased effort by other
industrialized nations. We are confident that this
effort will be forthcoming. The Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development will con-
tinue the work of the Development Assistance
Group and will be the instrument for bringing the
nations of Europe whose recovery we have assisted
into the common effort to assist the progress of the
less developed nations.

Peace Corps

I turn briefly to the Peace Corps, an imaginative
new instrument for world peace and human
understanding.

The President on March 1 sent to the Congress a
message " recommending the establishment of a
permanent Peace Corps through which skilled
American men and women could be sent overseas,
either by the United States Government or
through private organizations and institutions, to
help foreign countries meet their urgent needs for
trained manpower.

The Peace Corps grows out of the crying need
of the underdeveloped nations for men and women
to do work for which they themselves lack skilled
people — to teach in their schools, to survey roads,
to work in community development projects, to
introduce modem methods in agriculture and sani-
tation, and to perform scores of other services.

In addition to this imfulfilled need there also
exists in this country a desire on the part of
increasing numbers of Americans to serve abroad
in the greatest task our lifetime will see, the
development of some three score nations in all
parts of the world.

The idea for combining this need with this
desire originated here in the Congress with Mem-
bers of both Houses. This congressional interest
led to the enactment of a provision in the Mutual
Security Act of 1960 which called for a study of
the means by which this idea could be realized.

The Peace Corps has now had 3 months of
existence. In this time a number of pilot pro-
grams have been explored and developed. Proj-
ects in Tanganyika, Colombia, and the Philippines
have already been announced, and others will be
announced soon. The Peace Corps has also begun
to recruit and prepare intensive training for the

' lUd., Mar. 20, 1961, p. 401.

June ?9, 7967

953

American men and women who will participate in
these activities this year.

Practical experience thus far, the studies which
have been made, and the extensive advice submit-
ted by imiversities, voluntary agencies, student
groups, labor unions, and business and professional
organizations — all strongly supporting this new
endeavor in the cause of peace — have provided the
information upon which proposals for legislation
may now be made.

It is intended under the proposed legislation that
the Peace Corps continue as an agency in the De-
partment of State and that it will be headed by a
director who will have the rank of an Assistant
Secretary of State. Mr. Eobert Sargent Shriver,
Jr., the Director of the Peace Corps, and others
will appear before you to discuss the proposed
legislation and program.

We have already foimd that the governments
and peoples of many countries are enthusiastically
receptive to the idea of help from the Peace Corps.
Eager and able young Americans, men and
women, are coming forward to serve.

The yomig men and women we send abroad will
leam as much as they give. The Peace Corps
offers us an opportunity to show to the peoples of
the world the picture of eager, skilled, pioneering
men and women willing to work hard, side by side
with peoples of other lands, in common tasks. The
good which can come of this — in terms of further-
ing world peace and imderstanding and making
clearer to the world what the United States really
is and what it sincerely desires — can be immense.

International Peace and Security Act

Thus far I have dwelt on the need for economic
and social growth and the means by whidi we may
assist in their achievement.

I turn briefly to part II of the bill before you —
proposals to help achieve international peace and
security. Secretary [of Defense Robert S.] McNa-
mara. General [Lyman L.] Lemnitzer, and other
military experts will discuss these proposals with
you in detail.

First, I wish to underscore the inescapable
partnership between economic and social progress
on the one hand and conditions of essential secu-
rity on the other. One caimot long exist without
the other. In placing new emphasis, as we are, on
the programs of economic assistance, we do not

mean to minimize in any way the continuing neces-
sity of military assistance.

Wliile economic penetration by aid and trade are
new weapons in the Communist arsenal, the old
weapons of force in all its manifestations not only
continue to exist but are daily visible. In Cuba,
for example, what appeared to be a people's
revolution against oppression has been stolen from
the people and has become an instrument of op-
pression. In Laos, cadres of outsiders, hardened
invaders masquerading as local revolutionaries,
have been attempting to dominate the country. In
Viet-Nam invaders from the north are waging a
campaign of terror and assassuiation to capture
the coimtry.

Elsewhere, both on the borders of the Com-
munist bloc and half a world away. Communist
agitators, infiltrators, and guerrillas are at work
or moving into chosen positions. Within the bloc
itself, there remain huge nuclear capability and
expanding delivery systems as well as formidable
conventional forces.

It has been the determined policy of the United
States to support, the United Nations and other
arrangements for the maintenance of peace to the
end that force shall not be used except for individ-
ual or collective self-defense. An enduring peace
is a great objective which is central to policy. We
shall use our best ability to achieve imiversal con-
trol of weapons of mass destruction and universal
regulation of armaments and armed forces, under
safeguards to protect complying nations against
violation and invasion.

Wliile we work toward these goals, however,
we cannot let down the shield of our security.
The nations of the Communist bloc continue to
use internal subversion, paramilitary action, and
the shadowing threat of military attack to bring
other peoples under their domination. It is from
that source that the peace of the world, and with
it the security of our nation, are endangered.
Under these circumstances we must support a
policy of collective security.

The methods and means of actual and potential
aggression are undergoing change. The methods
and means of defense must be adapted to meet the
shifting threat. We have been engaged for the
past several months in a reexamination of all as-
pects of this problem. The proposals before you
are based upon the conclusions we have reached

954

Department of State Bulletin

thus far. These studies have also shown that our
program of military assistance must in the future
take certain new directions. The plans and pro-
grams we believe are needed can in many instances
be worked out only after consultation with our
allies. Tliey will be presented to the Congress in
future years.

The Proposed Program

Meanwhile the program to be presented to you
will require appropriations of $1,885 billion,
which we believe to be the minimum required to
maintain our essential security. Well over half
of the program now proposed is to maintain forces
in being and to cover essentially fixed charges.
About 40 percent is to provide modernized and
improved weapons for those areas luider most im-
mediate pressure. By far the greatest regional
share of the program is for the Far East, where
we have allies with substantial armed forces and
where the situation in southeast Asia, particularly,
demands the availability of additional strength.

Means must be found to counter growing threats
to the internal security of many of our friends in
the free world. A new approach to internal se-
curity, particularly in Latin America, is proposed,
and to make it possible the new bill drops the
present statutory bar to internal security pro-
grams for that region. The ceiling on military
aid to Latin America is also absent, although the
new program we have in mind will not require
large or expensive equipment. The need of freely
elected Latin American governments for this
specialized type of help to defend their countries
from externally inspired revolution is now
apparent.

You will find also that the proposed bill has
deleted a number of conditions, added 10 years or
so ago, to be required of recipients. Experience
has shown that those requirements, designed prin-
cipally to fit relationships with treaty allies, simply
are not practical when we are attempting to shore
up free, friendly, but in some cases politically
neutral nations.

One final point. The contingency fund which is
now available to both the economic and the mili-
tary programs is proposed for the future to be
available only to the economic. It is therefore

proposed that, when the President determines it
is vital to the security of the United States, he may
order up to $400 million (in any fiscal year) of de-
fense articles from the stocks of the Department
of Defense and of defense services to be used for
the purposes of part II. This strict test insures
that the authority will be used only after the most
careful consideration of relative needs of our en-
tire defense effort. Any such transfers must be
promptly reported to the Congress and will be
subject to reimbursement from subsequent appro-
priations for military assistance.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, let me just say
that the proposals before you are a central part
of the main business of the Nation in our relations
with the rest of the world. Whatever the environ-
ment around us, we would be committed to the
enlargement of freedom in a decent and tolerable
world order. There is much in our proposal
which we should attempt were there no Sino-
Soviet threat. But what would then be a welcome
opportunity is now an urgent necessity. We are
involved in what some have chosen to call a cold
war which we did not invent and which is not
sustained by any appetites of ours. We are in an
arms race which we took up reluctantly and which
we should gladly halt if it can be done with assur-
ance for the peace of the world. The costs of our
combined tasks may seem large, but we can afford
to do what has to be done. Wliat we cannot afford
is to fail to undertake the effort — and a sufficient
effort. For if we do, we must expect the failure
also of many free nations in their struggle to meet
the just demands of their people for a better life.
We would have to expect from many of them an
inevitable collapse, which, as President Kennedy
has said, "would be disastrous to our national se-
curity, harmful to our comparative prosperity, and
offensive to our conscience." ^

This national effort which we are discussing has
never been a matter of partisanship. Its greatest
concepts have come from Presidents of both
parties, from congressional leaders of both parties,
and in both Houses. It must continue to deserve
and have that support. The bill before you is of-
fered in that spirit.

' nid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

iune 79, 7967

955

Vice President Johnson Visits Six Countries
in Soutli and SoutEieast Asia

Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson left Wash-
ington on May 10 for a 2-weeh tour of south and
southeast Asia. Following are texts of joint com-
muniques issued following his visits to south
Viet-Nam, the Philippines, the Republic of China,
Thailand, India, and Pakistan.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, SAIGON, MAY 13

Lyndon B. Johnson, Vice President of the
United States, has just completed a visit to the
Republic of Viet-Nam, on behalf of President
Kennedy and on invitation of President Ngo Dinh
Diem.

The enthusiastic welcome he received in Viet-
Nam reflected a deep sense of common cause in
the fight for freedom in Southeast Asia and around
the world.

This recognition of mutual objectives resulted
in concrete understandings between the Republic
of Viet-Nam and the United States.

It is clear to the Government and the people of
Viet-Nam and to the United States that the inde-
pendence and territorial integrity of Viet-Nam are
being brutally and systematically violated by
Communist agents and forces from the north.

It is also clear to both Governments that action
must be strengthened and accelerated to protect
the legitimate rights and aspirations of the people
of free Viet-Nam to choose their own way of life.

The two Governments agreed that this is the
basic principle upon which their understandings
rest.

The United States, for its part, is conscious of
the determination, energy and sacrifices which the
Vietnamese people, under the dedicated leadership
of President Ngo Dinli Diem, have brought to the
defense of freedom in their land.

The United States is also conscious of its re-
sponsibility and duty, in its own self-interest as
well as in the interest of other free peoples, to

assist a brave country in the defense of its liberties
against unprovoked subversion and Communist
terror. It has no other motive than the defense of
freedom.

The United States recognizes that the President
of the Republic of Viet-Nam, Ngo Dinh Diem,
who was recently reelected to oiEce by an over-
whelming majority of his countrymen despite bit-
ter Communist opi^osition, is in the vanguard of
those leaders who stand for freedom on the
periphery of the Communist empire in Asia.

Free Viet-Nam cannot alone withstand the pres-
sure which this Communist empire is exerting
against it. Under these circumstances — the need
of free Viet-Nam for increased and accelerated
emergency assistance and the will and determina-
tion of the United States to provide such assistance
to those willing to fight for their liberties — it is
natural that a large measure of agreement on the
means to accomplish the joint pui'pose was found
in high-level conversations between the two
Governments.

Both Governments recognize that under the cir-
cumstances of guerrilla warfare now existing in
free Viet-Nam, it is necessary to give high priority
to the restoration of a sense of security to the
people of free Viet-Nam. This priority, however,
in no way diminishes the necessity, in policies and
programs of both Governments, to pursue vigor-
ously appropriate measures in other fields to
achieve a prosperous and happy society.

The following measures, agi'eed in principle and
subject to prompt finalization and implementation,
represent an increase and acceleration of United
States assistance to the Republic of Viet-Nam.
These may be followed by more far-reaching
measures if the situation, in the opinion of both
Governments, warrants.

First, it was agreed by the two Governments to
extend and build upon existing programs of mili-
tary and economic aid and to infuse into their joint
actions a high sense of urgency and dedication.

i

956

Deparfment of State Bulletin

Second, it was agreed that regular armed forces
of the Kepublic of Viet-Nam should be increased,
and that the United States would extend its mili-
tary assistance progi-ams to include support for an
additional number of regular Vietnamese armed
forces.

Third, it was agreed that the United States
would provide military assistance program sup-
23ort for the entire Vietnamese civil guard force.

Fourth, it was agreed that the two Governments
should collaborate in the use of military specialists
to assist and work with Vietnamese armed forces
in health, welfare and public works activities in
the villages of free Viet-Nam.

Fifth, it was agi-eed that the assistance of other
free governments to the Government of the Ke-
public of Viet-Nam in its trouble against Com-
munist guerrilla forces would be welcome.

Sixth, it was agreed that, to achieve the best
possible use of available resources, the Vietnamese
and the United States, in prosecution of their joint
effort against Communist attacks in Viet-Nam, a
group of highly qualified economic and fiscal ex-
perts would meet in Viet-Nam to work out a
financial plan on which joint efforts should be
based.

Seventh, it was agreed that the United States
and the Eepublic of Viet-Nam would discuss new
economic and social measures to be undertaken in
rural areas, to accompany the anti-guerrilla effort,
in order that the people of Viet-Nam should benefit
promptly from the restoration of law and order in
their villages and provinces.

Eighth, it was agreed that, in addition to meas-
ures to deal with the immediate Viet-Nam guer-
rilla problem, the two Governments would work
together toward a longer range economic develop-
ment program, including further progress in the
fields of agriculture, health, education, fisheries,
highways, public administration, and industrial
development.
I These longer range plans and programs would

be developed in detail after further consideration
and discussion.

Their goal would be a Viet-Nam capable of a
self -sustained economic growth.

President Ngo Dinh Diem and Vice President
Lyndon B. Johnson, on behalf of President Ken-
nedy, established a sense of mutual confidence and
respect which both believe essential to fulfillment
of their objectives.

June 19, 7961

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, MANILA, MAY 14

President Carlos P. Garcia of the Eepublic of
the Philippines and Vice President Lyndon B.
Johnson of the United States of America met at
Malacanang Palace at 7 :35 a.m. today and infor-
mally discussed matters of interest to their two
countries and the free world.

The meeting was cordial and friendly. The
discussion was thorough, frank and specific.
There was complete agreement on the seriousness
of the situation in Southeast Asia. There was also
complete agreement on the determination of the
two nations to maintain effective strength against
Communist encroachments in Asia. On this
principle there is complete accord between the
two nations.

Vice President Johnson stressed that he came
at the request of President Kennedy to seek
counsel and judgment and the views of President
Garcia on the world situation.

Vice President Johnson presented to President
Garcia a letter from President Kennedy.

The Vice President said he gained a greater
understanding of the conditions in this part of the
world and that when he returned he would present
the viewpoints of President Garcia to President
Kennedy. The Vice President told President
Garcia that he had been deeply thrilled and moved
by the enthusiastic welcome of the Philippine
people.

He also expressed his admiration over the suc-
cess of the Philippine reconstruction which he
regarded as a tribute to the character and capacity
of the Filipino people.

President Garcia congratulated Vice President
Johnson for a very timely and heartwarming ad-
dress before the joint session of Congress. The
two leaders talked about problems which confront
the Governments of their two peoples. Among
other things, they discussed sugar legislation in
the United States; the additional war damage
claims bill now pending in the United States
Congress ; ^ the steps which could be taken together
to develop vigorous science programs for the
Philippines and United States ; the possible Peace
Corps projects which will be discussed later in the
week with Mr. [Sargent] Shriver [Director of the
Peace Corps] ; possible legislation re-enacting the

' For background, see Bxtlletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 555.

957

pre-war coconut oil tax refund; and legislation
pending in the Philippine Congress on easing
tobacco import restrictions. President Garcia is
going to present to Vice President Johnson a
memorandum on the possibilities of a more
vigorous development program for Mindanao.

Vice President Jolinson assured President
Garcia of the United States desire to approach all
these matters in a spirit of constructive raider-
standing and that he will report fully through
appropriate channels upon his return to
Washington.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, TAIPEI, MAY 15

The President of the Eepublic of China [Chiang
Kai-shek] and the Vice President of the United
States of America met Sunday at the President's
residence and held extended discussions regarding
the threat of Communist aggression against the
free nations of Asia. The discussions were held
in an atmosphere of friendly accord.

The President expressed his pleasure at the visit
of the Vice President and the latter noted with
deep gratitude the warmth of the welcome he
received.

The Vice President wished to note particularly
the opportunity he was afforded to greet, meet,
and shake hands in friendship with so many
Chinese people on the streets of Taipei and
Taoyuan.

In the discussions, there was complete agree-
ment on the common purpose of the Republic of
China and the United States of America to main-
tain the integrity of free Asia.

There was candid exploration and consideration
of the strategies required to assure effective action.

Both the President and the Vice President af-
firmed, as a matter of principle, that all people
who desire freedom and are working for freedom
should have freedom. Freedom, they agreed, is
not for ourselves alone but must be preserved and
extended to all who desire it.

The Vice President, on behalf of President
Kennedy, assured President Chiang that :

The United States means to stand with her allies
in the Asian area ;

The United States has no intention of recogniz-
ing the Peiping regime ;

The United States opposes seating the Peiping
regime at the United Nations and regards it as im-

portant that the position of the Republic of China
in the United Nations should be maintained ;

The United States will continue to work with
the Republic of China Ln support of its accelerated
growth program.

Discussions encompassed a far-ranging con-
sideration of the international situation in Asia,
with reference to the serious situation in Southeast
Asia and particularly with regard to the Vice
President's visit to Viet-Nam.

The joint communique issued at Saigon by
President Ngo Dinh Diem and Vice President
Jolinson was noted with satisfaction.

The President and Vice President agreed that
new measures of cooperation among the free na-
tions of Asia, as well as with the United States and
other countries, are necessary and desirable.

The President and the Vice President joined
in expi-essing their common concern with the con-
ditions of famine on the mainland of China and
the mass suffering under Communist rule.

In the course of discussions, the President and
Vice President agreed that the political, social,
agricultural and economic progress in Taiwan,
which is the result of the combination of condi-
tions of peace on the island, Chinese skills and in-
dustry and American aid, is an achievement
worthy of note throughout all Asia and the
world.

In conclusion, the President of the Republic of
China and the Vice President of the United States
expressed the high mutual regard and mutual re-
spect in which the peoples of their two countries
hold each other.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, BANGKOK, MAY 18

The Vice President of the United States and the
Prime Minister of Thailand [Sarit Thanarat]
have completed a series of meetings during the
Vice President's visit to Thailand over the past
two days. Their discussions covered many sub-
jects of common interest, and reflected mutual ob-
jectives and undertakings of both Governments.

The Vice President stressed that the President
of the United States had sent him on this mission
to inform the Prime Minister personally and di-
rectly of the United States Government's complete
understanding of Thailand's concern over the
threats to peace and security in Southeast Asia,
and conveyed the President's intense interest in the

958

Deporfmenf of Stafe Bullefin

preservation of the independence and political in-
tegrity of Thailand and the other free countries of
Southeast Asia.

Vice President Johnson also stressed that he had
come at the personal request of President Kennedy
to obtain the counsel of Prime Minister Sarit on
what should be done in the immediate future to
meet our common problems. Further, he stressed
that he would report the views of the Prime Min-
ister to President Kennedy.

The Vice President expressed his gi'eat appreci-
ation for the amount of time, as well as the serious
attention, which the Prime Minister and his col-
leagues devoted to these discussions. He also ex-
pressed gratitude for the warmth of the reception
of the people of Thailand.

Tlie Vice President noted that Thailand lias
made gi'eat social and economic progress. He
cited the advances of Thailand in the fields
of education, health, finance and economic
development.

The Vice President expressed his interest in the
challenge of the development of northeast Thai-
land where opportunities for development are
being sought under the leadership of the Prime
Minist-er.

At the conclusion of their talks, the Prime Min-
ister and the Vice President agreed to the release
of a joint communique covering the following
points :

(1) Both Governments found mutual under-
standing regarding the serious situation existing
in parts of Southeast Asia. They reached full ac-
cord on Thai-United States objectives of peace
and independence, and agreed that both Govern-
ments should work for these objectives.

(2) Both Governments recognize that the foun-
dation of freedom rests on the adequate education
of the young, the health of the people, and the
improvement in the standards of livelihood of the
people. Both Governments pledged their diligent
efforts to the advance of education, health, com-
munications, and other fields of modem progress
in Thailand.

(3) The United States Government expressed
its determination to honor its treaty commitments
to support Tliailand — its ally and historic friend —
in defense against subversion and Communist
aggression.

(4) Both Governments recognize the utmost
importance of preserving the integrity and inde-
pendence of Thailand.

(5) Both Governments reiterated their deter-
mination to fulfill their SEATO commitments and
to go forward in steadfast partnership.

(6) Both Governments examined possible ways
to strengthen Thai defense capabilities, agreed to
explore ways in which this might be achieved
through greater joint efforts and mutual sacrifices
and the military assistance program involving the
armed forces.

(7) Both Governments expressed approval of
specific joint economic projects such as irrigation
projects in the northeast and the new thermal
power plant, which are being developed in Thai-
land, as well as the planning, the setting up of
projects under the Peace Corps program.

The Vice President and the Prime Minister re-
dedicated themselves to work for an honorable
peace in Southeast Asia, and to intensify the ef-
forts of their countries for the defense and prog-
ress of the free nations of this region.

Finally, they agi-eed on the desirability of reg-
ular consultation with as much frequency as may
be practicable.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, NEW DELHI, MAY 19

The Vice-President and the Prime Minister
[ Jawaharlal Neliru] have had full and higlily use-
ful discussions covering a wide range of subjects
of interest and concern to the two countries. At
the outset, Vice-President Johnson conveyed to
Prime Minister Nehru the warm greetings of
President Kennedy and told him of the President's
admiration for the way m which India is waging
its great battle against privation and poverty.
He told of the President's interest in the Third
Five Year Plan.

1. The Vice-President said that while American
assistance is dependent on the decisions of the
Congress and also on parallel efforts by the other
developed countries, it is the President's hope that
American aid to the new Plan will be both sub-
stantial in amount and effective in form. The
Prime Minister expressed his satisfaction at the
President's interest in India's development plans.

2. The two leaders agreed that the common
enemies of mankind, on wliich a major attack must
now be mounted are ignorance, poverty and dis-
ease. The conquest of these everywhere is the first
step to the assurance of peace and freedom.

3. The new American Administration agrees

June 79, 7961

959

■with the Prime Minister that the benefits of eco-
nomic advance must accrue to those who need help
the most. The Prime Minister stressed the im-
portance of effective land reform in many under-
developed countries as a vital step toward greater
social and economic equality. The Vice-President
agreed on the importance of such reform and noted
that the United States was a strong believer in
home ownership and in the distribution of the
ownership of land, particularly by those who work
it.

4. The Prime Minister mentioned to the Vice-
President the Indian programme for establishing
universal free and compulsory education in the
Third Five Year Plan. Both leaders agreed on
the fundamental importance of education in eco-
nomic development.

5. The Vice-President told of President Ken-
nedy's concern for assuring an effective cessation
of hostilities in Laos and for getting a truly neutral
and independent government which would be
neither dominated nor threatened from any quar-
ter. He expressed satisfaction and thanks for
India's past assistance in obtaining a cease-fire.
The Prime Minister expressed his full approval of
the goal of a neutral and independent Laos and
assured his continuing assistance and support in
achieving this end.

6. The Vice-President, who has long been asso-
ciated closely with developments in exploration
and research in space in the United States, stressed
American concern for peaceful and concerted ef-
fort by all nations in the great adventure into
outer space. He told of the imminent prospects
for the development of a communications satellite
with its promise of a possible breakthrough in the
field of mass education. He outlined also the
prospects for, and potential value of, the weather
satellite. These developments will be of benefit
not alone to Americans but to all mankind. They
will belong to all mankind. The expense of de-
velopment has so far been a barrier to participa-
tion by the scientists and engineers of the less de-
veloped countries. The United States would like
now to find ways to broaden interest and participa-
tion in these epoch-making activities. The Prime
Minister expressed much interest on behalf of
India and promised the matter his close attention.

7. There was discussion of the Peace Corps.
The Prime Minister stressed the importance of
voluntary workers being men and women of good

training who are also otherwise well prepared for
their new life and tasks. He expressed satisfac-
tion with his talks with the Director of the Peace
Corps.

8. Early in their conversations the Prime Minis-
ter and the Vice-President found a strong com-
mon interest in the field of electric power develop-
ment. The Vice-President was one of the pioneers j
in rural electrification in the United States, hav- ^
ing, at President Roosevelt's request, participated
in the establishment of the largest rural electrifica-
tion jDroject in the United States. The Prime
Minister told of his longstanding conviction that
electric light, and all that went with it, were the
greatest gift of modern industrial society. Be-
cause of the high capital costs and the heavy de-
mands for foreign exchange that are involved,
the development of jjower generating capacity has
been an especially important area of American
aid. The Prime Minister noted with satisfaction
the accomplislmients which could be attributed to
this aid in the Second Five Year Plan and the
two leaders reviewed the large demands for power
to be met in the Third Five Year Plan. The Vice-
President expressed his hope that during the
Third Five Year Plan there would be particular
success in getting electricity to rural villages.

In concluding their talks, the Vice-President
and the Prime Minister returned again to hunger, j
illiteracy and disease which are basic problems of 1
the peoples of the underdeveloped countries. The
battle against them will not easily be won; but
neither can it be longer delayed. The Vice-Presi-
dent stated that India's experience in dealing with
these basic problems is of great value to the United
States wliich wishes to use its resources for aiding
the peoples of the underdeveloped countries. The
Vice-President and the Prime Minister expressed
a desire for close and continuing consultation on ,
these problems. The Prime Minister expressed his \
warm appreciation of Vice-President Johnson's
mission and tlie opportunity the visit gave for
frank and friendly exchange of views and ideas.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, KARACHI, MAY 20

The President of Pakistan [Mohammed Ayub
Khan] and the Vice President of the United States
of America met Saturday, May 20, 19C1, at the
President's House for talks, which were conducted
in a frank and friendly atmosphere reflecting the

960

Department of State Bulletin

continuing close cooperation of Pakistan and the
United States in pursuit of common objectives.

The Vice President expressed the friendly
greetings and warm good wishes of President
Kennedy and the American people for the Presi-
dent and the people of Pakistan. The Vice Presi-
dent noted that the United States anticipated with
pleasure President Ayub's visit in November. In
this connection, Vice President Johnson extended
a personal invitation for President Ayub to visit
the Vice President's ranch home in Texas during
the stay in the United States. President Ayub
recalled that he had previously visited Texas
wliich reminded him of Pakistan and expressed
pleasure in accepting the Vice President's
invitation.

Vice President Johnson explained that he had
come at the request of President Kennedy and pre-
sented to President Ayub a personal letter from
the President of the United States. The Vice
President said that President Kennedy wanted
him to discuss with the leaders of Pakistan and
other countries of South and Southeast Asia what
might be done further to strengthen peace and
freedom and to enhance the general welfare of the
people. Vice President Johnson said the exchange
in Karachi would be of great value toward a closer
understanding of Pakistan and the views of Paki-
stan's leaders toward regional and world problems.

In the course of the conversations, President
Ayub and Vice President Johnson noted with
satisfaction the many common objectives and spe-
cific programs of cooperation that link the two
countries. They welcomed continued cooperation
in regional collective security arrangements, such
as CENTO and SEATO, and the growing eco-
nomic and social cooperation among the regional
members of these alliances. They discussed meas-
ures to strengthen these alliances.

President Ayub and Vice President Johnson
agreed that the long term security of the free
world must be built on a foundation of progress
assuring greater opportimity and a better life for
the people.

Specifically :

1. President Ayub reviewed the objectives of
Pakistan's Second Five Year Plan and progress
in its implementation. The Vice President re-
affirmed the United States' firm interest in sup-
porting Pakistan's implementation of this far-
sighted program.

June 79, 796?

596987—61 3

2. The two leaders discussed the great problems
arising from the loss of agricultural lands in Paki-
stan due to water-logging and salinization. The
President outlined the energetic program planned
to cope with this problem, and the Vice President
received documentation for use in considering
further means by which the United States might
assist.

3. The importance of education was emphasized.
President Ayub described the substantial educa-
tional programs of his country to which both
government and private assistance is being ex-
tended from the United States. Means of further
cooperation in this field were considered.

4. It was recognized that the provision of ade-
quate housing is an essential primary need of any
commimity or nation. In this context, assistance
being extended by the United States to supplement
Pakistan's housing programs was reviewed.

5. The provision of greater health facilities was
discussed at length.

6. Plans for the assignment to Pakistan of mem-
bers of the American Peace Corps were discussed,
and President Ayub expressed particular interest
in the assignment of Peace Corps members to work
on projects in such fields as health, education and
agriculture.

7. President Ayub discussed Pakistan's land re-
foi-m programs in which millions of acres have
been re- distributed, giving new ownership to
hundreds of thousands of people who work the
lands.

8. Vice President Johnson said that the United
States has high expectations that international
cooperation in scientific developments will be of
great benefit to countries on every continent. He
mentioned in particular possibilities from weather,
communication, navigational and mapping uses of
space vehicles.

9. The President and Vice President discussed
the possible advantages of a meeting to be held in
the near future of heads of nations of Asia and the
Pacific area to review their common aspirations,
objectives and problems and to seek means of
greater cooperation among themselves.

Letters of Credence

Ital9/

Tlie newly appointed Ambassador of Italy,
Sergio Fenoaltea, presented his credentials to

961

President Kennedy on May 26. For texts of the
Ambassador's remarks and the President's reply,
see Department of State press release 346 dated
May 26.

U.S. Reaffirms Desire To Maintain
Friendly Relations With Korea

Following is an exchange of notes between the
United States and the Republic of Korea.

U. S. Charge d'Affaires to Korean Foreign Minister

Mat 26, 1961

Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge
on behalf of my Government the May ISth mes-
sage of General Do Yoimg Chang in his capacity
as Chairman of the Military Revolutionary Com-
mittee of the Republic of Korea to the President
of the United States.

My Government has noted with approval the
pledges set forth in General Chang's message,
which express support for Free World principles
and a determination to promote the welfare of
the Korean people in accordance with these prin-
ciples. My Government also notes with satisfac-
tion the expression of intention to return the
Government to civilian control.

The United States for many years has main-
tained cordial relations with the Republic of
Korea and has endeavored to assist the Govern-
ment and people of Korea in their efforts to
achieve a sound and prosperous economy and
maintain freedom tlirough democratic progress
and defensive strength. My Government trusts
that the traditional friendly relations between our
two countries will continue and that we shall
together continue our cooperation in promoting
the well-being and strength of Korea and the
Free World.

Marshall Green
Charge d'Affaires

His Excellency :

KiM HONG-IL

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Republic of Korea

Korean Ambassador to Acting Secretary of State

May 18, 1961
Excellency: I have the honor to transmit the
following cable message received today for His
Excellency the President of the United States
from Lieutenant General Do Young Chang,
Chairman of the Military Revolutionary Com-
mittee of the Republic of Korea:

On behalf of the Militai-y Revolutionary Committee I
wish to express my sincere respect and gratitude to the
Government and people of your country for the assistance
and contribution made toward the progress and pros-
perity of the Republic of Korea. It is the aim of the
Republic of Korea to uphold democracy, based on liberty,
equality and good neighborliness.

Although the April revolution of 1960 carried out by
students was successful with the overwhelming support
of the Korean people and international sympathy, after
one year since the assumption of power by the Demo-
cratic Party the people still find themselves in the con-
dition of starvation and despair, and the Government
continued to follow the ill practices and corruption of the
past. This situation also resulted in endangering our
capacity to combat effectively the Communist threats.

Unable to let the situation deteriorate any further, at
dawn on May 16, 1061, the military acted to overthrow
the Government and took complete control of the exec-
utive, legislative and judiciary powers of government.
Thus, we embarked upon the sacred revolutionary task
of overthrowing the corrupt and inefficient regime and of
saving the people and the country.

The following are our pledges :

1. Anti-communism.

2. Adherence to the United Nations Charter and respect
for the faithful fulfillment of all international treaties and
agreements.

3. Complete elimination of corruption and social evils.

4. Speedy solution of the problem of the livelihood of
the people who are on the verge of starvation.

5. Strengthening of power and effectiveness to combat
communism, and

Finally, at any time upon completion of our mission,
we will hand over the control of the Government to clean
and conscientious civilians and to return to our proper
duties of the military.

Please rest assured. Excellency, of the integrity of the
Committee, and we sincerely hope that the most friendly
ties exi.sting between our two countries will continue to
be strengthened.

For the prosperity of the Republic of Korea we will
pursue this sublime task with unity, perseverance and
courage.

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest
consideration.

Do YoTJNQ Chang

Lt. General, ROKA

Chairman

Military Revolutionary Committee

Repuhlic of Korea

962

Department of State Bulletin

It would be deeply appreciated if your Excel-
lency would be so kind as to have the above mes-
sage forwarded to its high destination.

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my liigh-
est consideration.

Lee Wook Chang

His Excellency

Chester Bowles,

Acting Secretary of State,

Depari7nent of State, Washington S5, D.G.

President Youlou of Congo Republic
Visits the United States

White House press release dated May 31

The White House announced on May 31 that
Fulbert Youlou, President of the Republic of
Congo (Brazzaville), will make an informal visit
to the United States, June 8-10.

The visit, which will begin with President You-
lou's arrival in Washington on June 8, will also
take the African leader to New York. He will
bo received by President Kennedy, who will host
a luncheon in his honor June 8, and will pay an
official call on the Secretary of State.

Mr. Cleveland Holds Consultations
in Canada and Europe

The Department of State announced on June 3
(press release 364) that Harlan Cleveland, Assist-
ant Secretary for International Organization Af-
fairs, would leave Washington June 4 for 5 weeks
of consultations in Canada and Europe.

Mr. Cleveland will visit the headquarters of
more than a dozen international organizations for
discussions with their officials. He will also meet
with Canadian and European government officials
responsible for their nations' policies within these
organizations.

In these discussions Mr. Cleveland will present
U.S. viewpoints on current and future prospects
of the United Nations, including the Organiza-

tion's increase in membership and success in devel-
oping executive operations of substantial breadth
and size. Among the specific items he will discuss
are:

a. United Nations activities on self-government
issues ;

b. The significance and possible future of the
United Nations Congo operation ;

c. The Soviet attack on the Secretary-General
and the issue of tripartism in international secre-
tariat operations ;

d. Financing and administration of the United
Nations ;

e. Institution building in the less developed
countries through United Nations programs of
technical assistance and preinvestment aid.

Mr. Cleveland plans to visit headquarters of the
International Atomic Energy Agency at Vienna,
the Food and Agriculture Organization at Rome,
the International Telecommunications Union, the
World Health Organization, and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees at
Geneva. In Geneva he will visit conferences of
the International Labor Organization, the Tech-
nical Assistance Committee of the United Nations
Economic and Social Council, and the talks on the
suspension of nuclear weapon tests and on the situ-
ation in Laos. He will attend conferences of the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization at Paris.

U.S. and U.K. Begin Talks
on Caribbean Air Routes

The Department of State announced on June 2
(press release 362) that a U.S. aviation delegation
was departing for London that day to open nego-
tiations on the matter of air routes in the Carib-
bean. The U.S. delegation is headed by Ernest
A. Lister, deputy director, Office of Transport and
Communications, Department of State. The dele-
gation also includes "Wliitney Gilliland, member,
Civil Aeronautics Board.

June 79, I96I

963

The Foreign Service and the Panorama of Change

hy Charles E. Bohlen

8 fecial Assistant to the Secretary of State ■

I have already expressed this morning my deep
personal appreciation for the honor which Eock-
hurst College has done me in conferring upon me
an honorary degree. I would like to repeat here
my thanks. Quite apart from the personal grati-
fication that this affords me, I am proud that
through me it involves the recognition of the
branch of the United States Government of which
I have been a member for over 32 years — the
Foreign Service of the United States.

Tliere has never been a time in our history when
our foreign relations have been so important to
the future, and indeed the survival, of this
Republic. Under our system it is the President
who makes the central decisions of our foreign
policy. His chief agent in this field is the Secre-
tary of State. No policy, however well conceived
or thought through, however appropriate to the
occasion and the purposes we seek in the foreign
field, can ever be better than its execution. The
United States Foreign Service has a very large
responsibility for this aspect of our foreign policy.

It is, of course, true that many other agencies
and representatives of the United States Govern-
ment abroad are involved in our ever-widening
participation in world events. But it still remains
true that the chief responsibility abroad for the
carrying out of our policies rests with our ambas-
sadors as the representatives of the President and
Secretary of State in any given country.

Frequently these chief representatives come
from the professional Foreign Service. Some
come from private life. But in every case an

' Address made at the ninth annual Rockhurst Day
dinner, at Kansas City, Mo., on May 23 (press release 336
dated May 22). Earlier that day Mr. Bohlen received an
LL.D. degree from Rockhurst College.

964

ambassador is supported and backed up in his
work by his staff, which in every country is largely
composed of Foreign Service officers. Because of
its importance to our Nation's foreign business,
greatly enhanced by the critical state of the world
as we see it at the beginning of the decade of the
sixties, I am particularly pleased and proud since
through me this Service has been recognized by
Rockhurst College.

The United States Foreign Service, by the very-
nature of its duties, is not nearly as well known to
the people of this country as are the represent-
atives of other Government departments. The
work of the Foreign Service is either in Washing-
ton or abroad. The people of this country do not
see with their own eyes the actual work that it
does. Their opinion, therefore, of the men and
women who make up this professional body is ob-
tained second or third hand. The other great
departments of the Government, whether it be
Agriculture, or Commerce, Defense, Interior, La-
bor, operate primarily within the United States
itself. The activities and the work that is done for
the people is constantly before the eyes of almost
every community in this country. Furthermore,
traditionally, diplomacy has not always been a
highly regarded profession. In part, this is in-
evitable, since one of the fimctions of your repre-
sentatives abroad is to present to the American
Government, and particularly very often to the
Congress, the point of view and problems of the J
foreign country. This has tended to reinforce at 1
times the popular image of the diplomat as some-
how un-American — as someone who, because of
his residence abroad, necessitated by his duties,
has in some way or other lost touch with our
country. To this should be added the popular
distortion that diplomats spend their time at

Department of Sfate Bulletin

receptions and teas, clad invariably in striped
pants. These are all images of the past which
have little relevance to the actual work of the
Foreign Service.

I should like here to say a few words about three
different terms which are very often used inter-
changeably as though they represented the same
tiling. These are "foreign relations," "foreign
policy," and "diplomacy." Wliile all are related
to the same general subject, namely the foreign in-
volvement of a country with other nations, they
deal witli different facets of this subject.

The foreign relations of a country represent the
sum total of all relationships and connections be-
tween one country and another or one country and
a group of countries. They embrace not only the
strictly governmental aspects of this relationship
but also tlie private and semiofficial connections —
business, scientific, educational, commercial, and a
multitude of other links between countries and be-
tween peoples.

Foreign policy is a set of objectives or aims
established by the highest authorities of a country
which it will seek to achieve in its relations with
the external world. The formulation of foreign
policy involves not only external considerations
but also domestic factors as well. This, of course,
is particularly true in a democracy such as ours.
No set of goals or objectives in the foreign field
which departs from the basic sentiments or tradi-
tions of this country could ever be maintained by
any American Government for any length of time.

Diplomacy, on the other hand, is primarily the
art or profession of the transaction of affairs be-
tween governments. It is, of course, true that in
the modern world our relations with any given
country involve many factors other than the direct
dealings between governments, and an effective
and competent diplomat, whatever his rank, must
be prepared and equipped to deal with these non-
governmental aspects of his work. But, however
much we recognize the importance of the public re-
lations aspect of a diplomat's profession, however
much importance we attach to aid programs, get-
ting in touch with the people of the country in
which he is stationed — these modern developments
in international relations should not cause us to
forget that the chief purpose of the diplomat is
the transaction of business for his country with the
government to which he is credited. The success
or failure of a given diplomatic mission in any

country will, in the last analysis, come down to the
degree of success it has achieved with the govern-
ment of that country. The settlement of disputes
tliat inevitably arise between countries, as between
individuals, the ability to influence without im-
proper interference the course of the foreign coun-
ti'y's action in a direction which would serve the
overall objectives of our foreign policy — these are
the real business of diplomacy, to which all other
aspects are supporting and subsidiary.

It is an extremely delicate and tricky matter to
attempt to go behind the back of any government
in an endeavor to influence tlie people of that coun-
try in a desired direction, however admirable and
constructive the aim may be. We should know
this from our own history, since no people have
been more sensitive, and quite properly so, than
those of the United States to any attempt of for-
eign representatives accredited to our Government
to propagandize or influence our people behind the
back of our Government.

Changes in U.S. Position in World

I have dwelt somewhat on this point because I
feel, as I indicated earlier, that there is a good deal
of confusion as to what exactly is the primary
function of our representatives abroad. This be-
ing said, however, I feel that we would do well to
ponder the vast changes that have occurred in
international affairs and, in particular, in the posi-
tion of the United States in the world, in an un-
believably short time. So radical have been these
changes, so complex in their variety and so deep
in their essence have these been, that it is under-
standable that the national consciousness of our
people has not been able to keep up with them.
Indeed, even for those of us whose whole life has
been engaged in the conduct of foreign relations,
it has not been easy, and is not now, to assess in
their full dimension the extent and character of
these changes. Many, if not most, of the assiunp-
tions which have guided this Nation for its entire
history up to World War II are no longer valid.
But it is characteristic of human society that in-
herited or traditional assumptions continue to be
accepted for some time after they are no longer
valid.

Let us briefly take a look at what has happened
to the position of the United States in the world
within the compass of less than one generation.
As a starting point I might mention that when

June 19, 1 96 1

965

I joined the Foreign Service over 32 years ago the
budget of the Department of State in that year —
1929 — was $14 million, of which over half was
returned to the United States Treasury in the
form of visas, passports, invoices, notarials, and
other fees. This modest sum not only paid the
salaries of all American diplomatic and consular
establishments abroad, the salaries of the entire
staff of the Department of State, but in addition
included the United States' contribution to such
international organizations of which the United
States was then a member. In short, a sum of
under $10 million represented the cost to the
American taxpayer of our involvement in foreign
affairs.

To compare this sum with the annual cost of
our foreign involvement at the present time, quite
apart from the immense outlays for national de-
fense, illustrates more sharply than any words
could the vast change that has occurred in our
position in the world. The budget this year of
the Department of State is $300 million. The
President, for this fiscal year, has asked the Con-
gress for about $4 billion for foreign aid.^ In fact,
the sum total of foreign aid from appropriated
moneys since the end of World War II amounts
to the staggering total of over $84 billion.

This change, however, cannot be measured only
in dollars. These great simis, as important as
they are, represent a symptom of the profound
transformation that has occurred in the relation-
ship of the United States to the outside world
during and since World War II.

Throughout its entire history, up to 1939, the
United States had enjoyed a position of security
unequaled by any great power on earth. Our
tradition, inherited from the Founding Fathers,
of no entangling alliances had made this country
an observer rather than a participant in major
world affairs. Even World War I, into which
we were eventually drawn, was treated by this
country as an episode; and following the victory
in 1918 we again withdrew, as it were, to our own
continent in conformity with this deep-seated tra-
dition. We were protected by two vast oceans.
Our neighbors to the north and south were friendly
and constituted no shred of threat to the well-being
or security of the United States. In addition, the
great democracies of Western Europe occupied
commanding positions virtually throughout the

* Bulletin of April 10, 1961, p. 507.
966

entire globe. These democracies, sharing in large
measure our own principles in regard to the or-
ganization of human society, were animated by
no basic hostility to the United States or our sys-
tem. On the contrary, in two world wars these
democracies took the first shock of the assault,
affording to us the priceless ingredient of time in
order to mobilize the vast resources of this Nation
in the common struggle.

Within the short space of a few years this posi-
tion of security and indeed tranquil isolation of the
United States was radically altered. From a posi-
tion of great security and little involvement in
world affairs we were catapulted into a position of
responsibility such as no nation in recorded history
has ever had thrust upon it. I say "thrust upon
it" because this change was not brought about by
our choice — by our desire. It was an external
challenge that was flung down before the United
States at the end of World War II, when we were
quite literally the only power that emerged among
the nations of the free world with enhanced
strength. The democracies of Western Europe,
weakened by the long struggle, were in no position
to continue bearing the great burdens of assuring
order and tranquillity in the world as they had
done in the past.

The manner in which the Government and peo-
ple of the United States responded to this chal-
lenge is a matter of history. But I am very pleased
indeed to be able to pay tribute to President
Truman here tonight for the great role that he
personally played as the President of the United
States in the meeting of this challenge. The great
measures of our foreign policy which still consti-
tute its cornerstones — the European Recovery Act,
the North Atlantic Treaty alliance — were all con-
ceived and put into effect during his term of office.
We also recall the Greek-Turkish aid measure and,
above all, the courage and vigor with which he
responded to the armed attack in Korea. This
country, and indeed the entire free world, owe a
large debt of gratitude to President Harry S.
Truman. It shall always be a matter of the deep-
est personal pride on my part that I had the privi-
lege of being associated with his administration
in these great ventures.

However, the panorama of change was by no
means completed merely by the sudden emergence
of the United States into a position of preemi-
nence in the world.

Department of State Bulletin

The Right to Nationhood

A third factor enters the scene and one which
will be the increasing preoccupation of this country
in the decade of the sixties. As part of the process,
as I have briefly mentioned earlier, we have been
witnessing, and still are, the emergence into the
world stage of a very large number of new nations,
arising from the disappearance of the former
great colonial empires of the world. Tliis in itself
would be a major and revolutionary change in the
entire world picture. It is a process which is in-
evitable and one which this country, given its
origins and traditions, can never oppose but can
only welcome.

One of the deepest traditions of the United
States is the belief in the right of the peoples to
self-determination — the right to nationhood of
those who have the necessary ingredients for in-
dependent life. The manner, however, in which
this process is achieved is likewise of vital concern
to us. Whether this emergence from the status of
dependency into full and independent nationhood
is to be done in an orderly and harmonious manner
is one of the vital questions of the present and the
immediate future. It has been demonstrated in
past history that this transition, difficult at best
and frequently painful, nonetheless can be effected
with a minimum of bitterness and with the preser-
vation of a healthy and good relationship between
the former mother country and its colonies.

We in the United States, I believe, are entitled
to take some pride in the manner in which this
transition was effected in regard to the Republic of
the Philippines. We can find other illustrations,
in comparable circumstances, in regard to certain
of the European countries. However — and this
is a central fact of our times — this process is
being exploited in the opposite direction by the
great adversary we face in the world today — the
Communist coimtries and the Communist move-
ment they direct. The process of radical change in
past relationships in the world would be difficult
and complicated at best, but we have here the coin-
cidence of two factors which, at the present time,
constitute one of the main elements of extreme
danger in the world we face. On the one hand you
have the process of dissolution of former colonial
empires, the revolution of rising expectations
among its people, the passionate thirst for inde-
pendence and liberty among former dependent
peoples, their equally passionate desire for eco-

nomic and social improvement. Even under ideal
conditions this process would be extremely painful,
difficult, and even dangerous. It is immeasurably
complicated by the second factor, namely the poli-
cies and attitudes toward this question of the
Conununist governments and the Communist
movement as a whole.

Instead of devoting its influence to the promo-
tion of an orderly and harmonious change, the
Soviet Government appears to be pursuing the
exact opposite path, in seeking at every point to
inflame existing grievances, to create hatred where
none exists, and to perpetuate the resentments
for past injustices into the future. The purpose
sought is clear, and I am sure is apparent to every-
one. It is, of course, to increase the power of the
Soviet Union and the Commmiist movement and to
weaken, at every pomt where it is possible, the
world position of the free democracies, and par-
ticularly the United States.

This will, in large measure, be the battleground
of the sixties. The United States by its traditions
and principles, as I have mentioned, believes firmly
in the right of self-determination and has been,
and always will be, prepared to support the legiti-
mate aspirations of any people for its right to
develop its national life. Along with this, how-
ever, with the sense of responsibility and a sense
of history, we will seek to the best of our ability
to promote this transition in the most orderly,
pacific, and harmonious manner possible and will
oppose with all the vigor at our command the at-
tempts of the Communists to direct this process of
change into the channels of bitterness, hatred be-
tween peoples, and armed strife.

Shift in Correlation of Forces

In addition to the basic change in the United
States position brought on by the war — from se-
curity and isolation to global responsibility — to
which I have already referred, there has been dur-
ing the last decade a further shift in the world
correlation of forces. The United States, with
first a monopoly and then a great superiority in
atomic weapons, an undamaged and enlarged in-
dustrial capacity, enjoyed a preeminent power
position in the immediate postwar years. It is
true that because of the demobilization of our
powerful wartime forces — which the Soviets, de-
spite the devastation of the war, did not emulate —
this power was not before Korea translated into

June 19, 196?

967

forces in being. But in the basic ingredients of
power we were luiequaled. This situation began
to shift in the middle fifties. It was simply not in
the cards that any one nation, no matter how pow-
erful it is, could retain that margin of superiority
which we enjoyed in the immediate postwar years.
It was inevitable that the Soviet Union, when it
had repaired the ravages of war and pushed for-
ward as it has with relentless energy in its indus-
trial and military development, would begin to
approximate our own power.

Furthermore, in large measure as a consequence
of the success of our efforts for the recovery of
Europe, it was likewise foreseeable that the coun-
tries of Western Europe, with the recovery of their
strength and vigor, would become an increasing
political and power factor in the world. The point
I wish to make is that, while the actual power of the
United States, both economic and military, has
appreciably increased since the early postwar
years, the relativity of this power to the rest of the
world has inevitably diminished. This does not
mean in any sense that the United States stands
now in a weakened position insofar as our own
security and protection is concerned, but as a polit-
ical factor we should, I think, recognize and absorb
the meaning of this change. It means, if we are
to look at the world realistically, there has been
less disposition on the part of many countries to
foUow automatically any United States view in
world affairs than in the earlier period. On the
brighter side, it should mean that part of the enor-
mous burden which the United States bore vir-
tually alone during the period of recovery from the
damages of the war should now be shared in in-
creasing measure by our allies, who have been,
with our help, restored to health and vigor.

I have already referred to the emergence and
independence of the very large number of formerly
dependent states. The result of all this is that,
whereas in the immediate postwar period there
was a tendency to the polarization of power be-
tween the United States and the Soviet Union,
with the advantage on our side, at the present
time there is a greater dispersal of power — mili-
tary, economic, and political — in the world than
there was then. A wise foreign policy must also
take into consideration changes of this nature in
the world scene and, without in any sense aban-
doning the goals and objectives which this country
has set for itself — and certainly not in default of

its solemn commitments — must be prepared to
adjust its method of operation to meet the chang-
ing conditions and the changmg challenges.

Effectiveness of the United Nations

The decade of the sixties thus will require the
development of new techniques, new mechanisms,
and new approaches but certainly not the aban-
donment of those which are basic to our current
foreign policy. On the contrary these should be
strengthened, particularly in regard to the asso-
ciation of nations grouped under the North At-
lantic Treaty. Tliis alliance will remain in the
coming decade the cornerstone of our security and
our policy. It is more in regard to other parts of
the world that new measures must be devised.

A most important organization m international
affairs is, of course, the United Nations, which
also was signed and adopted during President
Truman's term of office. Only the future will dis-
close whether the United Nations can become a
more effective instrmnent for the maintenance of
peace and seciu-ity in the world than it has been
in the past. It has already rendered great service ,
in this regard, although obviously it has not ful- I
filled the exaggerated hopes m this respect that I
attended its birth in 1945. '

The United Nations is not only a forum in
which many of these problems are aired and de-
bated, if not resolved. It has also demonstrated in
the recent past that it can, when permitted to do
so, act for the preservation of peace and security |
in the world. The United Nations Emergency '
Force in the Middle East following the Suez crisis
was and has been a factor of stability in that
troubled situation. In the Congo, the United
Nations presence, despite the vicissitudes, difficul-
ties, and dangers and mistakes, has undoubtedly
made a major contribution in that situation.
Without the United Nations presence, I believe all
objective observers would agree the situation in
that newly independent country would have been
much more dangerous, would have been much more
difficult, not only for the counti-y itself but almost
certainly more dangerous for the preservation of
peace.

In the future, if the United Nations is pennitted
to do so — and I say this advisedly — it can be a
major factor in similar situations which in all
probability will arise in the course of the process
attendant upon the emergence of new independent

968

Department of State Bulletin

nations in the world. Wlien I say "pei-mitted to
do so," I of course refer to the attitude of the
Soviet Government. The Soviet attacks on the
Secretary-General and the United Nations are
not in reality directed against him personally,
despite tlie abuse to which he has been subjected.
Tliese attacks are directed against the United Na-
tions Organization itself precisely because it shows
signs of being an effective instrument to stabilize
troubled situations in the world and in so doing
runs counter to Communist purposes.

I shall not attempt to mention here in any detail
other certain new instrumentalities which the pres-
ent administration is endeavoring to perfect. One
of these is the Peace Corps. This is admittedly
an experiment but could indeed be a most valuable
one to our purposes in the world. Properly organ-
ized and selected, this Peace Corps could do what
is difficult, if not impossible, for formal, official
representatives to do. It is, in effect, a measure
that lies somewhere in between private and chari-
table endeavor, on the one hand, and strictly Gov-
ernment and official activities on the other. It is
a natural target for cynics, but I think we would
do well to remember the definition of a cynic as
one who knows the price of everything and the
value of nothing.

From my experience in the Pliilippines, I know
how much we owed to the dedicated corps of teach-
ers who went to the Pliilippines in the early part
of this century. The impression they left of the
United States is one of the very real factors in the
friendly attitude of the people of the Philippines
toward the United States.

It is fitting, in view of my long preoccupation in
this field, that I should conclude with some re-
marks on our relations with the Soviet Union. I
should like to point out, however, that to use the
very term "Soviet- American relations" is to mis-
state the problem. Our difficulties with the Soviet
Union are not a function of our bilateral relations
with that country. We do not have and have not
had as comitries any clash of national interest
with Russia or the Soviet Union. We have no
territories in dispute nor any of the classic con-
flicts which have troubled relations between coun-
tries in the past. Rather, our problem with them
is a facet of the problem which faces all of the
nations of the free world. It arises from the fact
that the Soviet Union not only acts solely as a na-
tion but also is the headquarters of a world move-

ment whose avowed purpose is to subvert existing
institutions in other countries and impose in their
place the particular Communist brand of dictator-
ship. It is because all the major problems are
multilateral in character and do not affect alone
the United States and the Soviet Union that the
President, in agreeing to meet with Chairman
Klirushchev in Vienna early next month, has made
it entirely clear that this is not a conference for
the negotiation or settlement of issues in which the
interests and sentiments of other coimtries are as
deeply involved as our own.^

If we were to state the main issue in the world
today, which is certainly not one that relates alone
to the United States or its foreign policy, I would
characterize it as a battle between the world of
choice and the world of coercion. This is the
heart of the matter. For when people are per-
mitted the priceless right of choice to select the
institutions and governments under which they are
to live, and when these governments in turn in the
foreign field can choose the course best suited to
their traditions and circumstance, then we will
have a genuine prospect for an orderly and tran-
quil world.

I can do no better on this subject than to close
with the quotation from the message of President
Kennedy to Chairman Khrushchev on April
18th:*

"The great revolution in the history of man,
past, present, and future, is the revolution of those
determined to be free."

President Asks Secretary Udall
To Study Passamaquoddy Report

Following are texts of letters from. President
Kennedy to Secretary Rusk and to Stewart L.
Udall, Secretary of the Interior.

White House press release dated May 20

President Kennedy to Secretary Rusk

Mat 20, 1961
Mr DEAK Mr. Seceetart: I am informed that
you have requested the comments of interested
Federal agencies on the report of the International

• lUA., June 5, 1961, p. 848, and June 12, 1961, p. 910.

* Ihii,., May 8, 1961, p. 661.

June 79, 7961

969

Joint Commission, United States and Canada, on
the Passamaquoddy Tidal Power Project.^

This project lias challenged engineers and stu-
dents of water resources for many years, and I am
liopef ul that the current report and related studies
can be as useful as possible in formulating a sound
policy for the development of resources in the area
covered by the report. I have, therefore, asked
the Secretary of the Interior to advise me on the
power and natural resource aspects of the report.
A copy of my request to Secretary Udall is en-
closed for your information.

I wish you would give particular attention to his
views on these matters prior to submitting your
report to the Bureau of the Budget for clearance.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy
Honorable Dean Eusk
Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D.C.

President Kennedy to Secretary Udall

Mat 20, 1961
My dear Mr. Secretary : As you know, the International
Joint Commission, United States and Canada, has sub-
mitted its report on the International Passamaquoddy
Tidal Power Project to the Governments of the United
States and Canada. I am informed that the report has
now been circulated by the Secretary of State to the in-
terested Federal agencies, including the Department of
Interior, for comment.

This project has challenged engineers and students of
water resources for many years, and I am hopeful that the
current report and the related studies of the International
Passamaquoddy Engineering Board and the New England-
New York Inter-agency Committee can be as useful as pos-
sible in formulating a sound policy for the development of
resources in the area covered by the report. I would,
therefore, appreciate it if, following your review and
evaluation of the report, you would advise me of your
judgment about what changes in fuel, engineering and fi-
nancing costs might result in making the project economi-
cally feasible. I would also appreciate your advice on the
advisability of hydroelectric power development on the
upper St. John River at this time and on any other rele-
vant matters relating to the report.

I have notified the Secretary of State of my request for
your advice on this project and have asked that he give
particular attention to your views on these matters in his
report on the project.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy
Honorable Stewart L. Udall
Secretary of the Interior
Washington, D.C.

' For background, see Bulletin of May 22, 1961, p. 772.

Ambassador Stevenson Visits South
America on President's Belialf

STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY, MAY 28

White House press release dated May 28

I have asked Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson to
undertake a special mission on my behalf to the
countries of South America. He will consult with
officials of the governments of the South American
Continent about what can be done to perfect and
accelerate our inter- American program for social
and economic development as well as our cooper-
ation in other respects. I am delighted that Gov-
ernor Stevenson has agreed to undertake this
mission.

Governor Stevenson plans to leave very soon and
will be away for about 3 weeks. We are consult-
ing the governments concerned and our embassies,
and the itinerary has not yet been finally worked
out. But I can say that Governor Stevenson
hopes to visit all the countries in South America.
He regrets, and I do also, that he will not be able
to visit all the other American Republics with
which we have diplomatic relations.

It seems to us that this is an especially appropri-
ate time for Governor Stevenson to visit South
America again. The American governments are
preparing for the ministerial meeting of the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council, which is
to be held beginning on July 15 in Uruguay. The
United States Government views this meeting as
one of great potential significance and promise for
strengthening the free and independent nations of
this hemisphere and both national and inter- J
American institutions for social progress and eco- ■
nomic development.

Our Latin American neighbors and we are also
bound together under the United Nations Charter
in worldwide arrangements for peace and security,
for economic cooperation, and for the protection of
human rights. As the United States Representa-
tive in the United Nations, Governor Stevenson is
in an excellent position to canvass with our South
American friends the relationship between our
hemispheric arrangements and our common in-
terest in an effective United Nations. He will
assuredly speak for me as well as for himself in
expressing admiration for the magnificent record
of liberal leadership which the Latin American

970

Department of Stale Bulletin

governments continue to exert in the work of the
United Nations.

On March 13 ^ I suggested to the people of this
hemisphere an "Alliance for Progress ... a vast
cooperative effort ... to satisfy the basic needs
of the American people for homes, work and land,
health and schools. . . ." Wliile the name Alliance
for Progi-ess might be new, the ideas I put forward
are not the monopoly of any single American
state but flow naturally f i-om our long tradition of
inter- American cooi^eration. On April 14- I
stated that

Our common purpose today Is to harness these new
aspirations and these new tools in a great inter-American
effort — an effort to lift all the peoples in the Americas . . .
into a new era of economic progress and social justice.

I said that the OAS, the oldest organization of
nations in existence, should move ahead to meet
this new challenge. I asked all the free republics
of the hemisphere to join this cooperative under-
taking to eliminate hunger and poverty, ignorance
and disease, from our hemisphere.

I believe these aspirations are common to the
Americas and that there exists a firm will and
determination to move ahead with this great work.
Inter-American machinery must be strengthened.
We need to outline basic development goals. It is
essential that each government individually, and
cooperating with others, define objectives in the
key areas of economic and social betterment such
as education, land use and tenure, taxation, public
health. And we must do it while enlarging, not
restricting, the area of freedom, while guarantee-
ing, not destroying, the human rights and the
dignity of the individual.

In this effort each country needs first of all to
help itself. But we must also help each other and
move together.

Governor Stevenson will be ready to explain our
ideas as to how we believe this can be done. And
he will seek the ideas of our good neighbors.
These exchanges of ideas about our new plans and
responsibilities will be a useful part of the prepa-
rations for our meeting in Uruguay.

In my statement of March 13 I also emphasized
that our cooperation in this hemisphere should not
be only in economic and social fields. We need to
explore methods of obtaining closer relationships
in the cultural field as well — between our schools

President Signs Bill To Implement
Act off Bogota

Remarks by President Kennedy
White House press release dated May 27

It is a great honor in the company of distinguished
Members of the Congress and our friends from this
hemisphere to sign this bill [H.R. 6518] which im-
plements the Act of Bogota.'

This proposal was originally put forward by my
predecessor, and it is a source of satisfaction to us
all that we are now able to make a substantial con-
tribution to the betterment of the life of people who
share the great adventure of living in the Western
Hemisphere.

The cooperation between the countries, north and
south, their efforts to make a better life for their
people, their willingness to advance, their common
willingness to take the necessary steps which will
insure a more fruitful existence — all these are
essential if this hemisphere is to move forward In a
true Alliance for Progress.

This is an effort made by the people of the United
States to participate in this effort. I think in the
coming months and years we can build a stronger
and more prosperous hemisphere, a hemisphere in
which all people from the top down to the bottom
of the globe share in hopes for a better life.

So it is a great pleasure for me to sign this act
in the presence of the Members of the Congress
whose actions made this bill possible, and in the
presence of a distinguished predecessor of mine.
President Truman, who in his administration
carried out the efforts to improve relations sub-
stantially in this hemisphere.

^ For text of Act of Bogota, see Buixetin of Oct. 3,
1960, p. 537.

• Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 4T1.
'/6i(J., May 1,1961, p. 615.

June 19, J 96 7

and universities, our teachers and students, our
scientists and artists, our writers and thinkers — in
short each manifestation of tlie diversity of the
culture and tradition of our peoples. I think there
are few people in the United States better quali-
fied than Adlai Stevenson to examine and discuss
all these possibilities. I am sure that his journey
will contribute immeasurably to our preparations
for the Montevideo conference and to the strength-
ening of the inter- American system.

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT, MAY 31

Press release 356 dated May 31

Ambassador Stevenson plans to depart on his
previously announced trip to South America on

971

June 4. His tentative schedule of visits is as
follows: Caracas June 4-6, Buenos Aires June
G-9, Montevideo June 9-10, Eio de Janeiro or
Brasilia June 10-12, Asuncion June 12-13, Santi-
ago June 13-15, La Paz June 15-16, Lima June
16-18, Quito June 18-19, Bogota June 19-22, re-
turning to Washington June 22.

Accompanying Ambassador Stevenson on the
trip will be :

Ambassador Ellis O. Briggs

Professor Lincoln Gordon

Charles D. Cook, Deputy Counselor, U.S. Mission to United
Nations

Francis W. Carpenter, Director, News Services, U.S. Mis-
sion to United Nations

William Bradford, Program Officer, International Co-
operation Administration

Harvey R. Wellman, Director, Office of East Coast Affairs,
Department of State

Roxanne Eberlein, Ambassador Stevenson's secretary.

The Crisis and America's Image

6y Roger TF. Tuhly

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^

Years ago, before I left Washington to edit a
country daily in northern New York, someone put
a sign on my ofBce door at the Department of State.
The sign said, "Crisis Every Half Hour." Some
days then that seemed no exaggeration, nor does
it now.

It is perhaps worth bearing in mind how
difficult and full of crises the situation was in the
late 1940's. Italy and France were close to going
Communist ; the Communist armed forces were at
the very gates of Athens; Russian troops were
holding Azerbaijan in northwest Iran ; Russia was
threatening seizure of the Turkish Districts of
Kars and Ardahan; Tito was moving on Trieste;
free Europe's economy was shattered by war ; Rus-
sia seized Czechoslovakia and implacably refused
to honor her pledges made at Yalta for free elec-
tions in Poland and the Balkan States; Japan
was broken, many of her industries in ruins; the
Philippines was starting a difficult recovery after
the ravages of war; the Indian subcontinent was
in the heartrending convulsions of partition ; Latin
America was caught in the sudden cutback of U.S.

war industry orders for her mmerals and metals,
fibers, rubber, and many other products — and in
America we had our own severe readjustment prob-
lems as millions of servicemen returned to civilian
life. Then there was the blockade of Berlin, the
sudden savage onslaught on south Korea. There
were crises aplenty. They were met by the Greek-
Turkish aid program, the Marshall plan, point 4,
the creation of NATO and other defense alliances,
by the Berlin airlift, by the hard and successful
struggle to save south Korea.

With respect to Europe, President Kennedy in
Paris on Thursday said, "In many ways the ex-
perience of Europe in the last 10 years has con-
founded all of those who believed the tide of
history was running against us."

Today we again have crises in many parts of the
world. While this is no cause for despair, it is
cause for concern. Millions and millions of people
want and insist on having better living conditions,
and if the Communists can help them faster than
we, or even if it only appears that the Cormnunists
can do so, many will turn to the Communists.

President Kennedy in his Aliansa para
Progreso speech March 13th ^ said,

. . . our unfulfilled task is to demonstrate to the entire
world that man's unsatisfied aspiration for economic prog-
ress and social justice can best be achieved by free men
working within a framework of democratic institutions.

Communist-Bloc Activities

The Communist powers claim, on the contrary,
that their system will more efficiently satisfy man-
kind's unfulfilled aspirations. They claim that
the balance of power has shifted in their favor.
They boast of rapid economic, scientific, and mili-
tary progress, conveniently ignoring the even
greater strides taken by many of the nations of the
free world. And, not satisfied with economic
competition conducted on the basis of quality,
price, and service, the Communists are engaged in
skillful and ruthless efforts to undermine free gov-
ernments, to create chaos wherever possible, to sub-
vert or overrun free countries. Sabotage, for-
geries, outrageous distortions of the truth are
among the weapons used. In Laos and south
Viet-Nam guerrilla warfare is also employed,
together with terroristic murders of freely elected
officials. Secret arms shipments are made to more
and more areas.

' Address made before the Eastern Labor Press Con-
ference at Washington, D.C., on June 3 (press release 365) .

972

" Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

Department of State Bulletin

Communist-bloc international broadcasting con-
tinues to increase steadily in hours on the air and
in range and effectiveness. There's been a massive
expansion in radio propaganda by Communist
China during the last year. Broadcasts to Africa
by the Communist bloc as a whole almost doubled
in 1960.

Bloc educational exchanges with underdevel-
oped countries show that Soviet exchanges were up
50 percent in 1960, with emphasis especially on
impressing and influencing students of under-
developed or newly independent countries. There
has been a steady flow of visits of high govern-
ment officials between these countries and the
U.S.S.R. and Eed China.

The most notable feature of Communist China's
"people's diplomacy" has been the dramatic
increase of so-called people-to-people contacts with
African countries. At least 157 delegations from
African and Near Eastern countries visited Eed
China last year compared to 42 in 1959, an increase
of over 370 percent.

Latin American delegations to Communist
China increased from 37 in 1958 and 107 in 1959
to 178 in 1960 (25 from Cuba alone).

Almost one-half of the Asian delegations to visit
Communist China during 1960 came from Japan ;
there were 65 Japanese groups representing vari-
ous political hues, economic interests, and "fi'iend-
ship" organizations. In 1959 there were only 29
such groups.

In the labor field Commimists prefer, wherever
practicable, to use propaganda media and tech-
niques which insure the active participation of
the largest possible number of people, regardless
of efficiency or cost. Thus himdreds of "factory
newspapers" and other local publications are pub-
lished, often poorly edited and crudely mimeo-
graphed, but nevertheless they are effective in
appearing to be close to the interests of the
workers.

Communist successes in Cuba and Laos, the
Gagarin circuit of the earth, growing Soviet
military and economic power, psychological war-
fare gains in some areas — all this no doubt is
heady stuff for Communist leaders.

But neither tliey, nor we, should forget that
the free world possesses great resources, the
greatest of all being our freedom.

Yet if we do not marshal these resources effec-
tively, if we do not move rapidly enough to meet

the aspirations of the peoples of the under-
developed lands, if we do not strengthen our own
economy and defenses, and if our major allies do
not do likewise, then there will most likely bo
further attrition, further losses to the so-called
"Democratic People's Eepublics" — countries that
are not democratic, do not belong to the peoples,
and which are not republics. Parenthetically, if
we resist them, their leaders call us warmongers ;
if we defend the right of neutrals to independence,
we are charged with being provocative and im-
perialistic.

Success of Communist Propaganda

Indeed, as we know, Communists do not recog-
nize any "objective" or "eternal" truth ; they con-
sider words and thoughts as weapons, not as re-
flections of reality; and they use lies, deception,
suppression or distortion of facts as "normal"
means in their struggle for power. Their propa-
ganda is differentiated (1) on different levels and
(2) according to different audiences. The sub-
stantive contents of these differentiated propa-
ganda messages may differ from, or directly
contradict, each other, but their underlying pur-
poses serve the same Communist cause. They
have been fairly successful in this complicated
and seemingly "self-refuting" orchestration of
their propaganda because

a. any specific audience receives only one type
of propaganda message (e.g. the Indonesian peas-
ant does not read what the Communists tell Rus-
sian or Chinese peasants) ;

b. most people have short memories and rarely
notice that the Communists tell them today a story
conflicting with their story of 6 months ago or
that the Communists predicted a development last
year which failed to materialize. For instance,
the Communists predicted a depression in the
U.S. at the end of World War II ;

c. only a fraction of the audiences reached by
Commimist propaganda is also reached by anti-
Commimist propaganda (which could expose these
contradictions, false predictions, and other
vulnerabilities) ;

d. a large part of anti-Communist propa-
ganda— and of free-world mass media in gen-
eral— simply condemns communism as "bad" and
does not turn Conununist words against their
authors.

June 19, 7961

973

Of course -within every Communist country
Coimnunist i^ropaganda enjoys an absolute and
complete monopoly ; no newspaper can be printed,
no broadcast can be made, no book can be pub-
lished, no motion picture can be produced without
the explicit permission of the Communist Party,
given either directly or through the party-
controlled Government apparatus. This insures
that any item — whether news, feature, iDoem, mo-
tion picture, or anything else — admitted into
media channels reaches only the audiences chosen
by party authority, at the time and especially in
exactly the shape prescribed by that authority.

I mention these things not because they are new
to any of us but only as a reminder of the scope
and effectiveness of the opposition we are up
against. The czars of Russia and the emperors of
the great Chinese dynasties were successful in their
conquest of neighboring territories, but their
operations were crude compared to those of their
modem successors.

of govermnent, of jobs, of religion. We believe in
working to create, hard and disheartening though
the task will be, a world of law and order by
strengthening the U.N. and by working in co-
operation with many nations in economic, health,
and other agencies.

But what we can do, how effectively we can
carry out the revolutionaiy beliefs of our fore-
fathers, whether we can help "those people in the
huts and villages of half the globe struggling to
break the bonds of mass misery"',* depends in great
measure on our own understanding of the needs,
our own willingness to sacrifice, the image we pre-
sent to the world.

So, as we face many crises, crises which to-
gether challenge our survival, we do need in the
United States to demonstrate what is meant by
freedom — freedom for Negroes as well as Yankees,
for Mexican-Americans as well as the Amish of
Pennsylvania, for the workers in textile mills, for
membei'S of college faculties, or for clerks in
stores on Main Street.

The Future of Freedom

The seeking for a true understanding between
the Communist and the free world, a searching for
a lessening of tension, the hope for an end of atom
bomb testing, for disarmament, for joint efforts
in eliminating the terrible scourges of sickness
and hunger and illiteracy, for exploring space,
for sharing of a myriad of scientific discoveries,
including conversion of salt water to fresh water —
all these things depend largely on recognition by
Russia and Red China that, while no free-world
nation today has territorial ambitions, the United
States and its free-world allies will stand firm
against Russian or Red Chinese efforts to domi-
nate others. If they desist, we can then work
together on programs of value to all.

"This Nation is engaged in a long and exacting
test of the future of freedom," President Kennedy
said in his address on urgent national needs,^ "a
test which may well continue for decades to come.
Our strength as well as our convictions have im-
posed upon this Nation the role of leader in free-
dom's cause .... We are not agamst any man,
or any nation, or any system, except as it is hostile
to freedom."

We believe that men should have a free choice —

Understanding the Issues

And to do these things we should, all of us,
understand clearly what the issues are. We must
recognize especially how terribly damaging our
remaining racial intolerance is to the image of
America.

You in the labor press do a tremendous job of
informing your readers of problems between labor
and management and of legislation of major con-
cern to labor. I wonder, however, if you could not
most usefully carry more general news, more news
or comment especially on foreign affairs, possibly
a column regularly of foreign affairs higlilights.
Would it be helpful to you — would you be inter-
ested in briefings on foreign affairs problems, or
in State Department releases or pamphlets, if
you're not already getting them? Our business]
is very much yours — how w^e carry it on, whether
we represent your interests effectively, how for-
eign aid will boost our economy, our job oppor-
tunies, while helping others, even as our exports I
to Germany, France, and Great Britain soared
during and following the Marshall plan.

But most essential, it seems to me, is for us all I
in Government, in the press, to arouse our people j

' For text, see H. Doc. 174, 87tli Cong., 1st sess.
974

* For text of President Kennedy's inaugural address, see
Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.

Department of State Bulletin

from complacency about our situation. We can-
not aiford ignorance and apathy; we cannot, or
certainly should not, if we aim to survive, turn
our backs on poverty and injustice either at home
or abroad. Wlien Adlai Stevenson returned from
Latin America last year he said, "If the free way
of life does not help the many poor, it will never
save the few rich." We cannot or should not
ignore what the Communists are doing in greatly
expanded broadcasting, in distribution of maga-
zines and books, in bringing African and Near
Eastern and other students from imderdeveloped
countries to their schools and colleges. We ignore
at our peril subversive activities aromad the world
as in our unions or anywhere else in our own
society.

Tlie seizure of Cuba by the Conmiunists has
shocked us in the United States, as the Red seizure
of Czechoslovakia shocked Western Europe in
1948. Whether Cuba's loss, the plight of Laos and
south Viet-Nam, the danger to Berlin — whether
these things concern us deeply enough to get us
moving as far and as fast as we should, depends
really on our understanding of what is happening,
our interest in the contest between dictatorship and
freedom, our willingness to pool our resources and
energies.

We are already moving forward vigorously
with the President's programs, both those
strengthening our domestic economy and our for-
eign policy. Indeed a strong U.S. economy is an
essential prerequisite for a successful foreign
policy. An expanded and longer range foreign
aid legislation is before Congress ; ° $500 million
has already been approved for the Aliama para
Progreso program for Latin America.® The Food-
for-Peace and Peace Corps programs, both new
and imaginative and needed in helping others
abroad, have received strong support already
among our people. So have Presidential pro-
posals to strengthen our military and space pro-
grams. We are moving forward once again, as we
did in the forties. And we are working in far
closer harmony and imderstanding with our allies
around the world.

The President in Vienna is seeking to find an
acceptable and workable basis for improving re-
lations with Russia. He will, however, make clear

" See pp. 947 and 977.
' See p. 971.

to Khrushchev our capacity and resolve to resist
Communist aggi-ession and subversion.

This capacity and resolve, of course, depends
on us all. We surely have what it takes if we'll
but use it. However, we hope that Mr. Khini-
shchev will make possible peaceful solutions of
world problems ; that, instead of seeking to weaken
or wreck the U.N. he will help strengthen it ; that
he will agree to disarmament with reliable in-
spection and control machinery.

If Russia and Red China will renounce im-
perialism, which has happily gone out of fashion
in the rest of the world, what marvelous oppor-
tunities will then exist for them and all of us to
work far more effectively against all forms of
human misery and to move on to an age of achieve-
ment in science, industry, the arts — an age far
more productive than any we have known.

Unfortunately, however, Russia and Red China
are not likely to be as sensible as we would wish —
at least not for some time, not until they are con-
vinced by the propaganda of our acts, by the con-
tinued demonstration of our strength, that their
imperialism is costly and extremely hazardous.
So we probably will have numerous other crises in
the months and years immediately ahead. Some
will be hard to handle, with no easy solutions, and
innumerable suggestions as to what should be
done. But we have surmounted problems before,
as in the 1940's, problems tough as any we face
today. And we will do so again.

Department Supports Desegregation
in Interstate Bus Facilities

Press release 359 dated June 1

The following letter from Secretary Rush to
Attorney General Rohert F. Kennedy is ieing filed
by the Justice Department with the Interstate
Commerce Com/mission.

Mat 29, 1961

Dear Mr. Attornet General : I wish to express
to you the full support of the Department of State
for the application made by the United States
Government to the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission to effect desegregation of facilities related
to interstate bus transportation.

The efforts of the United States Government in

June 79, J 96 1

975

international affairs to build the kind of world we
want to live in — with peace, prosperity, and justice
for all — cannot be divorced from our ability to
achieve those same pui*poses for all the people of
our own country. The principles of racial equal-
ity and non-discrimination are imperatives of the
American society with its many racial strains. In
the degree to which we oui-selves practice those
principles our voice will cari-y conviction in seek-
ing national goals in the conduct of our foreign
relations.

Failures and shortcomings in conduct at home
do indeed create embarrassment and difficulty in
foreign relations. This flows naturally from the
consideration that we ought to be giving full effect
to the human-rights guaranties of our fundamental
law because these are national principles enshrined
in the United States Constitution.

In the conduct of foreign affairs the Depart-
ment of State encounters the problem of racial
equality and observance of civil rights in a more
narrow but very important sense with respect to
the thousands of officials, students, business men,
and travelers of all races and countries who come
to this country.

In the field of official relations, over half of the
nearly 100 diplomatic missions now accredited to
tliis Government, as well as probably the majority
of those accredited to the United Nations, are from
countries which are predominantly of the races of
Asia and Africa, and represent the largest part of
the world's population. Diplomatic representa-
tives have met varying difficulties and limitations
in living and carrying out their functions in this
country because of racially discriminatory laws
and practices. Many of these difficulties are never
officially drawn to the attention of the Department
of State, but the hurt and resentments are never-
theless lasting. On occasion, difficulties are of
such a gross character as to call for investigation
and official apologies, which, however, cannot
correct the wrong.

The problem as encountered by the Department
of State is by no means limited to the reception
and treatment of diplomatic representatives in the
United States. It has arisen also in the case of
persons coming to this country under international
exchange programs. And it has occurred in the
case of foreign visitors generally. Racial dis-
crimination under local segregation laws or prac-
tices is a barrier to the pursuit of our objectives
in the exchange programs, and impairs the mutual

976

benefits to be derived from travel in the United
States by visitors from other countries.

Incidents of this character have occurred in
Washington and elsewhere. Apart from the em-
barrassment created in our relations with coun-
tries whose representatives and nationals are con-
cerned— and far more important than any such
embarrassment — this sort of incident gives the
picture of a United States where racial discrimi-
nation is accepted practice, where equal respect for
the dignity of human beings is not accorded.

American actions which fall short of the Con-
stitutional standards safeguarding individual free-
dom and dignity prejudice our position before the
world. As has often been said, the United States
is a government of law. It is founded on respect
for the rights of all. I hope that the action which
is now being sought will significantly advance the
purpose of achieving non-discriminatory and equal
treatment for all persons traveling in the United
States. As we fulfill our ideals at home, we will
be better able to secure the promise of an orderly
and just world community.
Sincerely yours,

Dean Rusk

Coffee Study Group Designated
Public International Organization

AN EXECUTIVE ORDER'

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 1 of
the International Organizations Immunities Act, approved
December 29, 1945 (59 Stat. 669), and having found that
the United States participates in the Coffee Study Group
within the meaning of said section 1, I hereby designate
the Coffee Study Group as a public international organi-
zation entitled to enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and
immunities conferred by the International Organizations
Immunities Act.

The designation of the Coffee Study Group as a public
international organization within the meaning of the
International Organizations Immunities Act shall not
be deemed to abridge in any respect privileges, exemptions,
and immunities which that organization may have ac-
quired or may acquire by treaty or congressional action.

The White House,
May 19, 1961.

' No. 10943 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 4419.

Department of State Bulletin

THE CONGRESS

Draft of Foreign Aid Bill Sent
to Congress by the President

Following is the text of a letter from President
Kennedy to Sam Rayhurn, Speaker of the House
of Representatives. An identical letter toas sent
on the same day to Lyndon B. Johnson, President
of the Senate.

White House press release dated May 26

Mat 26, 1961

Dear Mr. Speaker: Transmitted herewith for
consideration by the Congress is a draft of a bill ^
which would carry out the principal recommenda-
tions set forth in my message on foreign aid of
March 22, 1961.=

The legislation is drafted to provide for aid to
social and economic development under an Act for
International Development and to provide for
military assistance under an International Peace
and Security Act. It is designed to provide the
concepts, the means, and the organization for pro-
grams of foreign aid attuned to the needs of the
decade ahead.

The Act for International Development seeks
authorization for appropriations of $1,690 billion
for four major purposes :

a. To assist and support nations whose inde-
pendence or stability depends upon such help and
is important to our own security;

b. To provide for our share in certain programs
under multilateral auspices;

c. To provide grant assistance to less-developed
countries primarily to assist in the development of
their human resources ; and

d. To establish a Presidential Contingency Fund
to meet the unpredictable exigencies with which
we will doubtless be confronted during the forth-
coming year.

' H.R. 7372 ( S. 1983) , 87th Cong., 1st sess. For a state-
ment made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on May 31 by Secretary Ru.sli, see p. 917.

" Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

The Act for International Development also
seeks authorization by the Congress to make loans,
repayable in U.S. dollars, to promote the economic
development of less-developed countries and areas
with emphasis upon long-term plans and programs
designed to develop economic resources and
increase productive capacities. For this purpose
I am asking the Congress for long-term authority
in the form of public debt transactions which
would make available for this purpose $900 million
in Fiscal Year 1962 and $1.6 billion in each of the
following four years. Additionally, repayments
of previous foreign loans of about $300 million
annually would be made available for development
lending. Authority to make firm long-term com-
mitments is of paramount importance. Real
progress in economic development cannot be
achieved by annual, short-term dispensations of
aid and uncertainty as to future intentions. To
make investments in economic development more
effective, the terms and conditions of the invest-
ment should be related to the establishment of
sound long-term development plans and the
achievement of specific targets. IVliile the meth-
ods proposed represent a departure from previous
patterns in economic aid programs, they conform
to the traditional techniques of numerous other
governmental operations. These methods are
essential to our new approach to development
assistance and to the effectiveness of that approach.

The International Peace and Security Act will
continue the program of military assistance which
constitutes an integral part of our whole security
and defense posture. It is essential that this pro-
gram be maintained and continued in the present
international climate. Appropriations will be
sought to provide for the United States' share of
maintaining forces that already exist, to complete
undertakings initiated in earlier j^eai's, to give
increased emphasis to internal security, and to
provide for a limited and selected modernization
of forces in areas under particular duress. I en-
visage a continuous review and assessment of the
needs for militai-y assistance around the world

iune 19, 7 961

977

and continuing discussions with our allies and as-
sociated nations to determine the extent to which
expenditures for defense can safely be lessened.
Such adjustments necessarily may not be accom-
plished overnight, and, in any case, neither we
nor our allies can afford a relaxation in the main-
tenance of an effective collective deterrent to
armed aggression. Tlie increasing problems of
internal security with which we are confronted
reflect an expanded utilization of the technique
of indirect subversion which demands new and
more vigorous counter measures if the spread of
international communism is to be prevented. As-
sisting developing countries to create and main-
tain an environment of security and stability is
essential to their more rapid social, economic, and
political progress.

The achievement of our goals requires effective
organizational arrangements to execute these pro-
grams. In this regard, Section 604 of the Mutual
Security Act of 1960 placed two requirements
upon the President: (1) To have a study made
of the fimctions of, and the degree of coordination
among, agencies engaged in foreign economic ac-
tivities, with a view to providing the most
effective means for the formulation and imple-
mentation of United States foreign economic
policies and (2) to include in his presentation
of the fiscal year 1962 mutual security program
to the Congress liis findings and recommendations
resulting from that study.

To fulfill the first requirement, at the request of
the President the Bureau of the Budget conducted
a study of tlie existing situation and prepared a
descriptive and analytical staff report. That re-
port and the results of studies initiated by this
administration have been available to executive
branch officials concerned with foreign economic
affairs. The recommendations which follow con-
stitute my response to the second requirement.

My decisions on foreign affairs organization
are predicated on the following principles:

First, authority for the conduct of activities
which advance our foreign policy objectives
should be vested in the President or other officials
primarily concerned with foreign affairs.

Second, international activities of domestic
agencies should be clearly either (i) necessary ex-
tensions of their normal domestic missions or (ii)
imdertaken on behalf of and in support of pro-
grams and objectives of the appropriate foreign
affairs agencies.

These guidelines are particularly important for
our foreign development assistance program.
Domestic agencies can and should make a sub-
stantial contribution to the success of this pro-
gram, and I will expect the foreign affairs agencies
to make maximum use of their resources, skills,
and experience.

My proposals for the organization and coordi-
nation of foreign aid are based also on the con-
cepts and principles set forth in my March 22
message to the Congress — specifically, the critical
necessity for unified administration and operation
of foreign development assistance activities car-
ried out m accordance with integrated country
plans. These proposals will be put into effect by
appropriate executive action.

Foreign Assistance Programs

Responsibility and authority for the formula-
tion and execution of the foreign development aid
programs will be assigned to a single agency — •
the Agency for International Development^ — ■
within the Department of State. It will replace
the International Cooperation Administration and
the Development Loan Fund, which will be
abolished. The new agency — AID — will be
headed by an Administrator of Under Secretary
rank reporting directly to the Secretary of State
and the President. The internal organization of
AID will be geographically focused to give opera-
tional meaning to the country plan concept.
Thus, the line of authority will run from the Ad-
ministrator to the Assistant Administrators head-
ing four regional bureaus and, through the Am-
bassadors, to the chiefs of AID missions overseas.
The four Assistant Administrators will be equal in
rank to the geographical Assistant Secretaries of
State and will work closely with them.

The proposed ranlc of the AID Administrator
and the relationsliip between AID and other ele-
ments of the Department of State liiglilight a
fundamental fact: Economic development assist-
ance can no longer be subordinated to, or viewed
simply as a convenient tool for meeting, short- run
political objectives. This is a situation we can ill
afford when long-range, self-sustained economic
growth of less developed nations is our goal. De-
velopment assistance, therefore, must — and shall —
take its place as a full partner in the complex of
foreign policy.

The new agency will develop the full potential

978

Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

of the use of ai^ricultural commodities as an in-
strument of development assistance. The Depart-
ment of Agriculture will continue its active role
in respe<"t to commodity availability, the disposal
of surplus stocks, international marketing, and
the relationship of domestic agricultural produc-
tion to world food needs. In view of the inter-
relationship of domestic agricultural products and
their use for foreign policy purposes, I shall rely
on the Director of the food-for-peace program,
Mr. George McGovem, to advise me in the formu-
lation of policies for the constructive use of our
agricultural abundance as well as to assist in the
overall coordination of the program.

The Peace Corps, too, has a special significance
in our international development efforts.^ It will
continue as an agency within the Department of
State, and its Director will have the rank of As-
sistant Secretary of State. The Secretary of State
will establish arrangements to assure that Peace
Corps activities are consistent and compatible with
the country development assistance plans. These
arrangements will assure that the Peace Corps
activities and AID programs are brought into
close relation and at the same time preserve the
separate identity and the imique role and mission
of the Peace Corps.

The principal assignments of authority for the
administration of military assistance are satis-
factory and will remain imchanged. The Depart-
ment of Defense has operational responsibility for
approved programs. In recognition of the fact
that military assistance should clearly serve the
foreign policy objectives and commitments of the
United States, the Secretary of State provides
continuous supervision and general direction of
the program, including the determination as to
whether there should be a program for a country
and the value of that program.

Trade, Aid, and Foreign Economic Policy

The self-help eiTorts of less developed nations,
together with coordinated external assistance from
economically advanced nations, must be coupled
with a constructive approach in dealing with in-
ternational commodity problems and barriers to
international trade. Each of these approaches is
needed if the goals of economic growth and sta-
bility are to be reached.

' See p. 980.

The relationship of trade, aid, and other aspects
of foreign economic policies involve the interests
of many agencies of Government, particularly
when both foreign and domestic economic con-
siderations are an issue. It is, therefore, essential
that interagency consultation and coordination be
as meaningful and productive as possible and that
the Secretary of State become the focal point of
responsibility for the coordination of foreign
economic policies. With these requirements in
mind, I abolished the Council on Foreign Eco-
nomic Policy, which had been chaired by a Special
Assistant to the President. I have assigned the
functions of the Council to the Secretary of State,
I shall expect him — in facilitating executive
branch coordination — to choose whatever mecha-
nisms he finds appropriate, including the forma-
tion of interagency working groups. This
assignment will strengthen the affirmative leader-
ship role of the Secretary of State in the develop-
ment and integration of foreign economic
policies. I have evei-y confidence that the views of
agencies concerned will be brought to bear on such
matters early and fully.

Role of Chiefs of United States Diplomatic Missions

The ambassador, as representative of the Presi-
dent and acting on his behalf, bears ultimate re-
sponsibility for activities of the United States in
the country to which he is accredited. His au-
thority will be commensurate with liis major re-
sponsibilities. Presidential action has already
been taken to strengthen the role of our ambas-
sadors, and further executive action is being im-
dertaken to clarify their responsibility and
authority.

In light of the above recommendations and in
the earnest hope and expectation that the United
States will meet its challenges and responsibilities-
in this decade of development in a forthright,
affirmative manner which can engender the respect
and cooperation of the community of free nations,
I urge the early consideration and enactment of
this legislative proposal.
Respectfully yours,

John F. Kennedy

The Honorable Sam Ratbtjrn,

Speaker of the House of Representatives,

Washington £5, B.C.

Bin attached

June ?9, 7 967

979

President Proposes Legislation
for Establishing Peace Corps

Following is the text of a letter from President
Kennedy to Lyndon B. Johnson, President of the
Senate. An identical letter was sent on the same
day to Sam Rayhurn, Speaker of the House of
Representatives.

White House press release dated May 31

May 30, 1961

Dear Me. President : I have the honor to trans-
mit herewith for the consideration of the Congress
a legislative proposal ^ to authorize the estab-
lishment of a Peace Corj^s in fiscal year 1962, as
I recommended on March 1, 1961.'= Enactment of
this legislation will provide authority for the re-
cruitment, training, and service overseas of Ameri-
can men and women whose skills and knowledge
can contribute in a most valuable and practical
way to the achievement of social and economic
development goals of developing countries.

Simultaneously with my Special Message to the
Congress of March 1, 1 directed the undertaking of
a Peace Corps pilot program to serve as a source
of information and experience in formulating
plans for a more permanent organization. The
Peace Corps has already announced projects to be
tindertaken in Tanganyika, Colombia, and the
Philippines, and others will be announced soon.
Progress and plamiing to date has confirmed that
there is a genuine and immediate need in many
parts of the world for skilled manpower which
the Peace Corps will be able to furnish. More-
over, the governments and peoples of many devel-
oping countries have enthusiastically received the
idea of a Peace Corps.

Americans as well are responding to this op-
portunity to serve their coimtry. More than 8,500
Peace Corps "Volunteer Questionnaires have been
returned, and additional questionnaires are being
received at a rate of more than 100 every day.

This legislative proposal requests that Congress
authorize $40 million for this program for the
fiscal year 1962. This should enable the Peace
Corps to have 500-1,000 volunteers abroad by the

' S. 2000 (H.R. 7500), 87th Cong., 1st sess.
" Bulletin of Mar. 20, 1061, p. 401.

end of this calendar year, to have approximately
2,700 abroad or in training by June 1962 and to
provide for the training during the summer of
1962 of volunteers expected to be enrolled in June
and July 1962.

Under the proposed legislation volunteers will
receive a living allowance and subsistence adequate
to maintain a modest standard of living overseas.
In addition, their health is carefully provided for.
In return for service, each volunteer will receive
a modest monthly payment which, in most cases,
will be accumulated to be paid upon the termina-
tion of his duty.

I have further requested the Secretary of State
to establish arrangements to assure that Peace
Corps activities are consistent and compatible with
country development assistance plans. These ar-
rangements will assure that the Peace Corps and
the Agency for International Development pro-
grams are brought into close relationship, while at
the same time preserving the separate identity and
unique role of the Peace Corps.

The Peace Corps offers a special and timely J
opportunity to put dedicated Americans to work 1
for the cause of world peace and human under-
standing. Therefore, I urge the early considera-
tion and enactment by the Congress of the
proposal.

Respectfully yours,

John F. Ivennedt

The Honorable Lyndon B. Johnson

President of the United States Senate
Washington, D.C.

Bill attached

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Establishment of the Caribbean Organization. Hearing
before the Subcommittee on International Organiza-
tions and Movements of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee. April 20, lOGl. 22 pp.

International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution
of the Seas by Oil — 19G1. Hearing before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee on Ex. C, 8Gth Congress,
2cl session. April 2.j, 19G1. 34 pp.

Establishing an Office of International Travel and Tour-
ism in the Department of Coumierce. Report to accom-
pany H.R. 4614. H. Rept. 323. May 1, 1961. 15 pp.

Importation of Certain Articles for Religious Purposes.,
Report to accompany H.R. 4449. H. Rept. 383. May 10, |
1961. 3 pp.

980

Department of State Bulletin :

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'

Adjourned During May 1961

U.N. ECOSOC Social Commission: 13th Session

ITU Administrative Council: 16th Session

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade ....

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: IGth Session . . .

U.N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri-
tories.

5th ICAO Meeting on Personnel Licensing/ Aviation Medicine . . .

U.N. Commission on Sovereignty Ov-er Natural Wealth and
Resources: 3d Session.

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Party
on Electronic Data-Processing Machines.

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on International Commodity Trade:
9th Session.

NATO/SHAPE Medical Committee

ICEM Executive Committee: 17th Session

Intergovernmental Committee on Civil Liability for Nuclear
Damage.

14th International Cannes Film Festival

U.N. ECLA Committee on Trade: 3d Session

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America: 9th Session . . .

NATO Ministerial Council

FAO/UNICEF Joint Policy Committee: 3d Session

ILO Inland Transport Committee: 7th Session

UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies: Steering Com-
mittee of the Management Council.

Permanent Commission of the International Fisheries Convention
1946: 9th Meeting.

Inter- American Nuclear Energy Commission: 3d Meeting ....

NATO Planning Board for Ocean Shipping: 13th Meeting. . . .

ICEM Council: 14th Session

WMO E.xecutive Committee: 13th Session

NATO Science Committee

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Con-
struction of Vehicles.

International Rubber Study Group Management Committee: 67th
Meeting.

GATT Contracting Parties: 18th Session

U.N. ECE Working Group of Trade Experts

FAO Preparatory Meeting on the Creation of a Consultative Fishery
Body in West Africa.

Consultative Committee of the Union of Paris for Protection of
Industrial Property.

UPU Executive and Liaison Committee

PAHO Executive Committee: 43d Meeting

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 20th Plenary Meeting.

UNESCO/ECA Conference of African States on the Development
of Education in Africa.

GATT Committee on Market Disruption

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 2d Session

FAO Group on Grains: 6th Session

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commis-
sioner for Refugees: 5th Session.

CENTO Scientific Council

IMCO Working Group of Experts on the Carriage of Dangerous
Goods.

New York Apr. 17-Mav 5

Geneva Apr. 22- May 20

Geneva Apr. 24-May 5

Geneva Apr. 24-Mav 12

New York Apr. 24-May 26

Montreal Apr. 25-Mav 12

New York Apr. 25-May 25

Rome Apr. 26-May 2

New York May 1-16

Paris May 2-3

Geneva May 3-10

Vienna May 3-12

Cannes May 3-16

Santiago May 4-9

Santiago May 4-17

Oslo May 8-10

Rome May 8-11

Geneva May 8-19

Paris May 9-10

Copenhagen May 9-12

Washington May 9-13

London May 9-13

Geneva Mav 11-19

Geneva Mav 11-31

Paris May 15-16

Geneva May 15-17

London May 15-19

Geneva May 15-19

Geneva May 15-19

Dakar, Senegal May 15-20

Geneva May 15-20

Bern Mav 15-20

Washington May 15-22

Tokyo May 15-23

Addis Ababa May 15-25

Geneva Mav 17-18

Rome May 18-29

Rome Mav 18-29

Geneva May 25-31

Tehran May 29-31

London May 29-31

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, May 25, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations : CENTO,
Central Treaty Organization ; EGA Economic Commission for Africa ; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe ; ECLA,
Economic Commission for Latin America ; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council ; FAO, Pood and Agriculture Or-
ganization: GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM,
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovern-
mental Maritime Consultative Organization ; ITU, International Telecommunication Union ; NATO, North Atlantic
Treaty Organization ; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization ; SHAPE, Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
Eurojje : U.N., United Nations ; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization : UNICEF,
United Nations Children's Fund; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World
Meteorological Organization.

June 19, 7961

98t

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed
March 21).

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party
on Oceanography of the Committee on Biology and Research.

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotian Ques-
tion.

GATT Tariff Negotiations with Greece

UNESCO E.xecutive Board: 59th Session

ITU European VHF/UHF Broadcasting Conference

WHO Executive Board: 28th Session

ILO Governing Body: 149th Session

International Sugar Council: 10th Session

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 34th Session ....

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Special Working
Group.

Geneva Oct. 31, 1958-

Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

Nanaimo, British Columbia . . May 15-

Geneva May 16-

Athens May 22-

Paris Mav 25-

Stockholm May 26-

Geneva May 29-

Geneva May 29-

London May 29-

Rome May 30-

New York May 31-

U.S. Delegation Reports
on 18th Session of GATT

Press release 339 dated May 22

The Contracting Parties to the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) concluded
their 18th session at Geneva on May 19.^ At this
meeting, which began May 15, forty-three coun-
tries participated in the work of the Contracting
Parties. In addition a large number of newly in-
dependent countries, which are in process of decid-
ing on the question of their future participation in
the agreement, attended as observers.

Principal matters affecting the expansion of in-
ternational trade discussed at the meeting were:
plans for a ministerial meeting to be held in late
November; tariff negotiations, the second phase
of which is now scheduled to start on May 29 ; ^ a
new program for offering teclmical assistance in
the commercial policy field to newly independent
countries; the new arrangements recently con-
cluded in connection with Finland's association
with the European Free Trade Association
(EFTA) ; efforts to accelerate the removal of im-
port restrictions; and the admission of Sierra
Leone to the ranks of the Contracting Parties.

Finnish Association With EFTA

Finnish association with EFTA was supported
by the United States as a significant and welcome
development. It will offer Finland scope for

' For an announcement of the meeting, see Butxetin of
May 29, 1961, p. 832.
' lUd., June 12, 1961, p. 938.

strengthening her economy and for developing
traditional ties with her Scandinavian neighbors,!
as well as with other members of EFTA. The
agreement bringing about this association gen-
erally follows the lines of the Stockholm Conven-
tion, establishing the EFTA, and has been referred
to a working party for further examination.

In presenting this agreement to the Contracting
Parties, Finland drew attention, however, to a
trade agreement concluded with the Soviet Union
mider which Finland will gradually extend free
entry to Soviet goods, though like treatment is not
to be extended to other countries outside the
EFTA. It was generally agreed that this action
conflicts directly with the most fundamental obli-
gation of the General Agreement, namely the com-
mitment to conduct commercial relations with one
another on the general basis of equality of treat-
ment, or nondiscrimination. As concerns tariffs
this "most-favored-nation principle" means that,
with certain exceptions including special arrange-
ments wliich create thoroughgoing customs unions
or free-trade areas, the trade of each contracting
party is to be treated no less favorably than that of
any other country. The Fenno-Soviet agreement
is a clear violation of this fundamental obligation,
since Soviet goods will eventually enjoy tariff
treatment far more favorable than goods of other
countries.

The United States and other countries expressed
serious concern with this deviation from the most-
favored-nation principle but took no immediate
stand on wliat their ultimate attitude might be.
It was agreed that the matter would be given
further consideration at the 19th session.

982

Department of State Bulletin

Ministerial Meeting Arranged

The most important decision of the session was
to convene next fall a meeting of officials in the
trade policy field at the ministerial level. Over
the past 3 years the countries associated in the
work of the General Agi'eement have been work-
ing on a program to attack three major problems
within the field of governmental barriers to trade.

First, it is widely felt that tariffs remain an im-
portant obstacle to the expansion of trade.
Second, the ministers will be expected to address
themselves to ways of finding a coordinated ap-
proach to the problem of excessive tariff and non-
tariff protection in agriculture. Preliminary work
in this field indicates that both tariff and non-
tariff barriers to agricultural trade have widely
impaired benefits expected from the agreement.
Third, the time has come for policy-level attention
to the problem of lowering barriers encountered
by less developed countries in the expansion of
their international trade. Since, to a large extent,
these three major problems are interconnected, the
ministerial meeting offers an opportunity for ac-
tion on a broad front.

Technical Assistance for Newly Independent
Countries

A start was made at this session in affording
newly independent countries assistance in the
development of soimd trade policies. The Con-
tracting Parties agreed that, upon request from a
newly independent state, the Executive Secretary
should take appropriate action to furnish quali-
fied technicians or technical advice. This could
mean undertaking to train officials and offering
them the benefit of the secretariat's experience in
trade policy problems. Or it could mean sending
a mission to study a country's trade problems and
submitting to it a comprehensive report with
recommendations.

Action on import Restrictions

Reports were made to the Contracting Parties
on consultations which the United States initiated
with Italy and France on their remaining import
restrictions. The United States was able to express
satisfaction with new liberalization steps to be
taken shortly by Italy and hoped that additional
action to eliminate quantitative import restrictions
would be announced in the near future. In dis-

cussing the consultation with France the United
States observed that, while it found encourage-
ment in the relaxation of French import restric-
tions over the past 6 months, there was still much
to be done in liberalizing imports of agricultural
commodities.

The session also approved reports of the Com^
mittee on Balance of Payments Restrictions on the
consultations held with five countries (Ceylon,
Chile, Indonesia, South Africa, and Turkey).

Admission of Sierra Leone to the GATT

With the admission of Sierra Leone the number
of full contracting parties was raised to 39.

Discussion of External Tariff of EEC

There was considerable debate on the trade dif-
ficulties which some contracting parties, particu-
larly the less developed countries, believe will be
created by the common external tariff of the Euro-
pean Economic Community and the trade advan-
tage resulting from the association of the overseas
territories with the EEC.

Other Business

The Contracting Parties also welcomed the an-
noimcement that six signatories to the Montevideo
Treaty establishing the Latin American Free
Trade Area had deposited instruments of ratifi-
cation on May 2, 1961.

The Contracting Parties disposed of a number
of other items of business concerning the renegoti-
ation of certain tariff concessions, reports by
Australia and South Africa on the extent to which
they have taken advantage of waivers of particular
GATT obligations granted by the Contracting
Parties, a convention for the temporary importa-
tion of professional equipment, a trade problem
raised by New Zealand on the dislocation of the
United Kingdom butter market, and administra-
tive matters dealing with the GATT budget and
secretariat personnel.

Composition of U.S. Delegation

The chairman of the U.S. delegation was Theo-
dore J. Hadraba, Director, Office of International
Trade, Department of State. The vice chairman
was Harold P. Macgowan, special assistant to the
director, Office of Economic Affairs, Bureau of

June 19, 1967

983

Foreign Commerce, Department of Commerce.
Carl D. Corse, U.S. Minister and representative on
the GATT Council of Representatives, was special
adviser to tlie delegation. Other members of the
U.S. delegation were drawn from the Departments
of State, Treasury, Agriculture, Commerce, and
Labor.

International Fisheries Commission
Meets at Washington

The Department of State announced on June 1
(press release 357) that Secretary of the Interior
Stewart L. Udall would welcome the delegates at
the openmg session of the 11th meeting of the
International Commission for the Northwest
Atlantic Fisheries, on June 5 in the international
conference suite of tlie Department of State. The
first half-hour of the session was open to the gen-
eral public.

The International Commission for the North-
west Atlantic Fisheries is engaged in planning and
coordinating programs of fisheries research wliich
are carried out by the fisheries agencies of the
member governments in the northwest Atlantic
Ocean. Its meetings are largely devoted to reports
and discussion of current research and plans for
future years. In addition, from time to time the
Commission recommends to governments the
adoption of regulations for certain fisheries of the
area, for purposes of conservation of the resources.
The Commission is composed of one to three Com-
missioners from each contracting government and
meets annually at Halifax, Nova Scotia, its head-
quarters, or at some other place in North America
or Europe.

Member coimtries of the Commission are
Canada, Denmark, France, Federal Republic of
Germany, Iceland, Italy, Norway, Portugal,
Spain, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
United Kingdom, and United States. Observers
are expected to attend from the Food and Agricul-
ture Organization of the United Nations, the other
international fisheries commissions of whicli the
United States is a member, the International
Council for the Exploration of the Sea, and the
Government of Poland. The meeting will be in
session through June 10.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography '

Economic and Social Council

Social Commission. Proposals for concerted international
action in the field of urbanization. Memorandum by
the Secretary-General. E/CN.5/351. February 14,
1961. 20 pp.

Evaluation of selected aspects of United Nations tech-
nical assistance activities in the social field. Report
by the Secretary-General. E/CN.5/350. February 14,
1961. 60 pp. and annex.

List of national paries and equivalent reserves. Report
by the Secretary-General. E/3436. February 15, 1961.
301 pp.

Social Commission. International definition and measure-
ment of levels of living. Progress report by the Secre-
tary-General. E/CN.5/353. February 17, 1961. 32 pp.

Economic development of underdeveloped countries.
Work programme on industrialization. Progress report
submitted bv the Secretary-General. E '3446, Feb-
ruary 17, 1961, 12 pp. ; Corr. 1, March 13, 1961, 1 p.

Main UNICEF trends in 1960. Report by the Executive
Director of the United Nations Children's Fund.
E/3442. February 24, 1961. 29 pp. and annexes I~III.

Long-range programme of concerted international action
in the field of housing. Proposals for the considera-
tion by a group of experts of certain aspects of the
long-range programme. Memorandum by the Secre-
tary-General. E/CN.5/355. February 27, 1961. 9 pp.

The applicability of community development to urban
areas. Report by the Secretary-General. E/CN.5/356.
February 27, 1961. 53 pp.

Development of international travel and tourism. Ad-
dendum. Tabulation of answers to the questionnaire.
E/3488/Add. 1. February 27, 1961. 113 pp.

Strengthening the work of the United Nations in the
social field. Implementation of General Assembly reso-
lution 1392 (XIV). Report bv the Secretary-General.
E/CN.5/357. March 2, 1961. 22 pp.

Development of international travel and tourism. Note
by the Secretary-General. E/3438. March 6, 1961.
24 pp.

Progress made by the United Nations in the social field
during the period 1 January 1959-31 December 1960,
and proposals for the programme of work 1961-1963.
Report by the Secretary-General. E/CN.5/35S. March
6, 1961. 84 pp.

Report on the world social situation with special refer-
ence to the problem of balanced social and economic
development. E/CN.5/346. March 9, 1961. 229 pp.

Report on the world social situation. Planning for social
and economic development in Puerto Rico. E/CN.5/
346/Add. 2. March 2, 1961. 45 pp. and appendixes
A and B.

Freedom of information. Special report of the Commis-
sion on Human Rights. Note by the Secretary-General.
E/3453. March 17, 1961. 13 pp.

Report on the world social situation. Conclusions and
Recommendations. Note by the Secretary-General.
E/CN.5/361. March 23, 1961. 10 pp.

' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain libraries in the United States.

984

Deparfment of State Bulletin

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Automotive Traffic

Convention on road traffic, with annexes. Done at
Geneva September 19, 1949. Entered into force March
26, 19r)2. TIAS 2487.

Application to: Territory of Papua and Trust Territory
of New Guinea, May 3, 19G1.

Aviation

Convention on international civil aviation. Done at
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered Into force April 4,
1947. TIAS 1.591.

Adhcrenccs deposited: Dahomey and Niger, May 29,
19(il.

Law of tfie Sea

Optional protocol of signature concerning the compulsory
settlement of disputes. Done at Geneva April 29, 1958.'
Signature: Malaya, May 1, 1961.

Shipping

Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Consulta-
tive Organization. Signed at Geneva March 6, 1948.
Entered into force March 17, 1958. TIAS 4044.
Acceptances deposited: Cameroun, May 1, 1961; Mauri-
tania, May 8, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En-
tered into force January 1, 1961."
Ratiflcations deposited: Morocco, April 5, 1961; Union

of Soviet Socialist Republics, April 10, 1961.
Accession deposited: Malagasy, May 11, 1961.
Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the inter-
national telecommunication convention, 1939. Done at
Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force May
1, 1961.=
Notifications of approval: Malaya, March 13, 1961;

Lebanon, March 16, 1961 ; Denmark, March 28, 1961 ;

China, March 31, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force in part
October 7, 1957. TIAS 3930.

Entry into force for modifications indicated in siti-
paragraph 8{c) : February 15, 1961.

Wheat

International wheat agreement, 1959, with annex.
Opened for signature at Washington April 6 through
24, 1959. Entered into force July 16, 1959, for part I
and parts III to VIII, and August 1, 1959, for part II.
TIAS 4302.
Accession deposited: Costa Rica, June 2, 1961.

BILATERAL

Ivory Coast

Agreement providing for the furnishing of economic, tech-
nical, and related assistance. Effected by exchange of
notes at Abidjan May 17, 1901. Entered into force
May 17, 1961.

Sierra Leone

General agreement for a program of economic, technical,
and related assistance. Signed at Freetown May 5,
1961. Entered into force May 5, 1961.

Spain

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-
1709), with exchange of notes. Signed at Madrid May
22, 1961. Entered into force May 22, 1961.

Turkey

Amendment to the agreement of June 10, 1955 (TIAS
3320), for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic
energy. Signed at Washington April 27, 1961.
Entered into force: May 31, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

' Not in force.

' Not in force for the United States.

Confirmations

The Senate on May 29 confirmed the following
nominations :

John S. Badeau to be Ambassador to the United Arab
Republic. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 374 dated June 8. )

Thomas S. Estes to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Upper Volta. (For biographic details, see Department
of State press release 376 dated June 9.)

Parker T. Hart, now Ambassador to the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia, to serve concurrently as Minister to the
Kingdom of Yemen.

Designations

Saxton Bradford as Director, Bureau of Educational
and Cultural Affairs. (For biographic details, see De-
partment of State press release 358 dated June 1.)

Mrs. Katie Louchheim as Consultant on Women's Ac-
tivities and Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary
for Public Affairs, effective May 14. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 353 dated
May 29.)

Appointments

Theodore Tannenwald, Jr., as Special Assistant to the
Secretary of State, effective May 31. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 361 dated
June 2.)

June 79, I96J

985

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale 'by the superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents,
except in the case of free publications, which may he
obtained from the Department of State.

The Newly Independent Nations - Cambodia. Pub. 7040.

Far Eastern Series 98. 4 pp. 5(t.

The Newly Independent Nations - Guinea. Pub. 7069.

African Series 4. 6 pp. 50.

The Newly Independent Nations - Burma. Pub. 7114.

Far Eastern Series 102. 6 pp. 100.

Each leaflet is one of a series of fact sheets designed to

give the public background information on the people and

the countries of the newly Independent nations.

American Foreign Policy, Current Documents, 1957.
Pub. 7101. xlii, 1713 pp. $5.25 (buckram).
An annual, one-volume collection of the principal mes-
sages, addresses, statements, reports, and certain of the
diplomatic notes exchanged and treaties made in a given
calendar year which Indicate the scope, goals, and im-
plementation of the foreign policy of the United States.

Aspects of Foreign Aid. Pub. 7139. Far Eastern Series

104. 14 pp. 1(H.

This pamphlet contains the text of an address given by

Arthur Z. Gardiner, Director U.S. Operations Mission in

Viet-Nam before the Saigon Rotary Club on September 22,

1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4644. 4 pp.

50.

Agreement with Brazil, amending the agreement of De-
cember 31, 1956, as corrected and amended. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Washington December 29, 1960. En-
tered into force December 29, 1960.

Atomic Energy — European Atomic Energy Community
(EURATOM). TIAS 4650. 28 pp. 150.

Additional agreement with the European Atomic Energy
Community (EURATOM) signed at Washington and New
York June 11, 1960 ; entered into force July 25, 1960. And
related Exchange of notes — Signed at Brussels November
29, 1960, and January 17, 1961.

Defense, Operations in Libya. TIAS 4654. 4 pp. 50.
Understanding with Libya, relating to the agreement of
September 9, 1954. Signed at Tripoli June 30, 1960. En-
tered into force June 30, 1960.

Grant for Nuclear Research and Training Equipment and
Materials. TIAS 4655. 4 pp. 50.

Agreement with Israel. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Tel Aviv October 19, 1960, and at Jerusalem December 19,
19G0. Entered into force December 19, 1960.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4656. 7 pp.
100.

Agreement with the Republic of Korea. Signed at Seoul

December 28, 1960. Entered Into force December 28, 1960.
With exchange of notes.

Defense: United States- Danish Committee on Greenland
Projects. TIAS 4657. 5 pp. 50.

Agreement with Denmark. Exchange of Notes — Signed
at Washington December 2, 1960. Entered into force
December 2, 1960.

Mutual Defense Assistance: Extension of Loan of Ves-
sels. TIAS 4658. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement with Republic of Korea. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Seoul October 28 and November 4, 1960. En-
tered into force November 4, 1960.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 29-June 4

Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to May 29 which appear
in this issue of the Bttt.t.ftin are Nos. 336 and 339
of May 22.

No. Date Subject

•351 5/29 U.S. participation in international
conferences.

t352 5/29 Williams : National Trade Union Con-
ference on Civil Rights.

♦353 5/29 Mrs. Louchheim designated consult-
ant on women's activities and Spe-
cial Assistant to the Assistant Secre-
tary for Public Affairs (biographic
details).
354 5/31 Rusk: Act for International Develop-
ment and International Peace and
Security Act.

*355 5/31 Cultural exchange (Ceylon).

356 5/31 Ambassador Stevenson's trip to South

America.

357 6/1 International Commission for North-

west Atlantic Fisheries (rewrite).

*358 6/1 Bradford designated director. Bureau
of Educational and Cultural Affairs
( biographic details ) .
359 6/1 Rusk: letter to Attorney General on
desegregation of interstate bus trans-
portation facilities.

*360 6/2 Freeman sworn in as Ambassador to
Colombia (biographic details).

*361 6/2 Tannenwald named to coordinate for-
eign assistance presentation (bio-
graphic details).
362 6/2 London talks on Caribbean air routes
(rewrite).

t363 6/3 McGhee: "Women and the Goal of
World Community."

364 6/3 Cleveland's trip to Canada and Europe

(rewrite).

365 6/3 Tubby: Eastern Labor Press Con-

ference.

* Not printed here.

t Held for a later issue of the BtrLUiTiN.

986

Department of State Bulletin

June 19, 1961

Index

Vol. XLIV, No. 1147

American Republics

Ambassador Stevenson Visits South America on

President's Belialf (Kennedy) 970

President Signs Bill To Implement Act of BogotA . 971

Aviation. U.S. and U.K. Begin Talks on Caribbean
Air Routes 9<53

Canada

Mr. Cleveland Holds Consultations in Canada and

Europe 963

President Asks Secretary Udall To Study Passama-

quoddy Report 969

China. Vice President Johnson Visits Six Coun-
tries in South and Southeast Asia (texts of com-
muniques) 956

Communism. The Crisis and America's Image

(Tubby) 972

Congo (Brazzaville). President Youlou of Congo
Republic Visits the United States 963

Congress, The

Building the Frontiers of Freedom (Rusk) . . . 947
Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign

Policy 980

Draft of Foreign Aid Bill Sent to Congress by

President 977

President Proposes Legislation for Establishing

Peace Corps 980

President Signs Bill To Implement Act of BogotA . 971

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Tannenwald) 985

Confirmations (Badeau, Estes, Hart) 985

Designations (Bradford, Louchheim) 985

The Foreign Service and the Panorama of Change

(Bohlen) 964

Economic Affairs

International Fisheries Commission Meets at
Washington 984

President Asks Secretary Udall To Study Passama-

quoddy Report 969

U.S. Delegation Reports on 18th Session of GATT . 982

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Bradford desig-
nated Director, Bureau of Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs 985

Europe. Mr. Cleveland Holds Consultations in

Canada and Europe 963

Human Rights. Department Supports Desegrega-
tion in Interstate Bus Facilities (Rusk) . . . 975

India. Vice President Johnson Visits Six Countries
in South and Southeast Asia (texts of com-
muniques) 956

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 981

Coffee Study Group Designated Public International

Organization (text of Executive order) .... 976

International Fisheries Commission Meets at
Washington 984

U.S. Delegation Reports on 18th Session of GATT . 982

Italy. Letters of Credence (Fenoaltea) .... 961

Korea. U.S. Reaffirms Desire To Maintain Friendly

Relations With Korea 962

Mutual Security

Building the Frontiers of Freedom (Rusk) . . . 947
The Crisis and America's Image (Tubby) .... 972
Draft of Foreign Aid Bill Sent to Congress by

President 977

The Foreign Service and the Panorama of Change

(Bohlen) 964

President Proposes Legislation for Establishing

Peace Corps

President Signs Bill To Implement Act of Bogotd .

Pakistan. Vice President Johnson Visits Six Coun-
tries in South and Southeast Asia ( texts of com-
muniques)

Philippines. Vice President Johnson Visits Six
Countries in South and Southeast Asia (texts of
communiques)

Presidential Documents

Ambassador Stevenson Visits South America on
President's Behalf

Coffee Study Group Designated Public Interna-
tional Organization (text of Executive order) .

Draft of Foreign Aid Bill Sent to Congress by
President

President Asks Secretary Udall To Study Passama-
quoddy Report

President Proposes Legislation for Establishing
Peace Corps

President Signs Bill To Implement Act of Bogota .

Public Affairs. Mrs. Louchheim designated Special
Assistant to Assistant Secretary for Public Af-
fairs

Publications. Recent Releases

Thailand. Vice President Johnson Visits Six Coun-
tries in South and Southeast Asia (texts of com-
muniques)

Treaty Information. Current Actions

U.S.S.R.

The Crisis and America's Image (Tubby) ....

The Foreign Service and the Panorama of Change

(Bohlen)

United Arab Republic. Badeau confirmed as Am-
bassador to the United Arab Republic

United Kingdom. U.S. and U.K. Begin Talks on
Caribbean Air Routes

United Nations

Mr. Cleveland Holds Consultations in Canada and

Europe

Current U.N. Documents

The Foreign Service and the Panorama of Change

(Bohlen)

Upper Volta, Estes confirmed as Ambassador to
Upper Volta

Viet-Nam. Vice President Johnson Visits Six
Countries in South and Southeast Asia (texts
of communiques)

Yemen. Hart confirmed as Minister to Yemen . .
Name Index

Badeau, John S 985

Bohlen, Charles E 964

Bradford, Saxton 985-

Chang, Lee Wook 962

Chiang Kai-shek 958

980'
971

95S

956;

970

976

97T

969.

980
971

985.
986

956.
985

972-
964

985

963

96a

984

964
985

956

985

Estes, Thomas S

985

Fenoaltea, Sergio 961

Garcia, Carlos P

957

Green, Marshall 962

Hart, Parker T 985

Johnson, Lyndon B 956

Kennedy, President 969, 970, 971, 976, 977, 980

Khan, Mohammed Ayub 960

Louchheim, Mrs. Katie 985

Nehru. Jawaharlal 959

Ngo Dinh Diem 956

Rusk, Secretary 947,975

Sarit Thanarat 958

Tannenwald, Theodore, Jr 985

Tubby, Roger W 972

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Lfrcit

Vol. XLIV, No. 1148

June 26, 1961

n

H

FICiAL
EEKLY RECORD

IITED STATES I
IREIGN POLICY

PRESIDENT MAKES STATE VISIT TO PARIS, MEETS
MR. KHRUSHCHEV AT VIENNA AND MR.

MACMILLAN AT LONDON • Report to the American
People, President's Remarks at Paris, Texts of Joint Com-
muniques 991

A PLAN FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT •

Statement by Secretary Rusk .............. 1000

U.S. DELEGATION AT GENEVA REPEATS CALL FOR
EFFECTIVE CEASE-FIRE IN LAOS • Statement

by Ambassador W. Averell Harriman 1023

THE GENERAL AGJsfeEMiENT ON TARIFFS AND
TRADE: AN AHTlCLE-BY-ARTICLE ANALYSIS

IN LAYMAN'S LANGUAC*: • by Honor4 M. Catudal . 1010

^- -i'

For index see inside^back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLIV, No. 1148 • Publication 7215
June 26, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

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Note: Contents of this publication sre not
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The Department of State BULLETIN,
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President Makes State Visit to Paris, Meets Mr. Klirushchev
at Vienna and Mr. Macmillan at London

President Kennedy made a state visit to Paris
May 31-June £, during which he held a series of
conferences %vith President Charles de Gaulle. He
then went to Vienna for 2 days of talks with Soviet
Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev June £-4, and later
reviewed the world situation with British Prime
Minister Harold Macmillan during a short pri-
vate visit to London June 1^-5. Folloioing is the
Presidenfs report to the American people upon
his return to Washington on June 6, together with
remarks he made on various occasions while he
was in France and texts of joint communiques
issued at Paris, Vienna, and London.

REPORT TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE'

Good evening, my fellow citizens. I returned
this morning from a week-long trip to Europe,
and I want to report to you on that trip in full.
It was in every sense an imforgettable experience.
The people of Paris, of Vienna, of London, were
generous in their greeting. They were heart-
warming in their hospitality, and their gracious-
ness to my wife is particularly appreciated.

We knew, of course, that the crowds and the
shouts were meant in large measure for the coun-
try that we represented, which is regarded as the
chief defender of freedom. Equally memorable
was the pageantry of European histoi-y and their
culture that is very much a part of any ceremonial
reception — to lay a wreath at the Arc de Tri-
omphe, to dine at Versailles, at Schoenbrunn
Palace, and with the Queen of England. These
are the colorful memories that will remain with
us for many years to come. Each of the three
cities that we visited — Paris, Vienna, and Lon-

' Delivered to the Nation by television and radio on
June 6 (White House press release; as-delivered text).

don — has existed for many centuries, and each
serves as a reminder that the Western civilization
that we seek to preserve has flowered over many
years and has defended itself over many centuries.

But this was not a ceremonial trip. Two aims
of American foreign policy, above all others, were
the reason for the trip : the unity of the free world,
whose strength is the security of us all, and the
eventual achievement of a lasting peace. My trip
was devoted to the advancement of these two
aims.

To strengthen the unity of the West, our jour-
ney opened in Paris and closed in London. My
talks with General de Gaulle were profoundly
encouraging to me. Certain differences in our
attitudes on one or another problem became insig-
nificant in view of our common commitment to
defend freedom. Our alliance, I believe, became
more secure, the friendship of our Nation, I hope,
with theirs became firmer, and the relations be-
tween the two of us who bear responsibility
became closer and I hope were marked by
confidence.

I found General de Gaulle far more interested
in our frankly stating our position, whether or
not it was his own, than in appearing to agree
with him when we do not. But he knows full
well the true meaning of an alliance. He is, after
all, the only major leader of World War II who
still occupies a position of great responsibility.
His life has been one of unusual dedication. He
is a man of extraordinary personal character,
symbolizing the new strength and the historic
grandeur of France. Throughout our discussions
he took the long view of France and the world
at large. I found him a wise counselor for the
future and an informative guide to the history
that he has helped to make. Thus we had a valu-
able meeting.

I believe that certain doubts and suspicions

June 26, 7967

991

that might have come up in a long time were
removed on both sides. Pi-oblems which proved
to be not of substance but of wording or proce-
dure were cleared away. No question, however
sensitive, was avoided. No area of interest was
ignored, and the conclusions tliat we reached will
be important for the future — in our agreement
on defending Berlin, on working to improve the
defenses of Europe, to aiding tlie economic and
political independence of tlie underdeveloped
world, including Latin America, on sjiurring
European economic unity, on concluding success-
fully the conference on Laos, and on closer con-
sultations and solidarity in the Western alliance.

General de Gaulle could not have been more
cordial, and I could not have more confidence in
any man. In addition to his individual strength
of character, the French people as a whole showed
vitality and energy which were both impressive
and gratifying. Their recovery from the post-
war period is dramatic, their productivity is in-
creasing, and they are steadily building their
stature in both Europe and Africa; and thus I
left Paris for Vienna with increased confidence
in Western unity and strength.

The people of Vienna know what it is to live
under occupation, and they know what it is to
live in freedom. Their welcome to me as Presi-
dent of this country should be heart- warming to
us all. I went to Vienna to meet the leader of
the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushchev. For 2 days
we met in sober, intensive conversation, and I
believe it is my obligation to the people, to the
Congress, and to our allies to report on those con-
versations candidly and publicly.

Importance of Face-to-Face Meeting
With Mr. Kiiruslicliev

Mr. Khrushchev and I had a very full and
frank exchange of views on the major issues that
now divide our two countries. I will tell you
now that it was a very somber 2 days. There was
no discourtesy, no loss of tempers, no threats or
ultimatums by either side. No advantage or con-
cession was either gained or given; no major
decision was either planned or taken; no spec-
tacular progress was either achieved or pretended.

This kind of informal exchange may not be as
exciting as a full-fledged summit meeting with
a fixed agenda and a large corps of advisers,

where negotiations are attempted and new agree-
ments sought; but this was not intended to be
and was not such a meeting, nor did we plan any
future summit meetings at Vienna.

But I found this meeting with Chairman
Khrushchev, as somber as it was, to be immensely
useful. I had read his speeches and his published
policies. I had been advised on his views. I had
been told by other leaders of the West, General
de Gaulle, Chancellor Adenauer, Prime Minister
Macmillan, what manner of man he was. But
I bear the responsibility of the Presidency of the
United States, and it is my duty to make decisions
that no adviser and no ally can make for me. It
is my obligation and responsibility to see that
these decisions are as informed as possible, that
they are based on as much direct, firsthand knowl-
edge as possible.

I therefore thought it was of immense impor-
tance that I know Mr. Khrushchev, that I gain
as much insight and understanding as I could
on his present and future policies. At the same
time, I wanted to make certain Mr. Khrushchev
knew this coimtry and its policies, that he under-
stood our strength and our determination, and
that he kiiew that we desired peace with all na-
tions of every kind.

I wanted to present our views to him directly,
precisely, realistically, and with an opportunity
for discussion and clarification. This was done.
No new aims were stated in private that have not
been stated in public on either side. The gap
between us was not, in such a short period, ma-
terially reduced, but at least the channels of com-
munication were opened more fully, at least the
chances of a dangerous misjudgment on either side
should now be less, and at least the men on whose
decisions the peace in part depends have agreed
to remain in contact.

Sliarp Contrast in Free-World and Communist Views

This is important, for neither of us tried to
merely please the other, to agree merely to be
agreeable, to say what the other wanted to hear.
And, just as our judicial system relies on wit-
nesses appearing in court and on cross-examina-
tion instead of hearsay testimony or affidavits on
paper, so, too, was this direct give-and-take of
immeasurable value in making clear and precise
what we considered to be vital, for the facts of the

992

Department of Stale Bulletin

matter are that the Soviets and ourselves give
wholly different meanings to the same words — ■
"war," "peace," "democracy," and "popular will."
We have wholly different views of right and
wrong, of what is an internal affair and what is
aggression, and, above all, we have wholly diffei"-
ent concepts of where the world is and where it is
going.

Only by such a discussion was it possible for me
to be sure that Mr. Khrushchev kiiew how differ-
ently we view the present and the future. Our
views contrasted sharply, but at least we knew
better at the end where we both stood. Neither
of us was there to dictate a settlement or convert
the other to a cause or to concede our basic inter-
ests. But both of us were there, I think, because
we realized that each nation has the power to
inflict enormous damage upon the other, that
such a war could and should be avoided if at all
possible since it would settle no dispute and prove
no doctrine, and that care should thus be taken to
prevent our conflicting interests from so directly
confronting each otlier that war necessarily
ensued.

We believe in a system of national freedom and
independence. He believes in an expanding and
dynamic concept of world communism, and the
question was whether these two systems can ever
hope to live in peace without permitting any loss
of security or any denial of freedom of our
friends. However difficult it may seem to answer
this question in the affirmative as we approach so
many harsh tests, I think we owe it to all mankind
to make eveiy possible effort.

That is why I considered the Vienna talks use-
ful. Tlie somber mood that they conveyed was
not cause for elation or relaxation, nor was it
cause for undue pessimism or fear. It simply
demonstrated how much work we in the free world
have to do and how long and hard a struggle must
be our fate as Americans in this generation as
the chief defenders of the cause of liberty.

The one area which afforded some immediate
prospect of accord was Laos. Both sides recog-
nized the need to reduce the dangers in that situ-
ation. Both sides endorsed the concept of a
neutral and independent Laos, much in the manner
of Burma or Cambodia. Of critical importance
to the current conference on Laos in Geneva, both
sides recognized the importance of an effective

cease-fire. It is urgent that tliis be translated into
new attitudes at Geneva, enabling the Inter-
national Control Commission to do its duty, to
make certain that a cease-fire is enforced and
maintained.^ I am hopeful that progress can be
made on this matter in the coming days at Geneva,
for that would greatly improve international
atmospheres.

No such hope emerged, however, with respect to
the other deadlocked Geneva conference, seeking
a treaty to ban nuclear tests. Mr. Khrushchev
made it clear that there could not be a neutral
administrator, in his opinion, because no one was
truly neutral; that a Soviet veto would have to
apply to acts of enforcement; that inspection was
only a subterfuge for espionage, in the absence of
total disarmament; and that the present test-ban
negotiations appeared futile. In short, our hopes
for an end to nuclear tests, for an end to the spread
of nuclear weapons, and for some slowing do\vn of
tlie arms race have been struck a serious blow.
Nevertheless, the stakes are too important for us
to abandon the draft treaty we have offered at
Geneva.^

But our most somber talks were on the subject
of Germany and Berlin. I made it clear to Mr.
Khruslichev that the security of Western Europe
and therefore our own security are deeply involved
in our presence and our access rights to West
Berlin, that those rights are based on law and not
on sufferance, and that we are determined to main-
tain those rights at any risk and thus meet our
obligation to the people of West Berlin and their
right to choose their own future. Mr. Khru-
shchev, in turn, presented his views in detail, and
his presentation will be the subject of further com-
munications. But we are not seeking to change
the present situation. A binding German peace
treaty is a matter for all who were at war with
Germany, and we and our allies cannot abandon
our obligations to the people of West Berlin.

Communist Theory of "Wars of Liberation"

Generally, Mr. Khrushchev did not talk in
terms of war. He believes the world will move
his way without resort to force. He spoke of his
nation's achievements in space. He stressed liis

" For a statement made at Geneva on May 31 by
Ambassador W. Averell Harriman, see p. 1023.
° For text, see Bui.letin of June 5, 1961, p. 870.

June 26, 1 96 1

993

intention to outdo us in industrial production, to
outtrade us, to prove to the world the superiority
of his system over ours. Most of all, he predicted
the triumph of communism in the new and less
developed coiuitries. He was certain that the tide
there was moving his way, that the revolution of
rising peoples would eventually be a Communist
revolution, and that the so-called "wars of libera-
tion," supported by the Kremlin, would replace
the old methods of direct aggression and invasion.

In the 1940's and early fifties, the great danger
was from Communist armies marching across free
borders, which we saw in Korea. Our nuclear
monopoly helped to prevent this in other areas.
Now we face a new and different threat. We no
longer have a nuclear monopoly. Their missiles,
they believe, will hold off our missiles, and their
troops can match our troops should we intervene
in these so-called "wars of liberation." Thus the
local conflict they support can turn in their favor
through guerrillas or insurgents or subversion.
A small group of disciplined Communists could
exploit discontent and misery in a comatry where
the average income may be $60 or $70 a year and
seize control, therefore, of an entire country with-
out Communist troops ever crossing any interna-
tional frontier. This is the Communist theory.

But I believe just as strongly that time will
prove it wrong, that liberty and independence
and self-determination, not communism, is the
future of man, and that free men have the will
and the resources to win the struggle for freedom.
But it is clear that this struggle in this area of
the new and poorer nations will be a continuing
crisis of this decade.

Mr. IQirushchev made one point which I wish
to pass on. He said there are many disorders
throughout the world and he sliould not be blamed
for them all. He is quite right. It is easy to
dismiss as Communist-inspired every antigov-
emment or ant i- American riot, every overthrow
of a corrupt regime, or every mass protest against
misery and despair. These are not all Communist-
inspired. The Communists move in to exploit
them, to infiltrate their leadership, to ride their
crest to victory. But the Communists did not
create the conditions which caused them.

In short, the hopes for freedom in these areas
which see so much poverty and illiteracy, so
many children who are sick, so many children
who die in the first year, so many families without

homes, so many families without hope — the future
for freedom in these areas rests with the local
people and their governments. If they have the
will to determine their own future, if their gov-
ernments have the support of their own people,
if their honest and progressive measures helping
their people have inspired confidence and zeal,
then no guerrilla or insurgent action can succeed.
But where those conditions do not exist, a military
guarantee against external attack from across a
border offers little protection against internal
decay.

Responsibilities of the Free World

Yet all this does not mean that our Nation and
the West and the free world can only sit by. On
the contrary, we have a historic opportunity to
help these countries build their societies until they
are so strong and broadly based that only an out-
side invasion could topple them ; and that threat,
we know, can be stopped.

We can train and equip their forces to resist
Communist-supplied insurrections. We can help
develop the industrial and agi'icultural base on
which new living standards can be built. We can
encoui'age better administration and better edu-
cation and better tax and land distribution and a
better life for the people.

All tliis and more we can do because we have
the talent and the resources to do it, if we will
only use and share them. I know that there is a
great deal of feeling in the United States that
we have carried the burden of economic assistance
long enough, but these countries that we are now
supporting, stretching all the way along from the
top of Europe through the Middle East, down
through Saigon, are now subject to gi'eat efforts
internally in many of them to seize control.

If we are not prepared to assist them in making
a better life for their people, then I believe that
the prospects for freedom in those areas are un-
certain. We must, I believe, assist them if we
are determined to meet with commitments of as-
sistance our words against the Communist ad-
vance. Tlie burden is hea\'y, and we have carried
it for many years. But I believe that this fight
is not over. This battle goes on, and we have to
play our part in it. And therefore I hope again
that we will assist these people so that tliey can
remain free.

994

Departmenf of Sfate Bulletin

It was fitting that Congress opened its hearings
on our new foreign military and economic aid
programs in Wasliington * at the very time that
Mr. Khrushchev's words in Vienna were demon-
strating as nothing else could the need for that
very program. It should be well run and eflfec-
tively administered, but I believe we must do it,
and I hope that you, tlie American people, will
support it again because I think it is vitally im-
portant to the security of these areas. There is
no use talking against the Communist advance
unless we are willing to meet our responsibilities,
however biu'densome they may be.

I do not justify this aid merely on the grounds
of anticommunism. It is a recognition of our
opportunity and obligation to help these people
be free, and we are not alone. I found that the
people of France, for example, were doing far
more in Africa in the way of aiding independent
nations than our own country was. But I know
that foreign aid is a burden that is keenly felt,
and I can only say that we have no more cnicial
obligation now.

My stay in England was short, but the visit
gave me a chance to confer privately again with
Prime Minister Macmillan, just as others of our
party in Vienna were conferring yesterday with
General de Gaulle and Chancellor Adenauer. We
all agreed that there is work to be done in the
West, and from our conversations have come
agreed steps to get on with that work. Our day
in London, capped by a meeting with Queen Eliz-
abeth and Prince Philip, was a strong reminder
at the end of a long journey that the West remains
vmited in its determination to hold its standards.

May I conclude by saying simply that I am glad
to be home. We have on this trip admired splen-
did places and seen stirring sights, but we are
glad to be home. No demonstration of support
abroad could mean so much as the support which
you, the American people, have so generously
given to our country. With that support I am
not fearful of the future. We must be patient.
We must be courageous. We must accept both
risks and burdens, but with the will and the work
freedom will prevail. Good night, and thank you
veiy much.

' For a statement by Secretary Rusk before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee on May 31, see ibid., June 19,
1961, p. 947 ; for a statement by Secretary Rusk before
the House Foreign Affairs Committee on June 7, see p.
1000.

STATE VISIT TO PARIS

Arrival Statement, May 31

White House press release dated May 31

General de Gaulle, ladies and gentlemen, your
generous welcome does honor to my wife and to
me — and to the Nation we represent.

I come from America, "the daughter of Europe,"
to pay tribute to France, our oldest friend. Your
land has been, since before my Nation's birth, the
wellspring of Western philosophy and ideas — so
much so that Ben Franklin could say, "Every man
has two countries : France and his own."

But I am here to pay tribute to France, not for
her past glory but for her present greatness — her
leadership in Europe and Africa, in science and
industry, the productivity of her workers, the bril-
liance of her miiversities, the grandeur of her
mission in carrying the torch of liberty to new
nations throughout the world. In my office I have
received the envoys of many new states, and time
after time I find the language they speak is
French, the language of free men.

I come not merely because of the past but be-
cause of future associations in the defense of the
West — in the defense of freedom everywhere.
Once again France under her great captain is the
central figure of the common effort.

It is right that my first trip across the seas as
President should be here to France for I have
neither held nor planned any talks that are more
important. Our common goals are greater West-
ern unity and strength, the preservation of free-
dom, and the day when France will never again be
a beachhead for war but a fountainhead of peace.

Remarks Before NATO Assembly, June 1

White House press release (Paris) dated June 1

Gentlemen, I am grateful for your invitation
to be here today. I consider it an honor, and it
does give me an opportunity to once again restate
the basic conviction of the people of the United
States that our security is inevitably tied up with
the security of Europe. The United States can-
not look forward to a free existence if Western
Europe is not free. And we believe in my
country, as I am happy to see the people of your
countries also believe, that this independence
must continue and grow.

The circumstances which brought about the

June 26, 7967

995

birth of the NATO Council and the NATO
alliance in some degree have changed. In some
ways the hazards liave increased. In some ways
we give attention to other areas which were not
under direct attack in 1949. But the basic fact
still remains that tlie power and productivity of
this section of the world is a source of vital
strength to the security of freedom all around the
globe. The United States and Canada in com-
bination with the people of Western Europe form
together the most powerful group of people in
the world, with long experience, great productive
capacity, a high degree of commitment, a high
degree of education, and a comprehension of the
issues which now divide the world.

In many ways the experience of Europe in the
last 10 years has confounded all of those who
believed that tlie tide of history was running
against us. I think our problem is to give new
life to the NATO Council and to the Organization,
to transfer its attention and interests not oidy
to the immediate security of this area, to which
we are all committed, and will be in the future,
but also to consider jointly how we can play a
more significant role in those other areas of the
world wliich are subjected to increasing pressure.
We have a historic responsibility, and it is a
matter of vital strategic significance to your
coimtries' future and mine that we concern our-
selves with the whole southern half of the globe,
where we are now in danger, and where freedom
is now in danger, and wliere tliose who place
themselves on the opposite side of the table from
us seek to make their great advances.

The strength of Western Europe, the strength
of my country, the strength of Canada, the asso-
ciation of Japan, the comitries in Asia and Africa,
the comitries in my hemisphere, where we share
a great common tradition — all these people desire
to be free and independent. I am not a historical
determinist, but I do believe that history is not
moving against us but in the long run is moving
with us.

There is no doubt that in our time we will see
different groups assume positions of responsibility
within each state, different groups assume power.
But the whole experience of the last years has
shown the desire of people to be free and inde-
pendent, to maintain their national sovereignty
and independence. And I believe that when our
times come to be recorded this will be noted as

996

the outstanding fact. This serves us because that
is our ambition. Even the experience of those
countries behind the Iron Curtain in their own
relations show a strong desire to be free and inde-
pendent. This is going to be true increasingly in
Africa. It is true in Latin America. It is true
in Asia. So while new groups may come to
power in many of these countries in the next
decade, these groups inevitably, themselves, will
want to maintain their independence.

So I do not look to the future with any degree
of discouragement. What has happened here in
the last 10 years shows what free men can do.
And I want to restate again the strong commit-
ment of my country to the defense of Western
Europe. We believe it vital to the security of the
United States, and we intend to honor our com-
mitments. We want to see this association be-
come more intimate. We want to see it play an
expanded and greater part throughout the world.

So I welcome your invitation today. And I
sit here, speaking for a country which is separated
from yours by many hundreds of miles but which
is totally involved with your destiny.

Thank you.

Remarks at SHAPE ° Headquarters, June 2

White House press release (Paris) dated June 2

General Norstad, Ambassador Finletter, offi-
cers, ladies and gentlemen : I want to express my
thanks to all of you for having been kind enough
to come out in the rain and to express your good
will to my country. The United States made a
determination on three different occasions in this
century, in 1917, in 1941, and in 1948 and 1949,
that the security of my country must inevitably
be linked to the security of a free Europe. We
believe that strongly in 1961. It is for this rea-
son that we have determined to maintain and
strengthen the forces which we now have stretched
across Europe, joined with you in the common
defense of freedom of this historic section of the
world, whose security inevitably affects the well-
being of my country.

We are here with you, and as long as you are
determined that our association with you is use-
ful in the common cause, we shall remain, and
we shall meet our commitments to the full, and
we shall maintain our strength, and we shall con-

' Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Euroi)e.

Department of Stale Bulletin

tinue to insist that here in this most ancient sec-
tion of the civilized world springs the force, the
vigor, the strength, and the commitment which
can provide freedom, not only for this section
of Europe but also radiate it around the globe.
I salute all of you who are participating in this
great common event, and I hope in the years that
are now ahead that this coimnunal alliance will
have even gi-eater strength and force than it has
had in past years. And I can assure you that the
United States of America intends to bear its full
part. Thank you.

Remarks at Press Luncheon, June 2

White House press release (Paris) dated June 2

Mr. Secretary of State, Ambassador Alphand,
Ambassador Bonnet, Ambassador Gavin, 'M.
Redmond, ladies and gentlemen: I do not think
it altogether inappropriate to introduce myself to
this audience. I am the man who accompanied
Jacqueline Kennedy to Paris, and I have enjoyed
it.

I am also happy to have an opportunity to ex-
press publicly my appreciation to President and
Mrs. de Gaulle for the hospitality and kindness
which they have shown to us since our visit to
Paris. I must say also, as I said to the General,
that my most vivid impression during my visit
here was not even the extraordinary spectacle
which we all witnessed last night, which reminded
us of the long reach into history which this
country possesses, but rather was the signs of
vigor and vitality and force possessed by the
French people themselves. I do not say that
riding in a car through rainy streets is the best
method of making a determination of national
character, but I have ridden through many streets
and I must say it is a most effective method of
determining the quality of the people, and I think
any American who shares the experiences which
we have had during the past 2 days — in the sun-
shine on occasion, in the rain more often — would
come away from this country with a feeling of
confidence and hope.

I come on the same mission which occupied
many of my predecessors, stretching all the way
back to President Wilson at the conclusion of the
First World War, and that is how it is possible
to bind more intimately for the common interest
France and the United States, Europe and the
United States. This is not altogether a new eifort.

I recall my first days in the Congress of the United
States in 19-17, '48, and '49, when the great steps
which were proposed on a bipartisan basis by the
American people to assist in the restoration of
Europe were among the most foresighted and far-
sighted actions in which my country has been en-
gaged— the Truman doctrine, the British loan, the
aid for Greece and Turkey, the Marshall plan, and
later NATO. The United States, I believe, can
be i^roud of these programs and of the great re-
sults that they helped to produce. Without them
it is possible that the whole history of Western
Europe since 1945 would now be entirely differeait.
Even today the basic concepts suggested in these
programs form the essential part of the foreign
policy of the United States.

But these concepts alone are not adequate for
our European policies in the 1960's. All of the
power relationships in the world have changed
in the last 15 years, and therefore our policies
must take these changes into account. First is
the change in Europe itself. In the 1940's, in
Europe, much of it was destroyed, its productive
capacity liquidated, divided by a bitter war, in-
flation rampant, and only those who were op-
timists of the most extreme sort could have ever
predicted the astonishing renaissance of Western
Europe today. Its people have energy and con-
fidence. Its economic growth rate is higher than
that of the New World, either Canada or the
United States. Its dollar shortages have been
converted into balances which have even disturbed
the monetary stability of the United States.

There were those who said that Europe after the
war would be a prisoner again of its ancient
rivalries. Today this continent offers the world
the most outstanding examples of strength
through unity. After 15 years of extraordinary
creative effort and administrative invention, the
development of the OEEC [Organization for
European Economic Cooperation], the European
Payments Union, the Iron and Steel Community,
EURATOM, the Common Market, and the OECD
[Organization for Economic Cooperation and De-
velopment]— and all of these have only laid the
foundation for an even closer economic and
political unity.

At the same time the wise and sympathetic
policies followed by France and Great Britain
toward those countries which were formerly
dependencies have strengthened the free world, the

June 26, 796 I

997

globe around us, and have also increased the
prestige, influence, and stature of the countries
themselves.

The second great change is the change in weap-
onry. The United States no longer has a nuclear
monopoly. The Soviet Union's possession of
atomic and hydrogen weapons has increased its
willingness to test and probe and push the West.
In addition, the intercontinental ballistic missile
has made my own country vulnerable to attack,
and it has also reinforced our view that your
dependence and ours is indivisible, that in terms of
potential destruction Washington today is closer
to Moscow than this city was to any other city in
any other country before the outbreak of World
War II. We must be sure and constantly
strengthening all of our forces of all kinds, at all
levels, deterring war, and keeping the peace by
making certain that those who would oppose us
know that we are determined to resist aggression,
whatever its force and whatever kind of force is
needed to resist it.

The new change in weaponry presents new
challenges, with possession by both the United
States and the Soviet Union of an atomic and
hydrogen capacity, with the great masses of
armies that are available to the Sino-Soviet bloc,
to the close lines of communication which they
have at their service in Western Europe, in the
Middle East, in Asia, in southeast Asia. It indi-
cates the kind of difficult problems that we face in
planning for a secure future. But while we keep
our arms so strong that no antagonist can believe
that he can secure an easy or shortcut road to
world domination, man's inventive power for keep-
ing the peace has not kept pace. We still have
strong hopes that it will be possible for us to reach
an agreement at Geneva on a cessation of nuclear
tests. If we cannot reacli an agreement on this
subject, which is relatively easy to patrol because
of the flow of radiation, how is it going to be
possible for us to set up the kind of inspection
system for the control of other weapons wliich
could lead to disarmament and, therefore, to a
world peace?

I consider this to be a most essential, realistic
step, and those of you who in this audience may
have reported on the proceedings in Geneva in the
1920's and 1930's, when many months and years
and much energy of a great many different coun-
tries were engaged in the subject under far better

conditions of good will then prevailing — the sub-
ject of how to secure an adequate disarmament
system which provided security — can judge how
difficult it will be for us to do so in the future if
we cannot make successfully this step.

Third and most important is the change in the
location and nature of the threat. The cause of
freedom is under pressure all over the world. But
because of the extraordinary rebirth of Western
European strength, the struggle has been switched
to other areas where the security of your countries
and mine is now being directly threatened — -the
whole southern half of the globe, where the attack
potentially comes not from massive land armies
but from subversion and insurrection and despair.
Europe has conquered her own internal problems.
Those that remain are on the way to solution. The
time has now come for us to associate more closely
together than ever in the past in a massive and
concerted attack on poverty, injustice, and oppres-
sion, which oversliadow so much of the globe.
Wlien the threat of military aggression was the
primary one, our posture was defensive. But
where the contest is one of human liberty and
economic growth — and I tie them both together as
we must always do because the slogans with which
we have associated oureelves have significance and
force when they are bound together with a recog-
nition that economic growth and productivity and
material well-being are the handmaidens of
liberty — we have the resources in this most ex-
traordinary section of the world, the oldest, and in
many ways now among the yomigest, allied with
the United States and Canada, associated with the
countries of Latin America and Africa and Asia —
we have an opportunity in our time to fulfill our
responsibilities.

In 1779, before France came into the War of
Independence, someone said to Benjamin Frank-
lin, "It is a great spectacle that you are putting
on in America," and Benjamin Franklin said,
"Yes, but the trouble is, the spectators do not
pay."

We are not spectators today. We are all con-
tributing, we are all involved, here in this country,
here in tliis community, here in Western Europe,
here in my own country, here all around the globe,
where it is our responsibility to make a maximum
contribution. Thank you."

° A question-and-answer period followed President
Kennedy's remarks.

998

Deparfment of State Bulletin

Joint Communique, June 2

White House press release (Paris) dated June 2

The President of the United States of America
paid a state visit to Paris from May 31 to June 2.
This visit itself is evidence of the close and
friendly relations traditionally characteristic of
the history of the two countries.

During the visit there have been long talks be-
tween General de Gaulle, President of the French
Republic, and President Kennedy.

The two presidents discussed the principal
issues in the present international situation with
regard both to relations between the United States
and France, and to their policies in all parts of
the world. In the course of these discussions,
which were both direct and searching, they ex-
amined the position of the two countries with
regard to the Soviet Union and the commmiist
world; and the activities of these two countries
in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, including aid
to under-developed countries. They also
examined means for strengthening the Atlantic
Alliance, that fundamental association of free
nations.

These conversations have shown the funda-
mental agreement which exists between the two
presidents. In particular, President de Gaulle
and President Kennedy confirmed the identity of
their views on their commitments and responsi-
bilities towards Berlin.

The conversation which has just taken place
allowed the President of France and the Presi-
dent of the United States to know each other and
to set foi-th fully the respective positions of the
two coimtries, taking into account the interests
and responsibilities incumbent upon each of them.

Thus the talks have made an essential contribu-
tion to the development of relations between
France and the United States.

The deep solidarity which binds the two nations
together in the tradition of Franco-American
friendship remains the basis of these relations.

MEETINGS AT VIENNA AND LONDON
U.S. — U.S.S.R. Communique, June 4

White House press release (Vienna) dated June 4

President Kennedy and Premier Klirushchev
have concluded two days of useful meetings, dur-

ing which they have reviewed the relationships
between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., as well as other
questions that are of interest to the two States.
Today, in the company of their advisors, they dis-
cussed the problems of nuclear testing, disarma-
ment, and Germany. The President and the
Chairman reaffirmed their support of a neutral
and independent Laos under a government chosen
by the Laotians themselves, and of international
agreements for insuring that neutrality and inde-
pendence, and in this connection they have recog-
nized the importance of an effective cease-fire.
The President and the Chairman have agreed to
maintain contact on all questions of interest to the
two countries and for the whole world.

U.S. — U.K. Communique, June 5

White House press release (London) dated Jnne 5

After his visits to Paris and Vienna, President
Kennedy paid a short private visit to London
on June 4 and 5. This gave the President the op-
portunity to review the world situation with the
Prime Minister in the light of his talks with Presi-
dent de Gaulle and Mr. Khrushchev. The Presi-
dent and Mr. Macmillan were thus able to continue
the close personal contact begim in Washington
two months ago.

Their discussion covered the major problems,
both economic and political, and revealed once
again the close agreement of the two governments
in pursuing their common purposes.

Occasion was given to review the need for eco-
nomic collaboration and expansion in the general
interest of developed and under-developed coun-
tries alike.

On Laos, the President and the Prime Minister
noted with satisfaction the agreement in Vienna
on the need for an effective cease fire which, in
their opinion, should lead to progress in Geneva
towards an agreement permittmg the establish-
ment of a neutral and independent Laos.

Particular attention was also given to the nu-
clear tests conference and to the question of dis-
armament.

The situation in regard to Germany was re-
viewed and there was full agreement on the neces-
sity of maintaining the rights and obligations of
the allied governments in Berlin.

June 26, J 96 1

999

A Flan for International Development

Statement hy Secretary Rusk ^

It is a privilege to appear for the opening pres-
entation of the major legislative proposals now
before you. They comprise the Act for Inter-
national Development, which President Kennedy
has called "the single most important program
available for building the frontiers of freedom," ^
and the International Peace and Security Act.
The President's rejjort last evening ^ on his trip
to Paris, Vienna, and London indicates why I
come here today with an added sense of urgency.
I hope, Mr. Chairman, that I may have an early
opportimity to report to your committee on those
talks in private session, but some of my present
remarks will reflect the impressions I brought
back with me.

As I see the present situation, it seems to me that
the central question before us is not whether we
should continue economic and military assistance;
nor is it, in fact, whether the Nation should be
prepared to make the scale of effort proposed by
the President. I am deeply convinced that an
affirmative answer to both these questions is com-
pelled by our commitment to our own freedom
and to the building of a decent world order. The
essence of our task seems to me to be to call upon
the best experience and understanding of both the
executive and legislative branches to devise a
foreign assistance program which will be effective,
which will have the best chance to transform our
hopes into reality, and which will use wisely and

' Made before the House Foreign Affairs Committee
on June 7 (press release 371). For test of Mr. Ruslv's
statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee on May 31, see Bulletin of June 19, 1961, p. 947.

' For text of the President's special message to Congress
on May 25 regarding urgent national needs see ibid.,
June 12, 1961, p. 903.

' See p. 991.

well the resources which we are asking the
American people to entrust to us for this great
instrument of foreign policy.

If there has been some delay in the submission
of these proposals, it is because we have been
asking the most searching questions of oureelves
in their preparation; it follows that we shall
sincerely welcome both the critical examination
and the constructive suggestions which we know
will be forthcoming in the legislative process. We
cannot afford wasted effort, avoidable delays, in-
competence, or confusion because our best is bemg
demanded of us in a race in which the stakes are
vital — in the most literal sense.

It is understandable that foreign policy appears
to some as a series of actions about daily crises,
for these occupy the center of the stage. We shall
have to learn to live and deal with crises because
of the far-reaching and fundamental changes
which are in process throughout the world —
arising from political and social unrest, deadly
competition among political and social systems,
and the need for miremitting effort if we are to
sustain and strengthen our own great revolution-
ary tradition of freedom in a period of unprece-
dented flux and danger.

This daily attention to troubled areas is un-
avoidable, but our general course is charted by the
historical purposes of our Nation. Our policy
includes all we attempt to do to protect and en-
hance those purjioses in our relations with the i
rest of the world. Most Americans understand the '
central and enduring themes of our foreign policy,
for they derive from our history and aspirations
and the character of our society. Most of the
action we take to support our policies consists of
quiet and tmdramatic effort to promote and
strengthen our relations with those with whom

1000

Department of State Bulletin

we share common aims and to prevent, circum-
scribe, or control the issnes which might threaten
our freedom or the peace of the world.

I mention these great purposes and this quiet
work because they are, in fact, a source of great
strength. They tie us through common aspira-
tion with men and women all over the earth and
unite us with them in the countless daily tasks
which we undertake together. It is no accident
that we are a humane society with a sense of
kinship with other peoples. For we have shared
the great discourses of man about his own nature,
the universe in which he lives, and his relations
with God. "We acknowledge our common history
and have tried to rewrite it. We respect human
nature and have not tried to remake it. We value
other nations and other cultures, for we have
absorbed them into our own. We are stimulated
by the national revolutions of others, for we recall
our own. We appreciate the impact of the revolu-
tion of rising expectations, for we have exper-
ienced an astonishing economic growth within the
framework of freedom.

We have strong and powerful allies; some of
these are powerful and productive nations who
can help us carry the burden, but others are just
plain people who look to us with hope and con-
fidence. We do not threaten the mdependence
of those we might assist. We represent a world
of free choice in which a great diversity of na-
tions, each faithful to its own traditions and
genius, will respect the ground rules of human
survival and orderly international life. When
we say "peace," we do not mean "submission."
Wlien we say "democracy," we do not mean the
dictatorship of a class. When we say "coexist-
ence," we do not mean an mii'elenting attempt to
bring others under our control.

I mention these things because there has been
some confusion about allies and neutrals. We
value, respect, and cherish our allies, for they
have joined with us to achieve specific tasks in
a harsh and disorderly world. But if we see the
underlying issue of our time as that between a
world of coercion and a world of choice, the dif-
ference between ally and neutral becomes less
important. On that issue it is the world of co-
ercion against the rest — between those who would
build a United Nations and those who would tear
it down, between those who would join in erecting
the peaceful processes of law and those who would
be a law unto themselves.

I have spoken in rather broad terms about
matters which underlie our foreign assistance
l^rograms. But I have done so deliberately be-
cause I am convinced that our generation is
witnessing historical transitions of the most pro-
found character and that we must decide what
part we are to play in making history for our-
selves and those who will inherit this Republic
from us. Lesser questions are proper and should
be raised; detailed criticisms are valuable and
should be respected ; alternatives are always pres-
ent and should be thoughtfully examined. But
I must say with deep sincerity that, if we are to
do what is called for beyond our shores, we must
set aside our lesser concerns and look to what
this Nation can do for the future of man.

It is against the background of these consider-
ations that we have reviewed the lessons of past
assistance programs and developed the proposals
now before you.

The Lessons of Experience

This committee played an original role in many
of the basic concepts of the great aid programs:
the European Recovery Program itself, the Mu-
tual Defense Assistance Program, pomt 4, and
others. I need not detail the accomplishments
of foreign aid over the last 15 years. We recall
aid to Greece and Turkey, to the war-torn na-
tions of Europe, to Korea, the Republic of China,
the Philippines, and the new nations of southeast
Asia, to the great development programs of India
and Pakistan, and to the support of our collec-
tive defense arrangements. I believe that, with-
out this support, many nations now independent
would have disappeared into the other world,
where a new imperialism is attempting to reverse
the course of history and to destroy the prospect
of a progressive world community of free nations
under law.

I know that some feel that our aid efforts have
not accomplished all that we had hoped. Per-
haps we underestimated the sweep of the problems
which confronted mankind at the end of World
War II. Perhaps events have moved with a tur-
bulence and pace we had not expected. Perhaps
we have been reluctant to believe that rival and
dynamic systems could develop so rapidly. Per-
haps we have been tempted, on an annual basis,
to promise too much in annual pleadings for
programs which required time and patience and
persistence.

June 26, 7961

1001

But as we move into the future we can take
advantage of the experience of 15 years in laying
our plans for the future. It is a special obliga-
tion at the beginning of a new administration.
We can develop what has been well tested, drop
what has been ineffective, and make full use for
the future of the lessons we might derive from
the past. Both as participant and observer, inside
and outside of Government, I have reached cer-
tain personal conclusions about foreign aid which
I discussed recently with the Senate Foreign Re-
lations Committee and which I should like to
mention here.

First, we need simplicity — in legislation and in
administration. We need authority to move
promptly, and authority in the hands of respon-
sible and identifiable individuals rather than in
faceless committees or in a diffused bureaucracy.
Timely action is both less expensive and more
effective. The ability to decide affects our capac-
ity to enlist the help of others — governments,
international bodies, and private institutions and
agencies. Many countries receiving aid need help
with good public administration; one way to
teach it is to practice it.

Second, short-term financing, hazardous and
uneven, makes it difficult for us and those we are
trying to help to plan ahead for the efficient use
of both our and their resources. This is even
more important to the receiver of aid than to us,
for theirs is by far the larger effort. At most,
we can provide the critical increment to add a
stimulus to the best which they can do. Economic
and social development takes time, although the
rate of improvement can be rapid. Realistic de-
velopment requires that first things be done first — -
such first things as the preparation of talent, the
building of essential administration, provisions
for basic public services, and the enlistment of
the interest and energies of an entire people.
Short-tenn plans tend to emphasize the dramatic
over the basic, the facade over the foundations.

Third, the critical bottleneck in development is
in the skills and talents of people. This is espe-
cially true of assistance provided by one country
to another and is true both of those who give and
those who receive. We staff our own public and
private aid programs through voluntary recruit-
ment. It has to be said that there is a serious
shortage of men and women who combine the high-
est professional qualifications with a deep commit-
ment to serve in distant and sometimes difficult

parts of the world. We can be grateful for the
gallant and dedicated service which those in our
aid programs have rendered, but the search for
talent is never-ending and must be a central pre-
occupation of our efforts.

Fourth, the burden of assistance is not one
which we can or need carry alone. Our obliga-
tion is to do the best we can, within the human
and material resources at our disposal. But what
we do can be joined with the efforts of others in
a serious undertaking to help the lesser developed
peoples to move economically and socially into the
modern world. Other free and advanced nations
are ready to help. International organizations
can multiply our i-esources and add to the talent
of which we are in short supply. A great variety
of private and voluntary agencies in our own and
other countries are playing a most significant role.
Countries receiving aid will discover that they
can help each other in regional cooperation.
Stimulating opportunities for multiplying the I
effort can be found through imaginative and flex- '
ible admmistration.

Fifth, there are conditions which should be met
before the commitment of our resources to foreign
aid. It is true that our own interest and our
hopes for a better world compel us to share our
resources with others. It is essential that we try
to do so without the "strings" which humiliate,
offend, or impair the freedom of others. But we
do believe that our investments should be good
investments, that we should be given something to
support, and that honest and diligent adminis-
tration is indispensable if outside help is to be
productive. Self-help must be our principal
"string" — and an insistent one.

Sixth, economic and social development can
occur only through advance on a broad front— in
education, health, economic productivity, and
good administration. Attempts to advance a nar-
row sector alone are likely to fail. Development
requires an entire people to be on the move — in-
terested, alerted, energetic, and self-reliant. Na-
tional development cannot be imported; it can
come only from within. Outside help can stim-
ulate and encourage, and can fill critical gaps,
but only a people inspired by their own leaders
can develop themselves.

Finally, the mood and spirit of our aid are
relevant to its success. We should seek perform-
ance, not gratitude, from those receiving help be-

1002

Department of Stale Bulletin

cause the yield in friendship is more enduring
if it is not extorted. If we have something to
teach, we have much to learn. Our objectives
in foreign aid will not be won by quick flam-
boyant successes but in quiet and persistent effort,
applied in complex and unfamiliar situations, as
■we help others to achieve a larger share of the
common aspirations of man.

The New Proposals for Economic Assistance

During the 15 years of the foreign aid program
it has had two major revisions in legislation, both
initiated by your committee. The first was the
Mutual Security Act of 1951, which brought to-
gether all aid programs; the most recent was the
act of 195-4, which adapted the outdated legisla-
tion to the new conditions of that time. Since then
there has been no real revision of the law. It
has been amended from time to time, most signif-
icantly by the addition of the Development Loan
Fund in 1957. Rapid changes of circumstances in
the last 7 years and the demands of the decade
ahead call for a complete modernization of both
the legislation and the program itself. Proposals
for both are before you for your consideration and
decision.

These proposals have been prepared by a Task
Force appointed for the purpose by the President.
This Task Force has drawn both upon experience
in the executive branch and upon studies and
recommendations made by the Congress.

The Task Force has been headed by Mr. Henry
Labouisse, the Director of the International Co-
operation Administration, and much of the work
of preparation of the program itself has been un-
der the leadership of your former colleague, Mr.
Frank Coffin, now Manager of the Development
Loan Fund. These gentlemen and others will be
before you shortly to discuss the new legislation
and the new program in detail. However, since
the principal new proposals have been designed
to achieve important foreign policy objectives, I
shall deal with certain of them briefly.

Uni-fied Administration

We believe that the experience of recent years
has shown the need for unified administration to
make the most economical and effective use of the
men, money, and resources available to the aid
effort. It is therefore intended to bring together
in a single agency the functions now served by the
International Cooperation Administration, the

Development Loan Fund, the local-currency lend-
ing activities of the Export-Import Bank, the
Food-for-Peace Program in its relation to other
countries, and the related staff and program serv-
ices now provided by the ICA and the Department
of State.

The new agency will be in the Department of
State, and it will be headed by an Administrator
who will rank as an Under Secretary of State,
reporting directly to the Secretaiy of State and
the President. Central direction and responsi-
bility for the program will be fixed in the Ad-
ministrator.

Country Planning

To support our foreign policy most directly
and to get the best results in economic growth
for the least expenditure in resources, it is essential
to develop and follow in each country a system
of priorities and, where possible, a plan for long-
term development. This concept will be central
to the administration of the new program. To
make it work effectively, the internal organization
of the new agency will be on geographic lines,
with responsibility for all United States assistance
to each country centered under the direction of
Assistant Administrators for four regional bu-
reaus.

Long-Term C om/mitments

Long-term development cannot be achieved on
the basis of annual commitments. It requires an
assurance of the long-term availability of essen-
tial help. Only thus can the governments and
the private sectors of the developing countries
make the long-range plans essential for genuine
progress. Only with such assurance can they move
ahead to take the self-help measures, often ex-
pensive and sometimes politically difficult, which
will insure that their people will share in the bene-
fits of progress. On our part, our administrators
also can plan for the most economical use of our
capital assistance and skilled manpower when
they are assured that the necessary funds will
be available. Finally, we cannot expect to be fully
successful in our efforts to lead other industrial-
ized nations to increase their share in aid and
we cannot expect the International Bank, the In-
ter-American Bank, and other international insti-
tutions to plan for their full share in aid xmless
we can tell them what share we expect to provide.

The essence, therefore, of an effective program

iMns 26, 1961

1003

for long-term development in the decade ahead is
the power to make firm long-term commitments
for such development.

The President has therefore asked the Congress ■*
to gi-ant him this authority by enabling him to
borrow from the Treasury over a 5-year period
funds for such purposes in amounts equal to a
minimum appraisal of the need.

The President's request carried in this bill ^ is
for authority to be granted now to borrow $900
million in fiscal year 1962 and an additional $1.6
billion in each of the four following fiscal years.
In addition he asks for authority to relend pay-
ments of principal and interest to be received
from past loans and other aid to foreign coimtries.
(It is estimated that the funds would total $287
million in fiscal year 1962 and an annual average
of $300 million over the 5-year period.)

Four years ago, when President Eisenhower and
Secretaiy Dulles proposed the establishment of
the Development Loan Fund, they asked that the
Congress provide the funds needed for that insti-
tution through authority to the President to bor-
row stated sums from the Treasury." The Presi-
dent told the Congress that "this financing mech-
anism" was "well suited to the character of the
Fund."

Your conunittee approved that request, but the
Congress did not. This failure left the process
of long-term development without the vital ingre-
dient— assurance of long-term help from the
United States. We urge that funds for long-
term development be made available on this long-
term basis and in the amounts requested by the
President.

Let me add that I see no serious impediment to
this form of funding. It is now used for the Ex-
port-Impoit Bank and otlier international and
domestic Federal lending institutions. Loans will
be made, under the statute, only upon a finding
of reasonable prospects of repayment. Kepay-
ments under the new program are to be in dol-
lars— unlike the proposals for local currency re-
payment in 1957.

Such funding will allow full fiscal responsi-
bility, which the Secretary of the Treasury will
discuss with you somewhat later. Finally, we be-

* Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1961, p. 507.

° H.R. 7372, 87th Cong., 1st sess. ; for text of the Presi-
dent's letter of transmittal, see ihid., June 19, 1961, p. 977.

* For background, see ibid., June 10. 1957, p. 920.

lieve that as you examine the proposal in detail
you will find it includes a series of safeguards for
continuing congressional control.

We are asking the less developed nations to
undertake new and often difficult measures to
speed their economic and social progress. It is
hard to see how we can do tliis in good conscience
unless we ourselves are now willing to adopt a
thoroughly tried and tested legislative procedure
which is critical to the success of the new pro-
gram and, indeed, to any real hopes for effective
long-term development.

Development Grants

Long-term development must be directed toward
creating the basic economy needed to make in-
creasing standards of living possible. We will
have failed in our major purpose, however, if con-
ditions are not developed which will make the
benefits of such growth fairly available to all the
people in the developing countries. The new pro- J
gram now proposed, therefore, not only will con- "
tinue the established and invaluable point 4 pro-
gram but will also include as a major concept aid
to social progress. We will undertake in other
regions the program of aid to social progress now
authorized by the Congress for Latin America: I
help for land reform, for agricultural credit and '
rural development, for decent rural and urban
housing, for community development, sanitation,
and health facilities, and for the creation of
urgently needed educational opportunities for all.

Supporting Assistance

Our purpose is to emphasize increasingly and
insistently the trend of our economic aid toward J
assistance to long-term development. Yet we 1
realize fully that many countries will continue to
need supporting assistance from us for some time
to come. We have allies undertaking a military
program greater than their economies can support.
Other friendly countries would face economic col-
lapse and internal chaos without our continuing ,
help. Still others provide us with bases and other |
facilities valuable to our worldwide defense plan.
We must continue to help these and certain other
nations. But we may, and shall, ask them to
apply our help increasingly to uses more closely
related to economic and social development,
moving toward the day when development grants
and development loans can increasingly replace
supporting aid. We believe that this point of j

1004

Department of State Bulletin

transition has now come for a few countries and
that for othere it may be reached in tlie near
future.

Provision for Contingencies

This program of assistance to the economic and
social progress of some tlireescore nations in all
stages of growth is by far tlie most complex task
ever undertaken by our Government. Its com-
plexity is further compounded by the constant
probing and pressure of militant communism. It
would be a tragic self-deception to believe that
either the Executive or the Congress can safely
predict today the precise needs for aid which, in
wise regard for our own national interests, we
should provide to each of these nations in the
coming year. Experience has shown us that even
the most careful planning will be superseded by
events which can be foreseen only in part or not
at all. Flexibility is essential, and funds must be
available in advance to meet contingencies when
they arise.

Last year the President asked for a contingency
fund of $175 million. Even before the appro-
priation could be made, the cliaotic condition in
the Congo arose and led to an increased request
of $100 million. During the year it has been
necessary to transfer additional funds from the
military assistance progi-am.

The President had intended, earlier this year,
to ask again for the contingency fund appro-
priated last year. Again events have shown more
will almost certainly be needed. He has there-
fore asked for a total contingency fund of $500
million, of which $250 million would be used only
upon a Presidential determination in each case
that sudden and extraordinary' needs would make
necessary tlie use of this emergency reserve. This
larger figure is required by the greater uncer-
tainties of the times. We are living in a period
of rapid change, where the unexpected is the
order of the day, where dangers and opportuni-
ties may arise with almost equal frequency. If
we plan only for what we may now foresee, we
will leave ourselves umiecessarily exposed. For
these reasons the President and I lay the greatest
stress upon the importance of having available
these requested contingency funds.

-■1 Common Effort

The task of long-range development cannot be
accomplished without the sincere determination

June 26, 1967

597681—61 3

and the intensive effort of the less developed
nations themselves. The help which they must
have from outside must be a common effort. We
should not wish or attempt to assume it alone.
It can only flourish effectively if it has the sup-
port of other nations and of the international
organizations associated witli the United Nations
and otherwise and capable of an effective contri-
bution of technical skills, of money and other
resources, and of constant encouragement. We
are looking particularly to an increased effort
by other industrialized nations, and we believe
that this effort, will be made. Those nations in
Europe particularly whose recovery our past aid
lias helped make possible are now able and, I
believe, are genuinely willing to undertake their
fair part in the common effort to assist the prog-
ress of the less developed nations.

The Peace Corps

I now turn to the Peace Corps. This idea owes
its origins to the Congress and received much of
its momentum from this committee, whose initia-
tive led to the provision in last year's legislation
calling for a study of the practicability of the
Peace Corps.

I do not propose to talk at any length about tlie
experience so far of the temporary Peace Corps,
the administration's Peace Corps legislative pro-
posals,^ or the supporting program materials
submitted to you. The Director of the Peace
Corps, Mr. Eobert Sargent Shriver, Jr., and his
associates will do that later.

I wish to concentrate this morning on the poten-
tial importance of the Peace Corps to this Nation.
Much has already been said about the very real
contribution the Peace Corps can make to meeting
the economic and social development goals of the
less developed countries. So far, as you know,
Peace Corps projects have been announced in
Tanganyika, where volunteers will survey feeder
roads and do basic geological investigations; in
Colombia, where, imder the administration of
CARE, volunteers will do work in community
development; in the Philippines, where the vol-
unteers will act as educational aides, teaching
English and general science in the Philippine
school system; and in Chile, where, imder the
administration of the University of Notre Dame

'For background, see ihid., Mar. 20, 1960, p. 400, and
June 19, 1961, p. 980.

1005

in association with other Indiana universities,
volunteers will work in rural development pro-
grams. Interest in the Peace Corps abroad is
widespread, and the needs are great. Each day
sees new expressions of interest in or requests for
information about the Peace Corps from other
coimtries.

What has not been discussed at comparable
lengtli is the contribution the Peace Corps can
make to this country's life. The experience of
living and working abroad will increase the skills,
the stamina, and the wisdom of the persons who
serve in the Peace Corps. They will come home
far better able to discharge the responsibilities of
citizenship than when they went abroad. The
Peace Corps also offers the opportunity of more
fully engaging and supporting the great talents
and resources of our universities and private agen-
cies and thus adding to their knowledge and
abilities.

Service abroad in the Peace Corps will have an
indirect impact on our national life as well. Col-
leges and universities, for example, are beginning
to think about changes in curriculum that will
better qualify Americans for service abroad — im-
proved language training, not only in European
languages but in those of Africa and Asia, and
improved instniction in English, science, geog-
raphy, histoi-y, and world affairs. Over a period
of years the Peace Corps may well profoundly
stimulate the development of our educational sys-
tem in directions which all now agree are desir-
able but for which until now no direct stimulus
existed.

Also not sufficiently realized — and this, in my
view, will prove to be the most important of all
the benefits of the Peace Corps — is that the Peace
Corps offers an unprecedented opportimity for
the nations and peoples of the world to learn what
America is all about, what it stands for, what it
and its people are really like. Very nearly 10,000
people have now filed questionnaires with the
Peace Corps. Questionnaires are being received
at a rate of more than 100 per day. They come
from every State in the Union, from people of
all ages, backgrounds, and skills. The high quali-
fication and sincere dedication of these people
are clearly apparent both from the questionnaires
and from the letters and notes which are often
enclosed.

Through the Peace Corps, a cross section of the
American people can thus be living and working

abroad in cooperative efforts to achieve common
goals. If we can join the world's peoples in the
world's work, over a period of time a profound
contribution can be made to the achievement of
understanding and world peace.

International Peace and Security Act

I have stressed that economic development and
social progress are essential to our hopes for a
peaceful world. It is equally true, liowever, that
there will be little hope for the acliievement of
such progress unless the nations we are attempt-
ing to help can be assured of a reasonable environ-
ment of internal tranquillity and security against
external attack for their constructive work. Al-
though economic and social progress must prop-
erly be the goal of our aid programs in the years
ahead, we must not minimize in any way the ur-
gent need to continue our military assistance to
a number of nations and to adapt it to new
requirements.

Our proposals to help achieve international
peace and security are contained in part II of the
bill. Secretary [Robert S.] McNamara, General
[Lyman L.] Lemnitzer, and other witnesses from
the Department of Defense will be before you to-
morrow and in subsequent days to discuss this
legislation and the military assistance program
proposed for next year.

In discussing the i^rincipal concepts of the new
military assistance program with you now, I am
most conscious of the major part your committee
had in its origins and later development. You
have on various occasions emphasized the im-
portance of integrating the objectives of this pro-
gram with the grand strategy of our worldwide
security effort. At the same time you have
stressed the need to recognize and guide our mili-
tary aid as an essential element of our foreign
policy and to adapt it to the individual needs of
the peoples we are trying to help protect.

The bill before you takes one more step in this
direction. It calls for the separation of military
assistance and economic aid and asks for standing
authorization of future appropriations in order
that future military aid programs may be more
easily developed as part of the total budget of the
Department of Defense. The bill does not, how-
ever, change the policy control of this committee
of the Congress nor the function of the Depart-
ment of State with respect to the overall super-
vision and direction of the program.

1006

Department of State Bulletin

The new program itself ■will be more directly
suited to the needs of the recipient countries, par-
ticularly those now being subjected to threats of
force and use of force. Although the Soviet
Union, Communist China, and their satellites are
increasingly employing economic penetration by
trade and aid as new weapons in their arsenal of
imperialism, they continue also to use the old
weapons of force — potential and active. The
Soviet Union continues to maintain its great nu-
clear power and to increase the potential of its
delivery systems. The entire Conmiunist bloc
still has its formidable conventional forces. These
i-emain a powerful and ever-present threat to the
whole free world and to each of its members. At
the same time the forces of international com-
munism have trained and are increasingly em-
ploying agitators, infiltrators, and guerrillas.
The favorite tactic of these forces is to pose as
patriots and revolutionaries leading the people
against oppression. Once successful, they throw
off their disguises and are revealed as the agents
of Communist imperialism who themselves be-
come the oppressors. We have seen this ruse suc-
ceed in Cuba. We have seen it tried unsuccessfully
in Iraq and the Congo. We see it in process in
Laos and in Viet-Nam.

Peace with justice is the goal of our policy. We
should like nothing more than to achieve inter-
national control of weapons of mass destruction
and imiversal regulation of armaments and armed
forces, under safeguards to protect complying
nations against violation and invasion. Should
we be able to persuade the Soviet Union and its
allies to join us in the achievement of this goal,
we should then be able to convert a portion of our
expenditures for arms into aid for peaceful
progress.

But until the Soviet Union and Communist
China choose to join in making this goal possible,
the shadow of their modem weapons, of their
gigantic forces, and of the fifth columns imder
their command hangs over the whole world. This
is the danger to the independence of many small
countries, to the peace of the world, and, ulti-
mately, to the security of the great nations, our
own included.

Under these circumstances we must continue
firm adherence to our policy of collective security.
We must adapt our military aid to meet changing
needs. Over the past several months we have been
reexamining this problem in all its aspects. The

proposals before you are based upon the con-
clusions we have reached thus far. Certain new
plans and programs which we believe must be
undertaken in the future can, in several instances,
be worked out only after we have consulted our
allies. These new directions will be increasingly
reflected in our presentations of this program to
the Congress in future years.

The current trend in the use of force by the
Communist bloc and those willing to do its bidding
requires that means now be found to strengthen
the internal security of many of our friends in the
free world. This is particularly true in Latin
America. An increased emphasis upon assistance
for internal security is therefore included in the
program which will be presented to you.

Appropriations of $1,885 billion for military
assistance will be required for fiscal year 1962.
More than half of this is needed to maintain
forces in being and to cover essentially fixed
charges. About 40 percent is to modernize and
improve the forces in those areas where Com-
munist pressure is the greatest. By far the great-
est regional share of the program is directed
toward the Far East. The needs there of our allies
with substantial armed forces and of the situation
in southeast Asia require provisions for increased
strength.

You will recall that in the early days of the aid
program, when military assistance was directed
primarily toward treaty allies, 10 specific condi-
tions to be required of recipients were added to the
bill. We have found over the years that these re-
quirements are not always practical under the
conditions of the present world, when a significant
part of our effort must be directed to strengthen-
ing the internal security of nations understand-
ably concerned about their newly acquired sover-
eignty. You will find therefore that in the bill
before you those conditions having political impli-
cations have been omitted. Others are retained
to assure the proper use of aid provided.

Finally, as part of the greater measure of sepa-
ration of economic and military assistance, the
contingency fund as proposed in this bill will be
limited to the economic program. In order to
provide added capacity for the military program
to meet important needs, a new provision is pro-
posed to make it possible for the military assist-
ance program to draw down up to $400 million in
Department of Defense stocks and services in any
fiscal year. This provision may be used only when

June 26, 1961

1007

the President personally determines it is vital to
the security of the United States. We can be
sure that this provision will only be used after
the President has carefully considered the relative
needs of our entire defense effort. Any such
actions must be promptly reported to the Congress
and will be subject to reimbursement from sub-
sequent appropriations for military assistance.

Conclusion

In this age of nuclear weapons and of Com-
munist imperialism, our sur\aval as a nation calls
for the deepest awareness of our peril and for
the most determined action by ourselves and
with our allies to defend our freedom. Yet there
is much more to the world of our era. It is a
world of infinite opportunity, of great hope. It
is a world where more people of more nations
have achieved independence than in all history.
It is a world where peoples have come to realize
that progress is possible and where the deter-
mination for progress is intensely held.

Here is opportunity, the opportunity to lead
for all free peoples a movement for progress in
freedom. Tliis is not a defensive policy ; it is not
a reaction to the action of others. It is a policy
we ourselves chose to follow with the Marshall
plan, point 4, and the Development Loan Fund.
It is a policy in which we are joined by and can
expect the help of our allies.

Conceived and maintained on a bipartisan basis
over the years, it is a policy which is both right
and necessary. We should have no illusions about
tlie revolution of progress now going on. The
people of the developing countries are moving.
They will have material progress. The question
is how. Tliey see on the one hand what has been
and is being accomplished in the Soviet Union
and Communist China. But they will not choose
the route of totalitarianism if they have a choice.
We and other nations can and must provide that
choice.

The alternative is unacceptable. It will mean
a loss of freedom for one free nation after an-
other. It will mean a gradual but relentless con-
striction of our own freedom.

The leaders of the Communist world preach
the inevitability of their conquest. I do not be-
lieve for a moment in any such inevitability. But
the Commimists, far from relying on any con-
cept of inevitability, are working resourcefully

and tirelessly to captm-e and manipulate the revo
lution of progress in the developing nations ani.
through it the nations themselves. Whether they
will succeed or not is largely in our hands and
the hands of other free and economically advanced
nations.

The proposals before you are necessary to the
conduct of a firm and successful foreign policy
for our country in the decade ahead. Their
thoughtful consideration by the Congress and the
provisions of the authority and of the funds re-
quired is central to what we can accomplish. The
costs will not be small — but what they can ac-
complish will be great. We can afford to do what
has to be done. As I have said before, what we
cannot afford is to fail to undertake the effort —
and a sufficient effort.

I urge you to grant our request for funds — and
all of them — to give us the freedom to act with
assurance and continuity. We ask you to pass
upon this program with the same sense of gravity
in which we have proposed it, and we assure you
that we will accept your grant of authority with
the deepest sense of responsibility and dedication.

U.S. and Congolese Presidents
Hold Talks at Washington

President Fulhert Toulou of the Rejmhlic o '
Congo {Brazzaville) made an informal visit P-
the United States June 8-13. Folloxoing is tlL
text of a joint communique issued hy President
Kennedy and President Youlou after their dis-
cussions at Washington on June 8, together with a
list of the memhers of President Youlou''s party.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated June 8

President Kennedy and President Youlou met
today and discussed problems of joint interest to
their governments. The ties that bind the Repub-
lic of Congo to the United States were stressed
including their common links with the European
continent and western civilization.

President Youlou stressed that his visit to the
United States was not for the purpose of securing
immediate financial assistance but the two Presi-
dents entered into a discussion of the economic
problems of the Congo and long-range economic

(

1008

Department of State Bulletin

ter of great concern because the size of the loan
repayments had not become substantial. How-
ever, as of December 31, 1960, the accumulated
total of such repayments (principal and interest)
was equivalent to $15.4 million, of which $3.0
million represented repayments on loans under
section 104(a) (loans and grants to private enter-
prise) and $12.4 million represented repayments
on loans under section 104(g) (economic develop-
ment) . For the fiscal year 1960, loan repayments
(principal and interest) amounted to only $7 mil-
lion, but for FY 1961 it is estimated that such
repayments will jump to $17 million and for FY
1962 to $25 million. Accordingly, we are request-
ing an amendment to the introductory clause in
section 104 in order to provide for broader use of
these repayment currencies.

The proposed amendment would put repay-
ments of principal and interest in the same cate-
gory as original sales pi'oceeds.

We believe that loan repayments should be
available, in the first instance, for Treasury sale,
just as if they were "U.S. use" sales proceeds from
a sales agreement. However, in an increasing
number of countries, including most major P.L.
480 markets, U.S. -owned foreign currency is al-
ready available in amounts which the Treasury
considers to be excessive to present or foreseeable
U.S. needs. In such cases, we believe that the
President should have the authority to use them
for purposes of mutual benefit, just as if they were
"country use'' sales proceeds from a sales agree-
ment.

I believe it is desirable to say a few woi'ds in ex-
planation of the problem we face and the policy
the administration wishes to follow. We must
distinguish between those countries in which the
local currencies generated under title I are in-
adequate to cover all the local currency expendi-
tures of the Government of the United States and
those in which they are clearly surplus. In the
foi-mer the local currency repayments sliould and
will be made available to the Treasury to be sold
to U.S. Government agencies needing such local
money. AVhere the local currency is clearly excess
to U.S. Government use in the reasonably fore-
seeable future other disposition must be made.
There is little possibility that the U.S. Government
can recover those moneys in any real sense and
transfer them into dollars. A major effort to col-
lect these funds in dollars or convertible currencies
or to use them as if they were such would cause

such dislocations in trade, and such internal diffi-
culties at home and abroad, that it would defeat
the purposes of the act. In these circumstances
the best immediate policy is to reuse the curren-
cies within the home country for economic devel-
opment purposes.

Use of Foreign Currencies for Health and Education

As a result of the interaction of two amend-
ments to P.L. 480 which were adopted in 1959, the
foreign currencies which are allocated for eco-
nomic development in less developed countries
under sections 104(e) and (g) cannot be used for
development projects which involve education,
health, nutrition, and sanitation on the same basis
as they can for projects which involve other devel-
opmental activities. This has proved a source of
some embarrassment in our dealings with foreign
countries; it tends to create a false image of the
United States as a country more interested in
roads, dams, and factories than it is in schools,
hospitals, and public health. Such an impression
would prove even more unfortunate in the days
ahead, as U.S. policy places renewed emphasis on
the development of human resources as a basic
prerequisite to economic growth.

The final provision of section 104 now prohibits,
in the absence of appropriation action, the alloca-
tion of sales proceeds under any section of the law
if it is to be used for any of the purposes stated in
subsection (k) of section 104. Among other pur-
poses, this subsection refers to programs for edu-
cation, health, nutrition, and sanitation. This
means that even though, at the time we sold the
commodities, we may have contracted with the
foreign country to lend or grant it funds under
sections 104(g) and (e), the United States cannot
allocate these funds for specific projects without
prior appropriation action if the proposed proj-
ects involve activities in the fields of education,
health, nutrition, and sanitation. As a result, we
find that foreign countries now tend to request
P.L. 480 currencies for other activities which pro-
mote economic growth, but they tend to obtain the
currency for education, health, nutrition, and san-
itation activities from their own resources, which
are available without these procedural complica-
tions. Our inability to utilize "country use" cur-
rencies for the development of human resources,
without prior appropriation action, has hampered
us in encouraging the less developed countries to

June 26, J 96 7

1021

use a greater share of their own resources for this
purpose. It has hindered us in mounting jointly
financed programs of adequate size in this field
which, when carried out under U.S. sponsorship,
earn us substantial credit in the less developed
countries.

The purpose of the proposed amendment is to
divide these educational and health activities into
two categories in conformity with the concepts
set out in the Bureau of the Budget's report on
"Control Over the Use of Foreign Currencies"
(January 1960), which distinguishes between
"U.S. use" and "country use" currency with re-
spect to the application of appropriation controls.
The effect would be to permit those currencies
wliich are allocated to the purchasing country to
be used without appropriation on projects or pro-
grams which involve education, health, nutrition,
and sanitation; the appropriation requirement
would continue to apply to the use of currencies
for these purposes when the programs were pri-
marily of benefit to the United States or were
unrelated to such development.

"With respect to the proposed new section 110,
which would authorize the establishment of na-
tional food reserves in underdeveloped countries,
the Department of State has supported tliis
amendment in the past and does so now. It would
be especially useful in those situations where crop
failure is not of disaster proportion but where it
is desirable that new supplies be promptly avail-
able. They would thus combat speculation in basic
connnodities, which in the past has exacerbated
shortages.

The remaining amendments proposed are pri-
marily to facilitate administration of the law.
The Department of State recommends that they be
adopted.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

United States Foreign Policy. Hearings before the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations on the formulation
and administration of United States foreign policy ;
developments in military technology and their impact
on United States strategy and foreign policy ; ideology
and foreign affairs ; United States foreign policy in
Western Europe ; economic, social, and political change
in the underdeveloped countries and its implications
for United States policy. (Studies prepared pursuant
to S. Res. 336, 85th Cong., S. Res. 31, 86th Cong., and
S. Res. 41, 87th Cong.) Part 2. January 27-March 9,
1961. 208 pp.

Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act. Hear-
ings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
on S. 1154, a bill to provide for the improvement and
strengthening of the international relations of the
United States by promoting better mutual understand-
ing among the peoples of the world through educational
and cultural exchanges. March 29 and April 27, 19fil.
241 pp.

St. Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation. Message
from the President transmitting the report of the St.
Lawi'ence Seaway Development Corporation, covering
its activities for the year ended December 31, 1960, pur-
suant to Public Law 858, 83d Cong., H. Doc. 153. May 3,
1961. 62 pp.

International Finance Corporation. Hearing before Sub-
committee No. 1 of the House Committee on Banking
and Currency on H.R. 6765. May 10, 1961. 33 pp.

Establishment of the Caribbean Organization. Report to
accompany H.J. Res. 384. H. Rept. 387. May 11, 1961.

28 rp-

Requesting the President To Exercise His Authority To
Operate a Program To Be Known as University Free
Cuba. Report to accompany H. Con. Res. 209. H. Rept.
389. May 11, 1961. 4 pp.

Expressing the Sense of the Congress Relative to the Re-
evaluation of the Role of the Government of Cuba in
Inter-American Affairs. Report to accompany H. Con.
Res. 226. H. Rept. 390. May 11, 1961. 2 pp.

Making Nationals, American and Foreign, Eligible for
Certain Scholarships Under the Surplus Property Act
of 1944, as Amended. Report to accompany S. 539. S.
Rept. 267. May 18, 1961. 7 pp.

Certification of Quotas on Certain Philippine Tobacco.
Report to accompany H.R. 4940. S. Rept. 274. May 18,
1961. 3 pp.

Export of Grapes and Plums. Report to accompany S.
1462. S. Rept. 286. May 23, 1961. 4 pp.

1022

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

U.S. Delegation at Geneva Repeats Call for Effective Cease-Fire in Laos

Statement hy W. Averell Harriman '

The United States delegation has come to this
conference for one purpose : to strive, together with
the other nations represented here, to develop the
conditions for long-term peace and neutrality in
Laos. We are anxious to get on with that work.
But an issue has been brought before us today by
the British cochairman relating to the existence
of an effective cease-fire, which my Government
and others have always regarded as a prerequisite
for this conference.

Before we can proceed to the substantive work
of the conference, this issue must be resolved.
The issue is clear. It is whether the International
Commission for Supervision and Control in Laos
will be given the instructions which it has asked
for, so as to be better able to carry on its task.
The task is to supervise and control the de facto
cease-fire reported by the Commission on May 12.
These additional instructions are of great im-
portance if the de facto cease-fire is to become and
remain an effective cease-fire throughout Laos.

I speak in support of the position of the British
cochairman, with which I concur fully. He has
just stated :

We in the British delegation do not see how the Com-
mission can perform its task unless it is free to carry out
its investigations whenever and wherever it so desires.
We believe that an understanding that this is so is basic
to the cochairmen's instructions of May 5. But it seems
that the matter is not there made sufficiently clear.

Therefore, we think that it should be stated in the
further message for which the Commission have asked ;

' Made before the International Conference for the
Settlement of the Laotian Question at Geneva on May 31.
Ambassador Harriman is chairman of the U.S. delegation
to the conference. For background, see Bulletin of May
15. 19C1, p. 710, and June 5, 1961, p. 844.

and we think that the parties in Laos should be asked
to give full assistance to the Commission in this as in
other respects.

This issue has come before our conference at
the instance of Mr. [S.] Sen of India, chairman
of the ICC. His message of May 20, after a care-
ful analysis of the problems facing the Commis-
sion, concluded:

It is the hope of the Commission that not only the
problems and measures mentioned above would be dis-
cussed at Geneva, but that the Commission would receive
further instructions from the cochalrmen about their
nest task.

The question then is whether the conference is
to send instructions which, by its own word, the
Commission desires, or whether we are to sit by
wliile the mission of the ICC in Laos is frustrated
and that unhappy country is further overrmi by
military action.

Let me recall to you what that mission is. I
quote from the message of the cochairmen to the
Commission in New Delhi, dated May 4, 1961.
For our purposes here that message is the charter
of the Commission in its present task. It says :

The cochairmen consider that the basic task of the
Commission at the present moment consists in fixing the
cease-fire in Laos in accordance with the understanding
reached by the belligerent parties and in exercising super-
vision and control over the cease-fire.

The understanding referred to by the cochair-
men has been reached, according to the ICC. The
Commission has reported the existence of a series
of declarations, in identical terms, which the
parties have exchanged with each other maintain-
ing their desire to abide by the cease-fire.

This conference is fully aware of the importance

June 26, 1967

1023

which my Government has continuously attached
to the accomplishment of this "basic task" of the
ICC. Our position from the moment of the in-t
vitation of the cochairmen to this conference has
been that an effective cease-fire was an absolute
precondition to the convening of the conference.
In response to that invitation, we informed the
cochairmen explicitly that "U.S. acceptance is
contingent upon an immediate and effective cease-
fire in Laos."

The cochairmen fully understood our position.
They agreed that the announcement of a cease-fire,
verified by the ICC in place and with power to
supervise and control it, should precede the open-
ing of the conference. The language I have al-
ready quoted from the message of the cochairmen
to the Commission reflects this understanding and
agreement. Most members of this conference have
either expressly or tacitly recognized the impor-
tance of the cease-fire to the success of our work.

My Government's insistence on an effective and
continuing cease-fire is not a mere procedural tech-
nicality, still less a device to delay the work of the
conference. It is the sincere desire of my Govern-
ment that this conference will succeed in establish-
ing a regime of peace and neutrality in Laos. But
the institutions of permanent peace cannot be
conceived and developed at the point of a gun.
Constructive negotiations cannot be carried out
amidst the clamor of arms or under the threat of
force. I may say, parenthetically, that this point
holds as true for the discussions at Ban Namone as
for those at Geneva.

Therefore, we believe that the existence of an
effective cease-fire and its continuous supervision
and enforcement is intimately and substantively
connected with the possibilities for success of this
conference. We continue to hold this view.

Reports of Violations of Cease-Fire

On May 12 the ICC reported that a de facto
cease-fire was then in effect in Laos. Even in that
report, however, the Commission qualified its
statement in the following language :

Such breaches as have been informally complained of
are either due to misunderstandings or to such factors as
the terrain, the nature and disposition of forces, both
regular and irregular, of all parties.

The clear inference is that despite the conclusion
that "a general de facto cease-fire exists," all was
not quiet in Laos. Indeed, even at the time of its

first report the Commission felt it necessary to
suggest to the parties that :

Pending formal cease-fire agreement, there should be
renewed orders on all troops of all commands to observe
the cease-fire except when provoked.

Again, on May 15, in its second report, the Com-
mission transmitted and so endorsed the acknowl-
edgment of the parties that "the orders are not
really followed in the practical way." In conse-
quence each party agreed to renew its orders and to
admonish "their own troops to keep the order very
strictly in every battlefield."

Over 2 weeks ago the Secretary of State of the
United States said in his openmg remarks to this
conference : "

Information from Laos indicates that rebel forces con-
tinue to attack in a number of localities and that rebel
troop movements are occurring which are prejudicial to
an effective cease-fire. The most serious of these viola-
tions have taken place in the Ban Padong area near
Xieng Khouang, where artillery and infantry attacks are
continuing against Government forces.

Mindful of these disturbing reports, he added :

Surely, Mr. Chairman, the cease-fire and proper instruc-
tions to the ICO are matters of first importance. This is
something which cannot be postponed. An effective cease-
fire is a prerequisite to any constructive result from our
proceedings ; a failure of a cease-fire would result in a
highly dangerous situation which it is the purpose of the
conference to prevent.

Mr. Chairman and fellow delegates, I submit
that it is no longer possible to deny the fact that
the implementation of the cease-fire has not been
effectively carried out. On May 16 and in later
communications, the Royal Laotian Government
registered formal complaints with the ICC in
Laos specifying with precision a series of vio-
lations of the cease-fire.

The report of the ICC dated May 20 acknowl-
edges the receipt of these complaints. It suggests
further that they were sufficiently serious for the
Commission to discuss and consider them "not
only with the parties concerned but with outside
parties who should be in a position to assess the
military situation." As a result of these discus-
sions, the Commission has formed an opinion
about the state of the cease-fire which is set forth
at great length in i<s report. In summary, it is
clear that the Commission is aware of instances
of substantial violations of an effective cease-fire.

• niA., June 5, 1961, p. 844.

1024

Deparfment of State Bulletin

Information reaching my Government fully
corroborates the Commission's appreciation of the
situation as outlined in its reports. Indeed, our
information goes further. It shows that the in-
cidents referred to are not a series of random and
unrelated skirmishes and clashes. These might
be overlooked as a normal consequence when a
cease-fire order is suddenly directed to inter-
mingled troops of hostile commands.

Pathet Lao Military Activity

Our information shows much more than this.
It shows a systematic and calculated effort on the
part of the Pathet Lao to exterminate substantial
units of Royal Laotian forces, cut off from sup-
plies and assistance in the vicinity of Pa Dong, in
southern Xieng Khouang province.

Since May 13 almost daily attacks by the Pathet
Lao have occurred in this area. Several hundred
square miles in extent, it was largely under Royal
Lao Army control at the time the ICC reported
the de facto cease-fire.

Since then, the continuing Pathet Lao attacks,
ranging from brief skirmishes to sizable infantry
assaults with artillery preparation and support,
have brought their forces to artillery sites within
range of the airstrip at Ban Pa Dong.

At the risk of imposing on the time of the con-
ference, but in order to make the point perfectly
clear, I should like to recount the highlights of
Pathet Lao military activity in the Pa Dong area
on a day-by-day basis since mid-May.

May 13 — Mortar and artillery fire.

May 14 — 40 rounds of artillery fire during the
morning.

May 15 — 113 rounds of artillery fire, 40 of them
during the evening hours.

May 17 — 6 rounds of artillery fire together with
probing infantry attacks. Ten rounds of artillery
fire in the morning and a heavy concentration of
fire in the early afternoon. A company-size attack
occurred in the morning.

May 19 — 65 rounds of artillery fire. Infantry
attacks involving two Pathet Lao companies with
artillery support.

May 21 — Night probing attacks, one of which
involved a Pathet Lao company.

May 22 — Probing attacks.

May 24 — Platoon-size attack, artillery and mor-
tar fire.

May 25 — 50 rounds of ai'tillery during one hour ;
later 200 additional rounds.

May 26 — 40 rounds of artillery fire followed
by further heavy shelling.

May 27 — 10 rounds of artillery fire between
0800-1630 hours.

On the night of May 29-30, shelling was
resumed.

From these reports it is evident that the Pathet
Lao are employing military pressure for political
purposes at the very moment when this confei'ence
is endeavoring to secure the unity, independence,
and neutrality of Laos.

This is fully corroborated by the eyewitness
accounts of reporters in Pa Dong. Among these,
the Associated Press correspondent, Rene Georges
Inagaki, writing from Pa Dong on May 27,
reported: "Heavy fighting continues in Laos
making a mockery of a cease-fire ordered more
than 3 weeks ago." He might have added that it
makes a mockery of this conference as well.

Nor do complaints of cease-fire violations come
only from Vientiane. The other side has claimed
many cease-fire violations on the part of the Royal
Lao Government. And on May 25 Radio Pathet
Lao broadcast a long list of alleged violations.
Radio Moscow, Peiping, and Hanoi have also done
the same.

It is interesting to note that in none of these
cases have they asked for ICC investigation or
inspection. Instead, they have confined them-
selves to extensive use of propaganda and threats
of retaliation.

I may say in all sincerity that my Government
expects that these Pathet Lao complaints will be
investigated, as well as complaints coming from
the Royal Government. General Phoumi
[Nosavan] has given permission for the ICC to
send its teams freely throughout the territory
under the control of Government troops.

No such cooperation has been forthcoming from
the Pathet Lao — and this despite the call of the
cochairmen in their statement of April 24 ^ upon
the people of Laos "to cooperate with the Inter-
national Commission for Supervision and Control
in Laos and to render it assistance, when it arrives
in the country on their instructions, in exercising
supervision and control over the cease-fire."

' ma., May 15, 1961, p. 710.

June 26, 196?

1025

Lack of Cooperation With Commission

It should be recalled that in instructing the
Commission to proceed to Laos and to carry out its
functions "in close contact with the parties in
Laos" the cochairmen took accoimt of "the positive
replies" of the belligerents to their earlier
communication.

In its May 20 letter, the Commission announced
its desii-e to make inspections in two specific locales,
including Pa Dong, of which I have talked at such
length.

In its most recent conununication, dated May 27,
the Cormnission again emphasizes the importance
of "visits to more sensitive places where the
opposing forces are in close contact and from where
complaints of provocation or of breaches of the
cease-fire have been received." They add that "the
Connnission indicated to the parties that they
intended, with their coopei-ation, to visit Pa Dong,
Tchepone, and the Phalane, Muong Phine-Sepane
areas." The Commission reports that the Roj'al
Lao Government has replied to its suggestion, but
the other side has yet to answer.

We are thus in the position that, for 10 days
after the Commission's request for action by this
conference to facilitate their visits and inspections
in the affected areas, we have remained idle and the
Commission continues to be denied the cooperation
necessary to exercise their functions effectively.
The Commission has called attention to the fact
that "insofar as no detailed cease-fire agreement
has been concluded by the parties, the Commis-
sion's function for the supervision and control of
the cease-fire remains most difficult to exercise in
practice."

My delegation recognizes these problems and
fully sympathizes with the difficulties of the Com-
mission. As the Commission suggests, these diffi-
culties are especially serious in connection with
the effort to secure a standstill of the troops, which
is a necessary aspect of a cease-fire.

We are most grateful to the chairman and the
Commission members for the energy and initia-
tive they have displayed under difficult and ad-
verse circumstances. These very efforts and the
difficulties before the ICC are what make it so
important that adequate support should be given
the Commission by the conference. For it was
clearly recognized in the cochairmen's instruc-
tions of May 4 that the Commission would be
called upon to supervise and control the cease-fire

1026

in Laos even before the parties had concluded a
detailed cease-fire agreement.

This appears most clearly in paragraph two of
the May 4 message. Thus we have a responsibility
for giving the necessary instructions and support
to the ICC, a responsibility which cannot be
avoided merely because the belligerent parties in
Laos have so far failed to conclude a detailed
cease-fire agreement.

As I understand the speech of the British co-
chairman, he is proposing that we take steps to
discharge this responsibility by sending a simple
message to the ICC. This would reemphasize in
clear-cut terms the authority of the Commission
to investigate alleged violations of the cease-fire.
It would encourage the Commission to investigate.
It would call on the parties in Laos to cooperate
with such investigations.

There is nothing new or radical in all this. It
simply confirms in a concrete context the under-
standing we have had all along about the powers
of the ICC and its relation to the parties.

We can hardly do less in view of the Commis-
sion's own request and of the obvious importance
of on-the-spot investigation in relation to effective
supervision and control of the cease-fire.

Need for ICC Investigations

In the view of my Government, we cannot have
an effective cease-fire either before or after the
conclusion of a detailed cease-fire agreement with-
out the widespread investigation by the ICC and
cooperation from the parties in Laos which the
British cochairman has called for in his remarks.
There are three reasons for this :

First, in no other way can the ICC as a practical
matter carry out its function of supervising and
controlling the cease-fire. To sit in Vientiane,
with an occasional visit to Xieng Khouang, far
from the points of contact between the hostile
forces, as the ICC has been required to do up to
now, is not to supervise or control operations be-
tween such forces.

Second, widespread inspection by the ICC will
afford the members of this conference verified in-
formation about the situation on the ground in
Laos from an unimpeachable neutral source, which
is its own instrument. Such information is im-
portant in relation to the basic precondition of J
the existence of an effective cease-fire to which
I have already referred. But it will also be in-

Departmenf of Sfofe Bulletin

valuable in relation to our broader deliberations
about the future of Laos.

Third, the very presence of ICC inspection
teams in areas of difficulty will tend to inhibit and
deter violations of the cease-fire, thus making
firmer and more stable that which we all desire.

Finally, the way this conference deals with this
issue has broad implications for my Government
and, I feel sure, for many others here as well.

There has been general agreement among the
members of the conference that the ICC must be
our instrument for maintaining the neutral status
of Laos in the future. If it is to be our chief re-
liance for this basic purpose, we must be assured
that it is an effective instrument.

Here, before us, is the first test of the ICC in
its future role. The international conference is
now in session. We are gathered together in one
city and in one room. The eyes of the world are
on us.

If, under these circumstances, we cannot sum-
mon the will to give the necessary instructions to
the Commission at its request, how will it be in
the future when we are scattered and world at-
tention is turned elsewhere?

I hope that the Soviet delegate will join us in
giving the necessary support to the ICC. The
unwillingness of the Soviet cochairman thus far
to send clear-cut instructions is a matter of great
concern. It should be especially noted in view of
the U.S.S.R.'s insistence on the principle of una-
nimity and supervision by the cochairmen in the
future work of the ICC.

It should be made clear here and now that the
ICC is not the instrument of the cochairmen, but
of this conference. Disagreement between the co-
chairmen should not deprive the conference of its
principal administrative arm.

Let me repeat : My Government regards the issue
now before us as bearing significantly on the ques-
tion of whether the preconditions we have always
insisted upon for participation in this conference
shall be met. Beyond that, it is an augury of the
ultimate question of whether the conference can
create conditions for a unified, independent, and
neutral Laos.

Fellow delegates, this is the last day in May.
It is 20 days since we were informed, on the eve
of this conference, that a cease-fire in Laos had
been agreed to. It is hardly believable that, after
all this time, we should still be discussing the
question of the adequate cooperation and support

for the ICC in supervising and controlling that
cease-fire.

All of us were given assurance that the require-
ment of a cease-fire would be met before this con-
ference convened. If these were violations of a
minor character, one could make allowances. But
a determined attack of the magnitude which has
been occurring at Pa Dong simply cannot be con-
doned or explained away. It is incompatible with
the very terms under which this conference is
convened.

My delegation holds that the ICC, the instru-
ment of this conference for the control and super-
vision of the cease-fire, must be given adequate
support, cooperation, and clear instruction to
bring about the condition of effective cease-fire in
Laos. In this way we shall make it possible for
this conference to proceed with its important sub-
stantive business.

I hope the delegations who have the success of
this conference at heart and who are sincerely
committed to the future peace and neutrality of
Laos will support the proposed course of action
put forward by the British cochairman.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

International Labor Conference

The Department of State announced on June 6
(press release 369) that President Kennedy had
designated the following persons as the principal
U.S. delegates to the 45th session of the Interna-
tional Labor Conference at Geneva June 7-29 :
Representing the Government of the United States

Delegates

George L. P. Weaver, chairman. Assistant Secretary of

Labor (Designate) for International Affairs
David W. Wainhouse, American Embassy, Vienna,

Austria

Substitute Delegate

Edward K. Kennedy, Special Assistant to the Secretary,
Department of Commerce

Congressional Observers

Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., House of Representatives

Alternate

James Roosevelt, House of Representatives
Elford A. Cederberg, House of Representatives
Special Adviser

George C. Lodge, Assistant Secretary of Labor for Inter-
national Affairs

June 26, J 96?

1027

Repeesentinq the Employers op the United States

Delegate

Richard Wagner, President, Chamber of Commerce of the

United States, Chairman of the Executive Committee,

ChampUn Oil Refining Co., Chicago, 111.

Representing the Workers of the United States
Delegate

Rudolph Faupl, International Representative, Inter-
national Association of Machinists, Washington, D.C.

The International Labor Conference is the main
policymaking organ of the International Labor
Organization, a specialized agency of the United
Nations with 97 member countries. At the annual
meetings of the Conference representatives of
governments, workers, and employers of the mem-
ber countries of the ILO formulate suggested
standards for the improvement of working and
living conditions around the world. ILO also
offers technical assistance in the social fields to
countries which request it, helping underdeveloped
countries to utilize their available manpower more
efficiently and thereby helping their people to
achieve higher standards of living.

The principal items to be considered at this
session include reduction of hours of work, work-
ers' housing, employment problems and policies,
vocational training, social security, and the role
of the ILO in technical assistance.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography ^

Security Council

Letter dated April 1 from the permanent representative
of Jordan addressed to the President of the Security
Council requesting a meeting of the Council to consider
a complaint against Israel. S/4777. April 1, 1961.
2 pp.

Letter dated April 2 from the acting permanent repre-
sentative of Israel addressed to the President of the
Security Council concerning charges by Jordan
(S/4777). S/4778. April 2, 1961. 3 pp.

Note verbale dated March 22 from the Secretary-General
to the permanent representative of Belgium and a note
verbale dated March 28 from the Belgian representa-
tive to the Secretary-General concerning the situation
in the Congo. S/4779. AprU 3, 1961. 3 pp.

Note verbale dated April 3 from the permanent repre-
sentative of Belgium addressed to the Secretary-Gen-
eral concerning the Congo. S/4782. April 4, 1961.
2 pp.

' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States.

Letter dated April 12 from the Secretary-General ad-
dressed to the President of the Security Council con-
cerning South West Africa. S/4787. April 13, 1961. i
4 pp. I

Note verbale dated April 12 addressed by the Secretary- '
General to the permanent observer of the Federal Re-
public of Germany concerning a German plane and its
crew held by the Congolese ( Leopold ville) Govern-
ment. S/4789. April 14, 1961. 3 pp.

Report to the Secretary-(3eneral from his acting special
representative in the Congo concerning the interroga-
tion of 30 mercenaries apprehended in Kabalo on
April 7. S/4790. April 14, 1961. 11 pp.

Report to the Secretary-General from his acting special
representative in the Congo on the civil war situation
in Katanga and on U.N. action in implementing the
Security Council resolution of February 21. S/4791.
April 1.5, 1961. 10 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council
on compliance with Security Council Resolution S/47S8,
which concerns Jordan-Israel dispute (S/4777 and
S/4778). S/4792, April 17, 1961, 3 pp.; Corr. 1, April
18, 1961, 1 p. ; Add 1, AprU 19, 1961, 6 pp. j

Letter dated May 15 from the permanent representative I
of the U.S.S.R. addressed to the President of the Se- *
curity Council regarding implementation of the reso-
lution on the Republic of the Congo. S/4803. May 15,
1961. 3 pp.

Letter dated May 12 from the permanent representative
of the U.S.S.R. addressed to the President of the Se-
curity Council regarding events in the Union of South
Africa. S/4804. May 1.5, 1961. 1 p.

Second report of the Secretary-General on certain steps
taken in regard to the implementation of the Security
Council resolution adopted on February 21. S/4807.
May 17, 1961. 8 pp., including annexes.

Letter dated May 23 from the permanent representative
of the U.S.S.R. addressed to the President of the Secu-
rity Council regarding a resolution adopted by the
Gizenga government calling for the convening in Kamina
of the Congolese Parliament. S/4809. May 23, 1961.
2 pp.

Letter dated May 16 from Mr. A. Gizenga addressed to
the Secretary-General, distributed at the request of the
permanent representative of the U.S.S.R. S/4S11.
May 23, 1961. 2 pp.

Letter dated May 26 addressed to the President of the
Security Council by the representatives of 43 countries
regarding the situation prevailing in Angola. S/4816,
May 31, 1961. 2 pp. ; Add. 1, June 2, 1961.

Letter dated May 29 from the acting permanent repre-
sentative of Czechoslovakia addressed to the President
of the Security Council supporting the Gizenga request
of May 16 regarding the Congolese Parliament. S/
4815. May 31, 1961. 2 pp.

Letter dated May 30, from the Charge d'Affaires ad in-
terim of the permanent mission of the People's Republic
of Albania addressed to the President of the Security
Council supporting the Gizenga request of May 16 re-
garding the Congolese Parliament. S/4817. May 31,
1961. 2 pp.

General Assembly

International Law Commission. Sixth report on interna-
tional responsibility — responsibility of the state for
injuries caused in its territory to the person or prop-
erty of aliens/by F.V. Garcia Amador, special rappor-
teur. A/CN.4/134. January 26, 1961. 124 pp.

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro-
gramme. Report on assistance to refugees from Algeria
in Morocco and Tunisia. A/AC.96/113. March 22,
1961. 14 pp.

International Law Commission. Comments by govern-
ments on the draft articles concerning consular Inter-
course and immunities provisionally adopted by the
Commission at its 12th session in 1960. A/CN.4/136.
April 3, 1961. 39 pp.

1028

Department of State Bulletin

TREATY INFOS^MATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Bills of Lading

luternatioual convention for unification of certain rules
relating to bills of lading, and protocol of signature.
Dated at Brussels August 25, 1924. Entered into force
June 2, 1931. 51 Stat. 233.
Accession deposited: Argentina, April 19, 1961.

Postal Services

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3,
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202.
Adherence deposited: Ivory Coast, May 23, 1961.

Telecommunications

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the inter-
national telecommunication convention, 1959. Done at
Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force May 1,
1961.'

Notifirations of approval: Morocco, March 28, 1961;
United Kingdom (includes Channel Islands and Isle
of Man), April 13, 1961; Finland, April 19, 1961;
Sweden, April 28, 1961.

BILATERAL

Argentina

Agreement amending the agreement of November 5,
1956, as amended (TIAS 3687 and 3992), for financing
certain educational exchange programs. Effected by
exchange of notes at Buenos Aires May 8 and 17, 1961.
Entered into force May 17, 196L

Burma

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of May 27, 1958, as amended (TIAS 4036,
4229, and 4587). Effected by exchange of notes at Ran-
goon June 1, 1961. Entered into force June 1, 1961.

Chile

Agreement providing for the reactivation of the tem-
porary satellite tracking facility in Magallanes Prov-
ince, Chile. Effected by exchange of notes at Santiago
April 21 and May 10, 1961. Entered into force May 10,
19G1.

Denmark

Amendment to the agreement of May 8, 1959 (TIAS 4226),
relating to a shipbuilding program In Denmark. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Copenhagen May 17, 1961.
Entered into force May 17, 1961.

Sierra Leone

Agreement relating to investment guaranties authorized
by section 413(b)(4) of the Mutual Security Act of

1954, as amended (08 Stat. 847; 22 U.S.C. 1933). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Freetown May 16 and
19, 1961. Entered into force May 19, 1961.

United Arab Republic

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities
agreement of August 1, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4542,
4674, and 4684) . Effected by exchange of notes at Cairo
May 27, 1961. Entered into force May 27, 1961.

Yugoslavia

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Belgrade April 28,
1961. Entered into force April 28, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Designations

Carl W. Strom as Director, Foreign Service Institute,
effective May 29. ( For biographic details, see Department
of State press release 268 dated April 28.)

PUBLICATIONS

' Not in force for the United States.

Department Publislies Documents
on Cairo and Tehran Conferences

Press release 366 dated June 5, for release June 17

The Department of State released on June 17 a volvune
of documents entitled The Conferences at Cairo and
Tehran, 1943. This publication, which forms a part of
the Department's regular series Foreign Relations of the
United States, is the fourth volume to be completed in
the special subseries on the top-level conferences of World
War II. Previous releases in this special series were
the two volumes on the Potsdam Conference and the
one volume on the conferences at Malta and Yalta. The
U.S. Government is the first of the participating govern-
ments to issue detailed documentary histories of these
major wartime conferences.

This volume contains the record of (1) President
Roosevelt's consultations with Prime Minister ChurchiU
and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek at Cairo in November
1943; (2) the discussions with Marshal Stalin at Tehran
at the end of that month ; and (3) the conversations with
President Inonii of Turkey at Cairo during the first week
of December. Also Included are the records of the meet-
ings during these conferences of the Anglo-American
Combined Chiefs of Staff and of other discussions of an
International nature in which various members of the

June 26, 7961

1029

American delegation participated during the conferences
at Cairo and Tehran. The initial portion of the volume
presents a collection of documents showing the arrange-
ments made for holding the conferences and the status
of various subjects that were proposed for discussion.

The volume contains 88 pages of introductory material,
891 pages of documents (including 5 In facsimile), 8
photographs, and a colored map of Poland with red pencil
markings by Stalin. Copies, bound in buckram, may be
purchased from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C., for $4.

Recent Releases

For sale iy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Offlce, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may le ob-
tained from the Department of State.

The Newly Independent Nations — Indonesia. Pub. 7117.
Far Eastern Series 105. 14 pp. 150.

The Newly Independent Nations— Nigeria. Pub. 7121.
African Series 6. 10 pp. 5(f.

The Newly Independent Nations— Malagasy. Pub. 7123.
African Series 7. 10 pp. 5<*.

The Newly Independent Nations— Togo. Pub. 7135. Afri-
can Series 10. 11 pp. 10(<.

Leaflets, in a series of fact sheets, designed to give readers
a few highlights on the people and lands of the newly
independent nations.

North Korea : A Case Study in the Techniques of Take-
over. Pub. 7118. Far Eastern Series 103. 121 pp. 60('.

A report on the findings of a State Department Research
Mission sent to Korea on October 28, 1950, to conduct a
survey of the north Korean regime as it operated before
the outbreak of hostilities on June 25, 1950.

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Pub. 7161. Commercial Policy Series 177. 22 pp. 15<f.

A pamphlet arranged to give a simple explanation of the
OECD and the way this new organization can benefit the
people of the United States and its allies.

Cuba. Pub. 7171. Inter-American Series 66. 36 pp. 20(«.

This pamphlet gives a clear-cut presentation of the exist-
ing situation in Cuba and its hemispheric implications.
Its contents include: The Betrayal of the Cuban Revolu-
tion ; The Establishment of the Communist Bridgehead ;
The Delivery of the Revolution to the Sino-Soviet Bloc ;
and The Assault on the Western Hemisphere.

President Kennedy's Inter-American Program for Social
Progress — Questions and Answers. Pub. 7173. Inter-
American Series 67. 23 pp. 15(i.

The questions and answers in this pamphlet highlight the
dramatic new $500 million program aimed at eradicating
social injustice, poverty, illiteracy, squalor, and disease in
Latin America.

The Lesson of Cuba. Pub. 7185. Inter-American Series
68. 8 pp. Limited distribution.

An address by President Kennedy, made at Washington,
D.C, on April 20, 1961, before the American Society of
Newspaper Editors.

Economic Assistance. TIAS 4646. 8 pp. 10{(.
Agreement with Togo effected by exchange of notes —
Signed at Lom6 December 22, 1960. Entered into force
December 22, 1960.

Economic Assistance. TIAS 4647. 3 pp. 5^.
Agreement with Iceland effected by exchange of notes —
Signed at Washington December 30, 1960. Entered into
force December 30, 1960.

Vocational Education: Cooperative Program in Brazil.
TIAS 4648. 3 pp. 5«S.

Agreement extending and amending the agreement of
October 14, 1950, as extended and amended. Effected by
exchange of notes — Signed at Rio de Janeiro December
31, 1960. Entered into force December 31, 1960.

Passport Visas. TIAS 4659. 5 pp. 5<f.
Agreement with Kuwait. Exchange of notes — Dated at
Kuwait December 11 and 27, 1060. Entered into force
December 27, 1960.

Military Mission to Liberia. TIAS 4660. 4 pp. 5{(.
Agreement with Liberia, amending the agreement of Jan-
uary 11, 1951, as extended. Exchange of notes — Dated at
Monrovia March 27 and 31, 1959. Entered into force
March 31, 1959.

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: June 5-11

Press releases may be obtained from the Offlce

of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Release issued prior to June 5 which appears in

this issue of the Bulletin is No. 320 of May 16.

No.

Date

Subject

366

6/5

Foreign Relations volume.

*367

6/5

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

*368

6/5

Cultural exchange (Jordan).

369

6/6

Delegation to International Labor Con-
ference (rewrite).

370

6/6

Visit of President Youlou of Congo
(rewrite).

371

6A

Rusk : House Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee.
Farland : "A New Birth of Freedom."

1372

6/8

373

6/8

Restrictions on shipments to Congo.

*374

6/8

Badeau sworn in as Ambassador to
United Arab Republic (biographic
details).

t375

6/9

Williams : Ferris Institute.

*376

6/9

Estes sworn in as Ambassador to Up-
per Volta (biographic details).

*377

6/9

Cultural exchange (Brazil).

t378

6/9

Visit of Nguyen Dinh Thuan of south
Viet-Nam (rewrite).

•379

6/9

Hart sworn in as Ambassador to Saudi
Arabia and Alinister to Yemen (bio-
graphic details).

t380

6/9

Visit of Prime Minister Fanfani of
Italy (rewrite).

♦381

6/9

Amendments to program for President
Youlou.

»382

6/10

Cultural exchange ("International
Gala").

t384

6/10

Mr. Shriver visits Guinea.

•385

6/10

Amendments to Prime Minister Fan-
fani's program.

ted.

•Not prin

tHeld for

a later issue of the Bnr.T.FTiw.

1030

Department of State Bulletin

June 26, 1961

Index

Vol. XLIV, No. 1143

Agriculture. Department Supports Extension and
Amendment of P.L. 480 (Martin) 1020

Congo (Brazzaville). U.S. and Congolese Presi-
dents Hold Talks at Washington (text of joint
comnumique) 1008

Congo (Leopoldville). U.S. Places Further Re-
strictions on Shipments to Congo 1009

Congress, The

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign

Policy 1022

Department Supports Extension and Amendment

of P.L. 480 (Martin) 1020

A Plan for International Development (Rusk) . . 1000

Department and Foreign Service. Designations

(Strom) 1029

Economic Affairs

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade :
An Article-by-Article Analysis in Layman's
Language (Catudal) 1010

U.S. and Congolese Presidents Hold Talks at

Washington (text of joint communique) . . . 1008

U.S. Places Further Re.strictions on Shipments

to Congo 1009

France. President Makes State Visit to Paris,
Meets Mr. Khrushchev at Vienna and Mr. Mac-
millan at London (Kennedy, texts of joint com-
muniques) 991

International Organizations and Conferences

Department Publishes Documents on Cairo and
Tehran Conferences 1029

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade:
An Article-by-Article Analysis in Layman's
Language (Catudal) 1010

International Labor Conference (delegation) . . . 1027

U.S. Delegation at Geneva Repeats Call for Effec-
tive Cease-Fire in Laos (Harrlman) 1023

Labor. International Labor Conference (delega-
tion) 1027

Laos. U.S. Delegation at Geneva Repeats Call for

Effective Cease-Fire in Laos (Harrlman) . . . 1023

Military Affairs. U.S. Places Further RestricUons
on Shipments to Congo 1009

Mutual Security

A Plan for International Development (Rusk) . . 1000
Department Supports Extension and Amendment of
P.L. 480 (Martin) 1020

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President
Makes State Visit to Paris, Meets Mr. Khru-
shchev at Vienna and Mr. Macmillan at London . 995

Presidential Documents

President Makes State Visit to Paris, Meets Mr.
Khrushchev at Vienna and Mr. Macmillan at
London 991

U.S. and Congolese Presidents Hold Talks at
Washington 10O8

Publications

Department Publishes Documents on Cairo and

Tehran Conferences 1029

Recent Releases 108O

Treaty Information. Current Actions 1029

U.S.S.R. President Makes State Visit to Paris,
Meets Mr. Khrushchev at Vienna and Mr. Mac-
millan at London (Kennedy, texts of joint com-
muniques 991

United Kingdom. President Makes State Visit to
Paris, Meets Mr. Khrushchev at Vienna and Mr.
Macimillan at London (Kennedy, tests of joint
communiques) 991

United Nations

Current U.N. Documents 1028

U.S. Places Further Restrictions on Shipments

to Congo 1009

Name Index

Catudal, Honors M lOlO

De Gaulle, Charles 999

Harriman, W. Averell 1023

Kennedy, President 991, 1008

Khrushchev, Nikita S 999

Macmillan, Harold 999

Martin, Edwin M 1020

Rusk, Secretary looo

Strom, Carl W 1029

Toulou, Fulbert IOCS

U.S GOVERNMENT PRINTIN3 OFFICE: 1961

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A SUMMARY PRESENTATION

This 189-page volume describes in detail the new foreign aid pro-
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Part I of this volume reviews the evolution of the U.S. foreign aid
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