Department of State bulletin

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VOL.45

1961

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HE DEPARTMENT OF STAT

53 J>^\n>^

Vol. XLV, No. 1162

October 2, 1961

PRESIDENT KENNEDY RECEIVES REPRESENTA-
TIVES OF BELGRADE CONFERENCE, EXPLAINS
U.S. POSITION ON CURRENT WORLD SITU-
ATION 539

SECRETARY RUSK GREETS INTERNATIONAL

NAVIGATION CONGRESS 563

THE CURRENT WORLD SCENE • by Ernest K. Lindley . 546

ED STATES
REIGN POLICY

PRESIDENT URGES APPROVAL OF ATOMIC CO-
OPERATION AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE •

President' s Message to the Congress and Text of AgTeemcnt . 556

PRESSURES FOR MIGRATION FROM EUROPE

SLACKEN IN 1961 • Article by George L. Warren ... 565

For index see inside back cover

I

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1162 • Publication 7275
October 2, 1961

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F

President Kennedy Receives Representatives of Belgrade Conference,
Explains U.S. Position on Current World Situation

On September 12 and 13 President Kennedy
met with President Sukarno of the Repuhlic of
Indonesia and President Modibo Eeita of the
Republic of Mali, who were acting as represent-
atives of the states represented at the Conference
of Nonalined Nations which met at Belgrade,
Yugoslavia, September 1-6.^ Following is an ex-
change of remarks between President Kennedy
and Presidents Sukarno and Keita upon their ar-
rival September 12, a statement by President
Kennedy issued at the close of their talks on Sep-
tember 13, and the text of identical letters de-
livered to Presidents Sukarno and Keita person-
ally by the President at the White House on Sep-
tember 13, together with the text of a message to
President Kennedy from the Belgrade conference.

EXCHANGE OF REMARKS

White House press release dated September 12

President Kennedy

I take great pleasure in welcoming once again
to the United States President Sukarno. We ap-
preciated the opportunity of your visit with us
last spring, and we are delighted that you have
come to visit us again.

It is a great pleasure and satisfaction to wel-
come President Keita to the United States for
the first time, and we hope that though his visit
may not be long he will come to understand our
country and our people better for his visit with us.

On behalf of the people of the United States
and the Government of the United States, I ex-
tend a wann welcome to our two distinguished
visitors, who come representing the leaders, the

' For test of President Kennedy's message to the con-
ference, see Bulletin of Sept. 18, 1961, p. 478; for a
White House statement announcing the visit of Presi-
dents Sukarno and Keita, see ibiS.., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 518.

states, and the people who were assembled at the
recent conference in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.

We realize that they come on a mission of peace,
and we want them to know that the people of this ,
country share their great desire that the problems
which disturb the tranquillity of the world be
settled in a peaceful manner, in a manner which
represents the desires of the people who are in-
volved to live their own lives in freedom, a peace
which is real, which permits an orderly settle-
ment of difficult problems, a peace which repre-
sents the basic aspirations of people everywhere —
a matter of such great importance, quite rightly,
to the people who met in Yugoslavia — to live out
their own lives in the way they choose.

So we are delighted, Mr. President, to welcome
you. We are grateful to you for making the
long voyage. We recognize that in coming, as
you have, around the world to visit us here in the
United States, your objectives are those which
you share with us: a desire that the world may
continue to move forward and that the people of
the world may live out their lives in the way
they wish and in the peace they want.

Mr. President.

President Sukarno

My dear President Kennedy, today I am again
in Wasliington, and for the fourth time. It was
indeed, as you said, a long voyage from Belgrade
to Washington, but it was a very pleasant one.

I thank you, Mr. President, for the kind recep-
tion and for your kind words. We both — Presi-
dent Keita and I — have come here as, as you said,
emissaries of the Belgrade conference of un-
alined nations. The previous times I came here
as a representative of the Indonesian Eepublic, a
representative of 92 million people. But today
I have come here, together with President Keita,
as an envoy of the Belgrade conference, represent-
ing about 750 million people.

Ocfober 2, 7961

539

Our task is not a task of mediation. No, our
task is to communicate the thoughts and concerns
of the Belgrade conference to you, Mr. Presi-
dent— our tlioughts and concerns about the pres-
ent situation in tlie world.

The world in which we are living now is a world
in transition, and a world in transition to a new
world is always full of conflicts — minor conflicts,
medium conflicts, big conflicts — big conflicts es-
pecially when big powers are involved.

I spoke about our thoughts and our concerns
of the Belgrade conference about the present sit-
uation. "VVe members of the Belgrade conference,
25 nations — we do not command physical power,
we do not command military power, we do not
command big economic power. But we nonalined
nations are the least inhibited in developing our
thoughts and conceptions for the formation of a
new world, a new world of freedom, of prosperity,
of friendship and cooperation and brotherhood
amongst nations.

I am sure that, as you said, Mr. President, also
the American people and you — yourself, Mr.
President, you also — are very concerned about the
world situation. And that is why I express the
hope that our talks will bear fruit, in order to
save this world from calamity and catastrophe.
Thank you.

President Keita '

Mr. President, I come here as representative of
the Belgrade conference with my friend President
Sukarno. I come here for my first contact with
this great country and the great people of the
United States, people and country about whom
I have heard so much for so many years.

And yet I come here at a moment which is ex-
tremely serious. I come here to bring to you,
Mr. President, and to the American people the
greetings not only of the 25 nations of the Bel-
grade conference but also of the people which I
represent myself, the people of Mali.

And we are bringing to you a grave burden,
Mr. President. We are bringing to you a mes-
sage of trust, because we are quite certain that
the people of the United States wish to live in
peace and only in peace.

We bring to you also a message of brotherhood,
because we know that man, whichever be the color

of his skin, wants to live together and work to-
gether in this common civilization, the ci^dliza-
tion of the universe.

We bring to you also, Mr. President, a message
of peace. We bring to you this message because
the young countries need peace. We need peace
even more than the great countries and the great
powers need it, because, as President Sukarno said,
we have neither military nor economic power.
And, moreover, we have the need of the help
of the great nations to build up our own countries,
to build up our own economies.

However, as I said, we need more than anytliing
peace, and that is why we need the peace and peace
alone even more than the great powers need it.

I would take advantage of my presence here,
Mr. President, to establish a contact with the great
people of the United States, the people whose
struggle for its own develoi^ment we have fol-
lowed. Thank you.

STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release dated September 13

We have welcomed the visit of President Sukar-
no and President Keita on behalf of the nations
which recently met in Belgrade, because we have
viewed with growing concern the heightening ten-
sion in world affairs. Statesmen everywhere have
an urgent responsibility to make every effort to
preserve the peace and to solve their ditlerences by
peaceful means. This can be done if all approach
these differences with full understanding of the
rights, obligations, and vital interests of others.

The situation in Berlin is filled with danger. I
have made it clear that the position of the West
and of the West Berliners will be defended. I
have also made it clear that we are ready to dis-
cuss these matters with other governments, includ-
ing the Government of the Soviet Union, and to
search for the means to preserve an honorable
peace.^ If that is the purpose on all sides, there
is no need for resort to force.

The Foreign Ministers of the Western Powers
are meeting in Washington tomorrow [Septem-
ber 14].* Next week the Secretary of State will

' As translated from the French.
540

'For President Kennedy's report to the Nation on the
Berlin crisis, see Buixctin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267.
' See p. 545.

Department of State Bulletin

liead the United States delegation to the General
Assembly of the United Nations. "We understand
that Foreign Minister [Andrei A.] Gromyko will
also be present. This will provide an opportunity
for serious talks about Germany and other prob-
lems if the Soviet side proves willing. The chan-
nels of diplomacy are open for the exploration of
constructive steps toward a reduction of tension.
Other means are available when they can serve a
useful purpose. Meanwhile, it is clearly of the
utmost importance that there be no unilateral acts
which will make peaceful progress impossible.

TEXT OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S LETTERS

White House press release dated September 15

September 13, 1961
Dear Mr. President : I have studied with care
the message from the Conference of Nonaligned
Nations which you were good enough to present
in person. The United States Government is
aware that the nonaligned powers assembled at
Belgrade represent an important segment of world
opinion, and, especially, that their peoples share
with ours a vital stake in the maintenance of the
peace. In our continuing deliberations within the
United States Government and with our Allies, we
will give the message fi'om the conference most
careful consideration.

As regards the proposal that I enter into direct
negotiations with Premier Khrushchev, we are
prepared to use existing and appropriate channels
to establish the possibility of surmounting the
present impasse. It has been and continues to be
our policy to seek to settle our problems with
others by peaceful means. We have not attempted
to create crises, and we believe it is incumbent upon
all responsible governments to explore all possible
avenues, including negotiations at the highest
levels, for mutually acceptable solutions of cur-
rent international problems. However, unless
such negotiations are carefully prepared before-
hand they risk failure and may lead to deteriora-
tion of the situation. We therefore feel that at a
time of great tension it is particularly necessary
that negotiations of the kind proposed by the Bel-
grade Conference not only have careful prepara-
I tion but also a reasonable chance of success.

The Foreign Ministers of the Western powers
are meeting in Washington tomorrow. Next week

the Secretary of State will head the United States
delegation to the General Assembly of the United
Nations. We understand that Foreign Minister
Gromyko will also be present. This will provide
an opportunity for serious talks about Germany
and other problems if the Soviet side proves
willing. The channels of diplomacy are open for
the exploration of constructive steps toward a
reduction of tension. Other means are available
when they can serve a useful purpose. Meanwhile,
it is clearly of the utmost importance that there
be no unilateral acts which will make peaceful
progress impossible.

Given a realistic approach and a sincere desire
on the other side as well as ours to reach a mutually
acceptable solution, we see no reason why eventual
negotiations should not be successful in coping
with the present crisis. However, we do not intend
to enter into negotiations under ultimata or
threats. It is also clear that we do not propose to
discuss either abdication of our responsibility or
renunciation of the modalities for carrying out
those responsibilities.

Nevertheless, we believe it possible to find a solu-
tion which can accommodate vital interests on
both sides of the crisis.

The United States has carefully noted the state-
ments in the Belgrade Declaration recognizing
that the Berlin and German situations are of vital
importance to future developments in interna-
tional relations. It has consistently been, and will
continue to be, our policy to settle differences with
realism and responsibility. We would note that
this crisis has been initiated by Soviet not by
American action. We endorse the Declaration's
reference to the rights of all nations to unity, self-
determination, and independence, and its condem-
nation of intimidation, intervention, and
interference in the exercise of the right of self-
determination. We presume that these principles
apply equally to the people of Germany and
Berlin.

Our policies in this area have sought to respect
these principles. We have absolutely no intention
of resorting to force or threats of force to solve
the Berlin and Germany problems, but we are
determined to honor our commitments and are pre-
pared to meet force with force if it is used against
us. While the United States and its Allies are all
agreed there must be negotiations on the problem,
the Soviet Union must give indication of a readi-

Ocfober 2, 7961

541

ness to engage in discussion based on mutual
respect. The only conditions it has yet exhibited
any willingness to consider are conditions which
involve the surrender of Western rights.

The United States continues to believe that con-
clusion of an adequately controlled test ban agree-
ment is a matter of greatest urgency. We wish to
reaffirm, however, our belief that test ban negoti-
ations should be resumed separately from nego-
tiations on general and complete disarmament.
The Soviet resumption of atmospheric testing has
increased the urgency which attaches to the signa-
ture of a complete treaty test ban. Complex nego-
tiation on general disarmament should not be per-
mitted to delay the achievement of this significant
step forward.

I would emphasize again my regret that the
Soviet Union has rejected the offer of the United
Kingdom and the United States Government to
halt atmospheric tests creating fallout."

Only after a searching review of vital U.S.
security interests and after the utmost provocation
did we announce our intent to resume underground
tests." The non-aligned nations may be assured
of our continued willingness to negotiate an effec-
tive treaty ; but, meanwhile, the national security
interests of our country and of our Allies in the
Free World must be protected. The United States
looks forward to full consideration of the test ban
issue in the forthcoming United Nations General
Assembly which we hope will move the Soviet
Union to abandon its opposition to effective con-
trols and toward acceptance of a test ban
agreement.

The United States is pleased to note that the
participants in the recent conference in Belgrade
mentioned the importance of an effective system
of inspection and control. This is the crux of the
matter. It is clear from United States proposals
in the nuclear test negotiations that the United
States contemplates inspection and control pro-
cedures in the disarmament field in which the non-
aligned countries, as well as others, would
participate.

For some months the United States has been
conducting an intensive study of the problem of

" For background, see Bolletin of Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475,
and Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515.
' See p. 543.

general disarmament which resulted in a request
to Congress to create a disarmament agency.' The
study has also resulted in the development of a
comprehensive plan for general and complete dis-
armament which is in the final stage of prepara-
tions for public presentation. This plan provides
for a program which will insure that the disarma-
ment is general and complete ; that war is no longer
an instrument for settling international disputes;
and that disarmament is accompanied by the
creation of reliable procedures for peaceful settle-
ment of disputes and maintenance of peace in
accordance with the principles of the United
Nations Charter.

The American commitment to these objectives
goes deep. Our colleagues in the world commun-
ity will not find us faint-hearted in this cause.

Talks between the United States and the Soviet
Union resumed September 6 in New York in a
further effort to bring the two sides closer together
and to work out a satisfactory disarmament forum.
The proposals put forth by the United States by
these talks provide for participation of non-
aligned countries in future broad disarmament
negotiations. They also provide for negotiations
under the auspices of the United Nations if the
Soviet Union will agree. The United States be-
lieves the General Assembly will have an oppor-
tunity to go into the matter since a Committee of
the Whole exists in the form of the Disarmament
Commission, which can be convened at any time.

In conclusion, let me say, Mr. President, that
we found elements in the message and in the
Declaration which reflected a genuine desire to
bring about a relaxation of tensions and which,
if applied in a truly neutral and objective man-
ner, could be of positive benefit in easing world
tensions.

We respect, as always, the desire of other nations
to remain non-aligned. We mideretand with
sympathy and share their passion for peace. We
are, as always, prepared to cooperate with all
initiatives to bring about an improvement in the

' For text of a letter from President Kennedy trans-
mitting a draft of legislation to establish a disarmament
agency, together with a letter to the President from John
J. McCloy, Adviser to the President on Disarmament, and
test of a draft bill, see Bitlletin of July 17, 1961, p. 99;
for statements by Secretary Rusk and Mr. McCloy in sup-
port of the bill, see ibid., Sept. 4, 1961, p. 412, and Sept. 18,
1961, p. 492.

542

Department of State Bulletin

world situation. We look forward to continued
friendly relations with the governments and
peoples participating in the Belgrade meeting.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

His Excellency
Dr. Soekarno,
President of the
Refuhlic of Iridonesia

His Excellency
MoDiBO Kefta,
President of the
Republic of Mali

TEXT OF MESSAGE FROM BELGRADE
CONFERENCE

We, the Heads of States and Government of our
respective countries attending the Conference of Non-
Aligned Countries held at Belgrade from September 1
to September 0, venture to address Your Excellency on
a subject of vital and immediate importance to all of
us and to the world as a whole. We do so not only on
our own behalf, but at the unanimous desire of the Con-
ference and of our peoples.

We are distressed and deeply concerned at the de-
terioration in the international situation and the prospect
of war which now threatens humanity. Xour Excellency
has often pointed to the terrible nature of modern war
and the use of nuclear weapons, which may well destroy
humanity, and has pleaded for the maintenance of world
peace.

Yet we are at the brink of this very danger that
menaces the world and humanity. We are fully aware
that Your Excellency is as anxious as any of us to avoid
this dreadful development which will not only end the
hopes that we all have cherished for the advancement
of our peoijles but is a challenge to human survival. We
are certain that Tour Excellency will do everything in
your power to avert such a calamity.

Having regard, however, to the gravity of the crisis
that menaces the world and the urgent need to avert
the developments that may precipitate it, we take the
liberty of urging on the Great Powers concerned that
negotiations should be resimied and pursued so that the
danger of war might be removed from the world and man-
kind adopt ways of peace. In particular, we earnestly
request for direct negotiations between Tour Excellency
and the President of the Council of Ministers of the
U.S.S.K., who represent the two most powerful nations
today and in whose hands lies the key to peace or war.
We feel convinced that, devoted as both of you are to
world peace, your efforts through persistent negotiations
will lead to a way out of the present impasse and enable
the world and humanity to work and live for prosperity
and peace. We feel sure that Your Excellency will ap-
preciate that this letter is written because of our love
of peace and our horror of war and the compelling desire
that a way out must be found before mankind is faced
with a terrible disaster.

President Announces Resumption
of Nuclear Tests

White House Statement

White House press release dated September 15

President Jolm F. Kemiedy announced [on
September 15] that the United States conducted
an underground nuclear weapons development
test of low yield at the Nevada test site at 1 p.m.
The detonation has produced no fallout. This is
in marked contrast to Soviet nuclear tests in the
atmosphere.

The United States was forced reluctantly to
make the decision to resume testing after years of
attempting to reach a nuclear test ban with the
Soviet Union when the Soviet Union without
warning but after a great deal of preparation
resumed testing in the atmosphere. W& have an-
nounced 10 such Soviet tests — 3 of them in the
megaton range.

Today's test was the first in the joint Atomic
Energy Commission-Department of Defense pro-
gram to strengthen the defense of the free world.
The resumption of extensive Soviet testing has
made this action necessary to fulfill the responsi-
bilities of the U.S. Government to its own citizens
and to the security of other free nations.

In addition, as the program progresses, tests
will be utilized to provide information in support
of the U.S. programs to improve means of de-
tecting and identifying nuclear explosions for
possible use in an international nuclear test control
system (Vela),^ and to study the use of nuclear
detonations for peaceful purposes (Plowshare).

The United States once again affirms its readi-
ness to negotiate a controlled test ban agreement
of the widest possible scope.

Letters of Credence

Portugal

The newly appointed Ambassador of Portugal,
Pedro Theotonio Pereira, presented his creden-
tials to President Kennedy on September 15. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Pres-
ident's reply, see Department of State press re-
lease 635 dated September 15.

' For a statement by Arthur H. Dean on the Vela pro-
gram, see Bulletin of Aug. 28, 1961, p. 375.

Ocfofaer 2, 7 96 J

543

United States and Japan Exchange
Notes on Nuclear Tests

UNITED STATES NOTE i

Press release 630 dated September 13

September 13, 1961
The Secretary of State presents his complunents
to His Excellency the Ambassador of Japan and
has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of his
note of September 6, 1961, with regard to the
statement made by the President of the United
States of America on September 5, 1961,=" concern-
ing the resumption of nuclear weapon tests in
the laboratory and imderground.

The United States Government desires, as a
matter of the greatest urgency, to conclude an
effectively controlled treaty banning nuclear
weapon tests, and is therefore entirely sympa-
thetic with the relevant considerations set forth
in the note of the Japanese Government. The
United States Government particularly shares the
earnest wish of the Japanese Government, ex-
pressed in the final paragraph of its note:

. . . that agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests
in the atmosphere, as proposed jointly by the United
States and the United Kingdom Governments to the So-
viet Government on September 3, will be realized ; and that
furthermore, an international agreement to suspend all
nuclear tests which will be accompanied by effective in-
spection and control measures will be established without
delay.

The United States Government and the United
Kingdom Government, beginning on March 21,
1961, when negotiations were resumed at the Con-
ference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon
Tests at Geneva, presented the Soviet Government
with a series of new compromise proposals de-
signed to reach agreement on all major outstand-
ing issues in these negotiations. ^ The Soviet
reply to these proposals offered by the Western

' Handed to Japanese Ambassador Koichiro Asakai by
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs Walter P.
McConaughy at the Department of State on Sept. 13.

" Bulletin of Sept. 18, 19C1, p. 475.

'For the text of a draft treaty on the discontinuance
of nuclear weapon tests introduced in the conference on
Apr. 18, 19C1, see ihid., June 5, 1961, p. 870; for texts of
a U.S. note of June 17 to the Soviet Government and a
Soviet aide memoire of June 2, see ibid., July 3, 1961,
p. 18.

Grovemments was to refuse to negotiate, to make
radical retrograde proposals on several important
issues already agreed upon at the conference table,
and finally to demand that either all Soviet pro-
posals be accepted or that the question of the
nuclear test ban be merged with the future com-
plex negotiations over general and complete dis-
armament. Nevertheless, the United States and
the United Kingdom persisted in their attempts
to reach early agreement. As recently as Au-
gust 29, 1961, the United States and the United
Kingdom introduced new proposals designed to
meet, as far as possible, Soviet positions on vital
issues of the conference.

The developments in these negotiations are well
known to the Japanese Government which has
kept itself currently informed on their progress
through consultations with the United States Gov-
ernment and which, in addition, has made sub-
stantial and valuable contributions to the discus-
sions of this subject during past meetings of the
General Assembly of the United Nations.

The Soviet resumption of nuclear weapon tests
and refusal to negotiate an agreement was greeted
with shock and regret by the United States Gov-
ernment * and by the whole world. With the hope
of sparing mankind from the potential dangers of
nuclear fallout, the President of the United States
and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
urged the Chairman of the Council of Ministers
of the U.S.S.R. to record promptly agreement on
their proposal not to conduct nuclear tests which
take place in the atmosphere and which produce
radioactive fallout.^ Their aim was to protect
mankind from the hazards of atmosphere pollu-
tion engendered by such testing and to contribute
to the reduction of international tensions. Re-
grettably the Soviet Union lias now rejected this
further initiative of the United States and the
United Kingdom to halt nuclear testing.*

The Soviet Union's program of testing is pro-
gressing rapidly, suggesting that extensive secret
preparations for test resmnption were undertaken
during a major portion of this year's session of
the Geneva conference. In addition, the Soviet
Union has annoimced its testing program is de-
signed to develop a super terror weapon— a 100

' Ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475.

'For text of the U.S.-U.K. proposal, see ibid., p. 476.

' Jbid., Sept. 25, 19C1, p. 515.

544

Department of State Bulletin

megaton bomb. It was in the face of these tlireats,
and only after a rigorous and thorough review
of vital security interests, that the President of the
United States announced the intention of this
government to begin a program of underground
nuclear testing which would cause no fallout.

The United States Government shares the re-
gret of the Japanese people and the Japanese
Government that the Soviet Union has refused to
conclude a nuclear test ban agreement and that
it has also rejected the proposal that nuclear tests
not be conducted in the atmosphere. It sees in
this action a disdain for the security and well-
being of all mankind. Unfortiuiately, these ac-
tions of the Soviet Union have inevitably forced
the United States to imdertake the necessary meas-
ures for the protection of tlie security interests
of the United States and of the free world.

The United States Government, like the Japa-
nese Government, reaiSrms its earnest desire that
an international agreement to suspend nuclear
tests under effective international inspection and
control will be concluded without delay. To this
end, the United States has asked for full and
complete consideration of tlie urgent need for an
effectively controlled treaty banning nuclear
weapon tests at the forthcoming Sixteenth Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations.'

The United States Government expresses the
hope that the Government of Japan will lend its
support to this objective as it has in the past.

passing by the United Nations General Assembly of reso-
lutions for suspension of nuclear tests and prevention of
dissemination of nuclear weapons. Through these efforts
Japan has hoped that those countries concerned would
suspend all nuclear testing and that an international
agreement accompanied by an effective control system be
reached at the earliest possible date.

The Japanese Government deeply regrets that the So-
viet Union has announced its unilateral decision to re-
sume nuclear testing on August 30th, despite the fact
that negotiations on the suspension of nuclear testing
among the countries concerned were still being continued
at Geneva and that tests have already been carried out
in the atmosphere on three occasions. The Japanese
Government, therefore, immediately filed a strong pro-
test with the Soviet Government.

Regardless of the presence or otherwise of any fallout,
the decision taken by the U.S. Government to resume
nuclear tests in the laboratory and underground is a
matter of regret for the Japanese Government. The
Japanese Government reiterates the deep concern of the
Japanese people concerning the resumption of nuclear
testing by the U.S. Government and hereby submits its
protest.

The Japanese Government earnestly requests the U.S.
Government to respond to the fervent and sustained wish
of the Japanese people for the suspension of nuclear tests
and to reconsider the decision and to suspend its execution.

In the interest of the peace and welfare of all mankind,
it is the earnest wish of the Japanese Government that
agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests in the at-
mosphere, as proposed jointly by the United States and
the United Kingdom Governments to the Soviet Govern-
ment on September 3, will be realized ; and that further-
more, an international agreement to suspend all nuclear
tests which will be accompamied by effective inspec-
tion and control measures will be established without
delay.

JAPANESE NOTE '

September 6, 1961
The Ambassador of Japan presents his compliments
to the Honorable the Secretary of State and, with re-
gard to the statement made by the President of the
United States of America on September 5th last con-
cerning the resumption of nuclear tests in the laboratory
and underground, has the honor, under instructions from
the Japanese Government, to state as follows :

Having the misfortune of being the first and only
country to have experienced the physical effects of dread-
ful nuclear explosions, Japan has consistently addressed
to any country conducting nuclear tests vigorous pro-
tests demanding the suspension of such tests in the hoi)e
that such misfortune shall never again befall mankind.
Moreover, Japan has always exerted great efforts for the

'Ibid., July 31, 1961, p. 184.

' Handed to Assistant Secretary McConaughy by Am-
bassador Asakai at the Department of State on Sept. 6.

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss
Measures To Meet Soviet Threats

Comiminique

Press release 637 dated September 16

The Foreign Ministers of France [Maurice
Couve de Mm-ville], the United Kingdom [Lord
Home], the United States [Secretary Eusk] and
the Federal Republic of Germany [Heinrich von
Brentano] met in Washington September 15 and
16. This meeting represents a further step in the
process of continuing consultation among the Four
Powers, designed to coordinate policies and actions
to meet Soviet threats.

The Ministers discussed the dangerous heighten-
ing of world tension brought about since their last

October 2, 1 96 1

545

meeting by Soviet unilateral actions in Berlin,
such as those of August 13, and by the Soviet deci-
sion to resume extensive nuclear testing in the
atmosphere. The Ministers reviewed the progress
reports submitted to them on the political, eco-
nomic and military measures which the Four
Powers are imdertaking to meet the situation.

The Ministers agreed that a peaceful solution to
the problem of Germany and Berlin can be

achieved if both sides are prepared to undertake
discussions which take account of the rights and
interests of all concerned. They agreed tliat an
effort should be made to ascertain if there exists a
reasonable basis for negotiations with the Soviet
Union.

This meeting will be followed by the normal
process of consultation in the North Atlantic
Council.

The Current World Scene

hy Ernest K. Lindley ^

Your invitation to speak here complimented me
highly. When you first extended it, I believe
that you and your associates were under the im-
pression that I was still a journalist. When I
told you that I had gone into the State Depart-
ment, you cheerfully assured me, after a few
hours of hesitation, that I would be welcome
nevertheless.

I understood the hesitation. I had hesitated a
good deal longer before I put aside, even tem-
porarily, an occupation in which I had been en-
gaged for more than 37 years, not counting part-
time journalism during my school and college
years. For more than 23 of those years I was a
signed columnist and, at intervals, a commentator
on radio and TV, not badly paid for giving free
advice not only to Secretaries of State but to other
Cabinet members and even to Presidents. On
occasion I even ventured to commend or chide the
Supreme Court. The advice was given freely —
in two senses. It was generous in quantity. And
it cost the recipients only the nominal cost of a
newspaper or magazine or, when broadcast, only
the price of listening to the commercial.

AVlien some old friends, led by George C. Mc-
Ghee, Counselor of the State Department and

' Address made before the national convention of the
Federal Bar Association at Washington, D.C., on Sept.
15 (press release 634). Mr. Lindley is a Special As-
sistant to the Secretary of State and a member of the
Policy Planning Council of the Department of State.

Chairman of its Policy Planning Council, in-
vited me to come into the Department, I de-
murred, as I had done in the cases of similar
invitations in the past. I couldn't see why the
Government should pay me for giving the advice
it was already getting for nothing. And I didn't
see why I should take a paj- cut and confine my
advice to one department when I could earn a
good deal more by continuing to advise the whole
United States Government — and a good many
foreign governments as well.

I am afraid I succumbed to flattery. My
friends in the State Department reminded me that
these are parlous times and that they were wres-
tling with some rather perplexing problems.
They pointed out that for years I had been solv-
ing complex problems neatly and quickl}' — usually
in not more than 800 words per problem, at the
rate of at least one a week and sometimes as often
as one a day. They said it was my patriotic duty
to teach the secret of this streamlined method to
the policymaking officials of the State Depart-
ment.

So, for 3 months now, I have been in the State
Department. I regret to say that its backlog of
problems doesn't seem to be appreciably smaller
now than it was in mid-June. I have discovered
that it takes a little longer to solve problems on
the inside than on the outside. That isn't due in
any large measure to red tape or other traditional
bureaucratic obstacles. Certainly it is not due to

546

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

lack of effort or to short hours of ■work. Nor is
it due to lack of brainpower. I have never seen
any group of men work harder, faster, or longer
hours than do the top 30 or 40 people in the State
Department and many on their staffs. Few of
them work less than 6 days a week, and some of
them usually work 7. Last Sunday was the first
day off since May for the Secretary of State, and
it was not altogether a day of rest, as he had to
deal with some important dispatches and read
some of the official papers he took home with him.
As a journalist taking a first look from the in-
side, I am impressed also with the high level of
intelligence, knowledge, and general competence
in the upper reaches of the State Department —
and indeed in the middle and many of the lower
reaches. I had known some of these men pre-
viously, from slightly to moderately well. In more
than 28 years of "covering" Washington I had
seen the State Department grow in quality as well
as in size. I had seen brilliant yoimg Foreign
Service ofEcers, such as "Chip" Bohlen and Alexis
Jolmson, develop into seasoned professional dip-
lomats, second to none in the world. In journalist
surveys abroad during the postwar years I had
noticed and written of the progressive improve-
ment of our representation in many areas of the
world. I knew also many of the so-called "fresh
faces" — the Presidential appointees and others in
the Department. Actually, most of them are
"retreads" — men with extensive prior experience
in world affairs. Indeed, I wrote last spring,
before I had the remotest thought of going into
the State Department myself, that there had been
assembled there and in related agencies concerned
with international affairs, including the Treasury,
the most impressive array of brains and experience
■within my years of observation as a Washington
correspondent. After watching them at close
range for 3 months, I find no reason to amend tliat
conclusion. On the contrary, I have learned that
many of the officials and officers I had not known
before have the same order of superior talent as
those I had in mind when I wrote in the spring.
Among them I emphatically include my colleagues,
most of them unknown to the public, in that inner
recess, or think-cell, the Policy Planning Coun-
cil. I consider it a high privilege to be associated
with them. They liave given me three of the most
stimulating months of my life.

Communist Strategy for Worldwide Victory

Wlien we review the current world scene, it is
evident that our most serious problems spring
from the existence of lawless forces which are
determined to destroy the free way of life. When
Khrushchev boasts that he will "bury" us, he is
not merely a philosophical Marxist putting his
faith in an historical inevitability. He is also a
Leninist, alert and eager to expedite that allegedly
inexorable process. And let us not forget that
Lenin taught, and all true Leninists believe, that
any means, any trickery, any deceit, is justifiable
if it promotes the ultimate worldwide victory of
communism.

Khrushchev outlined his global strategy with
relative candor in his speech of January 6 of this
year to a group of high Soviet Communist theo-
reticians. That speech was a report on conclusions
of the Moscow conference of Communist leaders
from 81 nations in November and December 1960.
Khrushchev's address was entitled "For New
Victories of the World Communist Movement."
It set forth a program of action.

Of central interest was Khrushchev's explana-
tion of the meaning of "peaceful coexistence."
He said it meant, first of all, competition in pro-
duction and living standards. (So far, fair
enough. We welcome that sort of competition.)
But, he explained, "peaceful competition" means
much more. It means the spread of communism
by all means short of a great war. I quote from
him:

Thus, tbe policy of peaceful coexistence, as regards its
social content, is a form of intense economic, political,
and ideological struggle of the proletarian against the
aggressive forces of imperialism in the international
arena.

From "peaceful coexistence," Khrushchev did
not exclude the use of force. He specifically in-
cluded "wars of liberation" and "popular upris-
ings." The only kind of war he said by all means
must be avoided is a global thennonuclear war.
(Such a war would of course inflict mortal dam-
age on the Soviet Union.) But, as we have seen
again in recent weeks, Ivlirushchev does not shrink
from terroristic threats of nuclear onslaught on
nations which resist Soviet aggression.

The focal point of gravest danger now, of
course, is Berlin. The Berlin crisis is a manu-
factured crisis — 100 percent a Communist product.

Ocfofaer 2, J 96 J

547

It probably stems in part from the failures of the
Communist regime in the Soviet Zone of Germany,
a regime imposed and maintained by force and
undoubtedly hated by a vast majority of the
people it rules. One continual proof of its un-
popularity was the flow of refugees from the
Soviet Zone to West Berlin and the Federal
German Eepublic. From 1949, when records be-
gan to be kept, imtil August of this year they
numbered more than 2,600,000 — in addition to
those who had fled earlier. Contrary to Com-
munist propaganda, this exodus was not en-
couraged by the Western Powers, the Federal Re-
public, or the Government of West Berlin. In
fact high officials of the Federal Eepublic often
appealed to Germans in the Soviet Zone to re-
main there. They did not want to see East Ger-
many depleted of its most stalwart elements.
Over tlie years the East German authorities re-
sorted to increasingly stringent measures to halt
the exodus. But they were unable to, especially by
the escape route through Berlin. Finally last
month they took the desperate step of sealing the
border between East and West Berlin. The con-
crete wall which tliey have erected along the sector
line is a confession of dismal failure and visible
proof that the Soviet Zone is in fact a prison —
as indeed are all the Soviet satellites.

Communist objectives in regard to Berlin un-
questionably go far beyond closing the main
escape hatch from East Germany. The contrast
between the prosperity and freedom of West Ber-
lin and conditions in East Berlin and East Ger-
many is a standing indictment of the Communist
system. The Communists prate of "peaceful com-
petition." For more than a decade Berlin has
been a test tube of peaceful competition, with re-
sults whicli the Communists obviously find ex-
tremely distasteful, if not fatal to their claims
that their system is superior. Undoubtedly the
Communists would like either to take over or
strangle West Berlin.

Beyond that, Khrushchev unquestionably would
like to humiliate the West. One of his constant
objectives is to disrupt the defensive alliances of
the free world and expel American military
power from the Eurasian continent and adjacent
islands. To cause the United States, France,
Britain, and their NATO allies to shrink away
from their solemn commitments to preserve tlie

548

freedom of West Berlin would be a giant stride
toward that objective.

Issues Regarding West Berlin

For the Western allies the "gut" issues in re-
gard to West Berlin are the viability of West
Berlin, the Western presence in the city, and ac-
cess to and from it. These are the interlocking
essentials which we are determined to defend.
Khrushchev accuses the West of threatening war
because he intends to sign a peace treaty with the
Soviet Zone regime. Nobody can prevent him
from signing a treaty or any other piece of paper
with that or any other of his puppets. That, as
has often been said, would be only an exercise in
ventriloquism. The threat of conflict arises from
his contention that such a "peace treaty" would
annul Western rights in regard to Berlin. Those
rights were not conf en-ed by the Soviet Union but
derive from the defeat of the Nazi regime. They
were confirmed by many agreements to which the
Soviet Union pledged its word.

The Soviet Union has violated many of its
solemn agreements with regard not only to Berlin
and Germany but to Eastern Europe. In fact it
has violated most of them where it could impose
its will by force. The stationing of East German
troops in Berlin, the sealing of the sector border,
and related actions are further violations of Soviet
pledges. One must hope that the Soviet success
in violating so many agreements with impunity
has not deceived Khrushchev into thinking that
the Communists can, with impunity, actually wipe
out or whittle away Western rights regarding
Berlin.

Khrushchev has spoken of negotiations. But, as
usual, he seems to rest on the assumption that
"T^'^^at's mine is mine, and what's yours is nego-
tiable." His statements to President Kennedy at
Vienna - and to others since then have not afforded
much hope of useful negotiations.

Nevertheless, as President Kennedy and Secre-
tary Rusk have declared, we are prepared to enter
into "meaningful" negotiations. The channels of
communication between Ikloscow and the West are
open. Secretary Rusk and other Western foreign
ministers will be in New York next week for the
United Nations General Assembly. Soviet For-

' For background, see Bulletin of June 26, 1961, p. 991.
Department of State Bulletin

eign Minister Gromyko also will be there.
Perhaps we shall soon begin to find out whether
there are possibilities of meaningful negotiations.

Other Theaters in the Global Struggle

The Berlin crisis should not cause us to forget or
neglect other theaters in the global struggle.
Wliile the Soviets continue to tiy to divide and
weaken the West, they persistently pursue also
their grand strategy of trying to separate the West
from the underdeveloped nations, of trying to win
the friendship and eventually the allegiance and
control of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America. Their purpose is, in short, to encircle
and eventually to strangle us.

The old imperialist systems have all but com-
pletely vanished from Asia and are rapidly dis-
appearing from Africa too. The Asian and
African peoples have rejected totally and finally
the notion that the white man is entitled to any
special privileges, as have the young, educated
leaders of racial minorities in our country. They
are liberating themselves also from their
traditional societies — tribal, patriarchal, or feudal.
They are determined to liberate themselves from
ignorance and poverty. They know that man need
not live like an animal at the bare level of
subsistence.

Most of these nations are weak. Some have been
beset by chaos from war or civil disturbance, often
of Commmiist origin. In most the educated
people capable of governing and of building
modern economies are only a thin crust. All need
technical aid, and nearly all need capital.

In the struggle for Asia and Africa the West
suffered initially from the fact that most of the
former imperial masters were Western. But it
had one great initial advantage — that the Asian
and African revolutions were inspired chiefly by
Western ideas. More than that, they have been
led, for the most part, by men educated in Western
universities or in schools and universities in Asia
and Africa where Western ideas were inculcated.
I know many of these men. Most of them think
as we do about political democracy and the rights
of man.

The Communists have tried hard to gain control
of the Asian and African nationalist movements,
so far with little success. Undoubtedly they will
keep on trying, using all the weapons in their

arsenal from propaganda through economic seduc-
tion to force.

As a journalist I long supported a bigger foreign
aid program and more money for educational and
cultural exchanges. I found myself continually
perplexed by the persistence of the notion that
these programs were not accomplishing anything.
I had traveled enough to be sure in my own mind
that they had accomplished a great deal. Indeed,
as a taxpayer I have never begrudged a dollar of
my money spent on foreign aid and educational
exchanges. I don't think much of my share of the
tax load has been more usefidly spent in the past
or could be more usefully spent in the future.

The central issue in this global straggle is the
right of self-determination. It is, in the words
of Secretary Rusk,^ ". . . the announced determi-
nation to impose a world of coercion upon those
not already subjected to it ... . At stake is the
survival and growth of the world of free
choice . . . and free cooperation . . . ." That
central issue, he pointed out, "is posed between the
Sino-Soviet empire and all the rest, whether allied
or neutral ; and it is now posed in every continent."

Regrettably, quite a few leaders of non-
Communist nations don't realize this, and others,
while realizing it, find it inexpedient to say so
publicly. They want self-determination for
Asians and Africans but don't show much concern
about self-determination for the people of Berlin
or for the peoples under Communist tyranny in
Europe and Asia.

Increased Realism About Communism

But I don't think we should be too discouraged
by these manifestations of parochialism or indif-
ference. In 1955 I attended the Asian-African
conference at Bandung and visited some 15 Asian
comitries en route. Two years ago I revasited
nearly all of those same countries. On that sec-
ond survey I found much heartening evidence of
increased realism about communism — a wider
realization that communism is the enemy, not the
friend it professes to be, of Asian nationalism. I
found a wider understanding of Communist tac-
tics. For this shift in attitude. Communist ac-
tions were partly responsible — especially the

" For an address by Secretary Rusk before the National
Press Club on July 10, 1961, see Hid., July 31, 1961, p. 175.

October 2, 1961

549

rough tactics of the Chinese Commitnists and of
local Communists. But I found also a better un-
derstanding of American purposes. Time and
experience had convinced many doubting Asians
that American policy is really anti- imperialist and
that it seeks only to help free people to preserve
their independence and acliieve a better life.

Experience is a great teacher. As time passes,
more and more leaders in non-Communist nations
will come to realize, I believe, that communism is
as much their enemy as it is ours.

Personally I should like to see the label "neu-
tralist" abolished, not just because most of the
non-Communist nations which are not allied with
us object to it but because there are several kinds
of "neutralism."

The label "nonalined," which many of them
prefer, also conceals diverse attitudes. One self-
proclaimed "nonalined" government is a voluntary
Soviet satellite. A few others tend more to the
Soviet side than to the free world's. Some lurch
back and forth hoping to gain a momentary ad-
vantage or a little more economic or military aid.
Some are just scared. Some are naive. Some,
although not allied with the West, know that their
freedom and hopes of economic development de-
pend on the strength and help of the West. Some,
although technically neutral for various specific
reasons, are as stanch as we are in their devotion
to the principles of freedom. Very few are not
determined to preserve their own independence.
(Were I still a journalist, I would cite examples
in each of these categories.)

Although we hope that, in time and with more
experience, more of the "nonalined" nations will
see the true nature of this global struggle, we
don't expect them always to agree with us. The
world community of free peoples which we seek
will be a world of diversity. We liope that it
will be a world governed by law and faithful
adherence to the principles of the United Nations
Charter.

Our ultimate hopes ride with the ideas and
examples of political freedom, of individual
rights, of law, and with their power to transform
the Communist tyrannies. Personally I have
never doubted that we can win this struggle if we
make and unflaggingly sustain a greater effort.
In talking as a journalist with leaders of other
nations I sometimes asked what, in a few words,
they would most like to say to the American

people. The response I am about to repeat was
made by a devout Moslem about halfway around
the world. It was more eloquent than some, but
contained the gist of many. lie said this: "God
has given it to the United States of America, at
this juncture in the history of mankind, to be
able to save civilization. We are with you. All
men who love freedom are with you. Together
we can win this struggle, provided you never
forget that it has to be won, provided you never
falter, never flinch, never yield."

U.S. Hopes for Cease-Fire in Katanga,
Supports Integrity of Congo Nation

Department Statement

Press release 638 dated September 16

The United States is deeply concerned at the
figliting in Katanga. Reports about the nimiber
of casualties and the local military situation are
still fragmentary. The United States strongly
hopes that these hostilities will be brought to a
speedy conclusion.

The aim of the United Nations in the Congo
is established in Security Council and General
Assembly resolutions. Under these resolutions
the U.N. executive has helped provide the internal
security and external support which was necessary
to enable the Congolese to arrange their own po-
litical destiny in their own way. The United
States has supported and continues to support
the integrity of the Congolese nation, which is
called for by U.N. resolutions.

We understand that the Secretary-General, who
is now in the Congo, is making every effort to
achieve a cease-fire and get talks about reconcilia-
tion started again. It is essential that moves to
this end be pushed to a rapid conclusion so that
the Katanga can play a constructive role in the
life and govermnent of the Congo.

Restoration of order and the effective presence
of the United Nations in all sections of the Congo
would open the way for peaceful processes to
give effect to the policy of the United Nations,
adopted by the Security Council on February 21,
1961,^ ". . . that the solution of the problem of

* For text, see Bulletin o( Mar. 13, 1961, p. 368.

550

Department of Stale Bulletin

the Congo lies in the hands of the Congolese
people themselves without any interference from
outside and that there can be no solution without
conciliation."

Chairman of Council for National
Reconstruction of Korea To Visit U.S.

White House Annoiuncement

White House press release dated September 12

President Kennedy has extended an invita-
tion to Lt. Gen. Pak Chung Hee, the Chairman
of the Supreme Council for National Keconstruc-
tion of the Kepublic of Korea, to pay a visit to
Washington on November 14 and 15. President
Kennedy is looking forward with great pleasure
to meeting Chairman Pak. President Kennedy
and Chairman Pak will discuss subjects which
are currently engaging the attention of both
Governments.

Department Urges Maryland To Pass
Public Accommodations Bill

Statement hy Pedro Sanfuan
Assistant Chief of Protocol'^

I have had the honor to be asked to come before
you as a representative of the Department of State
to acquaint you with a most serious situation
affecting the lives of all Americans.

The key to the solution of this problem is largely
in the hands of the Legislature of the State of
Maryland. Before some of you start wondering
why the Department of State is interested in what
may appear to some to be an internal matter within
the State of Maryland, let me beg you to consider
this rather as a request by the Department of State
for the assistance of the State of Maryland in
insuring the success of the foreign policy of the
United States.

I have come to inform you that the Department
of State strongly supports the public accommo-
dations bill which is up for your consideration and
to explain to you why the Department of State
supports such legislation.

' Made before the Legislative Council of the General
Assembly of Maryland at Baltimore, Md., on Sept. 13
(press release 629).

Since World War II and the creation of the
United Nations, the face of the earth has been
changing rapidly. The nations of the Western
World, which in previous decades were colonial
powers, have adopted the policy of granting inde-
pendence to their former colonies and protector-
ates. What was once considered the Dark
Continent of Africa is today made up of a large
number of young nations, growing with vitality
and vigor and torn between their cultural ties with
Western institutions and their apprehensions about
the good intentions of their former colonial
masters.

As you know, most of these nations are repre-
sented in the United Nations General Assembly,
where most are part of a considerable and influ-
ential uncommitted bloc. In alliance with the
nonalined nations of Asia, these new African
nations are the deciding factor in almost any issue
that is brought before the United Nations — and
almost any international issue can be brought for
consideration by the United Nations.

The United States is anxious to see that these
nations which have recently come onto the world
scene maintain their independence and preserve
their neutrality. We ask no more than that they
should be impartial observers and just critics of
the two ways of life which are fighting for sur-
vival in what has so far remained a cold war. We
believe that democracy, which respects the rights
of the individual and jealously guards the dignity
of all men, will in the long run outlast a system
of government which sacrifices individual dignity
in order to attain arbitrary goals determined by a
tyrannical minority in the name of the welfare of
the state.

No force of propaganda, no scheme or plan of
subversion, no pack of lies, however clever and
deceptive, can withstand the overwhelming force
of honesty, sincerity, and good will. In winning
the confidence of these uncommitted nations we
must rely on our two best weapons, which are
honesty and sincerity. We believe in human dig-
nity, in the equality of all men, and in the inalien-
able basic rights of the individual. How effective,
how persuasive can these arguments be if in our
own country, and in plain view of the rest of the
world, we fail to practice what we preach ?

How can we persuade these Africans and these
Asians, whose skins range from dark to black, that
we believe in human dignity when we deny our

October 2, 7961

551

own citizens the right to this basic dignity on the
basis of skin color? How can we expect the
respect and friendsliip of new nonwhite nations
when we humiliate the representatives of these
nations by denying them the right to be served in a
highway restaurant or in a city cafe? How can
we expect these diplomats, on whom their govern-
ments have placed the full responsibility to make
decisions in the name of their country and whose
duty it is to see that their national prestige is not
tarnished during their tour of duty here — how
can we expect these diplomats not to notice when
the proprietor of a roadside cafe on Route 40 or a
waitress in a Howard Johnson's restaurant
informs them that they cannot be served because
they are automatically presumed to be inferior to
the average white American citizen ?

Since Khrushchev brought it up in September
1960, the Communist countries at the United
Nations have been pressing this point in order to
win the support of the large bloc of uncommitted
nations represented at the United Nations. The
Communists have been making headway, and each
day we come closer and closer to the vote which
will move the United Nations out of New York
and out of the United States because the United
States does not uniformly recognize the equality
and the dignity of all nations and all peoples, as is
guaranteed by the charter of the United Nations.

Recently during a period of 2 weeks four
African ambassadors were humiliated by private
restaurant owners on Route 40 in Maryland. One
of them was refused a cup of coffee while he was
en route to present his credentials to the President
of the United States. I would like to put this in the
clearest terms possible — that when an American
citizen humiliates a foreign representative or
another American citizen for racial reasons, the
results can be just as damaging to his country as
the passing of secret information to the enemy.

Why does the Federal Government at this time
seek the assistance of every loyal American in the
State of Maryland ? The State of Maryland has
come a long way in recognizing civil rights and in
insuring equal opportunities to all its citizens
regardless of color. But the much-traveled route
between the United Nations in New York and the
Wiite House in Washington is through the State
of Maryland, and it is here, as statistics prove, that
the majority of these incidents are likely to take
place in spite of your desegregated schools or the

Governor's Mansion, where visitors are welcome
regardless of their color.

We are told many individual proprietors would
willingly seat all customers, provided that all other
proprietors did likewise. This is then the very
simple issue which the Department of State has
to present before you today for your consideration.
The Government needs your help in selling
democracy to the world. It needs your help in
eliminating a source of embarrassment to the Gov-
ernment of the United States and to the govern-
ment of the State of Maryland. Your State is
getting an undeserved reputation for backward-
ness because the law in Maryland permits dis-
crimination in places of public accommodation.

The issue before the world today is whether
democracy works better than tyranny or tyranny
better than democracy. Your aid and support in
passing the public accommodations bill will elimi-
nate a source of embarrassment that greatly
damages our relations with not only the neutral
nations of the world but many nations which are
stoutly with us in the fight for freedom. This bill,
if passed, will prove that democracy docs work,
that in a democracy the rights and privileges of
the individual are protected in accordance with the
will of the people.

At the beginning of World War II the Federal
Government went to private industry and asked
for better weapons to fight the war. The Govern-
ment got these weapons, and we won the war.
The Department of State comes to you now with a
similar request: Give us the weapons to conduct
this war of human dignity. The fight for decency
against commimism is everyone's war in America.

State Advisory Committee
Holds Third Conference

The Department of State announced on Septem-
ber 12 (press release 627) that the third confer-
ence of the State Advisory Committee to the
Department of State was held on that day under
the chairmanship of the Chief of Protocol, Angier
Biddle Duke.^ It was agreed by representatives
of 30 States who attended the conference and by
representatives of the White House and the De-

^ For background, see Bui-letin of May 15, 1961, p.
732, and July 3, 1961, p. 32.

552

Department of State Bulletin

partment of State that a defmite program to en-
courage and expand the travel of foreign diplo-
mats and foreign visitors in the United States
would be developed and coordinated by the Spe-
cial Protocol Service Section imder Pedro A.
Sanjuan, Assistant Chief of Protocol. Liaison is
to be maintained by this section with different
departments and agencies of the Federal Govern-
ment bringing foreign visitors to the United
States and with the representatives of the different
State Governors in order to insure a more effective
method of increasing and improving all means of
facilitating travel for foreign diplomats and
visitors in this coimtry.

The State representatives, who expressed eager-
ness to take part in the successful implementation
of U.S. foreign policy, have agreed to send to the
Special Protocol Service Section an inventory of
the cultural, historical, and scenic assets of each
State best suited to convey to foreign visitors a
broad and inclusive picture of American culture.

One of the chief subjects of discussion was
"Operation Weekend," the Department's plan for
encouraging, planning, and coordinating the travel
of high-level delegates to the U.N. General
Assembly session scheduled to begin on Septem-
ber 19.2

President Sends Message to Conference
on Science and World Affairs

Following is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Kennedy to the Conference on Science and.
World Affairs which convened at Stowe, Vt., on
September 5.

White House press release (Hyannis, Mass.) dated September 4

I had looked forward to sending my best wishes
to the Conference on Science and World Affairs
imder happier and more optimistic conditions than
now prevail. The somber turn of events within
the past week, a course against which your past
Conferences have strongly counseled, makes all the
more urgent the matters you meet to discuss. As
you take up the problems of scientific coopei'ation
and disarmament, I urge that you search with
renewed diligence and imagination for practical

' For an agenda and a list of the names of the partici-
pants, see Department of State press release 627.

Ocfober 2, J 96 1

609132—61 3

ways in which to set forth on both these paths to
peace.

Science remains universal, and the fi^uits of
science, if wisely chosen, provide a means by which
humanity can realize a full and abundant life.
Yet the vitalitj' of science, its ability to enrich our
culture and our understanding, and the material
benefits it pi'omises all depend in large measure
upon international pooling of knowledge and
effort. National leaders who share this view must
look to scientists such as yourselves for the ini-
tiative and guidance to transform the desire to
cooi^erate into actual achievement. We hope that
out of the suggestions and proposals that you
make, new ways can be found to extend the benefits
of science, and to foster the trust and mutual un-
derstanding that is essential to a prospering world.

In the other area of your discussions, you will
have an opportunity to advance the world-wide
search for a solution to the central threat of our
time, nuclear war. Your past Conferences have
revealed that special knowledge and concern make
you particularly sensitive to the meaning of this
threat. The task of disarmament is not easy, and
progress, the world has found, is not inevitable.
But, when men of good will meet in such frank-
ness as your discussions typify, the door to peace
is open, reason can guide us forward, and all na-
tions can begin to face their full responsibilities
to mankind.

I am hopeful that your deliberations, in their
quiet and beautiful Vermont setting, will be
informed bj' the objectivity of your science and
inspired by the desire of men everywhere for peace.
Despite setbacks, there is no more noble or urgent
cause than the development of practical ways to
bring closer the goal of reliable disarmament.

Claims May Be Filed Under Austria's
Property Restoration Fund

Press release 633 dated September 14

The Department of State has been informed
that claims may now be filed under the Fimd for
the Settlement of Certain Property Losses of Po-
litical Persecutees (Fonds zur Abgeltung von
Vennoegensverlusten politisch Verf olgter) , estab-
lished imder recent Austrian legislation ^ pursu-

' Bulletin of May 8, 1961, p. 691.

553

ant to an agreement ^ between the United States
and Austria implementing article 26 of the Aus-
trian State Treaty. Claims may be filed by
pei-sons who were subject to racial, religious, or
political persecution in Austria from March 13,
1938, to May 8, 1945, and whose bank accounts,
securities, mortgages, or money were the subject
of forced transfers or were confiscated by Nazi
authorities. The Fund will also settle claims of
the persecutees for payments of the discrimina-
tory taxes known as "Keichsfluchtsteuer" and
"Suelineleistung der Juden (JUVA)." The Fund,
which will have a capital in the equivalent amount
of $6 million, will be exempt from Austrian
taxes, and payments from the Fund will not con-
stitute income on which the recipients are liable
for Austrian taxes.

Awards are to be made from the Fund to claim-
ants living on July 2, 1961, in the following order :
(a) the former owner; (b) the spouse of the
former owner; (c) the children of the first degree
of the former owner, in equal parts ; (d) if a child
otherwise eligible for an award is deceased, the
share of such child shall be distributed to his
surviving children in equal parts; or (e) the
parents or surviving parent of the former owner.

Claimants are entitled to apply to the Fund re-
gardless of their present residence. Applications
must be submitted by August 31, 1962, and should
be addressed to the Fonds zur Abgeltung von
Vermoegensverlusten politisch Verfolgter, Tabor-
strasse 2-6, Vienna II. Forms may be obtained
from the above address or from the Austrian
Embassy, 2343 Massachusetts Ave., Washington,
D.C., or at the nearest Austrian consulate.
Austrian consulates are located in New York, New
Orleans, Chicago, Detroit, Portland (Oreg.),
San Francisco, Los Angeles, Dallas, Miami, At-
lanta, Cleveland, Boston, and Seattle, and in-
quiries for further information should be directed
to Austrian representatives.

U.S. and Panama Open Air Talks

Press release 628 dated September 12

The United States and Panama opened civil
aviation consultations in Washington on Septem-
ber 12. The talks, requested by tlie Govenuneut
of Panama, concern the bilateral air transport

services agreement of 1949, as amended in 1952.^
With a present route from Panama, via inter-
mediate points in the Caribbean, to Miami, the
Government of Panama seeks to obtain access for
its airlines to additional points within the United
States.

The chairman of the U.S. delegation is Henry
T. Snowdon, chief, Aviation Division, Depart-
ment of State. Alan S. Boyd, Chairman of the
Civil Aeronautics Board, represents that agency.
Marco A. Kobles, Minister of Government and
Justice of the Republic of Panama, is the chair-
man of the Panamanian delegation.

U.S. To Aid Republic of the Congo
in Agricultural Development

Press release 625 dated September 12

The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 12 the signing of a contract between the
International Cooperation Administration of the
U.S. Government and the Agricultural Technical
Assistance Foimdation, Inc., for agricultural de-
velopment in the Republic of the Congo. The
new conti-act is in further implementation of the
extensive educational program being carried out
in the Congo by the United Nations.

The U.N. civilian operation in the Congo has
been workmg, in consultation with the Congo
Government and the Congo Polyteclmic Institute
(a private education institute), on the develop-
ment of educational programs in the Congo not
only in agriculture but also in medicine and public
health, home economics, engineering and mechan-
ics, business and secretarial training, and pre-
imiversity studies.

The Congo Polyteclmic Institute envisions the
establishment of these programs throughout the
Congo in approximately 22 different centers in
an effort, during the next 5 years, to give accele-
rated training to 17,000 Congolese. The total
program will require a minimum of 150 qualified
instructors. A recent report from Dr. Omar L.
Harzler, coordinator in the Congo of C.P.I., indi-
cates there are now 31 instructors who have been
cleared by the persomiel committee of the insti-
I ute and who are either in the Congo already or
wlio are soon to arrive to begin their work.

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 4253.
554

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1932 and
25.')1.

Deparfment of Sfale Bullefin

Within 5 years European and American person-
nel will be replaced by competent Congolese
personnel for the ongoing program of the Congo
Polytechnic Institute.

The Agricultural Technical Assistance Founda-
tion, with headquarters in Los Angeles, is an
American nonprofit corporation developing agri-
cultural education and extension in the Congo
through the Congo Polytechnic Institute.
ATAF's program of assistance to agricultural de-
velopment in the Congo will be supported not only
by ICA but by foundations, industries, individ-
uals, and other private agencies. There will be a
minimum of three technical agricultural schools
established responding to the needs of the tropical,
semitropical, and highland regions of the Congo.
All instruction will be given in French. At least
5 of the proposed 22 centers will be in operation
by October of this year. The ATAF looks upon
this educational program as one of the signifi-
cant efforts to bring greater stability to the Congo
through the training of more competent leader-
ship in education, agriculture, industry, and
government.

Import Restrictions Imposed
on Certain Cotton Products

A PROCLAMATION'

Whereas, pursuant to sectiou 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as amended (7 U.S.C. 624), the Secre-
tary of Agriculture advised the President that he had
reason to believe that certain cotton products produced in
any stage preceding the spinning into yarn are being or
are practically certain to be imported into the United
States under such conditions and in such quantities as
to render or tend to render ineffective, or materially
interfere with, the price-support program and other pro-
grams or operations undertaken by the Department of
Agriculture with respect to cotton or products thereof, or
to reduce substantially the amount of cotton processed
In the United States from cotton or products thereof with
respect to which any such program or operation is being
undertaken ; and

Whebeas, on January 18, 1961, under the authority of
the said section 22, the President requested the United

' No. 3428 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 8535.

States Tariff Commission to make an investigation with
respect to this matter ; and

Whebeas, in accordance with the said section 22, as
implemented by Executive Order No. 7233 of November 23,
1935, the Tariff Commission has made such investigation
and has reported to me its findings and recommendations
made in connection therewith ; and

Whebeas, on the basis of the investigation and report
of the Tariff Commission, I find that the articles with
respect to which import restrictions are hereinafter pro-
claimed are being or are practically certain to be imported
into the United States under such conditions and in such
quantities as to render or tend to render ineffective, or
materially interfere with, the price-support program and
other programs or operations undertaken by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture with respect to cotton or products
thereof; and

Whebeas I find and declare that the import restric-
tions hereinafter proclaimed are shown by such investiga-
tion of the Tariff Commission to be necessary in order
that the entry, or v^ithdrawal from warehouse, for con-
sumption of the said articles will not render or tend to
render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the price-
support program and other programs or operations under-
taken by the Department of Agriculture with respect to
cotton or products thereof :

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the
United States of America, acting under and by virtue of
the authority vested in me by section 22 of the Agricul-
tural Adjustment Act, as amended, do hereby proclaim
that the total aggregate quantity of cotton products pro-
duced in any stage preceding the spinning into yarn,
except cotton wastes, which may be entered, or withdrawn
from warehouse, for consumption in any 12-month ijeriod,
beginning September 11 in 19C1 and in subsequent years
shall not exceed 1,000 pounds, which permissible total
quantity I find and declare to be proportionately not less
than 50 per centum of the total quantity of such articles
entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption
during the representative period from January 1, 1940, to
December 31, 1953, inclusive.

In wptness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this 11th day of Sep-
tember in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
[seal] and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
eighty-sixth.

By the President:
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.

October 2, 1961

555

THE CONGRESS

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation Agreement Witii France

Following are texts of a message to the Con-
gress from, President Kennedy and accompanying
docwments concerrvlng an agreement with France
for cooperation in the operation of atomic weap-
ons systems for mutual defense purposes, together
with the text of the agreement.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS

White House press release dated September 7

Letter of Transmittal

To the Congress of the United States: For
some time members of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization have been taking steps toward the
introduction of the most modern weapons into
NATO forces. Among these measures is the in-
troduction into forces of our NATO Allies of
weapons capable of delivering iniclear warheads.
Such steps have been proceeding for some time
following the considered judgment and agreement
of the NATO Governments. The objective is to
achieve the most effective pattern of NATO mil-
itary defensive strength. In view of the well-
known purely defensive purposes of the Alliance,
the introduction of modem weapons into NATO
forces to take account of technological develop-
ments is in no way a cause for legitimate concern
on the part of other countries.

Article III of the North Atlantic Treaty calls
upon the members of the Alliance to maintain their
capacities to resist armed attack through effective
self-help and mutual aid. As part of its contribu-
tion to the strength of the Alliance, the United
States has entered into a lumiber of agreements
thi-ough which we cooperate with NATO Allies
in the uses of atomic energy for mutual defense
purposes. These agreements have been concluded
pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as

amended. All of these agreements are designed
to implement the NATO objectives for maintain-
ing the most modeni weapons and techniques in
NATO forces.

We have just concluded an agreement with the
Government of France which is essentially the
same as agreements previously concluded with a
number of other NATO Allies for cooi^eration in
the uses of atomic energy for mutual defense
purposes. This agreement will make possible ef-
fective cooperation with France in NATO mutual
defense planning and in the training of French
NATO forces. Training of certain French NATO
forces which play a significant role in European
defense cannot proceed to conclusion until this
agreement becomes effective. This agreement
should be brought into effect as quickly as possible,
in order that we can promptly and fully utilize
the potential of French military forces in the
development of our NATO defensive strength.
In light of the probable time remaining for this
session of the Congress and in view of the provi-
sions of Sec. 123d of the Atomic Energy Act
of 1954, as amended, it appears that normally
it would not be possible to bring this agreement
into effect until the next session of the Congress.
Accordingly, I would appreciate action by the
Congress during the current session which would
permit the agreement to come into force promptly.

I understand and respect the importance of
mature consideration in the Congress of agree-
ments of this sort, but I believe that in the present
case there are compelling reasons for rapid action.
The gravity of the international situation, and in
particular the Soviet threat to the freedom of
West Berlin, have made it a matter of first im-
portance that the unity of the North Atlantic
nations sliould be sustained. The Government
of France, in this crisis, has behaved with great
firmness, and the stamich and determined position

556

Department of State Bulletin

of President de Gaulle, in particular, has rein-
forced the West. In these circumstances, I deem
it of great importance that we should proceed
promptly with such a joint undertaking as this
one, carefully matured in prolonged negotiation.
As has already been explained in informal discus-
sions with interested Members of the Congress,
the present agreement provides for a limited re-
lease of information to carefully selected person-
nel. Careful arrangements have been made to
insure that all necessary security requirements are
met, and the inclusion of France among NATO
countries participating in this general undertak-
ing is an important step forward at a moment
in which such a step has a wider significance than
usual. It is for these reasons that I urge upon
the Congress appropriate special actions to permit
the agreement to come into force.

In accordance with the Atomic Energy Act of
1954, as amended, I am submitting to each House
of the Congress an authoritative copy of the agree-
ment with the Government of France. I am
transmitting also a copy of the letter from the
Secretaiy of State which forwarded to me an
authoritative copy of the agreement, a copy of
the joint letter from the Deputy Secretary of De-
fense and the Chairman of the Atomic Energy
Commission recommending my approval of the
agreement, and a copy of my memorandum in
reply thereto which contained my approval.

John F. Kenjstedt

The White House, September 7, 1961.

Letter to President From Secretary Rusk

August 3, 1961
Dear Mk. President: I have the honor to lay
before you with a view to its transmission to the
Congress, pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of
1954, as amended, an authoritative copy of an
Agreement between the Government of the United
States of America and the Government of the
French Kepublic for Cooperation in the Opera-
tion of Atomic Weapons Systems for Mutual De-
fense Purposes, signed at Paris on July 27, 1961.
This agreement was signed on behalf of the
United States pursuant to the authorization
granted in your memorandum of July 21, 1961
. to the Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of
the Atomic Energy Commission. A copy of this

memorandum was transmitted to the Department
of State.

Faithfully yours,

Dean Rusk
The President,
The White House.

Letter to President From Chairman of Atomic
Energy Commission and Deputy Secretary of Defense

July 20, 1961

Dear Mr. President: There is hereby sub-
mitted for your consideration and approval a pro-
posed Agreement between the Government of the
United States of America and the Government
of France for Cooperation on the Uses of Atomic
Energy for Mutual Defense Purposes.

The proposed Agreement will permit, under
the authority of Sections 91c and 144b of the
Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, the
transfer of classified information and certain
equipment necessary for the purpose of improving
the state of training and operational readiness of
the armed forces of France. The December 1957
NATO Heads of Government meeting ^ estab-
lished the concept of a stockpile of arms for the
strengthening of NATO's defenses, and this
present Agreement is an important part of the
implementation of this concept. The carrying
out of this Agreement should do much to advance
our mutual defense interest, including the vital
cause of strengthening the NATO defensive al-
liance, and will thereby aid materially in the de-
fense of the United States.

Article II of the Agreement provides for the
transfer of classified information, including "Re-
stricted Data" or "Formerly Restricted Data,"
necessary to the development of defense plans;
the training of personnel in the employment of
and the defense against atomic weapons and other
military applications of atomic energy ; the evalu-
ation of the capability of potential enemies in
the employment of atomic weapons and other
military applications of atomic energy; and the
development of delivery systems capable of carry-
ing atomic weapons.

Article III of the Agreement provides that the
United States will transfer non-nuclear parts of
atomic weapons systems involving Restricted
Data (other than non-nuclear parts of atomic
weapons) for the purpose of improving the state

' For background, see Btjixetin of Jan. 6, 1958, p. 3.

Ocfober 2, 796?

557

of training and operational readiness of the armed
forces of France. However, in view of Section
91c of the Atomic Energy Act, the applicability
of which is reflected in Article IV of the Agree-
ment, no transfer can be made if it would con-
tribute significantly to the recipient nation's
atomic weapon design, development or fabrica-
tion capability. It is not possible to determine
at this time the types, quantities and conditions
of transfer, whether by sale, lease or loan, of those
parts wliich it will become necessary to transfer
for our mutual defense during the period of the
Agreement. Accordingly, imder the terms and
conditions of the Agreement, it will be necessary
to determine from time to time the types, quan-
tities and conditions of transfer and such deter-
mination shall be submitted for your approval.

The Agreement would remain in force until
terminated by agreement of both parties, thus
assuring continued protection for the information
and equipment transferred in accordance with the
provision of the Agreement. However, coopera-
tion for the transfer of information and equip-
ment under Articles II and III of the Agreement
may be discontinued by either party in the event
of the termination of the North Atlantic Treaty.

In accordance with the provisions of Sections
91c and 144b of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
the Agreement specifically provides in Article I
that all cooperation under the Agreement will be
undertaken only when the communicating or
transferring party determines that such coopera-
tion will promote and will not constitute an un-
reasonable risk to its defense and security.
Article I of the Agreement also provides, in ac-
cordance with the Act, that all cooperation under
the Agreement will be undertaken only while the
United States and France are participating in
an international arrangement for their mutual
defense and security and making substantial
and material contributions thereto. Cooperation
under Articles II and III of the Agreement would
be undertaken only when these conditions prevail.

Article IV of the Agreement stipulates that the
cooperation imder the Agreement will be carried
out by each of the parties in accordance with its
applicable laws. Article IV also makes clear that
there will be no transfer under the Agreement of
atomic weapons, non-nuclear parts of atomic
weapons or special nuclear material.

In addition to the foregoing provisions on the

terms, conditions, duration, nature and scope of
cooperation, the Agreement provides that the par-
ties will maintain agreed security safeguards and
standards. The Agreement also contains par-
ticular commitments that the recipient of any
equipment or information that is obtained pur-
suant to the Agreement will not transfer it to
unauthorized persons and will not transfer it be-
yond the jurisdiction of the recipient party, except
in limited circumstances specifically provided in
the Agreement.

France is now participating with the United
States in an international arrangement pursuant
to which France is making substantial and ma-
terial contributions to the mutual defense and
security. It is the view of the Department of De-
fense and the Atomic Energy Commission that
this Agreement is entirely in accord with the
provisions of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as
amended. It is the considered opinion of the
Department of Defense and the Atomic Energy
Commission that the perfoi-mance of the proposed
Agreement will promote and will not constitute
an unreasonable risk to the common defense and
security of the United States.

Accordingly, it is recommended that you

(a) approve the program for the transfer of
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapon systems in-
volving Restricted Data under the terms and con-
ditions provided in this letter and the proposed
Agreement; however, types, quantities and con-
ditions of transfer of such parts are subject to
your later approval ;

(b) determine that the performance of this
Agreement will promote and will not constitute
an unreasonable risk to the common defense and
security of the United States; and

(c) approve the proposed Agreement and au-
thorize its execution for the Government of the
United States in a manner specified by the Sec-
retary of State.

The Secretary of State concurs in the foregoing
recommendations.

Sincerely,
Glenn T. Seaborg Eoswell L. Gilpatric

Chairman Deputy

Atomic Energy Com- Secretary of Defense
mission

The PREsroENT
The White House

558

Department of Stale Bulletin

Memorandum From President for Secretary of De-
fense and Chairman of Atomic Energy Commission

JuLT 21, 1961

In your joint letter to me of July 20, 1961, you
recommended that I approve a proposed Agree-
ment between the Government of the United
States of America and the Government of France
for Cooperation on the Uses of Atomic Energy for
Mutual Defense Purposes.

France is participating with the United States
in an international arrangement pursuant to which
it is making substantial and material contribu-
tions to the mutual defense and security. The
proposed Agreement will permit cooperation
necessary to improve the state of training and
operational readiness of the armed forces of
France, subject to provisions, conditions, guar-
antees, terms and special determinations, which
are most appropriate in this important area of
mutual assistance, in accordance with the agree-
ment in principle reached in December 1957.

Having considered your joint recommenda-
tions and the cooperation provided for in the
Agreement, including security safeguards and
other terms and conditions of the Agreement, I
hereby

(1) approve the program for the transfer of
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapon systems in-
volving Kestricted Data under the terms and con-
ditions pro^nded in your joint letter and the pro-
posed Agreement; however, types, quantities and
conditions of transfer of such parts are subject to
my further approval ;

(2) determine that the performance of this
Agreement will promote and will not constitute
an unreasonable risk to the common defense and
security of the United States ; and

(3) approve the proposed Agreement and au-
thorize its execution for the Government of the
United States in a manner designated by the
Secretary of State.

John F. Kennedy

TEXT OF AGREEMENT

Agreement Between the Government of the United
States op America and the Government of the
French Republic for Cooperation in the Operation
OF Atomic Weapons Systems fob Mutual Defense

PUBPOSES

The Government of the United States of America and
the Government of the French Republic,

Considering that they have concluded a Mutual De-
fense Assistance Agreement, pursuant to which each
Government will make available to the other equipment,
materials, services, or other military assistance in accord-
ance with such terms and conditions as may be agreed ;

Considering that their mutual security and defense re-
quire that they be prepared to meet the contingencies of
atomic warfare ;

Considering that they are participating together in an
international arrangement pursuant to which they are
maliing substantial and material contributions to their
mutual defense and security ;

Recognizing that their common defense and security
will be advanced by the exchange of information con-
cerning atomic energy and by the transfer of certain
types of equipment ;

Believing that such exchange and transfer can be un-
dertaken without risk to the defense and security of
either country ; and

Taking into consideration the United States Atomic
Energy Act of 1954, as amended, and all applicable
statutes of France, which were enacted or prepared with
these purposes in mind;

Have agreed as follows :

Article I

General Provisions
While the United States and France are participating
in an international arrangement for their mutual defense
and security and making substantial and material contri-
butions thereto, each Party will communicate to and
exchange with the other Party information and transfer
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems involving
Restricted Data to the other Party in accordance with
the provisions of this Agreement, provided that the com-
municating or transferring Party determines that such
cooperation will promote and will not constitute an un-
reasonable risk to its defense and security.

Abticle II
Exchange of Information
Each Party will communicate to or exchange with the
other Party such classified information as is jointly deter-
mined to be necessary to :

A. the development of defense plans ;

B. the training of personnel in the employment of and
defense against atomic weapons and other military appli-
cations of atomic energy ;

C. the evaluation of the capabilities of potential ene-
mies in the employment of atomic weapons and other
military applications of atomic energy ; and

D. the development of delivery systems compatible with
the atomic weapons which they carry.

Article III

Transfer of Non-Nuclear Parts of Atomic Weapons
Systems

The Government of the United States will transfer to
the Government of the French Republic, subject to terms
and conditions to be agreed, non-nuclear parts of atomic

Ocfober 2, 7961

559

weapons systems Involving Restricted Data as such parts
are jointly determined to be necessary for the purpose of
improving the French state of training and operational
readiness.

Abticle IV

Conditions

A. Cooperation under this Agreement will be carried
out by each of the Parties in accordance with its appli-
cable laws.

B. Under this Agreement there will be no transfer by
either Party of atomic weapons, non-nuclear parts of
atomic weapons, or special nuclear materials.

C. The information communicated or exchanged, or
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems transferred,
by either Party pursuant to this Agreement shall be used
by the recipient Party exclusively for the preparation or
implementation of defense plans in the mutual interests
of the two countries.

D. Nothing in this Agreement shall preclude the com-
munication or exchange of classified information which is
transmissible under other arrangements between the
Parties.

Article V

Guarantees

A. Classified information and non-nuclear parts of
atomic weapons systems communicated or transferred
pursuant to this Agreement shall be accorded full security
protection under applicable security arrangements between
the Parties and applicable national legislation and regu-
lations of the Parties. In no case shall either Party main-
tain security standards for safeguarding classified infor-
mation and non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems,
made available pursuant to this Agreement, less restric-
tive than those set forth in the applicable security ar-
rangements in effect on the date this Agreement comes
into force.

B. Classified information communicated or exchanged
pursuant to this Agreement will be made available through
channels existing or hereafter agreed for the communica-
tion or exchange of such information between the Parties.

C. Classified Information, communicated or exchanged,
and any non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems
transferred pursuant to this Agreement shall not be com-
mimicated, exchanged or transferred by the recipient
Party or persons under its juri.sdiction to any unauthorized
persons or, except as provided in Article VI of this Agree-
ment, beyond the Jurisdiction of that Party. Each Party
may stijmlate the degree to which any of the information
and non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems com-
municated, exchanged or transferred by it or persons under
its jurisdiction pursuant to this Agreement may be dis-
seminated or distributed ; may specify the categories of
persons who may have access to such information or non-
nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems ; and may impose
such other restrictions on the dissemination or distribution
of such Information or non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons
systems as it deems necessary.

560

Abticle VI
Dissemination
Nothing in this Agreement shall be interpreted or
operate as a bar or restriction to consultation or coopera-
tion in any field of defense by either Party with other
nations or international organizations. Neither Party,
however, shall so communicate classified information or
transfer or permit access to or use of non-nuclear parts
of atomic weapons systems made available by the other
Party pursuant to this Agreement unless :

A. It is notified by the originating Party that all ap-
propriate provisions and requirements of the originating
Party's applicable laws, including authorization by com-
petent bodies of the originating Party, have been complied
with which would be necessary to authorize the originat-
ing Party directly so to communicate to, transfer to,
permit access to or use by such other nation or interna-
tional organization; and further that the originating
Party authorizes the recipient Party so to communicate
to, transfer to, permit access to or use by such other
nation or international organization ; or

B. The originating Party has informed the recipient
Party that the originating Party has so communicated
to, transferred to, permitted access to or use by such
other nation or international organization.

Article VII

Classification Policies

Agreed classification policies shall be maintained with
respect to all classified information and non-nuclear parts
of atomic weapons systems communicated, exchanged or
transferred under this Agreement.

Abticle VIII

KcsponsihilitiJ for Use of Information and Non-Nuclear
Parts of Atomic Weapons Systems
The application or use of any information (including
design drawings and specifications) or non-nuclear parts
of atomic weapons systems communicated, exchanged or
transferred under this Agreement shall be the responsi-
bility of the Party receiving it, and the other Party does
not provide any indemnity or warranty with respect to
such application or use.

Abticle IX

Patents

The recipient Party shall use the classified information
communicatetl, or revealed by equipment transferred
hereunder, for the purposes specified herein only. Any
inventions or discoveries resulting from possession of
such information on the part of the recipient Party or
persons under its jurisdiction shall be made available to
the other Party for all purposes without charge in ac-
cordance with such arrangements as may be agreed and
shall be safeg\iarded in accordance with the provisions of
Article V of this Agreement.

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

AbticleX
Definitions
For the purpose of this Agreement :

A. "Atomic weapon" means any device utilizing atomic
energy, exclusive of the means for transporting or pro-
pelling the device (where such means is a separable and
divisible part of the device), the principal purpose of
which is for use as, or for development of, a weapon, a
weapon prototype, or a weapon test device.

B. "Classified information" means information, data,
materials, services, or any other matter with the security
designation of "Confidential" or higher applied under
the legislation or regulations of either the United States
or France, including that designated by the Government
of the United States as "Restricted Data" or "Formerly
Restricted Data," and that designated by the Govern-
ment of the French Republic as "Atomic".

O. "Non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons" means
parts of atomic weapons which are specially designed
for them and are not in general use in other end prod-
ucts and which are not made of, in whole or in part,
special nuclear material ; and "non-nuclear parts of
atomic weapons systems involving Restricted Data"
means parts of atomic weapons systems, other than non-
nuclear parts of atomic weapons, which contain or re-
veal atomic information and which are not made of, in
whole or in jiart, special nuclear material.

D. As used in this Agreement, the term "atomic in-
formation" means :

1. So far as concerns information provided by the
Government of the United States, information which is
designated "Restricted Data" and "Formerly Restricted
Data".

2. So far as concerns information provided by the Gov-
ernment of the French Republic, information which is
designated "Atomic".

Abticle XI
Duration
This Agreement shall enter into force on the date on
which each Government shall have received from the
other Government written notification that it has com-
plied with all legal requirements for the entry into force
of this Agreement, and shall remain in force until termi-
nated by agreement of both Parties except that either
Party may terminate its cooperation under Articles II or
III upon the expiration of the North Atlantic Treaty.

In witness whereof, the undersigned, duly authorized,
have signed this Agreement.

Done at Paris, in duplicate, in the English and French
languages, both texts being equally authentic, this 27th
day of July 1961.

For the Government of the United States of America :

Cecil B. Lton

For the Government of the French Republic :

Ekic de Cakbonnel

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'

Scheduled October 1 Through December 31, 1961

North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on High Seas Salmon Tokyo Oct. 1-

Distribution of the Committee on Biology and Research.

UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies Tokyo Oct. 2-

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 49th Statutory Meeting.
U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: Working Party on Rural Electrification.
U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: Group of Experts for the Study of

Hydroelectric Resources in Europe.

U.N. ECE Timber Committee: 19th Session

PAHO Directing Council: 13th Meeting; Regional Committee of WHO for the

Americas: 13th Meeting.

ILO Technical Meeting on Small-Scale and Handicraft Industries New Delhi Oct. 3-

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: 20th Session Geneva Oct. 4-

Copenhagen Oct. 2-

Geneva Oct. 2-

Geneva Oct. 2-

Geneva Oct. 2-

Washington Oct. 3-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 15, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT,
Comite consiiltatif international telegraphique et telfiphonique; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far
East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic Commission for Latin America; FAO, Food and Agri-
culture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organiza-
tion; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO,
Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North
Atlantic Treaty Organization; OAS, Organization of American States; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization;
SEATO, Southeast Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteoro-
logical Organization.

Ocfober 2, 196?

561

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued

Scheduled October 1 Through December 31, 1961 — Continued

FAO Near East Forestry Commission: 3d Session Iraq Oct. 7-

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade Geneva Oct. 9-

International Union of Official Travel Organizations: 16th General Assemblv. Munich Oct. 9-

ITU CCITT Study Group A on Data Transmission " . Geneva Oct. 9-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Rail Transport . Geneva Oct. 9-

UNESCO Diplomatic Conference on the International Protection of Performers, Rome Oct. 9-

Producers of Phonograms, and Broadcasters.

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Highway Transport Madras Oct. 9-

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law: Standing Committee Vienna Oct. 9-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Tariffs Geneva Oct. 11-

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 2d Session of Special Working Geneva Oct. 12-

Group.

South Pacific Commission: 22d Session Noumea Oct. 12-

Inter-American Children's Institute: 42d Meeting of Directing Council . . . . Washington Oct. 16-

ILO/ECE Seminar on Family Living Studies Vienna Oct. 16-

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Statistical Committee Geneva Oct. 16-

ICEM Executive Committee: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 16-

SEATO Committee on Information, Cultural, Education, and Labor Activ- Bangkok Oct. 16-

ities.

U.N. ECE Working Party on Construction of Vehicles Geneva Oct. 16-

U.N. Pledging Conference New York Oct. 17-

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 6th Session of Standing Com- Geneva Oct. 18-

mittee.

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 1st Session . . . . Paris Oct. 19-

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Biology Committee . . . Tokyo Oct. 23-

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 35th Session Rome Oct. 23-

ILO Meeting of Experts on Electrical Accidents and Related Matters . . . . Geneva Oct. 23-

ICEM Council: 15th Session Geneva Oct. 23-

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group Geneva Oct. 23-

Consultative Committee for Cooperative Economic Development in South and Kuala Lumpur .... Oct. 30-

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : 13th Meeting.

ILO Meeting of Consultants on the Problems of Young Workers Geneva Oct. 30-

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions Geneva Oct. 30-

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee" New York Oct. 30-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on River Law . . . Geneva Oct. 30-

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Ad Hoc Working Party on Geneva Oct. 30-

Conditions of Sale for Cereals.

FAO Cocoa Study Group: Executive Committee Rome October

FAO Cocoa Study Group: 8th Session of Committee on Statistics Rome October

UNESCO Executive Board: 60th Session Paris October or

November

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Organization and Operation of Industrial Estates . Madras Nov. 1-

FAO Council: 36th Session Rome Nov. 2-

FAO Conference: 11th Session Rome Nov. 4-

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 8th Meeting Tokyo Nov. 6-

ILO Asian Advisory Committee: 11th Session Geneva Nov. 6-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road Transport . Geneva Nov. 6-

ILO Governing Body: 150th Session (and its committees) Geneva Nov. 13-

U.N. ECE Inland Tran.sport Committee: Working Party on Transport Costs . Geneva Nov. 13-

GATT Contracting Parties: 19th Session Geneva Nov. 13-

ICAO Limited European- Mediterranean Frequency Assignment (VHF) Paris Nov. 14-

Planning Meeting.

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 4th Session Bangkok Nov. 14-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Inland Water Geneva Nov. 15-

Transport.

SEATO Committee of Economic Experts Bangkok Nov. 20-

U.N. ECAFE Regional Training Seminar on Trade Promotion New Delhi Nov. 20-

International Wheat Council: 33d Session London Nov. 20-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Transport of Geneva Nov. 20-

Dangerous Goods.

U.N. ECE Conference of European St.atisticians: Working Group Geneva Nov. 20-

IMCO Expert Working Group on Pollution of the Sea bv Oil London Nov. 21-

FAO Council: 37th Session Rome Nov. 24r-

U.N. ECAFE/WMO Interregional Seminar on Hydrology Bangkok Nov. 27-

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Study Group on Projections Geneva Nov. 27-

for Agricultural Problems.

TCAO South American-South Atlantic Rules of the Air and Air Traffic Services/ Lima November

Communications Meeting.

IMCO Council: 6th Session London November

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 4th Session Trivandrum, India . . Dec. 4-

FAO Technical Working Party on Coconut Production, Protection, and Proc- Trivandrum Dec. 4-

essing: 1st Session.

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 13th Session Geneva Dec. 4r-

562 Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 4th Session

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road Transport .

U.N. Consultative Group on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders .

U.N. ECAFE Regional Seminar on Energy Resources and Electric Power De-
velopment.

FAO International Rice Commission: 9th Meeting of Working Party on Rice
Production and Protection.

FAO International Rice Commission: 8th Meeting of Working Party on Rice,
Soil, Water, and Fertilizer Practices.

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Housing and Building Sta-
tistics.

U.N. ECAFE Subcommittee on Electric Power

Joint OAS/UNESCO/ECIA Meeting on Education and Economic Develop-
ment.

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 5th Session

NATO Ministerial Council

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session (resumed)

Geneva Dec. 4r-

Geneva Dec. 4-

Geneva Dec. 5-

Bangkok Dec. 6-

New Delhi Dec. 1 1-

New Delhi Dec. 1 1

Geneva Dec. 11-

Geneva Dec. 18-

Bangkok Dec. 18-

Santiago December

London December

Paris December

New York December

Secretary Rusk Greets International
Navigation Congress

Remarks l)y the Secretary ^

The President of the United States has asked
me to bring you his personal greetings and best
wishes for a successful Congress. He hopes that
those of you from other countries will thoroughly
enjoy your visit in the United States. We are
proud to be your hosts and are anxious to extend
to you a full measure of our traditional hos-
pitality.

President Kennedy is a keen advocate of in-
creasing international exchange of information
and of more and more productive scientific col-
laboration. He believes this is the true course
toward greater international understanding and
world peace.

All of us are aware of the issues which divide
nations, and all are concerned about tlie sense of
crisis which marks this present period. Wliile
efforts are being made to resolve these problems
by peaceful means, it is of the utmost importance
that we increase in eveiy possible way those
avenues of cooperation which exist below — or
above — tlie political level. President Kennedy
has referred to those great issues confronting man
where nature itself makes allies of us all.^ The
struggle by man to make himself at home in his

' Made before the 20th Congress of the Permanent
International Association of Navigation Congresses at
Baltimore, Md., on Sept. 11 (press release 623).

'For text of President Kennedy's state of the Union
message, see Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 207.

physical universe, to harness its forces for his
own benefit, to repel its attacks against his exist-
ence, and to multiply its resources for his own
enrichment is a matter of deepest common interest
to us all. Indeed, against tlie context of this great
adventure of tlie human species, our manmade
quarrels ought somehow to be brought under more
rational control.

I am happy that your host city is the tliriving
port of Baltimore, which attracts some 6,000 ships
each year from around the world. Here Fort
McHenry, made immortal by the words of our
"Star-Spangled Banner," stands as a symbol of
America's heritage. I am glad that many of you
plan to see our nation's Capital in Washington.

In your science, as in all sciences, vast changes
have taken place since the first International
Navigation Congress convened in Europe in 1885.
I am told that during the Congress held at Paris
in 1900 the principal question related to the "Ap-
plication of Machinery to the Water Supply of
Canals." I note that during the present Con-
gress you are to consider "Measures To Be
Adopted for the Accommodation of Nuclear-
Powered Ships in Maritime Ports."

We can best find the solutions to problems
common to all our countries and work effectively
in promoting the welfare of all if nations can meet
in good faith to consider them togetlier, as you
will undertake to do here.

Such an approach to maritime problems com-
mon to the world is particularly desirable, for
the efficiency with which commerce can be car-
ried on between nations is of basic importance to

Ocfober 2, 7961

563

improving living standards in countries just now
beginning to develop and maintaining the
strength of other nations.

I recall certain thoughts in a report published
about 3 years ago by the Rockefeller Foundation *
on the great importance of economic growth:

We are just beginning to understand the full poten-
tials of international developments in a world in which
distances are shrinking, barriers to trade are being re-
duced, and more than a billion people are living in newly-
developing economies. We are inextricably a part of a
free world economy striving for growth. That fact offers
a major challenge and opens a great opportunity for our
nation to work with the other free nations to promote
economic growth and the broad use of its proceeds to
support the maximum opportunity for the individual.

Commerce must expand among free nations if
progress is to be made toward a world in which
peace and human dignity will be the international
way of life.

Stimulating increased commerce between na-
tions poses challenges to the engineer and the
builder which are just as important as those pre-
sented to leaders in political and economic af-
fairs, for here ways must be found to reduce the
cost of exchanging large quantities of bulk car-
goes to barest minimum.

We must be able to move materials from areas
of abundance to areas of shortage with utmost
efficiency.

We must help countries now beginning to de-
velop to realize the fullest benefits from their
inland waterway potentials for internal economic
expansion.

We must facilitate the distribution of essential
material resources that will permit every country
to combat poverty, sickness, and general unliap-
piness. These problems pose technical questions
concerning the improvement of harbors and water-
ways for which we look to you, the world's lead-
ers in navigation development, for some answers.

World history proves that commerce among na-
tions does not bring the highest down to the level
of the lowest but improves the lot of all.

Agencies such as the World Bank, the Develop-
ment Loan Fund, and the International Coopera-
tion Administration have been active in this field.
Under tlie foreign aid program the United States

' The Challenge to America: Its Economic and Social
Aspects, Report of Panel IV of the Special Studies Proj-
ect, Rockefeller Brothers Fund (Doubleday and Co., Inc.,
Garden City, N.T., 1958).

564

has provided assistance to many countries for
port development. This has been done on a grant
basis ranging from short-term technical consulta-
tion for port management all the way to design
and plans and even to the funding and overseeing
of construction. Loans for similar projects have
also been carried out under the Development Loan
Fund.

Much of our foreign aid program is with under-
developed countries lacking adequate port facili-
ties. This affects the planning and execution of
commodity import programs financed by the for-
eign aid agency, including emergency shipments
of wheat and other foods to alleviate famine and
distress. The lack of adequate ports in some cases
becomes a limiting factor to the assistance we
can provide through emergency food programs.

We have provided help to some countries in the
field of engineering for dredging programs for
channel and harbor development. We helped by
providing technicians and in some cases we have
provided dredges. In countries such as Korea
and Viet-Nam we have assisted navigation in the
restoration of lighthouses and aids to navigation.

May I mention a specific example to further
illustrate developments in our program of inter-
national technical cooperation.

In 1956 in San Jose, Costa Eica, an Inter-
American Port and Harbor Conference was spon-
sored by the Organization of American States.
This conference set forth a declaration of prin-
ciples stating desirable goals in the field of de-
velopment, administration, and operation of ports
in the Americas.

Out of this conference came a "Declaration of
San Jose," a program of goals and a statement of
actions necessary to reach these goals. As a mem-
ber of the family of nations bound closer together
by these resolutions to improve the efficiency of
our ports and thus stimulate greater trade among
the American states, the United States was proud
to be a signatory to this declaration. We have
since been represented as a member of the seven-
nation Permanent Technical Committee on ports
authorized by the conference to carry out its
decisions.

Tlie Alliance for Progress proposed by Presi-
dent Kennedy * was established by the declaration
to the peoples of America made by representatives

' BuuLETiN of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

Department of State Bulletin

of the American Republics in Punta del Este last
month," to which declaration the United States
wholeheartedly subscribes. The declaration in-
cluded a resolution entitled "Studies on Latm
American Ports." ^ This program involves "a
technical study on the ports in Latin America,
with a pertinent evaluation of necessary invest-
ments having as its objective a greater efficiency
in operating those ports, with a view to lowering
costs and promoting trade in Latin American
products."

I confirm here that the collaboration requested
of the Government of tlie United States in this
resolution will be given warmly and without
reserve.

Let me, in conclusion, remind you that this
Congress is one of many international meetings
now going on to get on with the world's work
despite the clouds which appear on the political
horizon. Today, for example, there are a dozen
international meetings going on somewhere in the

° For background and text of declaration, see ibid.,
Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.

' Not printed here ; for text, see OAS doc. ES-RE)-Doc.
145 (English) Rev. 3 Corr.

world at which the United States is officially rep-
resented. I happened to count them today, but I
did not need to — because the same is true of every
working day throughout the year. Today there
are several meetings concerned with trade, one on
the training of women in the South Pacific, an-
other on development in the Caribbean, another
on industrial statistics in the Far East. You will
make good progress here, I have no doubt, on the
special problems of navigation. But it occurs
to me that your work takes on additional meaning
as a part of a great human endeavor to bring men
together to solve their common problems.

I look forward to the opportunity to meet you
in person at the reception which is to follow. I
hope that each of you, from my own country
and from other nations, may carry home with you
the knowledge that your work in behalf of im-
proving the techniques of navigation development
and their application will continue to have my
fullest mterest and support and that of our
Government.

Again, may I extend to all of you a warm wel-
come on behalf of the President of the United
States.

Pressures for Migration From Europe Slacken in 1961

14TH SESSION OF COUNCIL AND 17TH SESSION OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
OF THE INTERGOVERNMENTAL COMMITTEE FOR EUROPEAN MIGRATION

hy George L. Warren

The Comicil of the Intergovenunental Commit-
tee for European Migration, on which 30 govern-
ments are represented, held its 14th session at
Geneva between May 11 and 17, 1961. The Exec-
utive Committee of 9 member governments met
between May 3 and 17, 1961. The Dominican Re-
public, Peru, Uruguay, the Holy See, the Republic
of San Marino, and the Sovereign Order of Malta
were represented in attendance as observers. The
United Nations, the United Nations specialized
agencies, the Organization for European Eco-
nomic Cooperation, the Council of Europe, the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees, and nongovenmiental organizations
interested in migration were also represented.

The Intergovernmental Committee for Euro-
October 2, ?96T

pean Migration was organized on the initiative of
the United States at the Brussels Conference on
Migration in 1951. Originally preoccupied with
facilitating the movement of indigenous migrants
and refugees out of overpopulated areas in Eu-
rope, the Migration Committee has in recent years
devoted more attention to assisting Latin Ameri-
can governments to secure and place the skilled
and semiskilled workers recruited from the emi-

• 31 r. Warren is Adviser on Refugee and
Migration Affairs, Defartment of State.
He served as U.S. representative at the ses-
sions of the Council and the Executive
C ommittee.

565

gration countries in Europe, particularly Greece,
Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain.

Jose Manuel Aniel-Quiroga of Spain was elected
cliairman of the Council for the 14th session.
Afranio del Mello-Franco, Filho, of Brazil was
elected first vice chairman; Eran Laor of Israel,
second vice chairman; and Armand A. Kuijpers
of Belgium, rapporteur. The Council held nine
meetings. Ambassador Aniel-Quiroga presided
also at the meetings of the Executive Committee.

George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugee and Mi-
gration Affairs, Department of State, was the U.S.
representative at the sessions of the Executive
Committee and the Council. Representative
Francis E. Walter was alternate U.S. represent-
ative at the Council sessions.

Director's Report on Operations and Finances in 1960

The Director reported total movements in 1960
of 99,759, of which 1,059 were refugees of Euro-
pean origin moved from mainland China
through Hong Kong. Total expenditures in

1960 amounted to $30,409,925, of which $2,920,642
were for the account of the administrative budget.
There were carryovers of funds for expenditure in

1961 of $905,482 from operations in 1960 and of
$242,709 imder the administrative budget. ICEM
moved the millionth migrant imder its auspices in
April 1960. The election of Bolivia as a new mem-
ber government in December 1960 compensated for
the resignation of the Federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland. Because of the improved economic
situation in Europe, pressures for emigration from
Europe were reduced in 1960, although the move-
ment of refugees overseas was maintained at the
level of previous years. The higher volume of
intra-European movements was considered to be a
temporary development. There were insistent de-
mands from the Latin American countries for as-
sistance in securing more skilled and semiskilled
workers in better balance in their immigration
intakes.

Progress Report of Director for 1961

Movements in the first quarter of 1961 were ap-
parently proceeding at the same approximate level
as in 1960. The Director reported on his recent
visit to Latin America and specifically on prelimi-
nary conferences with officials of Colombia and

Venezuela with respect to projects of technical
assistance to be undertaken in those countries.
Colombia has requested technical assistance in de-
termining manpower requirements to be met
tlirough immigration, and Venezuela has asked
for assistance in developing temporary immigra-
tion policies and programs and in drafting basic
permanent immigration legislation.

Changing Economic Conditions in Europe

Following a private meeting of certain emigra-
tion countries in Europe in February 1961, the
Federal Republic of Germany took the initiative
in presenting a memorandum to the Council citing
the growing demand for workers in the European
countries and the consequent need for ICEM to
review its migration policies and programs. The
memorandum stated that pressures to emigrate
from European countries had diminished and ex-
pressed the view that most of the refugees had
either been resettled abroad or integrated in the
economies of the countries of first or second
asylum in Europe. The representative of Ger-
many noted that his country had, in fact, become
a country of immigration as well as a country of
emigration and with this duality of interest would
not be in a position to propose changes in direction
which ICEM might take. He did, however, ex-
press the concern of his Government that in ex-
tending technical assistance ICEM should avoid
overlapping and duplication of the activities of
other international agencies providing technical
assistance. His Government would continue to
support ICEM but would look to other govern-
ments for practical proposals as to ways in which
ICEM might adapt its activities in response to
changing conditions in the emigration countries.

While all member governments agreed that
conditions in the emigration countries had changed
and that ICEM would need to seek adaptations of
programs, the representatives of Greece and Spain
particularly insisted that more, rather than less,
emigration was needed from their countries and
that the intra-European movement of workers was
predominantly for temporary employment, did
not constitute permanent migration, and in fact
raised serious social problems, such as the separa-
tion of families. The representative of Italy,
having first expressed sympathetic support for

566

Department of State Bulletin

the German intervention, later supported the po-
sitions of Greece and Spain and urged an expan-
sion of ICEM's technical assistance activities on
behalf of the Latin American coimtries.

The Latin American governments were quick
to respond. Under the leadership of Brazil, they
imanimously tabled a paper citing the contribu-
tion which they had made in previous years in
receiving immigrants and refugees from Europe
and stating their current urgent need for 10,000
skilled and semiskilled workers annually. These
they confidently expected the emigration countries
in Europe would help to supply through the me-
dium of ICEM. The plea for workers was ac-
companied by a reminder that ICEM had failed
to date to supply adequately the services and
teclinical assistance which were so desperately
needed in the Latin American coimtries if the
needed workers were to be secured.

In the discussion which followed the request of
the Latin American governments was frequently
referred to as modest and achievable. But the
U.S. representative pointed out that 10,000
workers with their families would mean approxi-
mately 35,000 persons and that this total of move-
ment would be at least twice the annual movement
under ICEM auspices to Latin America in recent
years. Furthermore, to select, recruit, move, and
place that number of workers would require
greatly improved and expanded teclinical assist-
ance by ICEM to the Latin American countries in
establishing better planned immigration and more
adequate immigration administrations.

Many representatives pointed out the necessity
of better i^lanning in the development of ICEM's
technical assistance activities and of closer co-
ordination with other projects of technical assist-
ance, particularly those administered by the Inter-
national Labor Office. It was recognized that
ICEM had a role to play in assisting Latin
American countries to add to their manpower re-
sources through the skillful selection, recruitment,
and placement of trained and semitrained immi-
grants from abroad.

As all the implications of the German and Latin
American interventions and of the comments of
the other governments could not be explored ade-
quately during the session and many governments
desired more time for consideration of the ques-
tions posed, the Council decided to refer the Ger-

man and Latin American papers and the record of
the discussions on them to a working party to meet
in September 1961 and to report to the next ses-
sion of the Council. The governments were re-
quested to submit their further comments in ad-
vance for consideration by the working party.
The working party will consist of the five govern-
ment members of the present Subcommittee on
Budget and Finance (Australia, Brazil, Italy, the
Netherlands, and the United States), who were
authorized in turn to coopt a sixth member. It is
expected that Canada will be invited to join the
group.

Report of Subcommittee on Budget and Finance

The Subcommittee on Budget and Finance had
met in its fourth session for 5 days at The Hague
immediately preceding the Comicil session. Hav-
ing reviewed the budget and plan of operations for
1961, the subcommittee reconmiended adoption of
the budget as submitted by the Director and re-
vised by the subcommittee. In response to sugges-
tions by the subcommittee, the administration was
now taking more frequent readings of actual move-
ments and of their financial implications and was
thus able to supply more precise and more timely
estimates of movements, income, and expenditures.
The work of the subcommittee had also assisted
governments to secure earlier information on the
firm requirements of contributions to operations in
the financial year, with the result that the adminis-
tration had been assured of funds actually in hand
also earlier in the year.

In a previous report the subcommittee had ex-
pressed the hope that data requested of the ad-
ministration on the trends of contributions to
transport from the four sources of such contribu-
tions— the emigration countries, the immigration
countries, the migrants, and ICEM's free funds
(funds not allocated by the contributor to any
particular movement) — would supply clues to im-
proved methods of financing transport. The data
had been received, but the subconmiittee reported
that its hopes for an immediate solution of the
problem had not been realized. The subcommittee
did report that the proportion which ICEM's free
funds provided in meeting the costs of transport
was dangerously high, considering that such
f mids were diminishing and that, unless there were
increases in contributions to transport from the

October 2, J 96 1

567

other main sources, the emigration and immigra-
tion governments and the migrants, movements
would be increasingly jeopardized. The subcom-
mittee also found that it was not feasible to at-
tempt to establish standards or formulas for the
application of the free funds in specific amounts
or percentages to particular routes of transport be-
cause the factors affecting different movements, at
different times, are so variable and many are
beyond the control of ICEM.

Four members of the subcommittee believed that
the emigration and immigration countries should
assume responsibility for bearing a larger share
of transport costs by concluding bilateral agree-
ments to this effect, calling upon ICEM's free or
international funds for participation only when
there is a need for supplementary assistance which
can be clearly demonstrated. Australia dissented,
however, and maintained the view that present
methods of financing transport are adequate and
sufficiently flexible to meet changing conditions.

On the recommendation of the Executive Com-
mittee, the Council expanded the subcommittee's
terms of reference to include matters connected
with the administrative budget in order to give the
subcommittee greater freedom of action in explor-
ing all of ICEM's financing problems and in
recognition of the fact that the problems of the
administrative and operational budgets are very
closely related.

Budget and Plan of Operations for 1961

On the recommendation of the Executive Com-
mittee, the Council approved revised estimates of
movements during 1961 totaling 101,950: 98,270
for the European program and 3,680 for the Far
East program. The total of operational expendi-
tures approved was $25,271,000, of which
$3,046,857 would be required in lump-siun contri-
butions from governments, in addition to the per
capita contributions for transport. As of March
31, 1961, adequate income appeared in sight for
most categories of expenditure with the exception
of international operations, technical assistance,
and the transport of refugees. Some $100,000 in
additional income remained to be raised to cover
all requirements in these categories. Compared
with previous years, the financial position of the
Committee at the spring session in 1961 appeared
to be rather favorable.

Resignation of Sweden

On instructions from his Government, the rep-
resentative of Sweden announced the intention of
his Government to resign from membership in the
Committee in 1961. The reason given was that
Sweden was interested solely in the settlement of
refugees, as distinguished from indigenous mi-
grants, and planned to recruit immediately an
additional 1,000 refugees in Austria for settlement
in Sweden, which would not involve overseas
movements requiring the services of the
Committee.

Membership of United Kingdom

On application by the United Kingdom and
recommendation by the Executive Committee, the
Government of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland was unanimously
admitted to membership and its representative
invited to take his seat at the coimcil table during
the session.

Contributions to Administrative Budget

The entry of the United Kingdom into member-
ship raised the question of a review of the scale of
percentages of contributions to the administrative
budget. This action would also be responsive to
the requests of certain governments, notably Ar-
gentina and Brazil, that their percentages be re-
vised downward. The basic scale of percentages
of contributions had not, in fact, been revised since
it was originally adopted in 1951, and many
changes in relative economic positions, interests in
ICEM activities, and the capacity to pay of mem-
ber governments had taken place in the interven-
ing 10 years. There was some support for an
immediate adjustment in 1961 of the percentages
of five governments whose percentages appeared
to be unduly out of line, but in the face of objection
to hasty action the revision of the scale for 1961,
as well as for 1962, was referred to the Subcom-
mittee on Budget and Finance to be considered at
its meeting in September. For the purpose of this
review only, the Council appointed the Govern-
ment of Canada as a sixth temporary member of
the subcoimnittee. The subcommittee was re-
quested by the Council to take into account the
factor of member government interest in the

568

Department of Stale Bulletin

activities of the Committee along with capacity to
pay and other pertinent factors in recommending
a revised scale of percentages.

Sessions of Executive Committee and Council

A formal proposal of the Director to hold one
session of the Comicil and two sessions of the
Executive Committee annually was rejected by
the Council. The Director's contention that cer-
tain savings would result from the adoption of his
proposal was not challenged. However, the Coun-
cil considered that two sessions of the Council, as
at present, would be required annually during the
period in which ICEM is searching for adapta-
tions of its program to the changing conditions in
which its activities are conducted.

Appeal Board

The representative of Greece proposed the estab-
lishment of an appeal board to consider staff situ-
ations in which staff members might have reason
to feel that their rights had been infringed by
decisions of the administration. He pointed out
that many international organizations had such
appeal boards. After discussion of the suggestion,
the Council established a working party consisting
of the chairman of the Executive Committee, a
representative of the administration, and a repre-
sentative of the Staff Association to study the pro-
posal and to report to the Council through the
Executive Committee at the next session.

Speakers at Council Session

During the course of the session, the Council
was addressed by the following speakers: Felix
Schnyder, U-N". High Commissioner for Refugees ;
Francis E. Walter, alternate U.S. representative;
Fermin Sanz Orrio, Minister of Labor of Spain ;
and Ferdinando Storchi, Under Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs of Italy.

Date of ISth Session

The Council adjourned its 14th session on May
17, 1961, in a spirit of optimism and agreed to
convene the 15th session on or about October 23,
1961, at Geneva. The Executive Committee will
convene on October 16, 1961.

TREATY INFORMATION

United States and Sweden Sign
Supplementary Tariff Agreement

Press release 636 dated September 15
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

The United States on September 15 signed an
agreement with Sweden supplementary to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The
supplementary agreement provides for a tariff
concession by the United States on certain types
of boxes.

This concession compensates Sweden for the
increase, on December 10, 1957, of the United
States rate of duty on spring clothespins.^ A
concession on spring clothespins had been made
in 1949 under the General Agreement. The
increase in the U.S. import duty on spring
clothespins in 1957 was made pursuant to the
escape-clause provisions of the Trade Agreements
Extension Act of 1951 and to the terms of article
XIX of the General Agreement. It was put into
effect to prevent injury to the domestic spring
clothespins industry. Article XIX provides that
when a country raises the tariff on a product
which is the subject of a concession under the
General Agreement that country will consult with
the affected countries. The supplementary agree-
ment, resulting in the granting of a compensatory
concession by the United States, is the product
of these consultations with Sweden.

Following are a summary analysis of the new
concession on boxes, whicli will be applied as part
of the U.S. schedule to the General Agreement,
and texts of the agreement and of notes exchanged
with the Embassy of Sweden.

SUMMARY ANALYSIS

The supplementary agreement signed on
September 15 provides for a reduction in the U.S.

' For text of Proclamation 3211 of Nov. 9, 1957, with-
drawing a trade agreement concession on spring clothes-
pins, see Bulletin of Dec. 16, 1957, p. 959.

October 2, 1 96 1

569

rate of duty on boxes of paper, papier mache, or
wood, covered or lined; covered or lined v^ith
paper but not covered or lined with cotton or other
vegetable fiber (Tariff paragi-aph 1405, Statistical
class number 4785.200) . As a result of this con-
cession the ad valorem equivalent of the tariff rate
on these boxes will be reduced from 7.4 percent
to 5.4 percent. Sweden is the major foreign sup-
plier of this product to the United States. In
1960 U.S. imports of these boxes were valued at
$1.3 million, of which Sweden shipped $700,000.
Other important suppliers are West Germany and
Japan. United States production of this item is
many times the volume of imports.

This concession was granted as compensation
for the increase, effective December 10, 1957, of the
U.S. rate of duty on spring clothespins (Tariff
paragraph 412, Statistical class number 4280.150).
The duty on clothespins was raised from 10 cents
per gross to 20 cents per gross (the ad valorem
equivalents of these rates are, respectively, 25
percent and 50 percent). Imports of spring
clothespins from Sweden averaged $287,000 in the
3 years before the 1957 escape-clause action which
resulted in the inci-eased duty. Since 1958 imports
from Sweden have had an average annual value of
$252,000.

TEXT OF AGREEMENT

Agreement Supplementart to the General Agreement
ON Tariffs and Trade

The Government of the United States of America and
the Government of Sweden ;

Considering the reciprocal concessions and advantages
for the promotion of trade provided for in their respective
Schedules annexed to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (hereinafter referred to as the General
Agreement) ;

Taking cognizance of Proclamation No. 3211, issued by
the President of the United States of America on
November 9, 1957, under Article XIX of the General
Agreement, with respect to the concession provided for
in the first item 412 in Part I of Schedule XX to the
Annecy Protocol of Terms of Accession to the General
Agreement (hereinafter referred to as "Schedule XX
(Anneey-1949)") ;

Taking cognizance of the authorization by the Con-
tracting Parties to the United States to proceed with
negotiations to modify or withdraw such concessions
under the terms of Article XXVIII :4 ;

Recognizing the desirability of maintaining the general
level of reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions
in the General Agreement ;

Agree as follows :

(1) As a result of Article XXVIII negotiations, the
concession provided for in the first item 412 in Part I of
Schedule XX (Annecy-1949) may be withdrawn from
said schedule ;

(2) As complete compensatory adjustment for such
action by the United States of America under Article XIX
of the General Agreement, on and after October 18, 1961
and so long as such treatment under Article XIX con-
tinues, the United States, notwithstanding the second
general note to Schedule XX to the Torquay Protocol of
Terms of Accession to the General Agreement, shall apply
to the products described in the attached Schedule treat-
ment indicated therein, as though such treatment were
provided for in the corresponding items in Part I of
Schedule XX (Annecy-1949) and subject to the provisions
of the Schedule attached hereto and of the General
Agreement.

(3) Upon completion of such Article XXVIII negoti-
ations with all contracting parties participating therein
regarding compensatory adjustment for the withdrawal
provided for in paragraph 1, the United States of America
shall apply to the products described in the attached
Schedule treatment no less favorable than the treatment
indicated therein, as though such treatment were pro-
vided for in the corresponding items in Part I of Schedule
XX (Annecy-1949) and subject to the provisions of the
Schedule attached hereto and of the General Agreement,
with the understanding that as soon as practicable such
treatment will be specifically included in Schedule XX
(Annecy-1949).

In witness whereof the undersigned, being duly
authorized by their respective Governments, have signed
this agreement.

Done at Washington, in duplicate, this September 15,
1961.

For the United States of America :
Leonard Weiss
Acting Director,
Office of International Trade

For Sweden:
GuNNAB Jarring
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary

Tariff Act

of 19S0.

paragraph

SOHEDm.B

Description of Products

Rates of Duty
A B

1405 Boxes of paper or papier mache
or wood provided for in para-
graph 1405, Tariff Act of 1930 :
Covered or lined with paper 2^4^ per 2^ per
but not covered or lined with lb. and lb. and
cotton or other vegetable 4%% ad 4% ad
fiber val. val.

570

Department of Slate Butlet'm

Subject to the provisions of this agreement, to the
pertinent provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade, and to the provisions of section 350(a) (4) (B)
and (C) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as now amended, the
rates specified in the rate-colimins in this Schedule will
become effective as follows :

(a) Rates in column A will become initially effective
on October 18, 1961, and rates in column B will become
initially effective in each case upon the expiration of a
full period of one year after the related rate in column
A became initially effective.

(b) For the purposes of subparagraph (a) above, the
phrase "full period of one year" means a period or pe-
riods aggregating one year exclusive of the time, after
a rate becomes initially effective, when, by reason of
legislation of the United States or action thereunder a
higher rate of duty is being applied.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES

United States

Department of State

Washington
September 15, 1961

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the supple-
mentary trade agreement signed this date regarding
compensation for the escape clause action on spring
clothespins. During the interim period between the time
the compensatory concession described in the said agree-
ment is placed in effect by the United States and the time
the Article XXVIII negotiations recited in said agree-
ment are completed, the following conditions will be
effective as to the said compensatory concession :

In the event that the action by the President of the
United States of America, by Proclamation No. 3211 of
November 9, 1957, is modified or terminated so as to result
in lower rates of duty for any of the products described
in the first item 412 in Part I of Schedule XX to the
Annecy Protocol of Terms of Accession to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade with respect to which
the said action of November 9, 1957 was taljen, the Gov-
ernment of the United States will consult promptly with
the Government of Sweden regarding any appropriate
measures to be taken with respect to the concessions
in the Schedule attached to the agreement of this date
between said parties. If agreement is not reached, the
Government of the United States of America, on 90 days'
written notice to the Contracting Parties to the General
Agreement, may increase rates provided for in the afore-
said Schedule to the agreement of this date to such extent
as may be appropriate in the circumstances but in no
case to a higher rate than the rate provided for the
product involved in Schedule XX to the Torquay Protocol
of Terms of Accession to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade on the date of the signature of the
aforesaid agreement.

I propose that the present note, and a note from you
in reply confirming and accepting the foregoing proposal,
be considered as an agreement between our two Govern-
ments concerning the aforementioned supplementary trade
agreement signed this date.

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my high-
est consideration.

For the Secretary of State:

Leonard Weiss

His Excellency
GuNNAR Jarring,
Amhassador o/ Sweden

Sweden

Washington, D.C.
September 15, 1961

Royal Swedish Embassy
No. 273

Sir, I have the honour to refer to your note of today's
date which reads as follows :

[See U.S. note.]

I have the honour to confirm and accept the proposal
as set forth in the above-quoted note. Accordingly your
note and the present note is considered an agreement
between our two Governments concerning the aforemen-
tioned supplementary trade agreement signed this date.

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration.

Gunnar Jarring

The Honourable
Dean Rusk,
The Secretary of State,
Washington, D.C.

United States and Japan Conclude
Bilateral Textile Agreement

Press release 631 dated September 13

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

On September 8, 1961, representatives of the
United States and Japan concluded negotiations
for a bilateral cotton textile agreement as per-
mitted by the Geneva cotton textile arrangement
dated July 21, 1961.^ The final text of the draft
agreement is now under review for approval by
the two Governments. The draft agreement,
which covers cotton textile exports from Japan

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 336.

Ocfober 2, 7961

571

to the United States for 19G2, is to go into effect
beginning Januai-y 1, 1962, replacing the arrange-
ment existing between the two countries during
the past 5 years.

The chairman of the U.S. delegation was War-
ren M. Christopher, Special Consultant to the
Under Secretary for Economic Affairs, Depart-
ment of State. Members of the delegation were :
Avery F. Peterson, Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Far Eastern Economic Affairs, Department
of State; Hickman Price, Jr., Assistant Secretary
for Domestic Affairs, Department of Commerce;
Philip H. Trezise, Minister-Counselor for Eco-
nomic Affairs, U.S. Embassy, Tokyo ; and Leo R.
Wcrts, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-
national Labor Affairs, Department of Labor.

TEXT OF DRAFT AGREEMENT

DRAFT

Arrangements for 1962 Between the Go\'Ernments of
Japan and the United States Concerning the Ex-
port OF Cotton Textiles From Japan to the United

States

In accordance with the provision in the Arrangej[ent8
Regarding International Trade in Cotton Textiles
done at Geneva and dated July 21, 19G1 (Geneva Ar-
RANGE.\rENTs), permitting "mutually acceptable bilateral
arrangements on other terms," the Governments of Japan
and the United States adopt the following arrangement
for the twelve months beginning January 1, 1962.

1. The purpose of this arrangement is to maintain
orderly marketing of Japanese cotton textiles in the
United States by avoiding excessive concentration in any
particular period or on any particular item and by con-
tinued efforts to achieve broader diversification of cotton
textile exports from Japan to the United States.

2. To achieve this purpose, the Japanese Government
shall maintain, for the period of twelve months beginning
January 1, 1902, an aggregate limit on cotton textile
exports to the United States, and limits on major groups
and on certain categories within those groups.

3. (1) If Japan considers that, as a result of ceilings
established under this arrangement, a third country is
being afforded an inequitable opportunity to increase its
exports of cotton textiles to the United States, the Japa-
nese Government may call for consulation with the United
States Government, and the United States Government
will take appropriate remedial action such as (a) reason-
able modifications of this arrangement, (b) a request,
pursuant to Section I.A. of the Geneva Abeangements,
to the third country to restrain its exports to the United
States, or (c) action against the third country to prevent
circumvention or frustration of the Geneva Arrange-
ments or of this arrangement.

(2) The Japanese Government will take appropriate
action to prevent the circumvention or frustration of this
arrangement by transshipments of goods to the United
States through third countries, by substitution of directly
competitive textiles for cotton textiles, or by other means.

4. Wherever a specific ceiling has been established, the
basis for control will be the number of units (e.g. square
yards, dozens, pieces, pounds, etc.) established as a
ceiling. The conversion into equivalent square yards Is
for the purpose of providing a common statistical basis
for measurement of the overall program. Wherever
pounds are mentioned, the conversion shall be at the
rate of 4.6 square yards per pound. The parties will
consult with each other to establish a basis for the
conversion of other units to square yards, if necessary.

5. Exports from Japan to the United States of particu-
lar items shall be distributed equally by quarters as far
as practicable and as necessary to meet seasonal demands.

6. The over-all limit for Japanese exports of cotton
textiles to the United States shall be 275 million square
yards in the twelve months beginning January 1, 1962.

7. The over-all limit shall be subdivided into 5 major
groups as follows :

Million Square Yards

Group I— Cotton Cloth 125. 5

II — Made-up Goods, Usually Included
in U.S. Cotton Broad Woven Goods

Production 35

III — Woven Apparel 90. 5

IV— Knit Goods 14

V — Miscellaneous Cotton Textiles 10

Total 275

8. Within the over-all annual total, the ceilings for
Groups I, II, III, IV, and V may be exceeded by not more
than five percent, provided that this provision for "flexi-
bility" shall permit an increase only in the "Other" cate-
gories referred to in Paragi-aphs 9, 11, 13 and 15, and in
Group V.

9. The following limits shall be applicable within the
total of 125.5 million square yards for Group I — "Cotton
Cloth" :

milion Square Tarda

1. Ginghams (including Gingham Stripes) — 46.2

2. Velveteens 2. 75

3. AU other Fabrics 76.55

Within the category of "All Other Fabrics", the total
of which shall not exceed 76.55 million square yards, the
following specific limits shall not be exceeded :

Million Square Tarda

a. Sheeting 30.0

b. Shirting (80x80 type) 20.0

c. Other Shirting 32.0

d. Twin and Sateen 39. 0

e. Poplin 30.0

f. Yarn Dyed Fabrics (except Ginghams) 29.0

572

Deparfment of Stale Bulletin

10. The following additional provisions are applicable
to the cloth distribution in paragraph 9 :

(1) Within the overall limit for Group I, any shortfall
with respect to ginghams or velveteens may be transferred
to category 3 — "All Other Fabrics".

(2) Within the limit of 76.55 million square yards, for
fabrics other than ginghams or velveteens (i.e., fabrics a.
through f . ) , the total exports of fabrics made from combed
warp and filling shall not exceed 33 million square yards.

11. The following specific limits shall apply within the
total for Group II — "Made-up Goods Usually Included in
U.S. Cotton Broad Woven Production" :

Unil No.

1. Pillowcases (plain) 1,000 doz_. 450

2. Dish Towels 1,000 doz.. 840

3. All Other Made-up Goods.. 1,000 lbs. . 5,573

Within the category of "All Other Made-up Goods,"
the total of which shall not exceed 5.573 million pounds,
the following specific ceilings shall not be exceeded:

Unit No.

a. Handkerchiefs 1,000 doz.. 1,260

b. Table Damask l,000s.y.. 11,375

12. Within the over-all total for Group II, any shortfall
in categories 1 and 2 may be transferred to category 3 —
"All Other Made-up Goods."

13. The following specific limits shall apply within the
total for Group III — "Woven Apparel":

Unit No.

1. Blouses. 1,000 doz.. 1,575

2. Sport Shirts 1,000 doz.. 787.5

3. Shorts and Trousers 1,000 doz.. 1,000

4. All Other Woven Apparel.. 1,000 lbs.. 6, 642

Within the category of "All Other Woven Apparel,"
the total of which shall not exceed 6.642 million pounds,
the following specific ceilings shall not be exceeded:

Unit No-
ll,. Raincoats 1,000 doz.. 60

b. Dress and Work Shirts 1,000 doz.. 315

0. Brassieres and Other Body 1,000 doz.. 800

Supporting Garments.
d. Dressing Gowns and Robes. 1,000 doz.. 70

14. Within the over-all total for Group III, any short-
fall in categories 1 through 3 may be transferred to cate-
gory 4 — "All Other Woven Apparel".

15. The following specific limits shall apply within the
total for Group IV— "Knit Goods":

Unit No.

1. All Men's and Boys' T- 1,000 doz.. 643
Shirts.

2. Knit Shirts— Other than 1,000 dor.. 809
T-Shirts.

3. Gloves and mittens 1,000 doz.. 472.5

4. All Other Knit Goods 1,000 lbs... 397.4

October 2, 7 96 J

16. Within the over-all total for Group IV, any short-
fall in categories 1 through 3 may be transferred to cate-
gory 4 — "All Other Knit Goods".

17. Within the over-all total for Group V are Included,
among others, such categories as cotton floor coverings,
fish nets and netting, cotton thread, etc.

18. To avoid excessive concentration, it is understood
that whenever there is excessive concentration of Japanese
exports in any particular cotton textile items except those
for which specific quotas and ceilings are established and
such concentration is causing or threatening disruption of
the United States domestic market (or if there are other
problems, e.g. possible problems resulting from an exces-
sive concentration of exports of end items made from a
particular type of fabric, such as the use of gingham In
the manufacture of an excessively large portion of ex-
ported blouses, sport shirts, etc.), the United States Gov-
ernment may call for consultation with the Japanese Gov-
ernment to determine an appropriate course of action.
In determining such appropriate course of action, imports
from third countries and the degree of impact of imports
on the industries concerned at the time of consultation
shall be taken into account. Pending agreement on fur-
ther action, the Japanese Government shall hold the
exports of the items in question at 110 percent of the
exports of such items during the twelve months prior to
consultation."

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Finance

Articles of agreement of the International Finance Ciorpo-
ration. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. Entered into
force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620.
Signature and acceptance: New Zealand, August 31, 1961.

Fisheries

Declaration of understanding regarding the International
Convention for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries. Done
at Washington April 24, 1961.'
Acceptance deposited: Canada, September 15, 1961.

Oil Pollution

International convention for the prevention of pollution of
the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at London May 12,
1954. Enters into force for the United States Decem-
ber 8, 1961.

Signatures: Belgium, Canada, Ceylon,* Denmark, Fin-
land, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Greece,'
Ireland, Italy,'' Japan," Liberia," Mexico, Netherlands,
New Zealand," Norway, Sweden, Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics,* United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia."
Acceptances deposited: Belgium, April 16, 1957 ; Canada,
December 19, 1956; Denmark, November 26, 1956;
Finland, December 30, 1958; France, July 26, 1957;
Federal Republic of Germany (applicable to Land

' Not in force.

" Subject to acceptance or ratification.

573

Berlin), June 11, 195C ; Ireland, February 13, 1957;
Mexico, May 10, 1956 ; Netherlands (Including Nether-
lands New Guinea), July 24, 1958; Norway, Janu-
ary 26, 1957; Poland, February 28, 1961; Sweden,
May 24, 1956; United Kingdom, May 6, 1955; United
States, September 8, 1961."

Trade and Commerce

Declaration on provisional accession of Israel to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
May 29, 1959. Entered into force for the United States
December 19, 1959. TIAS 4384.
Signature: Australia, July 24, 1961.
Statement confirming signature deposited: Federal

Republic of Germany, June 16, 1961.
Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force for the
United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 4498.
Signature: Turkey, June 23, 1961.
Statement confirming signature deposited: Federal

Republic of Germany, July 10, 1961.
Declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Geneva November IS, I960.'
Signatures: Federal Republic of Germany (subject to

ratification), June 12, 1961 ; AustraUa, June 13, 1961 ;

■South Africa, June 20, 1961 ; Turkey, June 23, 1961 ;

Indonesia, June 30, 1961 ; Italy, July 6, 1961.

BILATERAL

Belgium

Treaty of friendship, establishment and navigation, and
protocol. Signed at Brussels February 21, 1961.*
Ratification advised hy the Senate: September 11, 1961.

Canada

Agreement relating to the disposal of surplus U.S. property
in Canada. Effected by exchange of notes at Ottawa
August 28 and September 1, 1961. Entered into force
September 1, 1961.

Ceylon

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of June 18, 1958, as amended (TIAS 4042 and
4068). Effected by exchange of notes at Colombo Au-
gust 24, 1961. Entered into force August 24, 1961.

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of March 13, 1959, as amended (TIAS 4211 and
4242). Effected by exchange of notes at Colombo
August 24, 1961. Entered into force August 24, 1961.

Chile

Agreement relating to the establishment of a weather
facility in Punta Arenas. Effected by exchange of notes
at Santiago March 29 and August 12, 1961. Entered
into force August 12, 1961.

Greece

Amendment to the agreement of August 4, 1955 (TIAS
3310), for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic
energy. Signed at Washington June 11, 1960.
Entered into force: September 13, 1961 ; provisionally
in force from August 4, 1960.

United Kingdom

Agreement relating to the establishment of a joint pro-
gram of space research. Effected by exchange of notes
at Washington September 8, 1961. Entered into force
September 8, 1961.

Viet-Nam

Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at
Saigon April 3, 1961.'
Ratification advised iy the Senate: September 11, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Designations

Robert N. Margrave as Director, Office of Munitions
Control, effective July 9.

' Subject to reservations and an understanding.
* Not in force.

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: September 11-17

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of

News,

Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

No.

Date

Subject

*622

9/11

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

623

9/11

Rusk : International Navigation
Congress.

*624

9/11

Program for visit of Presidents of
Indonesia and Mali.

625

9/12

ICA helps finance school in Congo.

•626

9/12

Delegation to 16th U.N. General As-
sembly sworn in (biographic de-
tails).

627

9/12

State advisory committee (rewrite).

628

9/12

Air talks with Panama.

629

9/13

Sanjuan : Maryland Legislative
Council.

630

9/13

Reply to Japanese note on nuclear
testing.

631

9/13

Textile agreement with Japan.

*632

9/14

Program for visit of President of
Peru (rewrite).

633

9/14

Austrian fund for settlement of per-
secutee property loss.

634

9/15

Lindley: "The Current World
Scene."

635

9/15

Portugal credentials (rewrite).

636

9/15

Supplementary tariff agreement
with Sweden.

637

9/16

Communique of Western foreign

ministers.

638

9/10

Department statement on fighting
in Katanga,

>d.

*Not printc

574

Department of Slate Bulletin

October 2, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1162

Atomic Energy

President Announces Resumption of Nuclear

Tests 543

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation

Agreement With Prance (Kennedy, Rusk, Gilpat-

rie, Seaborg, text of agreement) 556

United States and Japan Exchange Notes on

Nuclear Tests (texts of notes) 544

Austria. Claims May Be Filed Under Austria's

Property Restoration Fund 553

Aviation. U.S. and Panama Open Air Talks . . 554

Claims. Claims May Be Filed Under Austria's
Property Restoration Fund 553

Communism. The CurrentWorld Scene (Llndley) . 546

Congo (Leopoldville)

U.S. Hopes for Cease-Fire in Katanga, Supports

Integrity of Congo Nation 550

U.S. To Aid Republic of the Congo in Agricultural

Development 554

Congress, Tlie. President Urges Approval of
Atomic Cooperation Agreement With France
(Kennedy, Rusk, Gilpatric, Seaborg, text of
agreement) 556

Department and Foreign Service. Designations

(Margrave) 574

Economic Affairs

Import Restrictions Imposed on Certain Cotton

Products (text of proclamation) 555

Secretary Rusk Greets International Navigation
Congress (Rusk) 563

United States and Japan Conclude Bilateral Textile

Agreement (text of draft agreement) .... 571

United States and Sweden Sign Supplementary
Tariff Agreement (texts of agreement and
notes) 569

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Department Urges Maryland To Pass Public Accom-
modations Bill (Sanjuan) 551

State Advisory Committee Holds Third Con-
ference 552

Europe. Pressures for Migration From Europe

Slacken in 1961 (Warren) 565

France

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation
Agreement With Prance (Kennedy, Rusk, Gil-
patric, Seaborg, text of agreement) 556

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss Measures To

Meet Soviet Threats (text of communique) . . 545

Germany

The Current World Scene (Llndley) 546

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss Measures To

Meet Soviet "Threats (text of communique) . . 54.5

Indonesia. President Kennedy Receives Represent-
atives of Belgrade Conference. Explains U.S.
Position on Current World Situation (Keita,
Kennedy, Sukarno, text of message from Belgrade
conference) 539

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 561

President Kennedy Receives Representatives of
Belgrade Conference, Explains U.S. Position on
Current World Situation (Keita, Kennedy, Su-
karno, text of message from Belgrade confer-
ence) 539

Pressures for Migration From Europe Slacken in
1961 (Warren) 565

Japan

United States and Japan Conclude Bilateral Textile

Agreement (text of draft agreement) .... 571

United States and Japan Exchange Notes on

Nuclear Tests (texts of notes) 544

Korea. Chairman of Council for National Recon-
struction of Korea To Visit U.S 551

Mali. President Kennedy Receives Representa-
tives of Belgrade Conference, Explains U.S.
Position on Current World Situation (Keita,
Kennedy, Sukarno, text of message from Belgrade
conference) 539

Mutual Security. U.S. To Aid Republic of the Congo

in Agricultural Development 554

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President
Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation Agreement
With France (Kennedy, Rusk, Gilpatric, Sea-
borg, text of agreement) 556

Panama. U.S. and Panama Open Air Talks . . . 554

Portugal. Letters of Credence (Pereira) . . . 543

Presidential Documents

Import Restrictions Imposed on Certain Cotton
Products 555

President Kennedy Receives Representatives of Bel-
grade Conference, Explains U.S. Position on Cur-
rent World Situation 539

President Sends Message to Conference on Science

and World Affairs 553

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation

Agreement With France 556

Refugees. Pressures for Migration From Europe

Slacken in 1961 (Warren) 565

Science. President Sends Message to Conference on

Science and World Affairs (text of message) . . 553

Sweden. United States and Sweden Sign Supple-
mentary Tariff Agreement (texts of agreement
and notes) 569

Treaty Information

Current Actions 573

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation
Agreement With France (Kennedy, Rusk, Gil-
patric, Seaborg, text of agreement) 556

United States and Japan Conclude Bilateral Textile

Agreement (text of draft agreement) .... 571

United States and Sweden Sign Supplementary
Tariff Agreement (texts of agreement and
notes) 569

U.S.S.R.

The Current World Scene (Llndley) 546

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss Measures To

Meet Soviet Threats (text of communique) . . 545

United Kingdom. Western Foreign Ministers Dis-
cuss Measures To Meet Soviet Threats (text of
communique) 545

United Nations. U.S. Hopes for Cease-Fire in
Katanga, Supports Integrity of Congo Nation . . 550

Name Index

Gilpatric, Roswell L 557

Keita, Modibo 540

Kennedy, President 539, 553, 555, 556

Liudley, Ernest K 546

Margrave, Robert N 574

Pak Chung Hee 551

Pereira, Pedro Theotonio 543

Rusk, Secretary 557, 563

Sanjuan, Pedro 551

Seaborg, Glenn T 557

Sukarno, Dr 539

Warren, George L 565

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BERLIN— 1961

In the words of Secretary of State Dean Rusk, "This pamphlet
sets forth some of the basic facts about Berlin, the repeated assaults
on its freedom, and our obligations. It outlines also our patient and
persistent efforts to resolve the issues involved by peaceful means.
I believe that it will provide useful background for all citizens. Public
understanding of the necessity for both firmness and diplomacy will
contribute to the prospects for peace." The 48-page Backgrov/nd
pamphlet also contains a number of documents relating to the situation
in Berlin.

Publication 7257

30 cents

THE NUCLEAR TEST-BAN TREATY:
GATEWAY TO PEACE

The Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests
began on October 31, 1958, with the United States, the United King-
dom, and the Soviet Union as participants. More than 300 sessions
later, the United States and United Kingdom put on the table at
Geneva a proposed new treaty aimed at ending the fear of nuclear
tests and radioactive fallout through a pledge by all signatory nations
not to test nuclear weapons — a pledge to be made meaningful by
international inspection.

Provisions of the treaty and problems involved in its adoption are
discussed in this 34-page pamphlet released in mid- August 1961.

Publication 7254

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BERLIN— 1961

THE NUCLEAR TEST-BAN TREATY: GATEWAY TO PEACE

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Vol. XLV, No, 1163

October 9, 1961

WEEKLY RECORD

)F

IN"

OREIGN POLICY

FREE- WORLD GROWTH AND PROGRESS • Statements

by Under Secretary of State Ball and Secretary of the Treasury
Dillon 579

UNITED STATES AND SOVIET UNION AGREE ON
STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES FOR DISARMA-
MENT NEGOTIATIONS • Texts of V.S.-U.S.S.R. Report
to General Assembly and Supplementary U.S. Documents . 589

THE U.N., A VIEW OF THE ROAD AHEAD • Remarks

by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson 597

BASIC UNITED STATES POLICY IN AFRICA • by

Assistant Secretary Williams 600

FORTY NEWLY INDEPENDENT STATES: SOME
POLITICOGEOGRAPHIC OBSERVATIONS • Article

by G. Etzel Pearcy 604

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1163 • Publication 7278
October 9, 1961

Boston Public Library
Superintendent oi Documents

11961

DEEOSIIORY,

For sole by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington 25, D.O.

Peice:

(2 Issues, domestic $8.ao, foreign $12.25

Single copy, 25 cents

Use of funds tor printing of this pubilca*
tlon approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as tiie source will be
appreciated. The Bulletin is Indeicd in the
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government trith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as tcell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and internatioruil agreements to
tchich the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

Free-World Growth and Progress

The Boards of Governors of the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the
International Monetary Fiend, the International
Finance Corporation, and the International De-
velopment Association held their annual meetings
at Vienna September 18-22. Following are texts
of statements made by Under Secretary of State
George W. Ball at the BanK's meeting and hy Sec-
retary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon at the
Fund's meeting.

STATEMENT BY MR. BALL, SEPTEMBER 19

Press release 646 dated September 19 ; as-delivered text

On behalf of the Government of the United
States I should like to add a special word of our
shock and sorrow at the death of Dag Hammar-
skjold and to express the hope that, through the
efforts of the governments represented here, the
deliberations and actions of the United Nations,
and particularly those of the special agencies of
the United Nations that are meeting here today,
we may advance the cause of peace, for which Dag
Hammarskjold devoted his untiring energies and
for which he gave his life.

No one can study the annual report of the In-
ternational Bank for Eeconstruction and Develop-
ment, nor listen to the statement made to us this
morning by its distinguished President [Eugene
E. Black], nor observe its operations throughout
the past few years, without the conviction that
it has outgrown its name. The International
Bank today is no longer merely a remarkable
financial institution but a major instrument of
human advancement. Under the perceptive and
imaginative leadership of its President and other
officers, its Executive Directors and its staff, it
has provided not only material help but wise coun-
sel to nations, both new and old, that are caught

up in the great ferment that is sweeping the world.

The nature of this ferment is still difficult to
comprehend. Its elements are political, economic,
social, cultural, and scientific. It affects more
than half of the world's peoples. It involves the
release of massive forces through a kind of seismic
social convulsion — the crumbling of old systems
and the creation, often in violence and blood, of
new nations and institutions.

What we are experiencing today is distinct from
the waves of political revolution we have known
at earlier times. That half of the world's popu-
lation embroiled in this ferment is asking for
more than national independence. Most of the
peoples involved in this surging movement have
already secured the juridical right to rule them-
selves. But all too often this is only the beginning
of the task of building the essential institutions
of statehood.

The people in what we have come to call the less
developed areas of the world are giving insistent
voice to many and varied demands — demands
which we should not, indeed which we cannot,
ignore.

They are demanding access to the basic material
requirements of life — food, clothing, and shelter —
which previous generations have known so mea-
gerly. They are demanding other material com-
forts and conveniences that are available to the
peoples of the more developed societies. They
are demanding personal freedom and dignity,
better education for themselves and their chil-
dren, and the opportunity for cultural and spirit-
ual growth. Finally, they are demanding the
right to live out their lives in peace and security.

Quite obviously, all these demands cannot be
satisfied quickly even by the most far-reaching
and successful programs of economic develop-
ment. Yet economic development remains an in-
dispensable element in their fulfillment. If the
revolution which we are witnessing today is to

October 9, J 96 7

579

succeed — and its frustration could mean only ca-
tastrophe— then the more developed nations must
provide, through public assistance and private in-
vestment (and I do not for a moment underesti-
mate the importance of private investment), that
measure of resources needed to transform and
modernize at least half the globe.

All of this has been said before and much bet-
ter. But today I want to emphasize two con-
siderations that are not always adequately
stressed.

First is the element of time and urgency. Most
of the older industrial societies achieved their
present levels of economic and technical develop-
ment over a period of centuries, but the less de-
veloped nations of today will not wait. Two bil-
lion people are no longer prepared to accept the
miserable conditions of life which their ancestors
patiently endured. They are persuaded that the
vaulting technology of the modem world offers
the phj^sical means by which centuries of stag-
nation can be overcome.

The second element that complicates our task
is our lack of reliable insight into what we are
doing and where we are going. We know very
little about the anatomy of economic and social
growth. An abundance of preconception mas-
querades as principle ; an abundance of theory sub-
stitutes for experience. Yet the lessons implicit
in the histoiy of industrialized societies are largely
irrelevant, for we are dealing with disparate cul-
tures, with violent emotional impulses, and with
explosive political pressures. We find ourselves
constantly moving into new terrain. We must
experiment, appraise, and try to learn by doing,
without losing our forward momentum.

Special Contribution of IBRD

It is here that the IBRD and its affiliated insti-
tutions are making a special contribution — the
contribution of experience patiently acquired,
thoughtfully appraised, and incisively applied.
In a real sense the Bank has been a pioneer, mov-
ing with firm purpo.se through the tangled forest
of economic development.

It is because of its willingness to depart from
precedent that the Bank has evolved from being
merely a lender of money to an institution that
is playing a part in shaping the world revolution
of development. In this process the Bank,
through its varied initiatives, has contributed to

our understanding of the process of development,
and the means of encouraging that process, far
more than most of us realize.

The Bank, for example, has not been bound by
any doctrinaire commitment to the principle that
the marketplace must be the sole arbiter of in-
vestment. Many less developed coimtries possess
neither the institutional structure nor a sufficient
entrepreneurial tradition to make this feasible.
If resources are to be injected into the investment
stream in such a manner as to contribute most
efficiently to economic growth, then they must be
employed systematically to build those basic ele-
ments of production — transportation, roads, power
plants, and factories — that are indispensable to
the growth process. And this obviously implies
a considerable measure of planning at the national
level in which the state must necessarily take the
lead.

The recognition of this paradox — that intelli-
gent planning for a less developed economy may
be essential to the progressive achievement of eco-
nomic freedom as the society moves toward a
higlier level — has been implicit in much that the
Bank has done.

At the same time the Bank has come to under-
stand that national planning is itself an esoteric
art which most less developed societies cannot
practice effectively without help and guidance.
As an international organization bringing together
the skills of many nations, the Bank has equipped
itself to provide that guidance in ways that take
into account the sensitivities of the developing
countries.

Perhaps the most refined form of the Bank's
activities in this connection has been the organ-
ization of consortia. In providing the leadership
for consortia the Bank has had an extraordinary
opportunity to encourage, review, and criticize
national economic plans. I am sure that few of us
are fully aware of the amount of painstaking ef-
fort that has been expended in the leadership of
consortia or of the quantity or quality of useful ^
advice which the Bank's technicians have provided
to the developmg countries.

But the perfection of the consortium is not the
only contribution which the Bank has made to
the art and practice of national planning. It has
created an Economic Development Institute to
train senior government officials, and the man- j
agement of the Bank has recently proposed a

580

Department of State Bulletin

Development Advisory Service which the Execu-
tive Directors have approved. Through this De-
velopment Advisory Service the Bank may pro-
vide expert help in development planning on a
continuous basis, through career-type pei-sonnel.
It may establish resident missions, where re-
quested, to assist in tlie preparation and execution
of broad development programs. It may furnish
technical advice and assistance in the actual ad-
ministration of particular programs of lesser
scope. This, it seems to me, is a useful extension
of the Bank's activities and one which deserves
our full support.

One reason why the Bank has succeeded in its
diverse tasks is that it has perceived the need to
adapt its tools to the requirements of the responsi-
bilities it has undertaken.

Tlie establishment of the International Devel-
opment Association is, I think, a manifestation
of this perception. The IDA is now an effective
member of the community of international lend-
ing institutions. But, as we can see from its first
amiual report, the demands on the International
Development Association are increasing. We may
well need to face an enlargement of IDA fmids
in the near future.

U.S. Aid Program

With the facilities of IDA serving as a comple-
ment to its own, the IBRD should be able to in-
crease its effectiveness. Yet action through inter-
national mechanisms such as the Bank and its
affiliated institutions is, of course, only one phase
of the massive effort that is needed to meet the
demands confronting us.

The United States has long recognized that the
economically advanced countries cannot fulfill
their responsibility solely through their partici-
pation in the work of the Bank. During the last
few months my Government has been engaged in
a major renovation and strengthening of its own
arrangements for bilateral assistance. President
Kennedy's new program, which the Congress has
just approved, rests on two major premises.

The first is the same premise which has ani-
mated much of the work of the Bank— that
sustained economic and social progress under con-
ditions of freedom can be achieved only by regard-
ing the development process from the point of view
of the recipient nation as a whole. Development
programs can best succeed where there is a deter-

mination on the part of the peoples to mobilize
their own resources for the purposes of working
out overall country programs in which each proj-
ect is related to all other projects. Hiunan needs
are too acute and capital resources too limited for
money to be devoted to isolated projects which con-
tribute little to the total national economy of an
underdeveloped country.

The other major premise which played a part in
the development of President Kennedy's new pro-
gram has been the conviction that the task of rais-
ing the level of life in the less developed countries
is one which the economically advanced nations
must share. It is an undertaking far beyond
the resources of any one nation.

It was with this in mind that my Government
has welcomed the initiative taken by the IBRD
in the sponsorship of consortia. It is with this in
mind also that we have become an active partici-
pant in the Development Assistance Group, soon
to become the Development Assistance Committee
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development. This group will provide a
means for systematic consultation to increase the
total volume of resources for development and to
improve their utilization.

We have great hopes for the new Development
Assistance Committee. We are convinced that, as
it gains experience, it can play an even more use-
ful role. Yet, here also, we are moving in an area
of empiricism and only time and experience will
show exactly how the work of the Committee will
develop.

But I do want to make one point quite clear.
The Development Assistance Committee is merely
another tool for all of us to use in responding to
the f oiTnidable demands imposed by the revolution
of development. In helping to mobilize the re-
sources of the industrialized countries through all
appropriate mechanisms — including consortia
xmder certain circumstances — it will be in no sense
a competitor of the Bank. Its activities will be
harmonized so as to supplement and complement
the Bank's own most useful efforts.

The efforts of which I have spoken so far — bi-
lateral, international, and national — offer hope
and encouragement for the future. Primarily
they are concerned, however, with only a single
aspect of the development process, the provision of
technical services and the investment of external
capital resources to insure economic growth.

October 9, J 96 1

581

Yet we all know that economic development
cannot be an end in itself. It is merely one
means — albeit an indispensable one — of satisfying
human aspirations. Economic development is
aimed ultimately at the achievement of broad
humanitarian goals. But if the goals are actually
to be realized we must face up to the uncomfortable
fact that economic development will have to be
accompanied by other political, social, cultural,
and economic processes — and this presents a major
problem.

Issue of Uncontrolled Government

Economic development cannot serve its real
purpose if its benefits are enjoyed exclusively by
a wealthy elite, while the great masses remain in
poverty. Nor can there be any assurance of last-
ing benefits from economic development in any
nation where the government is the master of so-
ciety and not its servant.

It is with respect to this point, I think, that the
debate among the more advanced countries as to
the most desirable system of economic and social
organization is most often misunderstood, par-
ticularly in the less developed nations. All too
frequently the controversy is regarded as merely
a dispute concerning the merits of governmental
intervention in the economic processes of society.

Nothing could be further from the truth; the
argument is far more fundamental than that.
Every modem society — however advanced or
primitive — takes for granted a measure of govern-
mental control over the economy. The critical
issue of our times is not "government control" but
uncontrolled government. Where the people of
any nation lack the power to choose their rulers,
can criticize them only at personal peril, and have
no effective means of influencing their behavior,
these people can easily be reduced to slavery and
there is no guarantee that any degree of economic
development \vill actually benefit anyone except
the rulers themselves.

The Population Explosion

A second major problem stems from the fact
that the successful achievement of our humanitar-
ian objectives depends to a considerable extent
upon the ability of economic growth to keep pace
with demographic developments. The "popula-

tion explosion" has become a familiar term in re-
cent years. Even so, its true dimensions are
difficult to grasp. Some time this year, the three-
billionth human being will be born. On the basis
of a statistical average, 200 births occur every
minute. It is also a stark fact of demography that
the major portion of these births are taking place
in the less developed regions of the world.

The prevailing rate of population growth affects
not only the net rate of economic advancement
but also the volume of resources and the nature of
the national programs required to achieve rapid
development. Even under the best of circum-
stances, the less developed nations will fight a
losing battle unless they can obtain, and use with
maximum efficiency, a huge volmne of capital and
teclmical skills. In this context, the population
explosion, if continued, will place an ever-increas-
ing burden on the moi-e advanced countries and
international lending institutions. It will place a
burden as well on the developing countries, to
achieve greater effectiveness in mobilizing internal
resources for development.

The population problem must, of course, be
taken into accoiuit in drafting national develop-
ment programs. Areas with plentiful manpower
may find it useful to stress development acti^-ities
of a labor-intensive nature. Nations with small
populations relative to resources may more appro-
priately consider labor-saving activities. And the
rate of population growth will, of course, require
close attention to the proper balance between in-
creasing the production of basic foodstuffs and
quickening the pace toward industrialization.

Rapid population growth, therefore, conditions
the prospects for achieving the true objectives of
economic development. It is a problem intimately
bound up with the social and cultural traditions —
and inhibitions — of each particular country. It
is a problem which, in all its aspects, calls increas-
ingly for the exercise of the most mature wisdom.
But while we cannot soh'e this problem here to-
day we can at least define our goal. We want a
world in which every birth is accompanied by a
birthright.

There is a third major problem which is too
often neglcctetl. In our preoccupation with the
process of development at the national level we
have given all too little thought, I fear, to the total
economic impact of the development revolution
on t lie world as a whole.

582

Department of State Bulletin

We can hardly expect the less developed nations
to attain a level of self-sustaining growth if they
are unable to earn a growing volume of convert-
ible foreign exchange in world markets. Any
program for economic development may become an
absurdity unless it realistically takes account of
world trading patterns and prospects.

World Trading Patterns

There are several facets to this complex prob-
lem. First, the less developed nations must be
able to find reasonably stable markets for the raw
materials they produce. The foreign aid provided
under even the most ambitious assistance program
for a developing nation can be totally negated if
that nation suffers an abrupt cyclical decline in
the world market price for a major raw material
it exports. This is particularly true of those coun-
tries which are dependent upon one or two basic
commodities for the bulk of their foreign ex-
change earnings.

Quite apart from these cyclical fluctuations, we
know also that certain primary commodities show
a continuous tendency toward increasing output.
As a result, the aggregate supply of these prod-
ucts may come to exceed any conceivable future
demand at reasonable prices. Obviously, any de-
velopment program aimed at increasing a coim-
try's capacity for producing commodities in world
surplus will be self-defeating. In persistent sur-
plus situations we must face the hard necessity of
devising mechanisms, within a worldwide frame-
work, to stabilize prices and production.

This is a problem which is preoccupying the
United States Government today. We are giving
a great deal of thought and effort to its solution.
But I must emphasize that it cannot be solved
by the creation of special preferential systems be-
tween groups of primary producing countries and
one or more industrialized countries. Such dis-
criminatory solutions, in the long run, will only
delay and complicate the working out of these
problems on a worldwide basis.

Another aspect of this question which enters
into the total equation of development planning is
the impact of worldwide industrialization on
world markets. As the less developed countries
progress toward economic advancement they will
begin to move progressively into the edges of in-
dustrialization. Initially they may concentrate

on the production of articles needed to meet the
expanding demands of their own peoples. But
if they are ever to be capable of continuing the
development process through their own efforts,
if they are to reach the beckoning goal of self-
sustaining growth, then they must be able to sell
their production on the world markets.

It goes without saying that in many of the de-
veloping nations the most valuable productive
resource is low-cost labor. With a large reservoir
of unskilled labor and a shortage of capital it is
only natural that such countries should tend to
concentrate their production in labor-intensive in-
dustries. In an ideal world one might expect the
industrial nations to move consciously toward
more sophisticated production, leaving to the de-
veloping nations an expanding field for simpler
manufactures. But this is not an ideal world,
and we all know well enough that the structural
adjustments which this implies, even though
marginal so far as most economies are concerned,
cannot be easily or quickly accomplished.

I would expect, therefore, that we are only at
the beginning of a process in which the govern-
ments of the industrialized nations must take the
lead in providing an orderly opportunity for the
expansion of markets for the production of the
underdeveloped nations. In the absence of a
srreat deal of will and effort and consultation
among nations there is grave danger that the nor-
mal and necessary changes in trading patterns will
be artificially distorted by restrictive reflexes on
the part of major consuming nations. In that
event the hope for a prosperous world in which
resources are most effectively used would be
cruelly delayed or frustrated.

Broad Approach to Development Planning

In my remarks this morning I have recited a
catalog of problems. Economic development it-
self, the improvement of political and social or-
ganization, the population explosion, and the
relationship of economic development to the
world tradmg system — all of these are complex
and difficult— formidable troubles for an already
troubled world.

I would not suggest that the IBRD— nor any
other national or international agency engaged in
economic development — has the power to solve
these problems. We cannot possibly assure a per-

Ocfofaer 9, 7967

583

feet adjustment between economic planning on the
one hand and the relevant political, social, demo-
graphic, and commercial factors on the other.
However, we must do our best to make certain
that our plans and efforts in the field of economic
development do not wholly ignore these vital
problems — that we take account of them to the
extent permitted by the dimensions of our knowl-
edge and by the built-in limitations of the environ-
ment in wliich we work.

Development plamiing is complex, and those
responsible for such planning may be forgiven a
certain reluctance to accept the introduction of
new complexities. But we shall do ourselves no
service unless we make sure that those objectives
are not frustrated by our indifference to forces and
elements tliat are not included in the narrow defi-
nition of development planning. A great Ameri-
can philosopher once defined a fanatic as "a man
who redoubles his efforts when he has forgotten
his aim." The field of economic development de-
mands men of talent and dedication but men for
whom the overall humanitarian aim is always
clearly visible.

It is with confidence this morning that we can
commend the work of the Bank and its related
institutions. Its past achievements are solid and
enduring. Its future prospects are encouraging
indeed, and I want to welcome all the new and
prospective members of the Bank and IDA rep-
resented here today.

I think we can say without qualification that
the Bank has become a vital instrument for pre-
serving a peaceful and orderly world and for
promoting the advancement of mankind toward
higher plateaus of material and spiritual well-
being.

STATEMENT BY MR. DILLON, SEPTEMBER 20

First, let me say how delighted I am to be
once again in the gracious and storied city of
"Vienna. Since my last visit a little more than a
year ago, I have seen fresh evidence of growth
and change — change that reflects the industry, the
imagination, and the initiative of the Austrian
people. The stability of the Austrian Govern-
ment in postwar years, the extent of Austria's
remarkable economic resurgence, the unswerving
devotion of the Austrisui people to democratic

principles — all are features of modem Austria i|
that command our respect. This small nation,
this revered cradle of thought and culture, this
courageous outpost on the frontiers of freedom,
has aroused the admiration of free men every-
where. On behalf of my Government — on behalf
of the President of the United States, who recalls
with pleasure the warm hospitality he received
here last June ^ — I wish to say that we consider
Vienna to be a most auspicious setting for the
important work upon which we are embarked.

During the past year the International Mone-
tary Fund, under the distinguished leadership of
Per Jacobsson, has again demonstrated its vital
importance to world monetary stability and eco-
nomic growth.

The role of the Fund is being further enhanced
at this meeting, where we have the privilege of
welcoming to our deliberations 10 new countries,
the largest increase in a single year's operations
since the Fund's inception. It is a particular
pleasure for me to welcome to our midst our good
friends from Cyprus, Laos, Liberia, Nepal, New
Zealand, Nigeria, Portugal, Senegal, Sierra Leone,
and Togo.

Since we met a year ago in Washington,^ $2.4 ^
billion has been drawn from the Fund. A major .
part of that was the recent drawing by the United I
Kingdom, but 21 other member countries made
drawings totaling more than $900 million. There
are also 20 standby arrangements in effect, with
unused drawing rights totaling $1.2 billion.

Fund assistance in the past year has both
strengthened the structure of currency converti-
bility in the industrialized countries and helped '
many of the developing countries to adopt or
maintain programs of financial and monetary
stabilization. The Fund has come to occupy a
central position in international monetary af-
fairs— a role I am confident will be of ever- increas-
ing importance to all our member countries in
tlie years ahead.

A few years ago almost all drawings from the ,
Fund were in dollars. Since the advent of cur-
rency convertibility in Western Europe, however,
the Fund has made great progress in using a larger
number of the cm-rencies it holds, thus increas-
ing tlie percentage of drawings in currencies other

' For background, see Buixetin of June 26, 1961, p. 991.
'Ibid., Oct. 17, 1960, p. 607.

584

Department of State Bulletin

than United States dollars. During the past year
11 different currencies were drawn from the Fund,
and two-thirds of the total drawings were in
currencies other than the dollar. This is an en-
couraging development. It has made a reality of
the original concept of the Fund as a reserve pool
of many currencies for the use of members.

Last year the Fund's advisory activities con-
tinued on a broad scale. "VVlierever member coun-
tries have sought to deal effectively with financial
instability — by strengthening their fiscal resources,
by controlling money and credit, or by otherwise
improving their financial institutions — they have
been able to rely on the staff of tlie Fund for
expert and objective advice.

The stabilization programs many membere of
the Fimd have worked out and put mto operation,
usually with Fund advice, have at times been crit-
icized on the gi'ound that they have supposedly
imposed a choice between stagnation and economic
growth. I do not believe that this is a correct ap-
praisal of the role played by financial stabilization
in economic development. I agree with the opin-
ion expressed by Mr. Jacobsson in his brilliant
opening statement : that the aim of a well-designed
stabilization program is to eliminate inflation not
only as a source of balance-of-payments disequilib-
rium but also as an obstacle to economic growth.
Financial stability can thus assist economic
growth which, together with social progi-ess, must
be the major objective of development policy.

Of course, financial stability cannot of itself
cure all the problems of economic growth that
beset the developing countries. Effective devel-
opment planning, basic internal reforms, and ade-
quate capital from both external and internal
sources, all are necessary. This is well recognized
by the Fimd, which is, as it should be, the partner
of economic development institutions, national and
international, in coordinated efforts to increase
the flow of external assistance and to help the
developing countries make the best use of their
own domestic resources.

The U.S. Economy

I turn now to the economy of the United States
and the status of our international balance of
payments.

The recovery of the United States economy, fol-
lowing the mildest of our postwar recessions, is

well under way and moving strongly. The low
point in economic activity was reached in the first
quarter of this year. In the second quarter, major
economic indicators recorded new highs. Gross
national product, personal income, and personal
consumption expenditures all reached fresh peaks
in the April-June period. Total industrial pro-
duction recorded a new high in July and again
in August. We estimate that gross national prod-
uct, wliich jumped from an annual rate of just
over $500 billion at the beginning of the year to
$516 billion in the second quarter, will reach ap-
proximately $540 billion during the fourth quar-
ter. The course of our economic recovery has
been particularly encouraging since prices have
remained stable. Hence, almost the entire rise in
our gross national product has been real. More-
over, our increased economic activity has not been
accompanied by speculative buying or abnormal
buildup of inventories.

During the past year the monetary and fiscal
policies of the United States have been directed
at limiting the extent of the decline in economic
activity and at strengthening the forces of recov-
ery. Prompt recognition by our monetary author-
ities of the impending downturn brought a quick
shift of policy from monetary restraint to ease.
As early as June of last year, the Federal Reserve
relaxed credit restrictions by reducing discount
rates and lowering the reserve requirements of
commercial banks. Federal Reserve purchases of
Government securities provided additional bank
reserves to combat recession and finance expan-
sion. Reflecting this Federal Reserve policy, total
loans and investments of commercial banks have
expanded by 7 percent, or $14 bilUon, during the
past 12 months. This large increase provided a
major force which softened the strains of reces-
sion and stimulated recovery.

On the fiscal side, increased unemployment
benefits and other Government outlays associated
with the recession — in conjunction with reduced
income-tax collections — have operated as in pre-
vious recessions to provide an automatic support-
ing influence. Largely as a result of these "built-in
stabilizers," the total value of all goods and serv-
ices produced during the economic downturn never
fell appreciably below the corresponding quarter
of the previous year.

As I noted earlier, we are especially encouraged
that our recovery and our attainment of record

Ocfober 9, 1961

5BS

new levels of production have been accompanied
by price stability. Our index of wholesale prices
has remained for 3 yeai"S at virtually the same
level. Retail commodity prices have been stable,
while the overall index of consumer prices has
inci'eased by less than 1 percent since last October.

Business Outlook Promising

The business outlook for the United States dur-
ing the coming year is very promising. Excessive
stocks have been liquidated. As a result of rising
production and sales, inventories have once more
begim to increase moderately, but they are not
high in relation to either present or prospective
needs. Consumers have reduced their debt and
built up their savings, thus strengthening the out-
look for retail trade. Net financial savuigs of in-
dividuals rose by $7.7 billion in the first half of
1961 on top of a $10 billion rise in 1960. In con-
trast to 1958-59, interest rates have remamed
remarkably constant during the initial recovery
period.

We anticipate further vigorous growth. The
substantial room in our economy for further ex-
pansion should avert any inflationary pressures
that might otherwise develop. For we have no
shortage of productive resources, nearly all of our
industries are operating well below capacity, and
the labor supply is ample. Continued rises in
output should materially assist us in solving the
persisting problem of relatively high unemploy-
ment. Nevertheless, we are developing worker
retraining programs designed to attack this
problem directly.

Federal budget expenditures remain well within
our capacity. In fact the deficit for fiscal year
1961 and the projected deficit for 1962 are to-
gether much smaller than the deficits during the
last comparable recession and recovery in 1958-
59. After taking into account all presently sched-
uled expenditures, including the substantially
increased outlays for defense requested by Presi-
dent Kennedy in July,^ our estimates point to a
deficit this year (fiscal 1962) that will amount
to about half the deficit for fiscal 1959. In addi-
tion, our gross national product will run some 17
percent higher than in fiscal year 1959, and our
tax revenues will be about 21 percent greater.

• For a White House announcement, see ihid., Aug. 14,
1961, p. 271.

Hence, the economic impact of the current deficit
will be considerably less than half that of the 1959
deficit.

The deficits in fiscal 1961 and 1962 are essentially
a reflection of the shortfall of revenues resulting
from the recent recession. This is a characteris-
tic of our tax system because it is heavily depend-
ent upon direct taxation of personal and business
income. For the same reason we may expect sharp
increases in revenues as business improves and the
economy grows. The calendar year 1962 gives
every promise of being a very good year for busi-
ness, and since our revenues are based upon earn-
ings of the previous year, we can confidently look
forward to a substantial increase in our income
during the fiscal year 1963, which begins next
July. Fiscal 1963 will be closely comparable in
the business cycle to fiscal 1960, when Federal
revenues jumped $10 billion over the preceding
year. Hence unless a need arises for further in-
creases in defense outlays, the balanced budget
which President Kennedy is detennined to submit
next January can be achieved without any in-
crease in taxes. However, should additional de-
fense expenditures become necessaiy, the Presi-
dent has stated clearly and unequivocally that he
is prepared to request additional taxes should
they be required to balance the budget.

I would like to emphasize the firmness of our
decision to balance our budget in fiscal 1963. In-
deed, had it not been for the increase in interna-
tional tensions over Berlin, which forced us to
increase our defense expenditures substantially
above the levels previously planned, we could have
looked forward confidently to a substantial budg-
etary surplus in fiscal 1963. We are resolute in
our determination to maintain both a sound and
an expanding economy so that the United States
may play its full part in the defense and the de-
velopment of the free world and, at the same time,
meet the requirements of an increasing popula-
tion at home.

U.S. Balance of Payments

I am glad to be able to report that the United
States balance of payments has developed in a
much more satisfactorj'^ mamier this year than
in 1960. The marked improvement in our mer-
chandise account during 1960 continued into 1961,
and the large speculative outflows of short-tenn
capital, which swelled the volmne of our out-

586

Department of State Bulletin

payments in the second half of 1960, liave ceased.
Our merchandise trade siirpkis in 1960 amounted
to $4.7 billion, whereas in 1959 it had been less
than $1 billion. In tlie first half of 1961 our trade
surplus was running at a seasonally adjusted an-
nual rate of $6 billion.

These developments are reflected both in our
"basic" position comprising all of our recorded
transactions exclusive of United States private
short-term capital outflow and in our overall pay-
ments position. In 1960 the basic deficit amounted
to $1.9 billion, compared with $4.3 billion in 1959
and $3.6 billion in 1958. In the first half of 1961
the basic position continued the substantial im-
provement shown in 1960 and, without counting
special prepayments of $650 million on United
States Government loans, was almost exactly in
balance. Our overall deficit, which is measured by
decreases in United States holdings of gold and
convertible currencies plus increases in foreign
liquid holdings of United States dollars — which
together amounted to about $4 billion in both
1959 and 1960 — was running at a seasonally ad-
justed annual rate somewhat under $1.7 billion
in the first half of 1961. The figure of $1.7 billion
also does not count as a receipt the special debt
prepayments of $650 million. While this indi-
cates continuation of substantial short-term capi-
tal outflows, these movements have represented,
for the most part., a substantial enlargement of the
financing of world trade by United States banking
institutions and have not been speculative in
character.

These are encouraging developments, but they
do not mean that the United States can relax its
eiforts to achieve a satisfactory and durable equi-
librium in its balance of payments. We must have
a large and growing export surplus of goods and
services to pay for military expenditures abroad,
which we incur for the defense of the free world.
We must have it as well for both that portion of
our foreign aid program that is not covered by
procurement in the United States and for our con-
tinuing large outflow of long-tenn private de-
velopment capital.

The improvement in our trade surplus so far
this year cannot be expected to continue in the
months ahead, since it was accomplished more
through a decrease in imports than through an
increase in exports, and now as the United States
economy moves toward reasonably full employ-

ment of resources, we must look to a corresponding
expansion of our imports. Indeed they have al-
ready started to grow. While this tends to
sharpen our payments problem, it also leads to
larger world trade and greater prosperity for our
trading partners.

Accordingly we must continue to make inten-
sive efi^orts to expand our exports. This means
for us, as it does for any nation, that we must
constantly improve the productivity on which the
ability of our producers to compete in world mar-
kets is based. It also I'equires that we prevent
increases in money costs fi-om canceling out im-
provements in productivity. At the same time,
our producers must search out export oppoi'tuni-
ties with energy and imagination. The domestic
market of the United States is a very large one,
and many of our producers have traditionally
thought almost exclusively in terms of that market
rather than of opportunities overseas.

We believe this orientation can and must be
shifted, for there are surely thousands of our pro-
ducers who can be more successful in the export
field than they have been in the past. It is for this
reason that our Government is devoting consider-
able effort to bringing market opportunities
abroad to the attention of our business community.
We are well aware that the position of the dol-
lar as a strong reserve currency depends upon
our success in maintaining a reasonable equilib-
rium over the years in our balance of payments.
This we are determined to do. As we succeed,
the upward trend in the accumulation of gold and
dollars by other countries taken together will
necessarily be slowed. The elimination of cur-
rent payments imbalances can, of course, be
greatly facilitated by the cooperation of surplus
countries in pursuing liberal trade policies, in
increasing long-term development a,ssistance, and
in sharing expenditures for the common defense
in accordance with their capabilities.

Multilateral Borrowing Arrangements

During the past year, as Mr. Jacobsson has re-
minded us, there has been active discussion and
examination in governmental circles, among econ-
omists, and in the financial press, of the adequacy
of existing international monetary arrangements.
These discussions have been very helpful. Mr.
Jacobsson has now proposed that each of the prin-
cipal industrial countries commit itself to lend its

Ocfober 9, 1967

587

currency to the Fund up to a stated amount. I
strongly agree that an arrangement of this sort
should be worked out to insure the Fund access
to the additional amounts that would be needed
should balance-of-payments pressures involving
these countries ever impair or threaten to impair
the smooth functioning of the world payments
system.

At the same time, for its regular requirements
the Fund can and should be expected to borrow
from one or another of the participating coun-
tries under article VII whenever its supply of any
of these particular currencies becomes low. It
would also appear reasonable to consider the possi-
bility that such loans be credited against any com-
mitment which the lending country may have
undertaken as its part of the multilateral arrange-
ment. These special bilateral borrowings would
thus replenish the Fund's supply of particular
currencies in strong demand and, in this way,
would help to avoid undue drains on its gold
reserve.

I have no fixed opinions on the details of the
multilateral bori-owing arrangement. I am con-
fident, on the basis of the encouraging views I
have heard expressed in the past few days, that
practical means can be found to give effect to the
agreement in principle which so evidently exists.
There are four important aspects which I do wish
to emphasize :

First, the aggregate amount the participating
countries should look forward to committing to
the project should be large enough to add deci-
sively to the Fund's capacity to play its essential
role.

Second, to be effective, the additional resources
must be promptly available in case of need.

Third, safeguards will be required to insure
that there will be effective consultation between
the Fimd and the lenders and that the Fund will
only actually borrow under the commitment ar-
rangements after taking full account of the cur-
rent reserve position of the lending country. In
addition each country which actually lends to the
Fund should, in case the need develops, be able
automatically to obtain repayment from the
Fund.

Fourth, I concur in Mr. Jacobsson's judgment
that there must be no weakening of the policies
that have guided the Fund in the use of its re-
sources; nor should the new arrangement change
in any way the existing rights and duties of mem-
bers of the Fund, both as drawers of currencies
and as providers of currencies.

This is an urgent project. The Fund should
push ahead promptly in its current consultations
with the prospective lending countries in order
that the executive board may carry the project to
completion so that the participating countries
may obtain the necessary legislative authority
from their parliaments early next year. With
this done, the monetary system of the free world
will be substantially strengthened. For the Fund
will then clearly be in a position to meet the
changing needs of the new world of convertible
currencies.

Speaking for my country I want to say that
the United States regards the work in which we
are engaged here in Vienna as having a direct
and important bearing upon the future course of
free-world growth and progress. I have confi-
dence in the ultimate outcome of our delibera-
tions because I have confidence in the vitality of
the free economies upon which the work of the
Fund is founded. Our mutual goal is a world of
expanding opportunities for every human being
to pursue his legitimate aspirations in peace and
freedom. The International Monetai-y Fund is
playing an important role in helping us to achieve
it.

United States and Kuwait
Establish Diplomatic Relations

Press release 654 dated September 22

Effective immediately the United States Gov-
ernment has agreed to the establishment of diplo-
matic relations with the Government of Kuwait
and, pending the assignment of an ambassador,
has designated the present American consul in
Kuwait, Dayton Mak, as Charge d'Affaires.

588

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

United States and Soviet Union Agree on Statement
of Principles for Disarmament Negotiations

Following are texts of two docwments circulated
to all Tnembers of the United Nations on Septem-
ier 20 follawing exchanges of views between the
United States and the Soviet Union on questions
relating to disarmament and to the resu?nption of
negotiations in an appropriate body.

U.S.-U.S.S.R. REPORT TO GENERAL ASSEMBLY

U.N. doc. A/4879

Report of the Governments of the United
States of America and the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics to the Sixteenth Session
of the United Nations General Assembly on
THE Results of Their Exchange of Views on
Questions Relating to Disarmament and to
THE Resumption of Negotiations in an Appro-
priate Body, Whose Composition Is To Be
Agreed Upon

In accordance with their statements of 30 March
1961 at the fifteenth session of the United Nations
General Asseinbly,i the Governments of the
United States and the U.S.S.R. wish to inform the
Members of the General Assembly of their ex-
change of views on questions relating to disarma-
ment and to the resumption of negotiations in
an appropriate body, whose composition is to be
agreed upon.

1. The exchange of views took place in Washing-
ton, D.C. from 19 June to 30 June; in Moscow
from 17 July to 29 July ; and in New York from
6 September to 19 September 1961.

2. As a result of the exchange of views, the two
Governments submit a joint statement of agreed
principles which thej^ recommend as guidance for

disarmament negotiations when such negotiations
are resumed. The text of these agreed principles
is attached hereto in the form of a joint statement
of the two Governments.

3. The two Governments wert not able to reach
agreement on the composition of a negotiating
body prior to the sixteenth General Assembly.

Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for
Disarmament Negotiations

Having conducted an extensive exchange of
views on disarmament pursuant to their agree-
ment announced in the General Assembly on 30
March 1961,

Noting with concern that the continuing arms
race is a heavy burden for liumanity and is
fraught with dangers for the cause of world peace.

Reaffirming their adherence to aU the provi-
sions of the General Assembly resolution 1378
(XIV) of 20 November 1959,^

Affirming that to facilitate the attainment of
general and complete disarmament in a peaceful
world it is important that all States abide by exist-
ing international agreements, refrain from any
actions which might aggravate international ten-
sions, and that they seek settlement of all disputes
by peaceful means.

The United States and the U.S.S.R. have agreed
to recommend the following principles as the basis
for future multilateral negotiations on disarma-
ment and to call upon other States to co-operate
in reaching early agreement on general and com-
plete disarmament in a peaceful world in accord-
ance with these principles.

1. The goal of negotiations is to achieve agree-
ment on a programme which will ensure that (a)
disarmament is general and complete and war is

^ For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 56S.
Ocfober 9, 1 96?

' For text, seeifttti., Nov. 23, 1959, p. 766.

589

no longer an instrument for settling international
problems, and (b) such disarmament is accom-
panied by the establishment of reliable procedures
for the peaceful settlement of disputes and effec-
tive arrangements for the maintenance of peace in
accordance with the principles of the United
Nations Charter.

2. The programme for general and complete
disarmament shall ensure that States will have at
their disposal only those non-nuclear armaments,
forces, facilities, and establishments as are agreed
to be necessary to maintain internal order and
protect the personal security of citizens ; and that
States shall support and provide agreed man-
power for a United Nations peace force.

3. To this end, the programme for general and
complete disarmament shall contain the necessary
provisions, with respect to the military establish-
ment of every nation, for :

(a) Disbanding of armed forces, dismantling
of military establishments, including bases, cessa-
tion of the production of armaments as well as
their liquidation or conversion to peaceful uses;

(b) Elimination of all stockpiles of nuclear,
chemical, bacteriological, and other weapons of
mass destruction and cessation of the production
of such weapons;

(c) Elimination of all means of delivery of
weapons of mass destruction ;

(d) Abolishment of the organizations and insti-
tutions designed to organize the military effort of
States, cessation of military training, and closing
of all military training institutions ;

(e) Discontinuance of military expenditures.

4. The disarmament programme should be im-
plemented in an agreed sequence, by stages imtil
it is completed, with each measure and stage car-
ried out within specified time-limits. Transition
to a subsequent stage in the process of disarma-
ment should take place upon a review of the
implementation of measures included in the pre-
ceding stage and upon a decision that all such
measures have been implemented and verified and
that any additional verification arrangements re-
quired for measures in the next stage are, when
appropriate, ready to operate.

5. All measures of general and complete dis-
armament should be balanced so that at no stage
of the implementation of the treaty could anj'

State or group of States gain military advantage
and that security is ensured equally for all.

6. All disannament measures should be imple-
mented from beginning to end under such strict
and effective international control as would pro-
vide firm assurance that all f)arties are honouring
their obligations. During and after the imple-
mentation of general and complete disarmament,
the most thorough control should be exercised, the
nature and extent of such control depending on
the requirements for verification of the disarma-
ment measures being carried out in each stage.
To implement control over and inspection of dis-
armament, an International Disarmament Organ-
ization including all parties to the agreement
should be created within the framework of the
United Nations. This International Disarma-
ment Organization and its inspectors should be
assured imrestricted access without veto to all
places as necessary for the pur^sose of effective
verification.

7. Progress in disarmament should be accom-
panied by measures to strengthen institutions for
maintaining peace and the settlement of interna-
tional disputes by peaceful means. During and
after the implementation of the programme of I
general and complete disarmament, there should I
be taken, in accordance with the principles of the
United Nations Charter, the necessary measures

to maintain international peace and security, in-
cluding the obligation of States to place at the
disposal of the United Nations agreed manpower
necessary for an international peace force to be
equipped with agreed types of armaments. Ar- ,
rangements for the use of this force should ensure
that the United Nations can effectivel}' deter or
suppress anj^ threat or use of arms in violation
of the purposes and principles of the United
Nations.

8. States participating in the negotiations
should seek to achieve and implement the widest
possible agreement at the earliest possible date.
Efforts should continue without interruption until
agreement upon the total progranune has been
achieved, and efforts to ensure early agreement
on and implementation of measures of disarma-
ment should be undertaken without prejudicing
progress on agreement on the total progi'amme
and in such a way that these measures would
facilitate and form part of that programme.

590

Department of State Bulletin

SUPPLEMENTARY U.S. DOCUMENTS

C.N. doc. A/4880

Memorandum on Composition of Forum

United States

Memorandum on Composition of the
Disarmament Forum

The objective of the United States is the re-
sumption of muUilateral disarmament negotia-
tions. It lias made, and now reaffirms, four
alternative proposals for the composition of a
disarmament forum :

(1) Ten-Nation Committee: The United States
remains prepared to resume negotiations in the
Ten-Nation Committee, which was established by
agreement among the United States, the Soviet
Union, France and the United Kingdom in Sep-
tember 1959.^ The work of this Committee, which
is composed of five NATO Powers (the United
States, United Kingdom, France, Canada and
Italy) and five Warsaw Pact Powers (the
U.S.S.R., Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and
Rumania), was left unfinished by virtue of the
Soviet Union's break-off of negotiations in Geneva
on 27 June I960.'' It was conceived that the de-
liberations of this Committee would provide a
useful basis for the consideration of disarmjament
in the United Nations. In this way, a stage would
be achieved, after a basis for agreement was
reached by the members of tlois Committee, in
which aU Membei-s of the United Nations would
participate in an effective way in the disarmament
negotiations, which are of concern to all the na-
tions of the world. The United States continues
to believe that this represents a sound and orderly
approach, which has been approved by the United
Nations and which should not be abandoned.

(2) Ten-Nation Committee with Invited Pre-
siding Oificials: The United States is fully pre-
pared to join with the other tliree Powers which
established the Ten- Nation Committee in extend-
ing an invitation to three other nations, not mem-
bers of the NATO or Warsaw Treaty organiza-
tions, to designate a chairman and two vice-chair-
men of the Ten-Nation Committee. These officers
would preside over meetmgs of the Committee,

' For background, see ma., Sept. 28, 1959, p. 439.
' For background, see ihid., July 18, 1960, p. 88.

using their good offices as appropriate to facilitate
the achievement of agreement, without bearing the
additional responsibility of serving as official
spokesmen of their Governments in the negotia-
tions or attempting to act as formal "representa-
tives" of a non-existent "neutral" bloc.

(3) Twenty-Nation Committee: The United
States is fully prepared, considering its objective
of reaching agreement on disarmament, to propose
changing the original concept of the Ten-Nation
Committee by an expansion of its membership so
that countries not members of NATO or the War-
saw Pact can participate at tlie initial negotiating
level, as well as through the United Nations. Such
an expansion should be consistent with normal
principles of equitable representation of the differ-
ent regions of the world and with the desirability
of selecting countries on the basis of such relevant
factors as population and military capabilities.
Accordingly, the United States proposes that three
countries be added to the Ten-Nation Committee
from Asia, three from Latin America, three from
the Middle East and Africa, and one from non-
NATO, non-Soviet Bloc Europe. The United
States has suggested that the following States
might appropriately be added: Pakistan, India
and Japan from Asia ; Mexico, Brazil and Argen-
tina from Latin America ; the United Arab Repub-
lic, Nigeria and Tunisia from Africa and the
Middle East ; and Sweden from Europe.

(4) The United Nations Disarmament Com-
mission: If none of these alternatives is accepted
by the Soviet Union, the United States proposes
that substantive negotiations be resumed in the
United Nations Disarmament Commission, in
which all United Nations Members are repre-
sented. The United Nations Disarmament Com-
mission would be free to establish, if it so wished,
smaller sub-committees in which detailed negoti-
ations could be conducted.

Memorandum on Principles

United States

Memorandum on Principles That Should Gov-
ern Negotiations for General and Complete
Disarmament in a Peaceful World

The Government and the people of the United
States have traditionally worked for the achieve-
ment of a peaceful world in which nations will no

Ocfober 9, 7967

591

longer resort to war as an instrument for settling
international problems. They remain dedicated
to this goal.

In taking the initiative last March and sug-
gesting a bilateral exchange of views with the
Soviet Government on disarmament, the United
States acted in the belief that a frank and infor-
mal discussion of issues of principle could make
an important contribution to the appreciation by
each side of the views and positions of the other
and to effective progress along the road to a last-
ing peace. It also sought to meet repeated Soviet
insistence that no multilateral negotiations could
take place without an agreed framework for them.
The United States hoped that this exchange of
views would lead to a joint understanding of the
guidelines for resumed multilateral negotiations —
negotiations which the Soviet Union arbitrarily
abandoned in 1960. Last March there appeared
to be a common understanding with the Soviet
Government that once these guidelines and an
appropriate and representative forum were agreed
upon and accepted by the other participants,
multilateral negotiations would reopen on 31 July.
Unfortunately, the Soviet Government took the
view that such an vmderstanding regarding both
the nature of the bilateral talks and the resump-
tion of multilateral negotiations on 31 July did
not exist.

The Soviet Government stated that the bilateral
talks should turn instead directly to a considera-
tion of specific plans and that without a large
measure of agreement on such specific plans there
could be no multilateral negotiations. The United
States believes on the other hand that negotiation
of detailed disarmament plans is the concern of
many States. Therefore, the United States can-
not accept a procedure whereby these interested
States would be excluded from participation in
working out an agreement.

Consequently, the United States souglit to
achieve a meeting of minds on a set of principles
to be submitted for approval to the other partici-
pants in multilateral negotiations. This, the
United States believed, would prepare the ground
for detailed and fruitful negotiations of specific
measures and progi-ammes. Such a procedure, if
followed from the outset, as was the understand-
ing reached by Ambassador Stevenson and For-
eign Minister Gromyko last March, would have
provided for the presentation and discussion of

a specific programme of general and complete
disarmament in a peaceful world in the appro-
priate multilateral forum at any time after 31
July. The United States regretfully saw 31 July
pass without such negotiations having been
commenced.

To facilitate accomplislmient of the task of the
bilateral exchange of views the United States rep-
resentative at the bilateral talks gave the Soviet
representative on 19 June a draft statement of
principles setting forth the purpose of the multi-
lateral negotiations and the principles that should
guide them. This statement closely conformed to
the type of statements that had previously been
the subject of an exchange of views between Am-
bassador Stevenson and Foreign Minister
Gromyko. The United States several times made
revisions of its draft statement of principles in
order to meet points that had been raised in the
course of the bilateral talks.

The United States representative did not, how-
ever, confine himself to the presentation of these
docimients. In accordance with our understand-
ing of the purpose of the bilateral exchange of
views, he sought to engage the Soviet representa-
tive in a productive discussion of the principles
and considerations underlying the written
documents.

As is clear from the United States documents
submitted during the bilateral discussions, the
United States objective is to implement a pro-
gramme which ensures total disarmament with
States retaining at their disposal only those, mini-
mal forces and non-nuclear armaments required
for the maintenance of internal order and the pro-
tection of the personal security of citizens. Apart
from these internal security forces, only an inter-
national peace force would exist. All other mili-
tary force would be eliminated. The programme
desired by the United States would include the
establishment of reliable procedures for the peace-
ful settlement of disputes and effective arrange-
ments for the maintenance of peace, including the
International Peace Force, in accordance with the
principles of the United Nations Charter.

The United States also set forth its views on
several important specific aspects of the search
for agreement on general and complete disarma-
ment in a peaceful world.

First, the United States stresses the impor-
tance of working out a total over-all programme

592

Department of State Bulletin

providing for complete disarmament. The United
States is prepared to work out the whole pro-
gramme. At the same time, the United States
camiot accept a situation where nothing concrete
can be done until the very last word has been
agreed for the total programme. Consequently, it
urges acceptance of the proposition that without
prejudice to eventual development of the total
programme an attempt must be made to find the
widest possible area of agreement — including any
individual measures or groups of measures — and to
implement such measures just as soon as they
are agreed. The United States believes that while
the complete programme with its admittedly com-
plex provisions is being worked out, no oppor-
tunity should be missed to make a start. Any be-
ginning, even the most limited, will represent
progress. Moreover, it would facilitate the work
on, and indeed form part of, the total programme
which is the stated goal. The United States hopes
that the Soviet Union will accept this practical
approach. In disarmament, as elsewliere, the way
to begin is to begin. This is why the United
States particularly deplores the retreat of the
Soviet Government for an effective agreement to
ban nuclear weapons tests, which would have been
a significant first step on the road to general and
complete disai-mament in a peaceful world.

Secondly, the United States stresses the insepa-
rable relationship between the drastic scaling down
of national armaments and the building up of in-
ternational peace-keeping machinery and institu-
tions. Any programme, even if it carries the title
"General and Complete Disarmament", which does
not embody this relationship is a programme for
disorder and the perpetuation of disputes among
nations. Nations whicli are expected to give up
their means of self-protection must have available
other effective means of safeguarding their legiti-
mate interests. They must be protected against
possible violators of a disarmament agreement by
effective international enforcement measures.
They must have available judicial and non- judicial
procedures for the equitable settlement of disputes
and for harmonizing conflicting interests and as-
pirations as they arise. They must be assured that
change in the world will be orderly and progres-
sive. And if necessary they must be assured of
the protection of an international force capable of
operating effectively for the common benefit of all

Ocfober 9, 7 96 J

613268—61 3

nations and not in the special interest of any one
nation or group of nations.

The procedures and institutions envisaged by
the United States would be within the framework
of the United Nations as part of the programme
for general and complete disarmament in a peace-
ful world. These procedures and institutions
would not permit nations to invoke doctrines of
sacred or just wars in behalf of unilateral mili-
tary action since they would ensure that no one
really seeking justice or the fulfillment of legiti-
mate aspirations will need to have recourse to
their own force. They would not permit arbitrary
revisions of established international agreements
and infringements of other nations' rights. The
United States believes firmly that nations must
be prepared to moderate gradually the exercise
of unrestricted sovereignty and to abide by the
decisions and judgements of tribunals and other
bodies, even if such decisions at times may not
meet with a particular nation's approval.

The Soviet Government, judging from the
statements of its representative during the bi-
lateral talks, does not appear as yet to recognize
the essential requirement of the progressive de-
velopment of effective peace-keejiing machinery
parallel to the unplementation of measures leading
to total disarmament.

Thirdly, the United States insists upon effective
verification of all disarmament measures from
beginning to end. The fundamental precept
guiding the United States is that the implementa-
tion of every obligation entered into must be sub-
ject to effective verification in order to provide
each participating State with confidence that
every other State is fulfilling its commitments.

Verification only of the process of reducing or
destroying particular elements of military
strength, as proposed by the Soviet Union, does
not meet the criterion of effective verification of
all obligations entered mto. Wliat must be cer-
tain is not only that nations are removing certain
numbers of forces and armaments from their mili-
tary establishments, but also that they are not
maintaining forces and armaments or engaging in
activities in excess of those permitted at a given
step or stage in the disarmament programme.

Any disarmament programme which professes
to meet the criterion of effective verification must
provide unambiguously for means of detecting

593

clandestine or other activities not authorized in
the agreement. The absence of such provision
vrould make any disarmament plan a sham.

It follows, further, that the verification system
must be fully capable of exercising the functions
necessary to ensure compliance with the agree-
ment throughout the entire disarmament process
and not just at the end of it. The phrase fre-
quently used in Soviet statements that "under
conditions of general and complete disarmament
the most thorough control must be implemented"
is ambiguous and does not adequately reflect the
necessity for effective verification at every step
and stage of the disarmament process. Indeed,
it must be pointed out that if, as the Soviet Union
suggests, control can be "most thorough" only
"under conditions" of general and complete dis-
armament, but not during the process of imple-
menting the measures leading to general and com-
plete disarmament, it may never be possible to de-
termine whether the "conditions" of general and
complete disarmament have in fact arrived or to
protect a complying jiarty against the conse-
quences of violation or evasion of a disarmament
agreement by others.

The Unitfid States believes that effective verifica-
tion requires smooth day-to-day functioning of
the inspection macliinery. The rights and func-
tions of the verification system would be spelled
out in detail in any agreement and in its annexes.
There would of course be a political body com-
posed as agreed by the parties, which would ex-
ercise policy supervision over the administrative
arm of the control organ. But this administrative
arm itself must be able to worlc as fast and effi-
ciently as possible and without hindrance if it is
to have the confidence of all parties. Sound admin-
istrative practice the world over and the require-
ment of effective verification demand efficient
administration of the disarmament verification
machinery. For this reason the United States
rejects firmly the concept of some sort of multi-
headed administrative machinery. The United
States, moreover, does not agree with the effort
of the Soviet Government to divide the world into
three or any other number of blocs or "camps".
As the United States representative indicated
during the bilateral discussions, the agi'eoment on
general and complete disarmament in a peaceful
world should include a mechanism providing
States with recourse in the event they believe that

personnel of the administrative machinery are not
properly discharging their f imctions.

The United States believes that the nature and
extent of controls should depend strictly on the
objective requirements for verification of each dis-
armament measure. The agreement and its an-
nexes, based as they must be on adequate scientific
and technical findings, should set forth in detail
the verification requirements for each measure.
No other consideration than assurance that each
measure will be fully and punctually implemented
should enter into the specification of verification
requirements. Tliis will ensure that no legitimate
security interests of any State will be adversely
affected by the application of disarmament
controls.

The United States believes that the elaboration
of the means of verification is the joint responsi-
bility of all States interested in the achievemenr.
of general and complete disarmament in a peace-
ful world. Tlie Soviet Union has for the past
year suggested that, on the contrary, the "West
must carry the burden of elaborating a verifica-
tion system. The United States urges the Soviet
Government to join the United States in multi-
lateral negotiations and in the conscientious and
businesslike development of a verification system
which would enable all parties to repose trust in
a disarmament agreement.

The United States representative also dealt
with numerous other aspects of principle in order
to amplify the written documents tabled by the
United States. He said the United States believes
that time-limits must be worked out for the com-
pletion of all disarmament measures as well as
for the completion of each stage. However, the
problem of establishing these time-limits is com-
plicated by the numerous technical problems in-
volved in working out effective and reliable means
of implementing disarmament measures. More-
over, an over-all time-limit would, of course, have
to take into account the procedure for transition
between stages. The United States will devote
ever}' effort toward solving these pi-oblems and
hopes the Soviet Union is prepared to do likewise.
Once the time-limits for the measures in each stage
and for the stages themselves have been worked
out, it will be possible to estimate tlie time-limit
for the implementation of the total programme.
The United States believes, however, that it would
be unrealistic and dangerously misleading to pre-

594

Department of Slate Bullelin

tend that a specific over-all time-limit can be
established in advance.

Witli regard to transition from one stage to tlie
next, the United States believes that the imder-
lying principle must be that States will at each
stage be assured that all parties have fulfilled their
obligations and that the next steps in the disarma-
ment programme can then safely be taken. With-
out such assurance, there would be cause for
suspicion and dispute, which might disrupt the
entire disarmament process. Accordingly, the
United States believes that transition from stage
to stage should take place upon a review of the
implementation of measures included in the pre-
ceding stage and upon a decision that all such
measures have in fact been implemented as pro-
vided in the agreement. As soon as this decision
has been taken, implementation of the next stage
would commence forthwith. The Soviet position
on this question remains obscure despite repeated
United States attempts to obtain clarification.

The United States also attempted to resolve the
issue of the composition of a multilateral negoti-
ating forum. Ambassador Stevenson and Foreign
Minister Gromyko had agreed previously that this
would be one of the purposes of the bilateral dis-
cussions. Accordingly, the United States pre-
sented the Soviet Union with several alternative
possibihties for a forum including: (1) the recon-
vening of the Ten-Nation Committee, which the
U.S.S.E. abandoned in 1960; (2) the addition to
that Conmiittee of three officers selected from other
countries; (3) an expansion of the Committee by
ten members selected on an equitable geographical
basis, and (4) the United Nations Disarmament
Commission. Unfortunately, neither the oral
statements of the Soviet representative nor a
Soviet aide-memoire tabled on 28 July indicated a
constructive Soviet response to these United States
suggestions. Disarmament negotiations cannot, of
course, take place without the Soviet Government.
Since that Government still appears unwilling to
accept a forum of workable size and equitable com-
position, the United States proposes that negotia-
tions be resimied in the first instance in the United
Nations Disarmament Commission. However, if
the Soviet Government agrees, the United States
remains willing to resume negotiations in a Com-
mittee composed of the original members of the
Ten-Nation Committee, with the addition of the

following countries : from Asia — Pakistan, India
and Japan ; from Latin America — Mexico, Brazil
and Argentina; from Africa and the Middle
East — the United Arab Kepublic, Nigeria and
Tunisia ; and from Europe — Sweden. Such a com-
mittee would ensure equitable and fair representa-
tion to all geographical regions of the world. The
Soviet Government is already in possession of the
United States memorandum of 29 July 1961 in
which the United States position on the forum
issue was set forth in detail.

The views and considerations presented in this
memorandum, in conjunction with the draft State-
ments of Principles which have been given to the
Soviet Government, provide a clear statement of
the position of the United States on the principles
which should govern the working out of an agree-
ment on general and complete disarmament in a
peaceful world. The United States Government
has studied the Statement of the Soviet Govern-
ment of 27 June 1961, the Soviet Government's
aide-memoire of 19 July and 21 July, and the
draft statement of principles which the Soviet
representative submitted on 27 July. It has care-
fully taken into account the positions of the Soviet
Government expressed in these documents as well
as in the statements of the Soviet representative
during the bilateral talks. The successive drafts
of statements of principles submitted by the
United States testify to its consistent effort to
meet any constructive suggestion put forward by
the Soviet Union. The United States hopes that
the Soviet Union will similarly make a sincere
effort to work out a mutually acceptable statement
of principles which will permit the early resump-
tion of multilateral negotiations.

New York City, N.Y.
14 September 1961

Letter From Mr. McCloy to Mr. Zorin

Letter From John J. McClot, United States

REPRESENTATrVE AT THE U.S.-U.S.S.E. EX-
CHANGE OF Views on Disak&iament, to V. A.
ZoRiN, Deputt Minister of Foreign Affairs
OF THE U.S.S.R.

20 September 1961
Dear Mr. Zorin: At the 18 September 1961 ses-
sion of our bilateral discussions on disarmament
you indicated that the draft of a joint statement

October 9, 1 96 1

595

of agreed principles which I submitted to you on
behalf of the United States Government on 14
September 19G1 would be acceptable to the Gov-
ernment of the Soviet Union provided the follow-
ing clause were omitted from paragraph 6:

Such verification should ensure that not only agreed
limitations or reductions take place but also that re-
tained armed forces and armaments do not exceed agreed
levels at any stage.

This sentence expresses a key element in the
United States position which we believe is im-
plicit in the entire joint statement of agreed prin-
ciples that whenever an agreement stipulates that
at a certain point certain levels of forces and
armaments may be retained, the verification ma-
chinery must have all the rights and powers neces-
sary to ensure that those levels are not exceeded.

It appears from your statements that the Soviet
Union will be unwilling to agree to a joint state-
ment of agreed principles unless the above-
mentioned clause is omitted therefrom. My Gov-
ernment has authorized me to inform you that, in
the interests of progress toward resuming dis-
armament negotiations, it is willing to remove the
above-mentioned sentence from paragraph 6 of
the joint statement of agreed principles since it
is an item to which the Soviet Union has not
agreed.

This is done upon the express understanding
that the substantive position of the United States
Government as outlined in the above-quoted sen-
tence and in our memorandum of 14 September
1961 remains unchanged, and is in no sense preju-
diced by the exclusion of this sentence from the
joint statement of agreed principles.

The United States continues to adhere to and
will continue to advance the principle contained
in the omitted sentence as a necessary element in
any comprehensive disarmament negotiations or
agreement.

Very truly yours,

John J. McCloy

His Excellency

V. A. Zorin

Deputy Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R.

Permanent Mission of the U.S.S.R.

to the United Nations
680 Park Avenue
New York 21, New York

President Expresses Sorrow of U.S.
at Death of U.N. Secretary-General

Following are two statements by President Ken-
nedy on the death of Dag Hammarskjold, Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations, released by
the White House on September 18.

FIRST STATEMENT

White House press release dated September 18

I know I am speaking for all Americans when
I express my profound sorrow at the tragic death
of Secretary-General Hammarskjold and his asso-
ciates. This sense of pei-sonal loss is shared by
many millions of people of all nationalities.

Dag Hammarskjold's dedication to the cause of
peace and world order through the United Nations
was total. His capacity for work to bring this
about already is legendary. His patience sur-
passed the endurance of all but the rarest of hu-
man beings. And his life is a tribute to the ability
of civilized man to live by the principles of im-
partial justice.

Dag Hammarskjold died yesterday in the cause
for which he lived. But the United Nations is a
better and stronger organization — and a higher
hope for mankind — because of his service to it.
His name will be treasured high among the peace-
makers of history.

I pray that his final sacrifice will inspire all
members of the United Nations to complete the
task for Avhich he died.

SECOND STATEMENT' I

White House press release dated September 18

I Imow that I am speaking for all of my fellow
Americans in expressing our deep sense of shock l
and loss in the untimely death of the Secretary- ■
General of the United Nations, Mr. Dag Ham-
marskjold.

Dag Hammarskj old's dedication to the cause of
peace, his untiring labors to achieve it, his cour-
age under attack, his willingness to accept all re-
sponsibility in trying to strengthen the United
Nations and make it a more effective instrument

' Read by the President for use on radio and TV.

596

Department of State Bvlletin

for the aspirations of the hundreds of millions of
people around the globe who desire to live out
their lives — those efforts of his are well known.

It is tragic and ironic that his death came dur-
ing a mission he was undertaking in order to bring
about a cease-fire in Katanga.

I am hopeful that the members of the United
Nations, recognizing his untiring labors, will at-

tempt in the coming sessions and in the years to
come to try to build the United Nations into the
effective instrmnent for peace which was Dag
Hammarskj old's great ambition.

I express my sympathy to his country, the Gov-
ernment of Sweden, and I hope that all of us will
recognize the heavy burdens that his passing
places upon us.

The U.N., a View of the Road Ahead

Remarks hy Adlai E. Stevenson

U.S. Representative to the United Nations^

You are very kind to let me say a word of greet-
ing. I will not poach on the time of my able
friend Harlan Cleveland, but I do want to tell all
of you how much value we attach — we who speak
for the United States in the U.N. — to the friend-
ship and miderstanding support of good citizens
like yourselves — and of none more than the mem-
bers and leaders of the AAUN.

Not long ago a pleasant man I met said that he
was in favor of the United Nations, although he
didn't actually know anything about it. I con-
gratulated him on having the right opinion and
promised to supply him with some reasons for his
position.

I am afraid there are also some people who are
against the United Nations on the same groimds.
If they will come and see me at the end of a bad
day at the ofSce, maybe I can supply them with
some reasons too.

I confess that when I came here last January
I was not too familiar with some of the details of
procedure and so on at the United Nations. I felt
like Kufus Choate at the opera, who didn't imder-
stand the language the performei-s were singing
in ; so he said to his educated daughter who was
with him: "Interpret for me the libretto lest I
dilate with the wrong emotion."

' Made before the American Association for the United
Nations at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 17 (U.S.AJ.N. press
release 3768).

So you can imagine how grateful I was to have
about me an able and experienced staff who could
tell me unhesitatingly what emotion I should di-
late with. That staff has since been somewhat
augmented — very little in numbers but greatly in
talent — and that is a great source of confidence as
we enter this 16th General Assembly. We have
also, for the duration of tliis Assembly, a delega-
tion whose professional qualifications, I think, are
as good as any we have ever had in the history of
the U.N., and I am very proud to be a part of this
delegation.

Another great source of strength to me from
the beginning has been the warmth of friendship
and support from the public, and particularly
from the AAUN. I will always remember the
party you so kindly gave last winter, when I came
here, and today all of us of the United States dele-
gation are tremendously grateful to you for this
reception and the confidence and encouragement
which it expresses.

Of course, as you may remember, I am not en-
tirely a newcomer to the U.N. In fact I am really
an oldtimer who just took a long vacation! I
know these receptions, such as you are giving to-
day, are an annual affair. In fact I believe I
heard General [George C] Marshall give the ad-
dress ^ at the very first reception you gave in Sep-

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 21, 1947, p. 539.

October 9, 796 J

597

tember 1947, here in New York, when he was Sec-
retary of State and I Mas a delegate. On looking
up his speech I find it interesting to recall that he
spoke with great emphasis of the need, if the
United Nations was to succeed, for leadership,
both in the Government and, as he put it, "the
leadership of informed and discerning men and
women in each community throughout the
country." Of course that is still true today and
always will be. Every one of you has a chance,
and a duty, to contribute some portion of leader-
ship in our common effort to make the United
Nations succeed.

The "Little People" of the World

I realize I am by no means the only United
Nations oldtimer in this room, and many of you
probably remember as keenly as I do the spirit in
which the United Nations was born. My friend
Clark Eichelberger tells me Winston Churchill
said to him, while the war was still going- on, "The
little people will have won the war and it will be
their right to say what the future will be." That
spirit prevailed still at San Francisco when the
chaiter was written, and .so instead of the charter
beginning with the traditional phrases about
"governments" or "states" or "high contracting
parties" it was made to begin Avith those splendid
words, "We the peoples of the United Nations."

There were plenty of tragic difficulties then
which we couldn't foresee. Perhaps that is just
as well, or we might never have had the courage
to start the United Nations at all ! About one-
third of the "little people" of the world have no
right to say what the future will be, either for the
world or for themselves. They don't even have
the elemental right to know the brute facts of
what is happening from day to day. Megaton
bombs are blown up in their own national back-
yard, but they aren't told about it. So that it is
possible for the foreign relations of a great part,
and a very powerful part, of the human race to
be carried on to a very large extent on the basis
of untruth.

And yet the United Nations has been faithful
to its task of standing up for the little people, for
the little nations, for those who don't have great
military forces. It stood up for Greece and for
Korea in the early yeai-s — but that was only a be-
ginning. In 1945 we scarcely foresaw the possi-
bility that the great colonial empires of the West-

ern nations would dissolve so quickly that, 16
years later, the United Nations would be double
its original size and that in it the old rulers and
the old subject peoples would be represented
equally, sitting side by side in the General As-
sembly, each casting one vote, each with an equal
right to the floor.

Inevitably that huge transition, affecting an-
other third of the world's people, has had some
tragic episodes, and none more tragic than the
multiple conflict in the Congo. There the United
Nations has had to act in a hurry, amidst untold
confusion, like a field hospital in the midst of
battle, to assuage suffering and confine tragedy
within the least possible boimds. The story in the
Congo hasn't all been told yet. But we have come
a long, long way there since a year ago, and we
have reason to hope that the United Nations
action in the Congo will go down in history as
one of the U.N.'s greatest actions and perhaps as
the beginning of a new era in the endless effort
of the community of nations to keep the peace.

Frustration of Communist Attacks on U.N.

Now this new lease on life for the U.N. is ap-
parently not welcome in Moscow, which has other
purposes in mind. And so we have had Mr.
Khrushchev's attack on the U.N., which are still
going on, and his attempts through the "troika"
device, through introducing the veto into the
Secretariat, to dominate the Organization and
bend it to his purposes.

You remember what Lincoln said when General
McClellan got a little too big for his breeches and
tried to tell the President how to rim the war.
Lincoln was reminded of a rider whose horse
kicked so hard that the horse's foot got caught in
the stirrup. And the rider said to the horse : "If
you are going to get on, I'm going to get off."

But of course the Communists are not going to
"get on" at the U.N., and the law-abiding nations
are certainly not gomg to "get off." As far as the
United States is concerned, I think I can say that
we have a considerable ability to absorb frustra-
tion and we intend to stay with the U.N. through
fair M-eathcr and foul. Our security demands
that we do this, for the U.N. is a great source of
friends and friends are the best security any na-
tion can have.

I confess it is very frustrating to us, who have
to bear the brunt of the Soviet cold war, not to

598

Department of Stale Bulletin

be at the head of a nice solid bloc. You recad in
the papers sometimes about the "Soviet bloc" and
the "Western bloc" and even the "neutralist bloc."
Well, unfortunately there is a Soviet bloc, but the
other "blocs" are not blocs at all — they are shift-
ing alinements which vary from one issue to an-
other, for the very simple reason that each of the
governments has that priceless jewel, the right to
think for itself. And, frustrating as it is, we who
uphold the community agamst attack will always
have to plead and argue and listen — above all to
listen! — in our quest for comjnon ground. So I
trust we will never become "bloc heads" and start
playing the game by the Communist rules. If we
ever did that, the game would already be over
and we would have lost.

We have great hopes of the U-N. :

We believe the U.N. can and will keep on stand-
ing fast against the attacks from Moscow, until it
is obvious that those attacks have defeated their
own purpose and are given up.

We believe the extraordinary Congo costs will
be fairly shared.

We believe the U.N. can build on its great crea-
tive achievements in the Congo and better equip
itself to keep the peace anywhere in the world.

We believe the U.N. can be a great educational
force in the quest for real, practical, inspected, and
controlled disarmament, which we intend to pur-
sue without letup.

We believe the U.N. can be more than an emer-
gency ward, that it has great creative and cooper-
ative potential ; and we intend to help build that
potential for the sake of the cormnunity of na-
tions, for the aspiring peoples and the emerging
. nations in that community.

Broad Vision of the Future

Events have moved in these days fast and dolor-
ously. For us they accentuate the sense that be-
hind the issue of "standing firm on Berlin," for
example, we need a long-term picture of the
Europe we want, of the Atlantic world we want,
and, indeed, our whole vision of the future. With-
out a broad picture of the road we want to travel,
how can we achieve the patience, the good sense,
the fortitude, and the elan to deal with perpetual
recurrence of local trouble and the perpetual risk
of general war?

I sometimes think that we in the West still
have a half -belief in a pattern of luck by which,
without lasting commitment, free society will sur-
vive and flourish. But there is no place now for
ease and rest and good fortune. Either we are
going to build with pain and effort and dedication
a world in which men can live and prosper and be
brothers, or its anti world is going to be built.

It is this sense of the society we have to try to
create through the U.N. which I think needs ac-
cent. If we only improvise from crisis to crisis
with no sober, fearless view of the way ahead, we
can expect more and more people to say, "Better
an end to the horror than a horror without end."

And we believe that, in the long and slow and
tragic situations where just and peaceful changes
are opposed by great power, the U.N. can keep on
speaking up bravely for the right until the day
comes when right can prevail in peace.

I don't want to mislead anybody. I am no Uto-
pian. I like that fine two-line epigram of Robert
Frost :

But Islands of tbe Blessed, bless you, son,
I never came upon a blessed one.

We expect to continue to have emergencies and
flaps, and we don't expect to score a touchdown
on every play. We certainly don't plan to em-
bark soon for the Islands of the Blessed. But we
are deeply and permanently heartened by the
knowledge that the cause to which we are com-
mitted, the cause of the decent and tolerant and
open world jDortrayed in the charter, is worth all
the sweat and tears it may cost us in the years
ahead. And the fact that you, who are distin-
guished citizens and opinionmakers, share that be-
lief is an immense encouragement to us through
every day of the year.

Letters of Credence

India

The newly appointed Ambassador of India,
Braj Kumar Nehru, presented his credentials to
President Kennedy on September 21. For texts
of the Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of State press release 652
dated September 21.

Ocfober 9, 1961

599

Basic United States Policy in Africa

hy G. Mennen Williains

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

It is a great pleasure and honor to be invited to
address the Rhodesia National Affairs Associa-
tion. This is our third and final day in Salisbury
before going on to Blantyre, the Copperbelt, and
Lusaka. We also slipped into your country about
10 days ago for a first glimpse of your magnificent
Victoria Falls.

My wife and I have been tremendously im-
pressed by this vital city of Salisbury. We have
met and talked with a great many of your citizens
and have noted many evidences of the progress
you have been making in housing, education, and
welfare. This morning it was a special pleasure
to attend the greatest tobacco auction in the world,
where we heard the familiar sounds of an Ameri-
can tobacco auctioneer. Later today we are look-
ing forward to our visit to the University College
of Ehodesia and Nyasaland.

This is my second visit to Africa since President
Kennedy appointed me to the Department of
Stat«. My mission is, first of all, to become ac-
quainted with the leaders and public of Africa and
to convey to them renewed assurances of the keen
interest and friendship of the United States. Sec-
ond, and quite simply, I have come to learn of your
aspirations and your problems so as to offer ef-
fective comisel to my Govennnent in the formula-
tion of its foreign policy.

The United States Government under the new
administration of President Kennedy linds itself
faced by a host of critical and fundamental prob-
lems of foreign affairs. Some of these are of grave

' Address made before tlie Rhodesia National Affairs
Association at Salisbury, Federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland, on Aug. 25.

and immediate urgency. Others have a long-
range but equally profound significance.

These problems manifest themselves in many
ways and in many different parts of the world.
Yet there seem to be ties that bind quite a nimiber
of them together. People the Avorld over want
governments of their own choosmg. They want
a better life for themselves and their cliildren.
And they want to enjoy the full recognition of
their dignity as human beings. "\^nien the con-
tmued enjoyment of these conditions is threatened,
or the prospect of achieving them is denied, the
result is a restiveness which more often than not
smolders or explodes into impleasant problems.

The United States is concerned about these
things because of our moral and political heritage
but also because we believe that the denial of these
values jeopardizes the world of peace and justice
we want for ourselves and our children.

Berlin, a Symbol of Freedom

In these terms one of the most pressing chal-
lenges today is that of Berlin. Berlin is a vitally
unportant symbol of freedom and self-determina-
tion to a large part of the world. It represents the
desire and the determination of 214 million West
Berliners to continue under a govennnent of their
own clioosing, and it is a focus of the hopes of
other millions now under the imperialist rule of
the Kremlin. What West Berlin means has been
demonstrated in recent weeks by the repressive
measures taken by the Communists to stop the
flow of refugees who streamed by the thousands
and thousands into the West Berlin sanctuaiy of
liberty and hope. I need only add tliat the Soviet
Union maintains 22 divisions of occupation troops

600

Department of State Bulletin

in the countries of middle and eastern Europe to
subjugate these aspirations for freedom.

President Kennedy has plainly told the Ameri-
can people that the Soviet threat to continued free-
dom and self-government in West Berlin has
brought the unsought choice of war or peace
dangerously close. You may be sure — and Presi-
dent Kennedy has stated it in so many words —
that "the challenge is not to us alone" but "to all
who want a world of free choice." ^ Surely many
of you here have known war. And all of you can
read the omens of this shrinking planet in the
trace of satellites whirling through the heavens
overhead. My coimtry, like yours, has known a
time of isolation, but that time is gone with the
wind.

We have made our pledges, with the support of
the Atlantic Community, to meet the peril of
Berlua. We hope, with God's help, to preserve
the peace and defend the human rights of the
people of that city. At the same time, we look
out upon another and broader field in which the
future of countless millions of human beings will
be determined — a future equally bound up witli
peace and security for all of us. I am speaking
here of the less developed areas inhabited by some
two-thirds of the world's peoples.

Is the question of freedom any less vital here?
Surely it is not, for we hold that freedom is in-
divisible. That is why President Kennedy has
pledged the United States to assist the less de-
veloped countries to build up the strong and inde-
pendent societies to which their peoples aspire.
That is the imderlying support for our policy
toward Africa.

We recognize that the new nations of Africa
do not wish to be involved in the cold war. And
we believe that they need not be directly involved,
provided they can work out solutions to the basic
problems of misery and despair, of human rights
and essential justice. The Communist aim of
course is to aggravate the tensions and discontent
that may be attendant on tlais process, but the
problems themselves are inherent in the transi-
tional process. Our pui-pose is to help these peo-
ples and governments to help themselves, because
in this ever more interdependent world what con-
cerns all of you here in Africa sooner or later will
concern us, if it does not affect us already.

" Bulletin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267.
Ocfofaer 9, 1 96 J

Africa's Aspirations

On my visits to the newly independent coun-
tries of tropical Africa, I have been impressed
by the sincerity and conviction with which na-
tional leaders have told me of their aspirations.

First among these aspirations is the desire to be
free from any form of outside domination, to be
independent in the fullest sense. The United
States recognizes the dynamics of nationalism in
Africa today. Coupled with this is an awareness
and assertion of what is often referred to as the
African personality. Also related is a fierce de-
sire for racial equality and sensitivity to problems
of color wherever they trouble the world.

Then there is the compelling, burning aspira-
tion for education. To provide educational op-
portunities to millions of young Africans is a tre-
mendous challenge to responsible governments
and to those from outside who would help. Yet
I submit we cannot evade this challenge.

Another basic aspiration is for economic de-
velopment to raise living standards and assure
political stability. The prevailing pattern is one
of economic planning for rapid development in
which there is a mixture of private and govern-
ment-owned enterprise. Very little in this pat-
tern is rigid or doctrinaire. And we must of
course expect these new African states to develop
governmental institutions which fit the values of
their particular societies.

This may sometimes mean a greater reliance on
some aspects of centralized authority than in the
democracies of the Western World. The evidence
suggests, however, that democratic forces will con-
tinue to make themselves felt. In the history of
Europe and America there is much evidence that
the early processes of nation-building are formi-
dable and often turbulent. Yet, to date, the broad
consensus of the peoples of the new African states
has been responsive to their leaderehip.

Problems Facing the New Nations

The newly independent countries of Africa face
a great many problems. They are short of cap-
ital, short of skills, short of broad experience in
self-government. Their leaders seem to be in a
great hurry, new and changing gi^oupings among
them appear to be developing, and there are a
good many borders in dispute.

In our view it is not reasonable to expect to

601

find fully mature governments firmly in place in
these new countries. What is striking, and reas-
suring, is that the great majority of the new lead-
ers are conducting responsible independent
governments, despite all their burdens. The
Congo has been an important exception, but
clearly it is an exception and not the rule. And
let me add that the United States has steadfastly
supported the United Nations in the Congo with
one purpose: to allow the Congolese people to
develop their own national destiny.

If all these leaders can keep abreast of the
rising expectations of their peoples, responsible
government will prosper and mature. That is why
they deserve our help. For the alternatives are
surely demagoguery, disorder, and subversion.

There has been an unprecedented transfer of
power in Africa, and we must accept the plain
facts that there are now 28 sovereign nations in
Africa, of which 18 have attained their independ-
ence in the past 2 years. This represents an
enormously significant transformation in our
world community.

This new play of forces on the world stage may
seem poorly rehearsed, and we are not very well
acquainted with many of the actors. But this
drama of change is a text for our times. It can-
not be buried by angry men or hidden in the midst
of the sea by those who dislike or fear its imroll-
ing. It is inexorably written in the lifestream of
our times.

Around this central theme there is, in Africa,
much diversity in political and social develop-
ment, and I do not suppose that what is tiiie of
one area is necessarily true everywhere. On the
other hand, no part of Africa is set apart from
this great process of transition, which is so much
in your own thoughts today.

Wliatever may be said of the tensions inherent
in the colonial experience, it is striking that the
great majority of the new African nations have
emerged to freedom peacefully. A considerable
degree of preparation, perhaps lacking in some
respects but nevertheless vital, was extended to
these dependent peoples in the field of economic
development, education, political expression, and
self-government. Confusion has resulted, and
could result again on the continent, largely
through failure to make this preparation or from
undue delay in the political process which it is
intended to facilitate.

Where preparations for inevitable change have
not yet begun, the hour is dangerously late. But
even in those areas determined reform coupled
with genuine good will may in God's grace find
success. Let us pray that this course will be
chosen.

Resolving the Issues

Your own government institutions and your
peoples are engaged in a vital process not only of
constitutional transition but of accommodation
between races. Certainly these problems of transi-
tion and accommodation must be resolved pri-
marily by the peoples and governments concerned.
It is our genuine hope that political, social, and
economic progress will occur without reference to
the race of individual citizens and certainly with-
out the derogation of the full rights of any ele-
ment of the population.

There are some who feel you are going too fast,
and there are some who feel you are going too
slow. But the important thing is tliat you have
not set your face against the course of liistory.
You are working toward the commendable goals
of self-government by all the people and an in-
terracial society. It is the speed with wliich j-ou
approach these goals which is the substance of
your political dialog. We take it that it is your
intention to get on with the job.

We in the United States are humbly aware that
we have yet to achieve the full promise of racial
equality. But it is the declared law of the land,
it is the vigorous policy of our new national ad-
ministration, and we shall attain it.

American foreign policy is based on a set of
principles to which we hold most seriously. Self-
determination is one of these principles. In fact
it is a universally recognized principle which as-
serts the right of people to determine the kind
of government under which they want to live.
This is the very basis of the world order which
makes possible the area of freedom and which, I
am sure, is the goal of your own evolution. ^

From this basis the United States will seek to
evaluate its policies toward Africa according to
the merits of each individual case and problem.
We do not propose to apply formulas, nor have
we any desire to export any particular concepts i
of our own. We shall, instead, adhere to principle "I
and try to use our influence judiciously and in
concert with men of good will, of all races and

602

Deparfment of Sfafe Bulletin

•creeds, in whose hands the future of Africa rests.

In conchision may I express again my apprecia-
tion for the opportunity to visit this part of
Africa. I am gratified at the good will I lind
among so many and at the dedicated efforts being
made, by people of all races, to create a society in
which all can fully enjoy a good life in peace and
harmony.

I think I can understand the disappointment of
those who find things moving too slowly and even
the concern of those who find things moving too
fast. Certainly I would not minimize the tasks
of transition which are yours to solve.

Speaking for the Government of the United
States and on behalf of its people, I wish you
Godspeed in bringing those tasks to a successful
conclusion.

President Signs Mutual Educational
and Cultural Exchange Act of 1961

Remarks by President Kennedy

White House press release dated September 21

I am delighted to sign the new Fulbright-Hays
Act.^ Tliis ceremony has historic significance be-
cause it marks full recognition bj' the Congress
of the impoitance of a more comprehensive pro-
gram of educational and cultural activities as a
component of our foreign relations.

The varied pieces of legislation, beginning with
the Fulbright Act of 1946, following through with
the Smith-Mundt bill and others, have now been
gathered together and expanded to form for the
first time a solid base for more effective activity
in this most essential field.

I want to congratulate and express my appreci-
ation to Senator [J. AVilliam] Fulbright, whose
name has long been a household symbol in the
world for this great phase of our national and
international life, and to Congressman Wayne
Hays, who has so skillfully and conscientiously
steered this legislation through the House.

Peace Corps Legislation Signed
Into Law by President Kennedy

Statement hy the President

White House press release dated September 22

With the enactment of this legislation,^ an
avenue is provided by which Americans can serve
their couiitry in the cause of world peace and
understanding and simultaneously assist other
nations toward their legitimate goals of freedom
and opportunity.

I want particularly to express pleasure at the
bipartisan effort and support in the shaping of
this new agency.

Already more than 13,000 Americans have
offered their services to the Peace Corps. By the
end of the year almost 1,000 will be serving over-
seas or completing their training in the United
States. By July of next year we hope to have
2,700 in training or abroad.

These men and women are going overseas at
the request of the host nations. They will be doing
specific, needed jobs. They will he working at
a level and living at a level comparable to the
citizens of the foreign nations. They will be farm-
ers and teachers, craftsmen and nurses, doctors and
technicians of all kinds. They will be a cross-
section of the finest men and women that this na-
tion has to offer.

The sure sign of a good idea is that you can
follow it, and I am pleased that several other
nations have decided to establish peace-corps agen-
cies of their own.

Much credit for what has been done must go
to congressional leaders like the men and women
in this room, and the scores of other dedicated
Americans who have given their advice and
comisel.

Also I want to express my esteem for the most
effective lobbyist on the Washington scene, Mr.
Sargent Shriver.^

'H.R. 8666.

^ H.R. 7500 ; for background, see Bulletin of June 19,
1961, p. 9S0.

' Mr. Shriver is Director of the Peace Corps.

Ocfober 9, J 96 1

603

Forty Newly Independent States: Some Politicogeographic Observations

iy G. Etsel Pearcy
The Geographer

Since the midpoint of World War II, 40 new
sovereign states have come into being as members
of the world commmiity. Expressed mathe-
matically, an average of slightly more than two
dependencies per year have received their inde-
pendence during this period. Actually, of course,
the emergence of new states has not conformed to
any pattern of timing. The years 1945, 1950,
1952-55, and 1959 saw the birth of no new states,
but 1960 alone witnessed no less than 18. In fact,
34 of the new states can be identified as belonging
to one of two major independence movements
which in turn were geared to the contemporary
international situation.

The first came about as a result of the realine-
ment of power in World War II ; 15 states, either
directly or indirectly, can associate their newly
foimd statehood with some phase of that great
conflict. For example, Indonesia gathered mo-
mentum for independence through the weakening
of Dutch prestige and influence during the Japa-
nese occupation from 1942 to 1945.

The second independence movement followed
the close of the war by more than a decade — and
still is in process. It can be traced to the waning
of power among the maritime states of Europe
and the awakening of political consciousness
among the colonial peopl&s, particularly in Africa.
Nineteen new states have so far resulted from this
second wave, the momentum of whicli in some
ways has had a snowballing effect — action in one
political entity in Africa establishes the prece-
dent for similar activity in another, and this in
turn for still others. (The same trend, though on
a less grandiose scale, can be noted in the politi-
cal development of lOth century Latin America,

when 12 colonies gained their independence in
the 20 years from 1821 to 1840.)

The recent surge of so many new states onto
the world scene has brought the overall total to
111, a number unprecedented in history.^ In 1913
only 63 countries were generally conceded to be
sovereign states. Between the two world wars
11 states came into existence, largely as the result
of a new alinement of countries within Europe.
Especially noteworthy was the breakup of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire into all or parts of
five new states : Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia,
Poland, and Yugoslavia.

Since World War II the new countries have in
general been occasioned by completion of a centrif-
ugal cycle which began with the establishment
of dependent areas in Asia and Africa, the de-
velopment of these areas into well-defined political
entities with their own desires and ambitions for
self-rule, and the breaking away from the metro-
pole country and inauguration of national gov-
ernments. In some cases this cycle from original
settlement to statehood required centuries; in
others only a few decades.

The 40 new states exert a powerful impact
upon the world. In relation to all independent
states they represent 30 percent of the total num-
ber. In area and population they represent 21
percent and 30 percent, respectively. In theory
then, 3 out of each 10 persons living in one of the
world's sovereign states has enjoyed complete
autonomy for less than two decades. Since 30

' This number is the one used in the Office of the
Geographer to denote those states generally considered
to be fully independent. It does not necessarily coincide
with the number of states which the U.S. Government
formally recognizes.

604

Deporfmenf of Sfafe BuUefin

percent of these people (863,461,000) live on 21
percent of the area (9,790,000 square miles), the
conclusion may be drawn that the newly inde-
pendent states are, on the average, nearly 50 per-
cent more densely populated than the older states.
Thus the new states have inherited a situation
which introduces to the world community a dou-
ble-headed problem of serious proportions. New-
ness itself, reflected in lack of time to establish
locally oriented national economies, is coupled
with environments already taxed beyond the
world norm to support their inliabitants.

Qualifications for Statehood

Because of the varying shades of autonomy
and its interpretation by legislative bodies with
different traditions and philosophies, it is difficult
to determine in all cases whether a political entity
can be considered independent or not. As basic
guidelines certain qualifications must be met:

1. There must be a people — a body of indi-
viduals ;

2. There must be an area which the people
occupy ;

3. There must be an effective organized gov-
ernment ;

4. There must be relationship with other po-
litical entities;

5. There must be a degree of civilization which
allows the carrying out of international responsi-
bilities.

Or as one geographer summarized the prerequi-
sites : ^

A modern sovereign state is a politically-organized area
In which the people give their support to a government
for the purpose of defending and fostering the develop-
ment of a distinctive body of traditions and institutions.

Beyond the above guidelines various intangible
factors within a political entity may influence its
status relative to degree of autonomy. Further,

, outside recognition — or lack of recognition — of
any political entity's independence is not only

', unpredictable but varies from state to state.
For example, any given political entity may be
recognized as independent by some but not by
all states. In a world fractured with discord this
factor of interrecognition can indeed become
complicated.

* Preston E. James, Latin America, The Odyssey Press,
New York, 1959, p. 49.

Some states, while widely recognized as inde-
pendent, may be little more than puppets as far
as autonomy in its true sense is concerned. A
modern expression of the puppet state is the
"satellite," as several countries of eastern Europe
are labeled by the Western World. In contrast
various regimes not recognized by the U.S. Gov-
ernment, including northern Korea, northern
Viet-Nam, and the Soviet Zone of Germany, fail
to qualify in this article as "newly independent."

Several microstates in Europe maintain status
as independent states mainly by virtue of tradi-
tional recognition of their autonomy dating back
to the petty kingdoms of feudal days. Not im-
commonly a political entity is fully self-governing
except for its external affairs. Several sheikdoms
on the Arabian Peninsula fall into this category
and may arbitrarily be classified as semi-inde-
pendent. On the other hand the "self-govemmg
colony" of Southern Ehodesia lacks the basis for
semi-independence despite the purported internal
autonomy. In this instance the United Kingdom
has a direct line of authority into the colony
through the governor.

Distinctions in Analyzing Sovereign Status

To arrive at 40 as the number of newly in-
dependent states since 1943 was achieved not with-
out perplexing problems. Several examples may
suffice to point up some of the distinctions required
in analyzing sovereign status. In 1944 Syria, a
French mandated territory, received its independ-
ence, yet does not appear among the "forty."
Without doubt the Syrians now live in an in-
dependent state but did not prior to 1944. Should
they not then be rated as living in a newly in-
dependent state? If Syria had continued to exist
as a state it undoubtedly would have so qualified.
In 1958, however, Syria amalgamated with Egypt
to become the United Arab Republic, its citizens
thereby losing their identity as sovereign subjects
of the country which had attained independence
14 years previously.

A closely related problem concerns the United
Arab Republic itself as a sovereign state. The
political entities making it up, Egypt and Syria,
were independent at the time of amalgamation ; so
it must be classed as a "new" rather than a "newly
independent" country. On the other hand, the
Syrian Region of the United Arab Republic was
a dependent area at the beginning of the period

Ocfober 9, ?96T

605

UNION OF SOVIET SOCIAIISI REPU61ICS

Wr^

under consideration — 1943 to the present. In this
limited sense there might be some justification for
considering the United Arab Republic as "newly
independent in part."

The reestablishment of Austria as a republic at
the close of World War II from its anschluss with
Germany in 1938 did not constitute the creation
of a newly independent state. An Austria had
previousl}' existed as a sovereign state.

For 5 days, June 26-July 1, 19G0, the protector-
ate of British Somaliland enjoyed the privilege
of being an independent state. This sliort-lived
autonomy, however, was part of the legal pro-
cedure to combine the area with the former
Italian Trust Territory of Somaliland (Somalia)
to create the Somali Republic. For all practical
purposes British Somaliland gained its inde-
pendence as a part of the new Somali Republic
and cannot be counted separately as a state.

Another interim state with full sovereignty was
the Federation of Mali, declared independent from
France on June 20, 19G0. It broke up into the
present two republics of Senegal (August 20,
1960) and Mali ( September 22, 19G0), correspond-
ing in area to the former autonomous states of
Senegal and French Soudan within the French
Community.

A current sovereignty change on the maj) of
Africa involves the British Cameroons. The
northern section of this small trust territory
merged with Nigeria on June 1, 1961 ; the southern
section on October 1 became a part of Cameroun.
These shifts mean inhabitants of a dependent
area are becommg inhabitants of an independent
area but not that new independent states are being
formed.

Kuwait stands among those states considered by
the U.S. Government as independent, but just
when this recognition began is almost impossible
to determine. On June 19, 1961, an official note
from the United Kingdom to the state of Kuwait
set forth certain conclusions that indicate full
independence :

1. The Agreement of the 23d of January, 1899,
shall be terminated as being inconsistent with the
sovereignty and independence of Kuwait.

2. The relations between the two countries shall
continue to be governed by a spirit of close
friendship.

3. "Wlien appropriate the two Governments shall
consult together on matters which concern them
both.

4. Nothing in these conclusions shall affect the
readiness of Her Majesty's Government to assist

606

Department of State Bulletin

the Government of Kuwait if tlie latter request
such assistance.

The "Agreement" mentioned above spells out the
protected-state nature of Kuwait in certain mat-
ters. Only a few words need be cited from the
earlier document to bear out this fact :

. . . that the said Sheikh . . . does hereby pledge and
bind himself, his heirs and successors not to receive the
Agent or Representative of any Power or Government
at Koweit, or at any other place within the limits of his
territory, without the previous sanction of the British
Government.

It is evident that the 1899 docimient was not in
force when the 1961 note was written. But when
between 1899 and 1961 did Kuwait become an
independent state? No basis exists for placing it
among the 40 states under discussion though con-
ceivably its independence has in part at least
materialized since World War II by force of a
series of bilateral and unilateral actions, no one
of which sharply defines the newly found
autonomy.

Of the 40 new states imder discussion all but
3 have membership in the United Nations. The
newest state — Sierra Leone — became a member on
September 27, 1961. The United Nations has re-
jected the applications of the republics of Korea,
Mauritania, and Viet-Nam. As participants in the
activities of the specialized agencies of the United
Nations, however, these nonmember countries are
not without some voice in world affairs.

Location

By continents the 40 newly independent states
break down very unevenly: 24 in Africa, 15 in
Asia, and 1 in Europe. This distribution explains
in part the surging influence of the African and
Asian nations in U.N. affairs. In addition to the
35 new members, there are 14 other nations in
these two continental areas which are members of
the United Nations ; they therefore have a poten-
tial voting power of 49 out of 99 in total strength.
It is well to bear in mind, however, that the differ-
ences between the nations of Africa and those of
Asia are often as marked as the differences be-
tween members of any other group of nations.

A closer look at the distribution of newly in-
dependent states shows a meaningful regional
concentration. One-half of the 40 states may be
associated with Middle Africa, though 5 of them
project northward into the dry northern part of

the continent. The northern segments of Mauri-
tania, Mali, Niger, Chad, and Sudan penetrate the
Sahara Desert itself. Except for this dry pe-
riphery the 20 states of this broad region make up
the major portion of tropical Africa. For pur-
poses of classification the Malagasy Republic may
be added to the group, although its inhabitants
do not consider themselves as Africans. The
popular American concept of Africa with its new
states and political problems normally focuses
upon that part of the continent south of the
Sahara.

Another seven of the new states lie alone the
southern and eastern margins of the Mediter-
ranean. Independence in this elongated area has
strengthened the Moslem world by creating a
chain of Arab states extending from its tradi-
tional center in the heart of the Near East to
Morocco, which faces the Atlantic Ocean.

A third regional grouping encompasses 10 states
which form the preponderant part of the two
politicogeographic areas known as South Asia
and Southeast Asia. Only Thailand breaks a
continuous band of newly established sovereign
lands stretching from West Pakistan to the open
Pacific Ocean beyond the Philippine Islands.
Especially noteworthy is the extremely heavy
population of these 10, accounting for more than
four-fifths of the inhabitants for all 40 newly
independent states.

Thus 38 of the new states imder consideration —
all except Iceland and Korea — fall into three dis-
tinct regional groups.

One may also examine the location of the newly
independent states from the standpoint of lati-
tude. No less than 30 of the 40 lie wholly or
mostly within the Tropics. In fact 5 of the states
are astride the Equator, and another 13 lie within
500 miles of it. (In contrast, of all the independ-
ent states in the Eastern Hemisphere before 1943,
only Ethiopia and Liberia were located less than
500 miles from the Equator.) Another 8 lie suf-
ficiently close to the Tropics to be classed as sub-
tropical. Among this group Libya and Paki-
stan extend southward across the Tropic of Can-
cer. Only two of the newly independent states,
Iceland and Korea, have high latitude positions,
although even southernmost Korea is no farther
from the Equator than the city of Los Angeles.
Thus 38 newly sovereign states, dominated by a
tropical or subtropical environment, exert a here-
tofore imknown effect upon world relations.

Ocfober 9, 1961

607

AFRICA

and

MADAGASCAR

BEPUeilC ^-uiuiotAHD

t/ BEPUeilC ,,— l*>u
Of <//

SOUTH AFRICA /

There has long been a time-honored and widely
accepted geographical concept which affirms that
the great power centers are found at middle and
high-middle latitudes witliin the so-called Tem-
perate Zone and that at best the Tropics are no
more than a source of food and raw materials.
But now that sovereign status has moved into the
lower latitudes this maxim is no longer true,
for the outlook of tropical countries has suddenly
been reversed. Generation of political force now
comes from within rather than from without these
areas. Some considerable voice in the world
community is heard from these new states in con-
temporary international affairs, notwithstanding
their remoteness from the more established polit-
ical societies.

Previous Sovereignty

Before statehood all 40 of the newly independ-
ent countries were dependencies of one type or
another — including associated political units— sub-
ject to the control of 8 different metropole states.
From the French realm 21, or more than one-half,
of the new countries came into existence. The
British Commonwealth and Empire accounted for
another 12. The remaining 7 were formerly Ital-
ian, Belgian, Danish, Dutch, Japanese, and Amer-
ican. The table on the following page identifies
each of the states with its former colonial area.

Without doubt previous sovereignty has left an
indelible imprint upon the political, economic, and
social structures of each new state. Some charac-
teristics are readily noticeable by even the most
casual observer, such as the bookstalls on Indian
railway platforms which are reminiscent of those
in British railway stations. Other characteristics
show a more subtle relationship to those of the
metropole country. For example, parliamentary
procedure in the ex-French areas has its roots in
the Chamber of Deputies in Paris. By their very
nature such characteristics will remain long after
the departure of the last French, English, Italian,
or other oflScial.

One can better understand the problems of the
newly independent states and appreciate their ef-
forts to attain political viability by reviewing
colonial techniques. France deliberately spread
its culture through the colonies, so that its impact
reached deep into goverimiental procedure. Even
in the 19th century French dependencies were
given the privilege of representation in Paris,
though the gesture may have been more token than
realistically effective. In some of the new African
states carved from the French Community the
oratory of top echelon officials is quite impressive.
These leaders served their apprenticeship among
the best politicians and diplomats in France and
were exposed to eloquence at the highest levels of
parliamentary practice.

It is entirely possible that pride in Frcncli cul-
ture, including the language, has been possessed
with sufficient centrifugal force to promote a cul-
tural pattern in the states formerly French. Even
in Haiti, which gained its independence from
France over a century and a half ago, the French
language and way of life have to a remarkable
extent been preserved by the elite classes. The
first-order administrative divisions of Haiti are
d^'partements, just as they are in France.

Britain made it a practice to use indirect rule
in colonial government. For example, the in-
digenous ruler of a local territorial miit, such as
a tribal chieftain, was accountable to the British
Government for matters within his area of re-
sponsibility. But below this level no pressure
was exerted toward instituting a British way of
life. At the same time, officialdom in the various
colonial areas established for itself a social stnic-
ture in many ways resembling that back home.
It followed naturally that local inhabitants often

608

Department of State Bulletin

FoHMER Sovereignty

OP

Newly Independent States'

New states

Former French:
Lebanon. . . .
Viet-Nam . . .

Laos

Cambodia . . .
Morocco. . . .

Tunisia

Guinea '

Dahomey

Niger

Upper Volta ....
Ivory Coast ....

Senegal

Mali

Mauritania

Cameroun

Togo.

Malagasy Republic . .

Chad

Central African Repub-
lic.

Congo

Gabon

Former dependencies

Lebanon (mandate)
French Indochina

French Morocco (also Spanish
Morocco, Tangier Interna-
tional Zone)

Tunisia (protectorate)

French West Africa

Trust Territory of (French)
Cameroons, then State of
Cameroun

Trust Territory of (French)
Togoland

Madagascar and dependencies

>Freneh Equatorial Africa

Former British:

Jordan. . . .

Israel . . . .

Pakistan . . .

India . . . .

Burma. . . .

Ceylon. . . .

Sudan . . . .

Ghana

Malaya

Cyprus.
Nigeria

■ >Palestine (mandate)

. \British India and Associated

. / States

. Burma (colony)

. Ceylon (crown colony)

. Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (con-
dominium)

. Gold Coast and Ashanti Colo-
nies, Northern Territories
Protectorate, Trust Terri-
tory of (British) Togoland

. Malayan Union, then Federa-
tion of Malaya

. Cyprus (crown colony)

. Nigeria (colony and protec-
torate)

. Sierra Leone (colony and pro-
tectorate)

. Libya (Italian colony, then
joint administration by
United Kingdom and
France)

. Trust Territory of Somaliland
and British Somaliland

. . . (same King as Denmark)

Former American:

Philippines Philippine Islands (common-
wealth)
Former Japanese:

Korea Korea or Chosen (annexed to

Japan)
Former Dutch:

Indonesia Netherlands East Indies

Former Belgian:

Republic of the Congo . Belgian Congo

Sierra Leone

Former Italian:
Libya . . .

Somali Republic

Former Danish:
Iceland ....

" In the preparation of the table some details of sover-
eignty have been omitted in favor of a more general
overview.

took advantage of modem improvements and
adopted the British way of doing things. Malaya
became one of the best developed of all wet tropical
areas, its heavy forest penetrated by a network
of good highways. Bagpipe music and cricket
matches continue in India and Pakistan. Bur-
mese, Nigerians, Cameroonians, and other British
colonials were never precluded on account of their
race from attending univereities in Britain or
otherwise visiting that country.

The other metropole countries likewise left
varying impressions on areas formerly under their
sovereign control. For example, the Belgians
tended to stress economic and social development
rather than political. On the other hand, the
democratic institutions remaining in the Philip-
pine Islands serve as a reminder of American
influence on that archipelago for nearly half a
century. As a final illustration, one may look
at the capital cities of Libya and the Somali Re-
public and see the Italian influence. Significant
development of these areas as dependencies came
during the fascist regime in Italy; when civic
improvements assumed the lines and proportions
of exhibition grounds and buildings. Tlie pres-
ent government quarters and their landscaping
match the prewar style of architecture in Italian
cities.

Patterns of Independence

Any attempt to account for the autonomy of
the newly independent states by recognition of a
consistent pattern from one to another is thwarted
by the presence of countless variables. Each state
possesses its own unique set of characteristics
stemming from the past and tempered by its role
in the coiitemporary world. Nevertheless, there
are a few common denominators to be found in
all or most of the 40 new countries. First, if a
political entity once attains statehood, chances for
survival are excellent. Other than the exceptions
and irregularities discussed earlier, eveiy state
receiving independence since 1943 has remained
intact as a sovereign entity and continues to func-
tion as such. It is to the advantage of the com-
munity of nations to uphold the integrity of its
various members. Over a longer span of time
the same story is to be told of the 20 Latin Ameri-
can countries which came into existence in the
century between 1804 and 1903.

October 9, 1961

609

Another characteristic common to all 40 states
is their Western form of government. Pai'liamen-
tary procedure from one new country to another
fundamentally varies but little. There may be a
range from strong central control to a loosely knit
federation, or the role of single or multiple polit-
ical parties may differ, but in no instance has any
pre-European governmental .system survived.*
Some states have gone back into their past for a
state name (Mali, Ghana) or reverted to a former
language (India, Ceylon), but none has been
sufficiently nationalistic or sentimental to incorpo-
rate any tribal, clannish, or other early hierarchal
elements into its overall governmental institutions.

Although the 40 new states by no means come
from the same mold, trends or attitudes in inter-
national relations show a surprising uniformity.
For one thing, nationalism shows up strongly but
not to the degree that the new states sink into
isolation. In addition, all seek a better way of
life as measured in Western economic goods.
Likewise, most of the states, even though they have
dissenting minorities, have sufficient control and
political viability to override the constant friction
which would seem capable of eroding the govern-
ment structure to the point of collapse. In fact,
absence of disrupting influences capable of causing
permanent or serious rifts undoubtedly proved to
be a factor in facilitating independence. The
presence of white minorities in the Rhodesias and
Kenya has to date impeded the severance of ties
between these dependencies and the United
Kingdom.

Independence Equation

The effectiveness of any role which a young
state may play in the world community hangs in
delicate balance. Advantages favorable to state-
hood must be used prodigiously against negative
factors which are always present to discourage and
stifle growth and development. In the world as it
exists today formidable obstacles continually
harass any state experiencing for the first time
its own sovereign control. Economic weakness,
internal dissension, cultural diversity, outside
pressure, and the frightening specters of violence

* American rule in the Philippine Islands was preceded
by that of the Spanish, thus the Philippines is included
with the other 39 states under consideration in this
article as having been under European sovereignty.

or war all unfortunately highlight the negative
factors and handicap constructive measures to
establish strength and stability in a state.

However, the viability of a people and its gov-
ernment is not always to be determined by physical
environment or the equilibrium of its strengtlis
and weaknesses. Pakistan began existence as a
geographical anachronism, divided into two parts
by 900 miles of Indian territory. It lacked the
combination of resources assuring strong economic
development, for the areas now making up East
Pakistan and West Pakistan were peripheral to
the subcontinental economic structure of British ■
India. Soon after independence in the late 1940's ^
economists wrote of the hopelessness facing
Palristan as a successfully functioning sovereign
state. Yet now, little more than a decade later,
that country stands as one of the strongest in
Asia— a bulwark of Western defense in the south
and southeast parts of the continent. The vitality
of the Pakistani and the direction of their Govern-
ment have been sufficient to meet the challenge of
what appeared to be an equation top-heavy on the
negative side.

We may look at the small states in Middle
Africa — Dahomey, Gabon, Sierra Leone, or
Togo — and see bleak futures if only the geo-
graphic realities are allowed to come into perspec-
tive. These countries in west Africa are basically
strips of territory with ocean frontage, originally
established by seafaring Europeans in search of
routes to lands of fabulous riches. Individually
each strip, or country, has a singularly small array
of resources, and even the resources that have
been developed are oriented primarily toward the
former European metropole countries. Surface
transportation in this part of Middle Africa con-
spicuously avoids crossing international bound-
aries.

In light of their physical and economic inherit-
ances, these new states have little choice other than
to reorient their activities and their outlooks to
a new locus. Because of small size, especially
in a competitive world strongly influenced by
great powers, any advance of status must in part
at least depend upon membership in supranational
organizations. Alliances capable of generating
sustained support and cooperation may also be
of infinite benefit. Aid from foreign sources like-
wise may serve as a catalyst in providing a new
state the means of extending its economic horizon.

610

Department of Slate Bulletin

On the diplomatic front, too, a new state's
leaders may be on the tightrope, establishing the
most advantageous accords and at the same time
withstanding adverse pressures. It must be re-
membered that violence was associated with the
independence of 7 of the 40 new states — testimony
to an ever-potential danger of disrupted negotia-
tions. A substantial proportion of the recent
crises aj^pearing in the headlines transpires in the
new states under discussion : Laos, Congo, Tunisia.
Unfortunately a new state, lacking traditions and
long-established order, may be subject to a "shak-
ing down" process that creates strife both in-
ternally and externally. The U.S. position in
supporting the sovereign status of new comitries
encourages attitudes and action which may ease
tensions and facilitate constructive progress.

New States To Come

Two dependent areas have definite dates for
their entrance into statehood : Tanganyika on De-
cember 28, 1961, and The West Indies on May 31,
1962. The latter will be the first new state in the
Americas since the Republic of Panama was estab-
lished in 1903, if one excepts later stages of the
transition of Canada from a British colony to a
self-governing member of the Commonwealth.

Other political entities are also believed to be
on the threshold of independence or working to-
ward that end. The greatest concentration of
potential states lies in Middle Africa. Euanda-
Unindi, now a trust territory of Belgium, may
become independent in 1962, possibly as two coun-
tries— Ruanda and Barundi — based upon major
tribal elements within the area. Nearby Uganda
also has tribal problems to resolve prior to inde-
pendence, while Kenya and the Federation of
Rhodesia and Nyasaland find divisive interests
between Africans and large white minorities the
greatest obstacle in the path to final statehood.

In the Pacific area Western Samoa is being pre-
pared for independence by New Zealand. (The
eastern part of the island group, it may be re-
called, comprises American Samoa, an unincor-
porated territory of the United States.) In the
Western Hemisphere both British Guiana and
British Honduras, following in the wake of The
West Indies, have been scheduled for independ-
ence within the next 2 or 3 years.

In the present swing toward independence there
is no way of knowing how small an area or a popu-

lation may be and still qualify for statehood. Of
the newly independent states the smallest, Leb-
anon, has 3,400 square miles, or about two-thirds
the area of Connecticut. Iceland has the fewest
people, coxmting only 170,000 in 1958. Likewise,
one can turn to the microstates of Europe for
examples of diminutive sovereign states.

Only a relatively small proportion of the world
remains as dependent areas ; so there is a limit to
the continuation of the great era of newly estab-
lished states which we are now witnessing. Less
than one-third of Africa is left, plus a number of
scattered islands. Dependent areas on continental
mainlands other than in Africa have nearly
disappeared.

Assuming all dependencies of consequence re-
ceive full independence, are there other factors
that might change the sovereignty pattern of the
world? Might there be a swing in the other
direction — consolidation of territory into larger
states? Federation is a step in this direction,
though in practice this procedure seems to be more
applicable for integral parts within a state than
for encompassing multiple sovereign states into
a new sovereign entity. There is also the opposite
alternative — ^might not existing states, especially
large ones, be broken down into multiple states?
Certainly this trend is not now evident. The
one sure fact is that political entities over the
earth are ever changing, as if composed of diverse
viscous substances. New countries are constantly
being built up or broken down. Stability — at
least in this area of human affairs — is pi-obably
a condition that the world wUl never see.

Foreign Policy Briefings To Be Held
at Dallas and Kansas City

Press release 651 dated September 21

The Department of State will hold regional
foreign policy briefing conferences at Kansas City,
Mo., on October 26 and at Dallas, Tex., on Oc-
tober 27. Representatives of the press, radio
and television, and nongovernmental organiza-
tions concerned with foreign policy will be invited
to participate.

The Kansas City conference, in which the
Kansas City Star and the University of Kansas
City are cooperating with the Department of
State, will bring together participants from Iowa,
Kansas, Missouri, and Nebraska. The Dallas

Ocfober 9, 7967

611

meeting, to which media and organization rep-
resentatives from Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma,
and Texas are being invited, is being organized
in cooperation with tlie Dallas United Nations
Association.

Under Secretary of State Chester Bowles and
other principal officers of the Department of State
will take part in both conferences.

These regional meetings continue the series
which was inaugurated in Jidy of this year at San
Francisco and Denver.^ Their purpose is to pro-
vide opportunity for discussion of international
issues between those wlio inform the public on
the issues and the senior officers of the Depart-
ment of State who have the responsibility for
dealing with them.

Invitations will be mailed shortly.

Cambodia Port Highway Project

Statement hy Henry R. Labouisse ^

Press release 659 dated September 23

The committee report, deals with an aid project
which was commenced in 1955 and completed in
1959. It is the constant aim of this administra-
tion to improve the operation of the foreign aid
program, and we concur in the committee's rec-
ommendations, which have a similar objective.
Actions along the lines recommended by the com-
mittee are already in progress and in most respects
were initiated even prior to the committee's in-
vestigations of the Cambodia highway project this
year. Many of these actions are being carried
out in conjunction with the current reorganiza-
tion of the foreign aid program and the establish-
ment of the new Agency for International De-
velopment. We expect they will improve
administrative procedures. "We also expect that
inve.stigations now in progress by the Bureau of
Public Koads in behalf of ICA and at ICA's
request will identify tlie factoi-s responsible for
any deterioration in the Cambodia liighway so
that appropriate steps may be taken to protect
the interests of the United Slates Government.

' Bulletin of July 24, 1061, p. 165.

' Concerning a iepf)rt of the House Committee on Gov-
ernment Operations, Cambodia Port Jlighxcay: A Supple-
mental Report (H.U. 1250). Mr. Labouisse is Director
of the International Cooperation Administration.

United States Gives Aid
to Flood Victims in Burma

Following is the text of a telegram from Presi-
dent Kennedy to Prime Minister U Nu of Burma.

White House press release (Hyannls, Mass.) dated September 16

16 September 1961

His Excellency U Nu: On behalf of the Gov-
ernment and the people of the United States I
express deepest sympathy for losses suffered by
victims of the severe floods which have devastated
large areas of your country. Ambassador [John
S.] Everton has already made certain funds avail-
able for relief and I have asked him to discuss
with your government other emergency measures
which the United States Government might be able
to take to help relieve suffering.

John F. Kennedy

His Excellency

UNu

Prime Minister, Minister for Defense, for Home
Affairs, for Democratization and Administra-
tion of Local Bodies, for Belief and Resettle-
ment

Rangoon, Burma

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Finance

Articles of agreement of the International Bank for Re-
construction and Development. Opened for signature
at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered into force
December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502.

Acceptance deposited: Dominican Republic, September
18, 1961.

Fisheries

Declaration of understanding regarding the International
CouventiDu for the Xorlhwest Atlantic Fisheries of
February S, i!>49 (TIAS 20S9). Done at Washington
April 24, 1961.'
Acceptance deposited: Italy, September 14, 1901.

" Not in force.

612

Department of Sfate Bulletin

Trade and Commerce

Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to an-
nexes and to texts of schedules to the General Agree-
ment on TarifCs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 7,
1955. Entered into force January 23, 1959. TIAS 4186.

Protocol amending the preamble and parts II and III of
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force October 7,
1957. TIAS 3930.

Protocol of rectification to the French text of the General
Agreement on TarifCs and Trade. Done at Geneva
June 15, 1955. Entered into force October 24, 1956.
TIAS 3677.

Proc6s-verbal of rectification concerning the protocol
amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX, the
protocol amending the preamble and parts II and III,
and the protocol of organizational amendments to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Geneva December 3, 1955. Section B entered into force
October 7, 1957.

Sixth protocol of supplementary concessions to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
May 23, 1956. Entered into force June 30, 1956. TIAS
3591.

Declaration on provisional accession of the Swiss Con-
federation to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade. Done at Geneva November 22, 19,58. Entered
into force for the United States April 29, 1960. TIAS
4461.

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the
Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. Done at
Geneva May 25, 19.59. Entered into force for the
United States November 19, 1959. TIAS 4385.

Declaration on provisional accession of Israel to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
May 29, 1959. Entered into force for the United States
December 19, 1959. TIAS 4384.

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the
Polish People's Republic. Done at Tokyo November 9,
1959. Entered into force November 16, 1960. TIAS
4649.

Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force for the
United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 4498.
AcTcnowledfjed appUcable rights and obligations of
United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 22, 1961.

Declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Geneva November 18, 19<}0.'
Ratification deposited: Austria, August 22, 1961.

Declaration giving effect to provisions of article XVI :4
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done
at Geneva November 19, 1960. Enters into force on
the 30th day following day accepted by signature or
otherwise by Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark,
France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxem-
bourg, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland,
United Kingdom, and United States.'
Signatures: France, November 19, 1960; Belgium, No-
vember 24, 1960 ; Norway, February 9, 1961 ; Luxem-
bourg, February 24, 1961; Canada, April 14, 1961;
Netherlands (for European Territory, Netherlands
Antilles, and Netherlands New Guinea), April 25,
1961 ; Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, May
9, 1961 ; New Zealand. May 30, 1961 ; United King-
dom (including all United Kingdom territories to
which GATT provisionally applied, except Kenya),
August 21, 1961; United States (with a .statement),
September 19, 1961.

BILATERAL

Chile

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of November 8, 1960 (TIAS 4663). Effected by
exchange of notes at Santiago August 30, 1961. Enters
into force on date of notification that Chile has approved
the agreement in accordance with its constitutional
procedures.

Malaya

Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps
program in the Federation of Malaya. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Kuala Lumpur September 4, 1961.
Entered into force September 4, 1961.

Sweden

Agreement supplementary to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade to provide a concession as compensa-
tion to Sweden for spring clothespins escape-clause ac-
tion, and exchange of notes. Signed at Washington
September 15, 1961. Entered into force September 15,
1961.

United Arab Republic

Agricultural conmio<lities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), with exchanges
of notes. Signed at Cairo September 2, 1961. Entered
into force September 2, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

' N(it in force.
Ocfober 9, 7961

Mr. Humelsine Heads Study Group
on Organization of Department

Press release 643 dated September 18

Acting Secretary Bowles announced on Sep-
tember 18 the appointment of Carlisle H.
Hiunelsine, president of Colonial Williamsburg
and a former Deputy Under Secretary for Ad-
ministration, as a consultant to head a special
study group to survey Department of State or-
ganizational problems. Establislunent of the
study group, which is expected to complete its
work within 3 or 4 weeks, is one of a series of
steps undertaken by Mr. Bowles in continuing
administrative efforts to make the Department
of State fully responsive to its constantly increas-
ing duties and responsibilities.

In commenting on the study, prior to his de-
parture for New York, Secretary Eusk said :

The demands upon the Department are exacting. They
require all the initiative, imagination, operational skill,
and executive competence we can provide.

613

Mr. Humelsine and his associates will work not only

within the Department but will also seek the advice and
opinions of others now in private life who have had a
long-time interest in the State Department and its opera-
tions. The perspective to be gained from such consulta-
tions will be invaluable in bringing a public point of
View to bear upon the role of the Department.

Assisting Mr. Humelsine will be Arthur G.
Stevens, a former Department of State official
now in the banking field. Other members of the
group will include Robert M. Macy, chief of the
International Division, Bureau of the Budget, and
top-level State Department personnel who will
serve as time permits. Among these are "Walter
K. Scott, consul general at Munich and former
Assistant Secretary for Administration ; William
O. Hall, deputy chief of mission at Karachi and
former senior adviser on the U.S. Mission to
the United Nations; and Charles E. Bohlen,
Special Assistant to the Secretary and f onner Am-
bassador to the U.S.S.R. and the Republic of the
Philippines. Staff support will be provided by
the Department's Office of Management, Bureau
of Administration, under Deputy Assistant Secre-
tary Ralph S. Roberts.

The Humelsine group will work closely with
the Under Secretary and lus principal associates
in the administrative and operational fields,
Deputy Under Secretary Roger W. Jones and As-
sistant Secretary for Administration William J.
Crockett.

State and Treasury Announce
Personnel Exchange Program

Press release 040 dated September 18

The State and Treasury Departments on Sep-
tember 18 announced a personnel excliange pro-
gram designed to increase understanding of the
relationship between foreign and financial
policies. The program was recommended in
February of this year by the Subcommittee on
National Policy Macliinery of the Senate Com-

mittee on Government Operations. The recom-
mendation was welcomed by the Secretary of State
and the Secretary of the Treasury.

The first assignment of personnel by the two
Departments began on September 18.

Robert S. Watson of the Treasury's Office of
International Finance is assigned to the Eco-
nomic Development Division of the State Depart-
ment's Office of International Financial and De-
velopment Affairs. He will be concerned with the
State Department's foreign policy guidance to the
Export-Import Bank. He will also help coordi-
nate the Department's position in the National
Advisory Council in the area of loans, investments,
services, and certain other activities.

Edwin C. Rendall of the Bureau of Economic
Affairs of the Department of State will be as-
signed to the Latin American Division of the Office
of International Finance of the Treasury. He will
have responsibility for financial analysis of the
economies of a selected group of Latin American
countries. This will require the application of
basic Treasury policy to foreign financial matters.

Project assignments and training have been
planned to provide maximum knowledge and
understanding in areas where foreign and fi-
nancial policies coincide. Particular emphasis will
be given to the continued development of the ex-
change personnel and their potential contribution
to the purpose of the program following return
to their parent organizations.

Further assignment of persomiel to the State-
Treasury exchange program will be made later
this year. Assignments will be for 1 year.

Confirmations

The Senate on September 8 confirmed the following

nominations :

Charles P. Darlington to be Ambassador to the Repub-
lic of Gabon. (For biographic details, see Department
of State press release G49 dated September 21.)

Lincoln Gordon to be Ambassador to Brazil. (For bio-
graphic details, see Department of State press release
645 dated September 19.)

614

Department of Slate Bulletin

October 9, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1163

Africa. Basic United States Policy in Africa

(Williams) 600

Brazil. Gordon confirmed as Ambassador .... 614

Burma. United States Givea Aid to Flood Victims

in Burma (Kennedy) 612

Cambodia. Cambodia Port Highway Project (La-
bouisse) 612

Congress, The

Cambodia Port Higliway Project (Labouisse) . . 612

Peace Corps Legislation Signed Into Law by Presi-
dent Kennedy (Kennedy) 603

President Signs Mutual Educational and Cultural

Exchange Act of 1961 (Kennedy) 603

Department and Foreign Service

Confirmations (Darlington, Gordon) 614

Mr. Humelsine Heads Study Group on Organization
of Department 613

State and Treasury Announce Personnel Exchange
Program 614

Disarmament. United States and Soviet Union
Agree on Statement of Principles for Disarma-
ment Negotiations (McCloy, texts of docu-
ments) 589

Economic Affairs

Free-World Growth and Progress (Ball, Dillon) . 579

State and Treasury Announce Personnel Exchange
Program 614

Educational and Cultural Affairs. President Signs
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act
of 1961 (Kennedy) 603

Gabon. Darlington confirmed as Ambassador . . 614

Geography. Forty Newly Independent States :

Some Politicogeographic Observations (Pearcy) . 604

India. Letters of Credence ( Nehru ) 599

International Organizations and Conferences.

Free-World Growth and Progress (Ball, Dillon) . 579

Kuwait. United States and Kuwait Establish Dip-
lomatic Relations 588

Mutual Security

Cambodia Port Highway Project (Labouisse) . . 612

Peace Corps Legislation Signed Into Law by Presi-
dent Kennedy (Kennedy) 603

Presidential Documents

Peace Corps Legislation Signed Into Law by Presi-
dent Kennedy 603

President Expresses Sorrow of U.S. at Death of U.N.

Secretary-General 5%

President Signs Mutual Educational and Cultural

Exchange Act of 1961 603

United States Gives Aid to Flood Victims in

Burma gj^

Public Affairs. Foreign Policy Briefings To Be

Held at Dallas and Kansas City 611

Treaty Information. Current Actions 612

U.S.S.R. United States and Soviet Union Agree on
Statement of Principles for Disarmament Nego-
tiations (McCloy, texts of documents) .... 589

United Nations

President Expresses Sorrow of U.S. at Death of U.N.

Secretary-General 596

The U.N., a View of the Road Ahead (Stevenson) . 597
United States and Soviet Union Agree on State-
ment of Principles for Disarmament Negotia-
tions (McCloy, texts of documents) 589.

Name Index

Ball, George W 579

Darlington, Charles F 614

Dillon, Douglas 579

Gordon, Lincoln 614

Humelsine, Carlisle H 613

Kennedy, President 596, 603, 612

Labouisse, Henry R 612

McCloy, John J 595.

Nehru, Braj Kumar 599

Pearcy, G. Etzel 604

Stevenson, Adlai E 597

Williams, G. Mennen 600

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: September 18-24

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of

News

, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. |

No.

Date

Subject

t639

9/18

McConaughy : "A Pacific Partnership."

640

9/18

State-Treasury personnel exchange.

1641

9/18

Williams : "Southern Africa in Transi-
tion."

t641A 9/18

Williams : death of Hammarskjold.

*642

9/18

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

643

9/18

Humelsine study group to survey De-
partment organization.

*644

9/19

Bowles : discrimination against foreign
diplomats (excerpts).

*645

9/19

Gordon sworn in as Ambassador to
Brazil (biographic details).

646

9/19

Bali : annual meeting of World Bank.

*647

9/19

Program for visit of President of Peru.

1648

9/20

Martin ; Senate Finance Committee.

*649

9/21

Darlington sworn in as Ambassador to
Gabon (biographic details).

1650

9/21

Williams: Women's Democratic Club,
Arlington.

651

9/21

Foreign policy briefings at Kansas City
and Dallas.

652

9/21

India credentials (rewrite).

*653

9/21

President signs 1961 educational and
cultural exchange act.

654

9/22

Establisliment of diplomatic relations
with Kuwait.

*6.55

9/22

U.N. Day celebration.

t656

9/22

Martin : Senate Commerce Committee.

*657

9/22

Visit of President of Sudan.

*658

9/22

Rusk : Foreign Press Association.

6.59

9/23

Labouisse : Cambodia port highway,
d.

♦Not print*

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UNITED NATIONS: GUARDIAN OF PEACE

This 45-page booklet, with photographs, contains excerpts from statements,
addresses, and remarlis made by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S.
Representative to the United Nations. Among the topics covered are the
United States and the United Nations, opportunities of U.N. membership,
the role of the U.N. in African development, the U.N. operations in the
Congo, and progress toward a world society under law.

Publication 7225

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FREEDOM FROM WAR

The United States Program for General and
Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World

President Kennedy, in his address before the Sixteenth General Assembly
of the United Nations, September 25, 19G1, presented the U.S. new program
for general and complete disarmament.

A summary of the principal provisions and the full text of the program
are contained in this 19-page pamphlet.

Publication 7277

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CHILE

Rebuilding for a Better Future

Immediately following the disastrous Chilean earthquake of May 1960,
the United States under the Mutual Security Program mounted one of the
largest emergency relief operations ever undertaken in peacetime.

This 26-page illustrated background includes details of the U.S. aid to
Chile, information on the country's history, economy, political develop-
ment, and other aspects of Chilean life, as well as a brief r^sum^ of official
U.S.-Chilean relations.

Publication 7228

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B. P- L-

Vol. XLV, No, 1164 October 16, 1961

"LET US CALL A TRUCE TO TERROR" « Address

by President Kennedy 619

FOUR CENTRAL THREADS OF U.S. FOREIGN

POLICY • Remarks by Secretary Rusk 625

A PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP • by Assistant Secretary

McConaughy 634

SOUTHERN AFRICA IN TRANSITION • by Assistant

Secretary Williams 638

U.S. SUBMITS PROPOSAL FOR GENERAL AND

COMPLETE DISARMAMENT TO U.N 650

ri

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1164 • Publication 728S
October 16, 1961

For sule by the Buperlntendent of Documents

U.S. aovernment Printing Office

Washington 26, DO.

Pbice:

62 luuef, domestic S8.60, foreign $12.26

Single copy, 26 cents

Ose o( lunds for prinllng of this publlcft-
tlon approved by the Director ot the Bureau
o( the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprliiled. Clliitlou o( the Depaktment
Of Statb Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated. The Bdllktin Is Indexed In the
lUaderi' Oulde to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a teeekly publication iMtued by the
Office of Public Serviceg, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the xcork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Dep<trtment. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relation* are listed currently.

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror''

Address hy President Kenriedy ^

We meet in an hour of grief and challenge. Dag
Hammarskjold is dead. But the United Nations
lives. His tragedy is deep in our hearts, but the
task for wMch he died is at the top of our agenda.
A noble servant of peace is gone. But the quest
for peace lies before us.

The problem is not the death of one man ; the
problem is the life of this Organization. It will
either grow to meet the challenge of our age, or
it will be gone with the wind, without influence,
without force, without respect. Were we to let it
die, to enfeeble its vigor, to cripple its powers, we
would condemn the future.

For in the development of this Organization
rests the only true alternative to war, and war ap-
peals no longer as a rational alternative. Uncon-
ditional war can no longer lead to unconditional
victory. It can no longer serve to settle disputes.
It can no longer concern the great powers alone.
For a nuclear disaster, spread by winds and waters
and fear, could well engulf the great and the small,
the rich and the poor, the committed and the im-
committed alike. Mankind must put an end to
war, or war will put an end to mankind.

So let us here resolve that Dag Hammarskjold
did not live — or die — in vain. Let us call a truce
to terror. Let us invoke the blessings of peace.
And, as we build an international capacity to keep
peace, let us join in dismantling the national ca-
pacity to wage war.

' Made before the 16th session of the U.N. General As-
sembly at the United Nations, N.Y., on Sept. 25 (White
House press release; as-delivered text).

Dedication to U.N. Charter and World Law

This will require new strength and new roles
for the United Nations. For disarmament without
checks is but a shadow, and a community without
law is but a shell. Already the United Nations has
become both the measure and the vehicle of man's
most generous impulses. Already it has pro-
vided— in the Middle East, in Asia, in Africa this
year in the Congo — a means of holding violence
within bomids.

But the great question which confronted this
body in 1945 is still before us: whether man's
cherished hopes for progress and peace are to be
destroyed by terror and disruption, whether the
"foul winds of war" can be tamed in time to free
the cooling winds of reason, and whether the
pledges of our charter are to be fulfilled or de-
fied— pledges to secure peace, progress, human
rights, and world law.

In this hall there are not three forces, but two.
One is composed of those who are trying to build
the kind of world described in articles 1 and 2
of the charter. The other, seeking a far different
world, would undermine this Organization in the
process.

Today of all days our dedication to the charter
must be maintained. It must be strengthened,
first of all, by the selection of an outstanding
civil servant to carry forward the responsibilities
of the Secretary-General — a man endowed with
both the wisdom and the power to make meaning-
ful the moral force of the world cormnunity. The
late Secretary-General nurtured and sharpened
the United Nations' obligation to act. But he did

Ocfober 76, 1 96 J

619

not invent it. It was there in the charter. It is
still there in the charter.

However difficult it may be to fill Mr. Hammar-
skj old's place, it can better be filled by one man
rather than by three. Even the three horses of
the troika did not have three drivers, all going
in different directions. They had only one, and
so must the United Nations executive. To install
a triumvirate, or any rotating authority, in the
United Nations administrative offices would re-
place order with anarchy, action with paralysis,
and confidence with confusion.

Tlie Secretary-General, in a very real sense, is
the servant of the General Assembly. Diminish
his authority and you diminish the authority of
the only body where all nations, regardless of
power, are equal and sovereign. Until all the
powerful are just, the weak will be secure only in
the strength of this Assembly.

Effective and independent executive action is
not the same question as balanced representation.
In view of the enormous change in membership in
this body since its founding, the American dele-
gation will join in any effort for the prompt re-
view and revision of the composition of United
Nations bodies.

But to give this Organization three drivers, to
permit each great power to decide its own case,
would entrench the cold war in the headquarters
of peace. Whatever advantages such a plan may
hold out to my own country, as one of the great
powers, we reject it. For we far prefer world
law, in the age of self-determination, to world
war, in the age of mass extermination.

Plan for General and Complete Disarmament

Today, every inhabitant of this planet must
contemplate the day when this planet may no
longer be habitable. Every man, woman, and
child lives under a nuclear sword of Damocles,
hanging by the slenderest of threads, capable of
being cut at any moment by accident or miscal-
culation or by madness. The weapons of war must
be abolished before they abolish us.

Men no longer debate whether armaments are
a symptom or a cause of tension. The mere exist-
ence of modern weapons — ten million times more
powerful than anything the world has ever seen
and only minutes away from any target on earth —
is a source of liorror and discord and distrust.

Men no longer maintain that disarmament must
await the settlement of all disputes, for disarma-
ment must be a part of any permanent settlement.
And men may no longer pretend that the quest
for disarmament is a sign of weakness, for in a
spiraling arms race a nation's security may well be
slirinking even as its arms increase.

For 15 years tliis Organization has sought the
reduction and destruction of arms. Now that goal
is no longer a dream; it is a practical matter of
life or death. The risks inherent in disarmament
pale in comparison to the risks inherent in an im-
limited arms race.

It is in this spirit that the recent Belgrade con-
ference,^ recognizing that this is no longer a Soviet
problem or an American problem but a human
problem, endorsed a program of "general, com-
plete and strictly and internationally controlled
disarmament." It is in this same spirit that we in
the United States have labored this year, with a
new urgency and with a new, now-statutory
agency fully endorsed by the Congress, to find an
approach to disarmament which would be so far-
reaching yet realistic, so mutually balanced and
beneficial, that it could be accepted by every na-
tion. And it is in this spirit that we have pre-
sented, with the agreement of the Soviet Union,
under the label both nations now accept of "gen-
eral and complete disarmament," a new statement
of newly agreed principles for negotiation.'

But we are well aware that all issues of prin-
ciple are not settled and that principles alone are
not enough. It is therefore our intention to chal-
lenge the Soviet Union, not to an arms race but to
a peace race — to advance together step by step,
stage by stage, until general and complete dis-
armament has been achieved. "We invite them
now to go beyond agreement in principle to reach
agreement on actual plans.

The program to be presented to this Assembly
for general and complete disarmament under ef-
fective international control * moves to bridge the
gap between those who insist on a gradual ap-
proach and those who talk only of the final and
total achievement. It would create machinery to
keep the peace as it destroys the machines of war.

' For barkRround, see Bttlletin of Oct 2, 1961, p. 539.
' Ibid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.
* See p. 650.

620

Deporfmenf of Sfofe BuUefin

It would proceed through balanced and safe-
guarded stages designed to give no state a mili-
tary advantage over another. It would place the
final responsibility for verification and control
where it belongs — ^not with the big powers alone,
not with one's adversary or one's self, but in an
international organization within the framework
of the United Nations. It would assure that in-
dispensable condition of disarmament — true in-
spection— and apply it in stages proportionate to
the stage of disarmament. It would cover de-
livery systems as well as weapons. It would ulti-
mately halt their production as well as their test-
ing, their transfer as well as their possession. It
would achieve, mider the eye of an international
disarmament organization, a steady reduction in
forces, both nuclear and conventional, mitil it has
abolished all armies and all weapons except those
needed for internal order and a new United Na-
tions Peace Force. And it starts that process
now, today, even as the talks begin.

In short, general and complete disarmament
must no longer be a slogan, used to resist the first
steps. It is no longer to be a goal without means
of achieving it, without means of verifying its
progress, without means of keeping the peace. It
is now a realistic plan and a test — a test of those
only willing to talk and a test of those willing to
act.

Such a plan would not bring a world free from
conflict or greed, but it would bring a world free
from the terrors of mass destruction. It would
not usher in the era of the super state, but it
would usher in an era in which no state could an-
nihilate or be annihilated by another.

In 1946, this nation proposed the Baruch plan
to internationalize the atom before other nations
even possessed the bomb or demilitarized their
troops.^ We proposed with our allies the dis-
armament plan of 1951 " while still at war in Ko-
rea. And we make our proposals today, while
building up our defenses over Berlin, not because
we are inconsistent or insincere or mtimidated but
because we know the rights of free men will pre-
vail— because, while we are compelled against our
will to rearm, we look confidently beyond Berlin

to the kind of disarmed world we all prefer.
I therefore propose, on the basis of this plan,
that disarmament negotiations resume promptly
and continue without interruption until an entire
program for general and complete disarmament
has not only been agreed but has been actually
achieved.

Proposals To Halt Testing and Nuclear Arms Race

The logical place to begin is a treaty assuring
the end of nuclear tests of all kinds, in every en-
vironment, under workable controls. The United
States and the United Kingdom have proposed
such a treaty ^ that is both reasonable, effective,
and ready for signature. We are still prepared
to sign that treaty today.

We also proposed a mutual ban on atmospheric
testing,* without inspection or controls, in order
to save the human race from the poison of radio-
active fallout. We regret that that offer was not
accepted.*

For 15 years we have sought to make the atom
an instrument of peaceful growth rather than of
war. But for 15 years our concessions have been
matched by obstruction, our patience by intran-
sigence. And the pleas of mankind for peace
have met with disregard.

Finally, as the explosions of others beclouded
the skies, my coimtry was left with no alternative
but to act in the interests of its own and the free
world's security.^" We cannot endanger that
security by refraining from testing while others
improve their arsenals. Nor can we endanger it
by another long, uninspected ban on testing. For
3 years we accepted those risks in our open society
while seeking agreement on inspection. But this
year, while we were negotiating in good faith in
Geneva, others were secretly preparing new ex-
periments in destruction.

Our tests are not polluting the atmosphere.
Our deterrent weapons are guarded against acci-
dental explosion or use. Our doctors and scien-
tists stand ready to help any nation measure and

^ For an address by Bernard M. Baruch at tbe opening
session of the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission on June
14, 1&46, see Bulletin of June 23, 1946, p. 1057.

" Ibid., Nov. 19, 1951, p. 799.

' For text, see ibid., June 5, 1961, p. 870.

' For text, see ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 476.

° For a U.S.-U.K. statement and text of a declaration of
Premier Khrushchev, see ibid., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515.

'° For a statement by the President on Sept. 5, see ibid.,
Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475.

Ocfober 16, 1961

621

meet the hazards to health which inevitably re-
sult from the tests in the atmosphere.

But to halt the spread of these terrible weap-
ons, to halt the contamination of the air, to halt
the spiraling nuclear arms race, we remain ready
to seek new avenues of agreement. Our new dis-
armament program thus includes the following
proposals :

• First, signing the test ban treaty by all na-
tions. This can be done now. Test ban negotia-
tions need not and should not await general dis-
armament.

• Second, stopping the production of fissionable
materials for use in weapons and preventing their
transfer to any nation now lacking in nuclear
weapons.

• Third, prohibiting the transfer of control
over nuclear weapons to states that do not own
them.

• Fourth, keeping nuclear weapons from seed-
ing new battlegrounds in outer space.

• Fifth, gradually destroying existing nuclear
weapons and converting their materials to peace-
ful uses; and

• Finally, halting the unlimited testing and
production of strategic nuclear delivery vehicles
and gradually destroying them as well.

Worldwide Law and Law Enforcement

To destroy arms, however, is not enough. We
must create even as we destroy — creating world-
wide law and law enforcement as we outlaw
worldwide war and weapons. In the world we
seek, the United Nations emergency forces which
have been hastily assembled, uncertainly supplied,
and inadequately financed will never be enougli.

Therefore, the United States recommends that
all member nations earmark special peacekeeping
units in their armed forces, to be on call of the
United Nations, to be specially trained and
quickly available, and with advance provision for
financial and logistic support.

In addition, the American delegation will sug-
gest a series of steps to improve the United Na-
tions' machinery for the peaceful settlement of
disputes, for on-the-spot factfinding, mediation,
and adjudication, for extending tlie rule of inter-
national law. For peace is not solely a matter of
military or technical problems; it is primarily a
problem of politics and people. And unless man

can match his strides in weaponry and teclinology
with equal strides in social and political develop-
ment, our great strength, like that of the dino-
saur, will become incapable of proper control and,
like the dinosaur, vanish from the earth.

Extending the Rule of Law to Outer Space

As we extend the rule of law on earth, so must
we also extend it to man's new domain — outer
space.

All of us salute the brave cosmonauts of the So-
viet Union. The new horizons of outer space
must not be riven by the old bitter concepts of
imperialism and sovereign claims. The cold
reaches of the universe must not become the new
arena of an even colder war.

To this end we shall urge proposals extending
tlie United Nations Charter to the limits of man's
exploration in the universe, reserving outer space
for peaceful use, prohibiting weapons of mass de-
struction in space or on celestial bodies, and open-
ing the mysteries and benefits of space to every
nation. We shall further propose cooperative
etforts between all nations in weather prediction
and eventually in weather control. "We shall
propose, finally, a global system of communica-
tions satellites linking the whole world in tele-
graph and telephone and radio and television.
The day need not be far away when such a system
will televise the proceedings of this body to every
corner of the world for the benefit of peace.

United Nations Decade of Development

But the mysteries of outer space must not divert
our eyes or our energies from the harsh realities
that face our fellow men. Political sovereignty
is but a mockery without the means of meeting
poverty and illiteracy and disease. Self-determi-
nation is but a slogan if the future holds no hope.

That is why my nation, which has freely shared
its capital and its technology to help others help
themselves, now proposes officially designating
this decade of the 1960's as the United Nations
Decade of Development. Under the framework
of that resolution, the United Nations' existing
efforts in promoting economic growth c-an be ex-
panded and coordinated. Regional sun^eys and
training institutes can now pool the talents of
many. New research, technical assistance, and

622

DeparlmenI of State Bulletin

pilot projects can unlock the wealth of less de-
veloped lands and untapped waters. And develop-
ment can become a cooperative and not a competi-
tive enterprise, to enable all nations, however
diverse in their systems and beliefs, to become in
fact as well as in law free and equal nations.

Colonialism and the Principle of Free Choice

My country favors a world of free and equal
states. We agree with those who say that colo-
nialism is a key issue in this Assembly. But let
the full facts of that issue be discussed in full.

On the one hand is the fact that, since the close
of World War II, a worldwide declaration of in-
dependence has transformed nearly 1 billion
people and 9 million square miles into 42 free and
independent states. Less than 2 percent of the
world's population now lives in "dependent"
territories.

I do not ignore the remaining problems of tra-
ditional colonialism which still confront this body.
Those problems will be solved, with patience,
good will, and determination. Within the limits
of our responsibility in such matters, my country
intends to be a participant and not merely an
observer in the peaceful, expeditious movement
of nations from the status of colonies to the part-
nership of equals. That continuing tide of self-
determination, which runs so strong, has our
sympathy and our support.

But colonialism in its harshest forms is not
only the exploitation of new nations by old, of
dark skins by light — or the subjugation of the
poor by the rich. My nation was once a colony,
and we know what colonialism means; the ex-
ploitation and subjugation of the weak by the
powerful, of the many by the few, of the gov-
erned who have given no consent to be governed,
whatever their continent, their class, or their
color.

And that is why there is no ignoring the fact
that the tide of self-determination has not reached
the Communist empire, where a population far
larger than that officially termed "dependent"
lives under governments installed by foreign
troops instead of free institutions, under a system
■which knows only one party and one belief, which
suppresses free debate and free elections and free
newspapers and free books and free trade unions,
and which builds a wall to keep truth a stranger
and its own citizens prisoners. Let us debate

colonialism in full and apply the principle of free
choice and the practice of free plebiscites in every
corner of the globe.

Two Threats to the Peace

Finally, as President of the United States, I
consider it my duty to report to this Assembly
on two threats to the peace which are not on your
crowded agenda but which cause us, and most of
you, the deepest concern.

The first threat on which I wish to report is
widely misunderstood: the smoldering coals of
war in southeast Asia. South Viet-Nam is al-
ready under attack — sometimes by a single assas-
sin, sometimes by a band of guerrillas, recently by
full battalions. The peaceful borders of Burma,
Cambodia, and India have been repeatedly vio-
lated. And the peaceful people of Laos are in
danger of losing the independence they gained not
so long ago.

No one can call these "wars of liberation." For
these are free countries living under their own
governments. Nor are these aggressions any
less real because men are knifed in their homes
and not shot in the fields of battle.

The very simple question confronting the world
community is whether measures can be devised to
protect the small and weak from such tactics. For
if they are successful in Laos and south Viet-Nam,
the gates will be opened wide.

The United States seeks for itself no base, no
territory, no special position in this area of any
kind. We support a truly neutral and independ-
ent Laos, its people free from outside interference,
living at peace with themselves and with their
neighbors, assured that their territory will not be
used for attacks on others, and under a govern-
ment comparable (as Mr. Khrushchev and I
agreed at Vienna ") to Cambodia and Burma.

But now the negotiations over Laos are reaching
a crucial stage. The cease-fire is at best precarious.
The rainy season is coming to an end. Laotian
territoiy is being used to infiltrate south Viet-
Nam. The world community must recognize — all
those who are involved — that this potent threat to
Laotian peace and freedom is indivisible from all
other threats to their own.

Secondly, I wish to report to you on the crisis
over Germany and Berlin. This is not the time
or the place for immoderate tones, but the world

^ For background, see ibid., June 26, 1961, p. 991.

October 16, 7961

623

community is entitled to know the very simple
issues as we see them. If there is a crisis it is
because an existing peace is under threat, because
an existing island of free people is under pressure,
because solemn agreements are being treated with
indifference. Established international rights are
being threatened with unilateral usurpation.
Peaceful circulation has been interrupted by
barbed wire and concrete blocks.

One recalls the order of the Czar in Puslikin's
Boris God/unov: "Take steps at this very hour
that our frontiers be fenced in by barriers. . . .
That not a single soul pass o'er the border, tliat
not a hare be able to run or a crow to fly."

It is absurd to allege that we are threatening a
war merely to prevent the Soviet Union and East
Germany from signing a so-called "treaty of
peace." The Western Allies are not concerned
with any paper arrangement the Soviets may wish
to make with a regime of their own creation, on
territory occupied by their own troops and gov-
erned by their own agents. No such action can
affect either our rights or our responsibilities.

If there is a dangerous crisis in Berlin — and
there is — it is because of threats against the vital
interests and the deep commitments of the West-
em Powers and the freedom of West Berlin. We
cannot yield these interests. We cannot fail these
commitments. We cannot surrender the freedom
of these people for whom we are responsible. A
"peace treaty" which carried with it the provi-
sions which destroy the peace would be a fraud.
A "free city" which was not genuinely free would
suffocate freedom and would be an infamy.

For a city or a people to be truly free, they
must have the secure right, without economic,
political, or police pressure, to make their own
choice and to live their own lives. And as I have
said before, if anyone doubts the extent to which
our presence is desired by the people of West Ber-
lin, we are ready to have that question submitted
to a free vote in all Berlin and, if possible, among
all the German people.

The elementai-y fact about this crisis is that
it is unnecessary. The elementarj^ tools for a
peaceful settlement are to be found in the charter.
Under its law, agreements are to be kept, unless
changed by all those who made them. Estab-
lislied rights are to be respected. The political
disposition of peoples should rest upon their own
wishes, freely expressed in plebiscites or free
elections. If there are legal problems, they can

be solved by legal means. If there is a threat of
force, it must be rejected. If there is desire for
change, it must be a subject for negotiation, and
if there is negotiation, it must be rooted in mutual
respect and concern for the rights of others.

The Western Powers have calmly resolved to
defend, by whatever means are forced upon them,
their obligations and their access to the free citi-
zens of West Berlin and the self-determination
of those citizens. This generation learned from
bitter experience that either brandishing or yield-
ing to threats can only lead to war. But firmness
and reason can lead to the kind of peaceful solu-
tion in which my coxmtry profoundly believes.

We are committed to no rigid formula. We see
no perfect solution. We recognize that troops and
tanks can, for a time, keep a nation divided
against its will, however unwise that policy may
seem to us. But we believe a peaceful agreement
is possible which protects the freedom of West
Berlin and Allied presence and access, while
recognizing the historic and legitimate interests
of others in assuring European security.

The possibilities of negotiation are now being
explored; it is too early to report what the pros-
pects may be. For our part, we would be glad
to report at the appropriate time that a solution
has been foimd. For there is no need for a crisis
over Berlin, threatening the peace, and if those
who created this crisis desire peace, there will be
peace and freedom in Berlin.

Responsibilities of U.N. General Assembly

The events and decisions of the next 10
months may well decide the fate of man for the
next 10,000 years. There will be no avoiding
those events. There will be no appeal from these
decisions. And we in this hall shall be remem-
bered either as part of the generation that
turned this planet into a flaming funeral pyro
or the generation that met its vow "to save sui-
ceeding generations fi'om the scourge of war."

In the endeavor to meet that vow, I pledge
you every effort this nation possesses. I pledge
you that we shall neither commit nor provoke
aggression, that we shall neither flee nor invoke
the threat of force, that we shall never negotiate
out of fear, we shall never fear to negotiate.

Terror is not a new weapon. Throughout his-
tory it has been used by those who could not
prevail, either by persuasion or example. But

624

Department of Slate Bulletin

inevitably they fail, either because men are not
afraid to die for a life worth living or because
the terrorists themselves come to realize that free
men cannot be frightened by threats and that
aggression would meet its own response. And
it is in the light of that history that every na-
tion today should know, be he friend or foe,
that the United States has both the will and the
weapons to join free men in standing up to their
responsibilities.

But I come here today to look across this
world of threats to the world of peace. In that
search we cannot expect any final triumph, for
new problems will always arise. We camiot ex-
pect that all nations will adopt like systems, for
conformity is the jailer of freedom and the enemy
of growth. Nor can we expect to reach our goal

by contrivance, by fiat, or even by the wishes of all.

But however close we sometimes seem to that
dark and final abyss, let no man of peace and
freedom despair. For he does not stand alone.
If we all can persevere — if we can in eveiy land
and office look beyond our own shores and ambi-
tions— then surely the age will dawn in which
the strong are just and the weak secure and the
peace preserved.

Ladies and gentlemen of this Assembly, the
decision is ours. Never have the nations of the
world had so much to lose — or so much to gain.
Together we shall save our planet, or together
we shall perish in its flames. Save it we can —
and save it we must — and then shall we earn the
eternal thanks of mankind and, as peacemakers,
the eternal blessing of God.

Four Central Threads of U.S. Foreign Policy

REMARKS BY SECRETARY RUSK <

We meet today at the beginning of a General
Assembly, which itself is meeting in a climactic
period in world affairs. There will be some 96
or more items on its agenda. It is not my purpose
today to try to comment on those items but to
speak briefly on certain aspects of the problems
of the United Nations — to speak briefly in order
to prepare the way for your questions within the
time which is available. I shall try not to fili-
buster in order to shut off your questions.

But these 96 items include some of the most far-
reaching, complex, dangerous, important problems
before mankind, such as the nuclear arms race, as
well as administrative questions such as a staff
pension plan.

Some of these items are hardy perennials. You
have seen them before. You will undoubtedly
see them again. They will remind us that not all

^Rlade before the Foreign Press Association at New
York, N.Y., on Sept. 22 (U.S./U.N. press release 3778).

questions are solved promptly. Some questions
are handled over time, and perhaps some issues
can be improved and made less dangerous by ap-
plying the poultices or the processes of peaceful
settlement represented in the United Nations.
But I would suggest to you that no item on the
agenda is really unimportant. Some of them
will involve attempts to settle difficult and danger-
ous disputes, but others, and many others, will be
involved with the process of building a decent
world order.

And, if I might have the privilege of making
a recommendation to my colleagues of the press,
I would hope that you would help us bring to
the attention of the peoples of your comitries the
great imseen, unsung work of the international
community which is going on every day, every
week, throughout the world, trying to bring into
being a dream which man dared to dream at a
time when he was chastened by the bitterest war
of our history.

Today I should like to comment on four central

October 16, 1 96 1

625

threads of United States policy, which will help
us and perhaps you in understanding some of our
reactions to the almost hundred items on the
agenda of the United Nations. Let me say at the
beginning that I know that, when I speak of these
central threads of United States policy, there will
undoubtedly be some questioning, perhaps a trace
of cynicism, some doubts, because one can think of
instances where these policies do not appear to
be carried fully into effect. May I remind you
that — to use the language of the baseball field —
at this period of history the United States by and
large is expected to bat 1.000. The center of world
attention, in a position of leadership at a time
when influence on United States policy is a pri-
mary object of most foreign offices throughout the
world, at a time when we inevitably find ourselves
involved in problems throughout the world, there-
fore in the middle of many disputes, wliether of
our own making or not, it is not easy for a great
power such as the United States to be always
entirely simple, entirely clear, even in the appli-
cation of its most profoimd commitments. What
we can say is that we are determined to work hard,
persistently, and in the best means available to us
under the circiunstances, to give effect to these
commitments.

Commitment to the United Nations

I would suggest, if I may without presumption,
that our first commitment with respect to an
agenda such as we have in front of us is our com-
mitment to the United Nations itself. If I were
advising a foreign correspondent or a new ambas-
sador reporting to Washington about how he could
best predict the long-range, instinctive reactions
of the American people to particular situations, I
would suggest that he look first at the preamble
and articles 1 and 2 of the United Nations Charter,
because I am deeply convinced tliat in those sec-
tions are accurately and succinctly reflected the
long-range foreign policy of the American people.
I believe that that charter describes the kind of
world we should like to see come into being. I be-
lieve that charter was drawn to describe that kind
of world when men's feelings were disciplined by
a war, when their hopes were elevated by the pros-
pects of peace, when men sat down quietly and
with patience and dared to think about the kind
of world we ought to have.

The most immediate matter in front of us in
regard to our commitments to the United Nations
is of course the problem of the Secretary-General,
brought about by the death of the great man to
whom we have just paid tribute, for the United
Nations is at a critical crossroads as a result of the
unexpected and tragic death of Secretary-General
Hammarskjold. The United Nations is now
engaged in urgent peacekeeping action in the
Congo, in the Middle East, and elsewhere through-
out the world. Its widespread activities — politi-
cal, economic, social, and humanitarian — demand
strong, uninterrupted executive leadership. The
Secretariat must continue to be directed with
vigor, confidence, and integrity.

It is unfortunately clear, however, that an im-
mediate agreement cannot be expected on the nam-
ing of a permanent Secretary-General. The
United States therefore believes that action must
be taken now to assure that the functions of the
office of the Secretary-General are performed ef-
fectively and fully while agreement is sought on
the appointment of a new Secretary-General.

An outstanding world leader should be named
immediately to perform the functions of the office
of the Secretary-Greneral for a temporary period,
during which efforts to elect a permanent Secre-
tary-General should proceed in accordance with
article 97 of the charter.

The authority of the office of the Secretary-Gen-
eral must not be compromised. A "troika" or a
panel in any form and at any level of the Secre-
tariat would paralyze the executive of the United
Nations and weaken it irreparably. Wlioever is
appointed should perform the full functions of the
office.

The General Assembly, we believe, has full
authority to make such a provisional appointment.
By the terms of the charter the Assembly has the
power to regulate appointments in the Secretariat.
That power necessarily includes provisional ar-
rangements for carrying on the functions of the
Secretariat's chief officer in emergencies. It has
used that power before on at least two important
occasions.

The first of these was in 1946 prior to tlie formal
election of a Secretai-y-General, when the General
Assembly adopted the proposal of its President
that the Executive Secretary of the United Na-
tions Preparatory Commission be authorized to

626

Deporfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

carry on the duties of Secretary-General pending
the appointment of the Secretary-General.

The second occasion was in 1950, when the
Security Council was deadlocked in attempting to
choose a successor to the first Secretary-General,
Mr. Trygve Lie. In November of that year, by a
vote of 46 to 5 with 8 abstentions, the General
Assembly decided that the present Secretary-Gen-
eral should be continued in office for a period of
3 years.-

The vital interests of the members of the United
Nations are heavily involved in this question.
The Assembly must move rapidly to fill the void.
Events cannot permit drift and indecision in the
leadership of the United Nations. We must not
allow the prestige and authority of the Organiza-
tion to be dissipated by delay or by diminution of
the effectiveness of an office which has become one
of the United Nations' unique contributions to the
peace of the world.

Commitment to Growth of Law Among Nations

I have spoken of our commitment to the United
Nations as the first of the central threads of Amer-
ican policy. I should think a second central
thread would be our commitment to the growth
of law in relations among nations. We believe
that the history of man has shown that the devel-
opment of law enlarges and does not restrict free-
dom. In our own personal affairs we understand
that we as individuals pass in the course of a
single day through hundreds and sometimes
thousands of legal relationships, some of them ac-
tive, many of them latent, some called into play
by our own action, others called into play by the
action of government or by the conduct of others.
But in the mystery and majesty of the operations
of law, each of us finds it possible to go through
our eccentric orbits with a maximum amoimt of
personal freedom.

That process of law is steadily going on in the
international community. On every working day
throughout the year, in meetings all over the
Avorld, on almost every imaginable subject, ar-
rangements are being reached across national
frontiers which make it possible for us to enlarge
our respective areas of freedom and to get on
with the world's work with harmony.

' U.N. doe. A/RES/492 (V) ; for text, see Bulletin of
Nov. 20, 1950, p. 831.

Commitment to Freedom

The third commitment and central thread of
American policy is our commitment to freedom.
This commitment is a part of an ancient dialog of
the human race, a discussion of the political con-
sequences of the nature of man. In the late 18th
century those who came before us articulated it
in the proposition that governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the governed. I
believe that the American people deeply believe
that simple proposition. And we find it impor-
tant that, wlien you look through the present mem-
b^ship of the United Nations, you find more than
60 independent members who have traveled the
path of national independence — including the
United States, of course — and that, looking back
on the history of the independence of those 60
members, one can find the sympathy and the sup-
port, the influence and the help, of the American
people expressed in many different ways.

This commitment to freedom causes complica-
tions because it is worldwide, because it has to do
with the nature of man. It explains our instinc-
tive reactions to certain issues in the colonial field.
It explains our concern about what is going on in
areas where the people live under dictatorships.
It explains why we are more comfortable with
close, democratic friends than with other forms
of government. It explains why our consciences
are disturbed when we are not able to perform
within our own society in full accordance with our
own deepest commitments.

Commitment to Economic and Social Advancement

Our fourth thread of policy is our commitment
to economic and social advancement deeply writ-
ten into the charter of the United Nations and
dra\vn out of our own national experience. In-
deed, we believe that there is an intimate link
between economic and social advancement on the
one side and freedom on the other. In our own
history these two have come together. Indeed, the
institutions of freedom were strengthened and
enlarged to permit more rapid economic and so-
cial advancement. We believe that free institu-
tions provide the macliinery, the impetus, the
inspiration, through which the resources of men
can be mobilized for such advancement and that
authoritarian forms cannot properly claim to have
special advantage in the speed of development.

Ocfober 76, 7967

627

To us these are four important commitments.
We shall be saying a great deal about them in the
United Nations in the weeks and months ahead.
When we come to the end of the Assembly, the
right question to ask, it seems to me, will be : Has
the 16th session of the General Assembly moved
us a few steps further along the way toward the
kind of world society to which we all are commit-
ted under the charter? These words — committed
or noncommitted — come in for a great deal of
discussion these days. As far as the United States
is concerned, we do believe that there are basic
common interests between us and all those govern-
ments and peoples who understand their own basic
commitments to be to the charter and to the prin-
ciples inscribed in that charter.

Man has lived through some rather dreadful
events. He has been seeking his way up a rather
slippery glacier for centuries. He has been trying
to reach a level of civilized condition which ac-
cords with the dignity of man himself. He has
chipped out fingerholds and toeholds, sometimes
with extraordinary skill, and he can be proud of
his accomplishments. But below there remains
the abyss, and a few slips can plimge him back
again to the jungle out of which he has tried to
rise.

Tliese are the issues that underlie the work of
an Assembly such as the 16th Assembly. I believe
myself that there is great strength in the charter,
in the commitment of men to the charter, in the
common interests which tie us together. I believe
that we can move ahead with confidence and with
courage and without fear of those particular storm
clouds which are now on the horizon and which
must, of course, be somehow dispersed. Thank
you very much.

QUESTION-AND-ANSWER PERIOD

Dr. Hans Steinitz {chairman) : Thanh you very
much, Mr. Secretary, for your inspiring and highly
interesting o,nd valuable address which, I suppose,
will give an opportunity for a number of questions
from the floor.

Dr. Otto Leichter {Deutsche Presse Agentur
{dpa), Flamhurg) : Mr. Secretary, how do you
judge the chances of an interim solution [to the
problem of a Secretary-General] as indicated by
you on the basis of your contacts in the recent

days, including your talk with Mr. Gromyko [An-
drei A. Gromyko, Soviet Foreign Minister]?
And do you think of any alternatives in the case
of a complete deadlock?

The Secretary: If I did not in my remarks
earlier refer to my luncheon conversation of yes-
terday, it was not forget fulness on my part.
(Laughter.) Actually, we did not get into the
question of a provisional or temporary solution
to the present problem.

There are two quite different problems. The
one is to elect a permanent Secretary-General as
provided in the charter. The "troika" proposal
indicates that there will be very great difficulty
indeed in the election of a new Secretary-General,
unless there is some modification on the part of
those who have put the "troika" proposal forward.

That very fact makes it necessary for the United
Nations — if it is to continue to function vigorously
and actively during a troubled period — to turn to
a temporary arrangement, a provisional arrange-
ment.

We believe that, in the absence of the ability of
the Security Council to come to a quick agreement
on a new Secretary-General, the General Assem-
bly has the power and must exercise it to move
promptly with the interim arrangement. We be-
lieve this accords with the judgment and view of
the vast majority of the United Nations, and we
would hope that they could move promptly in
this direction.

Paul F. Sanders {Het Parool, Amsterdam) :
Mr. Secretary, the question hoio to strengthen the
free-world community has become more urgent
than ever in the circumstances we live under.
May toe in Senator Fulhrighfs ideas on a concert
of free nations, as stated in an article in the latest
issvs of Foreign Affairs, read some of the thinking
of this administration? And, sir, in this respect,
does the United States have any plans or new
plans to use its influence on the establishment of
European unity besides what already has been
done in the economic field, as in the Common
Market?

The Secretary : I would not wish to comment
in detail on Senator Fulbright's article. Tlie gen-
eral purpose, the general objective, which lie dis-
cussed in his article is of course, I think, the
objective of all of us in the free world. But the
United States and its friends are acting in a num-

628

Department of State Bulletin

ber of relationships and circles. We attach the
greatest possible importance to the strengthening
of the conununity of interests which is repre-
sented, as I indicated earlier, in the charter of the
United Nations and to work there for the building
of a worldwide community of common interests
and peaceful adjustment. We also believe that we
must work intimately and closely to strengthen
the North Atlantic community on the political
_ side, on the economic side, and, to the extent neces-
sary, on the military side. And this process of
consultation is becoming all the time more inti-
mate and, I think, more effective.

There are other conrmiunities, such as the Organ-
ization of American States, to which we are deeply
committed and in other parts of the world associa-
tions which to us are very important.

I think that in time, in such agencies as these
and through the United Nations, the free world
will strengthen these ties which are fundamental
to us all and that relationships across regional
frontiers will be strengthened in the general direc-
tion of which Senator Fulbright was talking. I
think liis article was not an official admmistration
point of view, but the general directions of policy
are things shared very widely in this country and
in other countries.

Levon Keshishian {Al Ahram, Cairo) : Sir, I
would like to ash you concerning the mejnhership
of Outer Mongolia. One, what is the position of
the American Government? Two, is it correct
that the American Government is putting pres-
sure on Nationalist China not to veto in order not
to anger the Brazzaville countries who will take
a resolute position on the question of China?

The Secretary: First, we have indicated that
we would under some circumstances consider the
admission of Outer Mongolia to the United
Nations.

Second, on the question of pressure, when gov-
ernments consult among themselves in both direc-
i tions, one sometimes wonders in which direction
> pressure is being applied. But in any vigorous
consultation of a sort which goes on all the time
among governments, I would not wish to char-
acterize any particular consultation as pressure.

T. V. Parasuram {Press Trust of India) :
Could you clarify perhaps hy mentioning some
names in connection with your reference to an

outstanding world leader to perform the func-
tions of the office of Secretary-General for a
temporary period?

The Secketaet: Well, there are a number of
names of such outstanding world leaders who are
under discussion among delegates at the United
Nations at the present time. You gentlemen
know at least as many of those names as I do.

The United States does not itself have a specific
candidate whom we are pressing because we feel
this is a matter for very wide consultation. Our
principal point is that we think we should settle
upon this promptly and put that individual, who-
ever he is to be, to work fast.

Zeo Sauvage {Figaro, Paris) : Did the recent
Belgrade conference ^ of unccmimitted nations
change in any respect the attitude of the United
States within or without the United Nations?

The Secretary : The mere fact that a consider-
able number of countries shared with each other
the attribute that they are not specifically alined
with, say, the Soviet bloc on the one side or with
the NATO bloc on the other does not in itself
mean that they have single views and that the
group can be spoken of in group terms. So I
would think that our attitude toward the policies
and the position of those at Belgrade was mixed
before they went there and it was mixed after
they came home.

Zivko Milic {Borha, Belgrade) : Mr. Secretary,
do you think that the Belgrade conference, lohich
loas in many quarters interpreted as at least a par-
tial failure — does it appear now in quite a differ-
ent light, in a more positive light? I have in mind
that countries participating in the Belgrade con-
ference stressed the readiness to find and mayie
offer a solution for the crisis caused hy the death
of Mr. Hammarskjold.

The Secretary : I would really wish to appeal to
the attitude of the Belgrade participants them-
selves in not trying to answer a question of that
sort about the group as a whole. Many of them
made it very clear that they were not there to form
a bloc, to establish a single point of view. We
have not ourselves characterized that meeting in
any way as it applies to the entire meeting. Ob-

' For background, see Hid., Oct. 2, 1961, p. 539.

Ocfober 76, 1 96 1

629

viously they had some very profitable discussions
and they held some talks there that were extremely
important, some of them extremely helpful.

But insofar as members at Belgrade believe that
the United Nations should not be allowed to be-
come paralyzed by an absence in the office of the
Secretary- General, I think they not only are ex-
pressing a view that is the general sentiment of
the Assembly but are expressing a view with
which we are in thorough accord.

Dr. P. G. Krishjiayya {P. G. Krishnayya's News
Service c& Publications., Madras and Benares) :
Sir, a number of American papers and some Con-
gressmen are carrying a campaign of criticism,
against India and our troops in the service of the
United Nations in the Congo. Since the United
States has declared support of the United Na-
tions action, do you disassociate yourself from
these attacks? Also, sir, I would like you to an-
swer this question: There have been a number of
reports in American papers that the administra-
tion loill hereafter reduce economic aid to the so-
called neutral countries which disagree with
United States policies on major questions. Can
you comment on this?

The Secretary: Well, first on the question of
the United States attitude toward the situation
in the Congo, I of course would not wish to as-
sociate myself or to in any way become involved
with the comments of individual American citi-
zens on a matter of that sort. But let me simply
make this statement : that we do welcome the
cessation of liostilitie^ in the Katanga and we
hope that this current cease-fire agreement can
lead to a resumption of efforts by the Government
of the Congo and the Congolese leaders in south-
ern Katanga assisted by the United Nations look-
ing toward the peaceful reintegration of the
Katanga with the rest of the Congo.* The pres-
ent cease-fire will permit the United Nations to
resume its efforts without further bloodshed to-
ward a full implementation of the United Nations
mandate in the Congo. And the United States
will continue to offer all appropriate support as
requested by the United Nations for the discharge
of its mandate in the Congo.

I would think the answer to the second question

is that we would not expect to withdraw economic
aid from neutral coimtries.

A. Arnold Vas Dias {Nieuwe Rotterdamse
Courant) : Do you believe, sir, thai negotiations
on the future of Berlin can soon be fruitfully
started?

The Secretary: Perhaps we shall be able to
answer that question in a few days. I would not
try to answer that question today, I am sorry.

The Obligation To Understand

the American System of Government

Remarks by Secretary Rusk ^

Press release 661 dated September 25

I am happy to introduce today the fourth year
of "Continental Classroom" and particularly so
since the course which now begins is in American
Government. And I may say that it adds to my
pleasure that this course is being conducted by
Dr. [Peter H.] Odegard, who is an old friend
and colleague of mine as well as a distinguished
political scientist, teacher, and public servant. I
can conceive of few subjects more timely for study
these days by a wide American audience than the
character of our Government.

At this moment the philosophy upon which that
Government rests is being challenged in many
places around the world, yet it is still the most
powerful influence in the world because men take
seriously the simple notion that governments de-
rive their just powers from the consent of the
governed. Or, to put it more simply, men just do
not like to be pushed aroimd too much.

In such a time of continuing conflict, it is im-
perative that we Americans not merely recognize
by name and by instinct the values which we are
defending, but that we thoroughly understand
them. These values find their expression in the
nature of our Government as it has developed

' For a Department statement, see ibid., p. 550.
630

' Made on Sept. 25 on the opening program of the
National Broadcasting Company'g "Continental Class-
room."

Iiepartmen\ of State Bulletin

from our own revolutionary manifesto, the Dec-
laration of Independence, and through the Con-
stitution and the Bill of Rights, and through
many decisions in courts of law, so that we have
a government of the people, by the people, and for
the people which we believe we have succeeded
in providing in ever greater degree.

Millions of people in other countries thuik of
America as a place where no one need go hungry,
where children have shoes, where workingmen own
automobiles. It is sad but true that many of these
people believe it is these material conditions that
we have in mind, rather than any climate of po-
litical and social principle, when we speak of our
way of life.

It is equally sad, but I think true, that we have
ourselves in part to blame for this. We are very
apt to fall into ways of thought and speech in
which the values of our system are defined in
terms of per capita income or tons of steel. How
can other peoples understand if we ourselves for-
get that it is not our material welfare by itself
but the fact that we have been able to achieve it
alongside of and because of individual liberties
which constitutes the glory of our American
system ?

No Soviet citizen who crosses the borders of the
Communist world is unschooled in the dialectic
of Marx and Lenin, of Stalin and Khrushchev.
The Soviet student who comes to this country
under our exchange program and fuids himself
pressed in argument by the Americans he meets
is crammed to his fingertips with answers to the
questions which challenge his Communist faith.
They may be wrong answers to us, but he believes
them. He has been schooled in these answers from
the nursery. But sometimes our own students,
and older travelers as well, find themselves at a
loss under similar cross-questioning by a Soviet
group.

How can this liappen? It happens ironically
because our own free system does not insist that
every citizen be competent in political theory,
even in the theory of the Government of his own
country, because our own free citizens sometimes
have not themselves thought through these basic
questions. Such questions as what is it in this
country tliat is really of enduring value? And
why are we proud to be what we are— Americans ?
The fact is that we take for granted a great deal

which is taken for granted by few other people.

For example, we have recently come peacefully
through a great national election which found the
Nation divided in almost equal halves over issues
on which millions on both sides had deep convic-
tions. We take this peaceful outcome for granted,
regardless of which candidate or party we voted
for, and we know it will be just as orderly next
time. But in many countries in the world no one
knows when he will have an opportunity to make a
free electoral choice, and in many others the next
election when it does come will be the certain
signal for much violence, for military plots and
efforts to determine the outcome by force. Those
who live as we do, secure in the expectation of
peaceful political change, are a small minority
among people.

Just as we take our elections for granted, so we
are apt to take for gi-anted other manifestations
of those rights which we hold to be inalienable
but which relatively few governments in any era,
in any time, have had both the will and the power
to assure. The ideas upon which our nation was
founded and upon which it continues to grow are
our most precious national resource; and ideas,
like other resources, are valid only so long as men
and women use them and live by them. Ideas
need exercise if they are to continue strong.

To be an American today, more than ever, is
to know the ideas that have made America what it
is, to know what it is that we stand for in this
time of worldwide conflict. Few of us can fail to
gain from a study of our Government today, and
I think that most of us can gain a great deal.

I hope that many Americans will avail them-
selves of the opportunity which this course with
Dr. Odegard offers. I know Dr. Odegard to be
a fine teacher and an exceptional man. He is not
only a highly respected scholar but a man of broad
practical experience in government in such capaci-
ties as assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury,
consultant to the Atomic Energy Commission, and
member of the National Commission for
UNESCO [United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization]. It is his belief,
which I wholly share, that we Americans have an
obligation to know our Government by consent,
to understand how it functions, and to be able to
defend its principles and to appraise its practice
and performance both at home and abroad.

October 16, T961

631

U.S. Replies to Soviet Complaint
on Flight of West German Planes

Following is an exchange of notes between the
United States and the Soviet Union concerning
two aircraft of the Federal Republic of Germany
which landed at Tegel Airport in Berlin on Sep-
tember lit..

U.S. NOTE OF SEPTEMBER 26 <

The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Slinistry of
Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Eepublics and has the honor to refer to the latter's
note No. 94/OSA of September 17, 1961, with re-
gard to which the Embassy, upon the instructions
of its government, is authorized to state the
following.

In its note, the Ministry refers to the landing
of two F-84 jet aircraft of the Armed Forces of
the Federal Republic of Germany at Tegel Air-
port in Berlin on September 14, 1961.

As soon as the Allied authorities were aware of
this landing, the Soviet representative at tlie Ber-
lin Air Safety Center was informed of the circum-
stances in which this regrettable incident occurred.
The facts of the case prove, without any pos-
sibility of error, that the two planes lost their
way. Finding themselves short of fuel, the planes
sent out distress signals to which only the air con-
trol post at Templehof replied. Under these cir-
cumstances, the latter could take no other measure
than to let these aircraft land on one of the closest
airfields— tliat of the Berlin-Tegel. Furthermore,
in the exercise of their rights and responsibilities,
the French authorities immediately detained the
pilots and the planes and proceeded to investigate
the matter. The investigation confirmed the in-
formation stated above.

Under these circumstances, the United States
Government is surprised that the Government of
the U.S.S.R. finds it possible to talk of "provoca-
tions," "execution of warlike mission," including
"tlie delivery of atomic bombs to their target."

The Government of the United States considers

it necessary to point out to the Soviet Government
that, in recent weeks, numerous aerial incursions
on the part of Soviet armed forces have taken
place over the territory of the Federal Republic
of Germany. Tliese incursions were brought to
the attention of the Soviet authorities by the re-
sponsible military authorities. No one thought
of characterizing them as "provocations," or an-
nouncing retaliatory measures, which the Soviet
Government threatens to take.

It appears to the Government of the United
States that at the present time, more than ever,
Governments should avoid complicating, by un-
founded accusations, those incidents which in-
evitably occur. Only in this way will they be
able to limit to proper proportions such difficulties
as may arise from a crisis for which the Govern-
ment of the United States is in no way responsible.

The tranquillity and security of peoples, to
which the Soviet note refers, depend on the desire
for peace of the Governments that lead them. The
United States Government, like the Governments
with which it is allied, has never deviated from
this course. It hopes that the Government of the
U.S.S.R. will devote itself to working in the same
direction.

SOVIET NOTE OF SEPTEMBER 17 >

Unofliclal translation

On September 14, 1961, at 17 hours OS minutes Moscow
time, two military jet aircraft, model F-S4, bearing rec-
ognition markings of the Federal Republic of Germany
Bundeswehr, penetrated the territory of the German
Democratic Republic in the area of the populated point
of Elend (75 kilos southwest of Magdeburg).

Passing over the cities of Thale and Quedlinburg at an
altitude of 6,000 meters, the aircraft then assumed an
altitude of 9,000 meters, and, in the area south of the
city of Stassfurt, entered the strip of the air corridor
Berlin-Franlrfurt-on-Main. The violator aircraft fol-
lowed this corridor to the area west of Treuenbrietzen,
where, sharply losing altitude, tiey turned northeast
and, at 17 hours 29 minutes, landed at the French mili-
tary airport of Tegel in West Berlin.

The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany
and the occupation authorities of the Western Powers are
trying to depict this brazen diversion as the consequence
of "technical troubles". The French representative in the

' Delivered to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs by
the U.S. Embassy at Moscow on Sept. 26 (press release
663). Similar notes were delivered by the British and
French Embassies at Moscow on the same date.

'Delivered to the U.S. Embassy at Moscow on Sept. 17
by the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Similar notes
were delivered to the British and French Embassies on
the same date.

632

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

Berlin Air Safety Center (BASC) stated that the Bundes-
■wehr aircraft were in West Berlin because of "loss of
orientation" and had landed at the French military air-
port with the permission of the occupation authorities.
According to the version launched by official representa-
tives of the Federal Republic of Germany, the aircraft
under reference, returning from NATO maneuvers in
France, lost their way because of a "thunderstorm",
"malfunctioning of cabin instruments", and "lack of ex-
perience of the pilots", and, "inasmuch as the fuel was
low, descended to earth and coincidentally landed at the
West Berlin airport of Tegel".

All these so-called "distracting statements" were de-
signed to deceive public opinion and cover tracks. The
question concerns nothing more than a previously pre-
pared provocation, the purpose of which is plain : to
strain the situation in the world to the limit and kill in
embryo any possibility of agreement between interested
states on mature international problems.

The flight plan and its fulfillment by the crews of the
aircraft completely refute the assertion about malfunc-
tioning of cabin instruments and other tales about the
aviators from the Bundeswehr having gone astray. Two-
way radio communication was maintained between the
West German airplanes, which flew more than 200 kilos
(including more than 150 kilos in the Berlin-Frankfurt-
on-Main corridor) over the territory of the German Demo-
cratic Bepublic, and the airport at Tegel. The
complicated maneuvering in course and altitude, the co-
ordination of movement of both aircraft, and their
precise guidance to the Tegel airport, could not have
been accomplished with malfunctioning radio-navigational
equipment

It was not the Bundeswehr pilots who "lost their
orientation", but the highly placed military and political
leaders of Western Germany and those who stand behind
them. It was their hand, accomplished in every sort of
subversive actions, which maliciously sent military air-
craft, which are intended not for pleasure flights but for
the accomplishment of military tasks, including the de-
livery of atomic bombs to their target, deep into the
territory of a sovereign state.

The reckless adventure of sending two fighter bombers
of the Bundeswehr through the airspace of the German
Democratic Republic is one of the most dangerous provo-
cations which have been committed on the routes of
communication with West Berlin and in West Berlin

itself by militaristic circles of the Federal Republic of
Germany with the support of the occupation authorities
of the Western Powers. It is understandable that the
Soviet Government cannot disregard these facts.

The Government of the United States of America has
recently more than once made statements about the duty
of all states to refrain from any acts which increase
tension and the threat to international peace. However,
unfortunately, there are not a few evidences of the fact
that the Government of the United States of America does
not attach great significance to its own appeals. Ameri-
can occupation authorities not only have not taken any
steps to suppress the subversive activity of the Federal
Republic of Germany in West Berlin, but, as is apparent,
are ready to place the air corridors in West Berlin at the
disposal of militarists and revanchists.

Even if it were granted that the American authorities
might not have known of the provocation which had been
prepared, which in and of itself is improbable, could that
dispel the anxiety of the peoples of the fate of peace in
Europe, with which the West German militarists are ir-
responsibly playing? The United States of America,
France, and Britain, rearming the Federal Republic of
Germany, frequently boast that they somehow are in
complete control of the situation. Living in a world of
such illusions, the Western Powers, however, could find
themselves drawn Into a devastating war against their
own wills.

Declaring a most resolute protest to the Government of
the United States of America in connection with the
grossest aggressive act, violation of the airspace of the
German Democratic Republic by military aircraft of the
Bundeswehr and their flight through the air corridors to
West Berlin, the Soviet Government warns that, in the
future, in similar cases, military violator-warplanes,
which do not submit to a demand to land at a designated
place, will be destroyed by the use of all means, including
rockets.

The intensifying provocatory sallies of militarists and
revanchists of the Federal Republic of Germany once
more with all persuasiveness show how mature has be-
come the necessity of the conclusion of a German peace
treaty and normalization on that basis of the situation in
West Berlin in order to protect the tranquillity and se-
curity of peoples.

Moscow, September 17, 1961

October 76, 1961

614279—61 3

633

A Pacific Partnership

by Walter P. McConaughy

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^

I consider it a great privilege to have been in-
vited to address this sixth biennial Conference of
Japan-American Mayors and Chamber of Com-
merce Presidents.

Ten years ago, when the first of these confer-
ences was held in Tokyo, we did not hear much
talk about people-to-people diplomacy. But a
farsighted group of municipal officials on both
sides of the Pacific realized, a short 6 years after
the end of the Pacific war, that Japan and the
United States were destined to become partners in
progress for a better life for botli peoples. Trans-
lating this thought to action, they started one of
the most vital and most effective manifestations of
people-to-people diplomacy among the many that
have since grown up between our two countries.
The impressive vitality of your organization is
symbolic of the great vitality that today infuses
all aspects of Japanese- American relations.

I should like to convey to you today my observa-
tions on the present state of this Pacific partner-
ship. To imderstand this relationship, I should
like first to view it against the panorama of eastern
Asia as a whole, starting about a century ago.
(You will recall that only last year we observed
the centemiial celebrations of Japanese-United
States diplomatic relations.'') Nearly a century
ago, then, a fundamental revolution began in Asia.
It began, perliaps, as a defensive reaction against
the impact of the West but soon became something
much greater. It became, and is now, a popular
revolution. The peoples of the Pacific are deter-
mined to win for themselves freedom — political

'Address made before the Conference of Japan-Amer-
ican Mayors and Chamber of Commerce Presidents at
Portland, Oreg., on Sept. 18 (press release C.'{9).

' For background, see Bulletin of May 9, 1060, p. 744 ;
May 23, 1960, p. 826 ; and June 6, 1960, p. 909.

and social freedom, but equally important and
necessary, freedom from grinding poverty, free-
dom from ignorance and illiteracy, freedom from
disease, freedom from hunger.

The Challenge of Communism

Seen in the perspective of history, I believe it
is fair to say that this revolution has entered into
a critical phase. The people of Asia have become
impatient for rapid fulfillment of their aspira-
tions. At the same time a new challenge has been
added to the tremendous political, economic, and
social diificulties in the path of the fulfillment of
the revolution. This challenge is the claim that
only communism can meet the material aspira-
tions of the world's peoples. AYliat is not men-
tioned in this deceptive Communist propaganda
is that it is predicated on the sacrifice of the aspi-
rations for freedom and for the recognition of the
dignity of the individual.

In this picture of Asia in ferment, Japan offers
a focus of solid encouragement, a confirmation of
faith that man, however impatient for the good
things of life for his children, need not sacrifice
his liberty.

Japan is in the vanguard of this revolution in
Asia. Having achieved equality with the tech-
nologically advanced nations, and sharing the val-
ues of an open society, Japan is moving forward
to a new stage of growth and progress. Japan
is the equal partner, politically as well as eco-
nomically, of the nations of the world sharing the
same dedication to freedom, the same conviction
as to the importance and dignity of the individual.
Japan has established a firm base for democracy,
for the exercise of the traditional liberties, and
for the enjoyment of the opportunities that free-
dom yields. In particular, an entirely new kind

634

Department of State Bulletin

of relationship has developed between Japan and
the United States, an across-the-board partner-
ship in which the two countries are working in
concert toward goals impossible for either country
to achieve alone.

It is as significant as it is relevant that Japan
has been singled out by the Communist powers
for special attention, special threats, particularly
in the recent period. The pace of Japan's prog-
ress in freedom is a vital challenge to the
Communist system of life under coercion.

The sudden callous resumption by the Soviet
Union of nuclear explosions in the atmosphere
reminds us that this new type of relationship, this
interdependence, has grown up in the era of the
cold war. Some aspects of the relationship which
has grown up between Japan and the United
States are responsive to the threat posed by com-
munism. We have, for instance, a special security
relationship with Japan. Nevertheless, mutual
security is only one part of the partnership be-
tween Japan and the United States. The United
States-Japan partnership is based on common
objectives in the unfinished revolution for a better
world, a world of peace and a world of prosperity
and tranquillity. It is not dependent on outside
stimulus; it will last long after the worldwide
Communist offensive has vanished.

Two-Way Street of Consultation

In the political field the concept of the partner-
ship involves first and foremost the idea of the
dialog, the two-way street of consultation between
the leaders of our respective governments. The
emphasis here, as in any true partnership, has to
be placed upon the necessity, at all times, for a
completely frank, uninhibited exchange of views.
This is perhaps best illustrated by the recently
concluded visit to Washington of Prime Minister
Hayato Ikeda.' Mr. Ikeda did not come to the
United States because there existed some urgent
problem in relations between the two countries
which could be settled only by a meeting of Presi-
dent and Prime Minister. Happily, there are no
such problems in our relations with Japan. On the
contrary, Mr. Ikeda came here at the invitation
of President Kennedy so that the two might con-
sult together not only on bilateral matters, such
as trade and economic relations, but also on the

' IMd., July 10, 1961, p. 57.
October 16, 7961

major questions that face the world today, such,
as Berlin, the forthcoming session of the General
Assembly, and disarmament. All of these issues
were discussed in an atmosphere of mutual con-
fidence, which is the hallmark of the United
States-Japan partnership.

These talks were fruitful in many ways, and
from them have emerged a series of new and po-
tentially very useful institutions. Perhaps the
most important of them is the new Joint United
States-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs, a body which will consist of our Secre-
taries of State, Commerce, Treasury, Agriculture,
Interior, and Labor and their Japanese ministerial
counterparts, who will meet alternately in Japan
and in the United States. Their first meeting will
be held in Japan in November of this year. This
Committee will be the senior coordinating group
for all of the partnership's trade and economic
affairs, including such matters as balance of pay-
ments between the two countries, the flow of invest-
ments and dividends, trade relationships with
other countries, and assistance to newly emerging
countries. This Committee will also be the forum
for discussion of such matters as Japan's need to
expand its trade abroad and its access to a reason-
able share of the American market and also
Japan's ability to liberalize conditions for entry
into its own internal market for American and
other products. You might sum up the role of the
joint Economic Committee in these words: It will
view the totality of Japanese-American trade and
economic relations, will plan for their future, and
will attempt to iron out any rough spots as they
arise.

A second institution to emerge from the Ikeda-
Kennedy talks was a joint committee on cultural
matters, to be made up of outstanding figures
from the academic and intellectual worlds of the
two nations. Both our cultures are exceptionally
rich and varied, and each has much to contribute
to the other. We expect this committee to survey
the entire field of cultural relations between the
United States and Japan — the official exchange
programs such as those established under the Ful-
bright and Smith-Mimdt acts, the programs of
the various private foundations, and the more in-
formal relationships which have grown up between
Japanese and American universities and learned
societies. The joint committee will explore all of
these aspects of Japanese-American cultural rela-

635

tions. In this concept we have in mind no mere
homogenization of the two cultures, for that
would make each lose something of its own iden-
tity and vital spirit. Nor have we in mind a
simple numerical increase in the number of schol-
ars traveling between Japan and the United
States. Instead, what we are aiming at is a joint
venture to explore the values and wellsprings of
our respective cultures, to examine their impact
upon each other, and to enlarge the contribution
each can make to the enrichment of the otlier.

Another outgrowth of the "Washington talks is
the establishment of a Joint United States-Japan
Scientific Committee, which will meet later this
year to mark out areas in the sciences in which
Japanese and American scientists can fruitfully
assist each other. This will involve not only the
investigation of methods by which we can
more profitably exchange information — perhaps
through entities like an institute for the transla-
tion of scientific papers and literature — but also
actual joint projects in which Japanese and Amer-
ican scientists can work side by side. We have
already in the planning stage two joint Japanese-
American ventures in outer space: one a com-
munications satellite project, and the other a
radiation measuring rocket probe. We expect the
Scientific Committee will explore other areas on
tlie frontier of man's knowledge in which our
scientists can collaborate to our mutual benefit.

This, then, is a sketch of tlie kind of institu-
tional framework which we have been creating
for this new venture in interdependence. But
what I have so far described is only the skeleton ;
muscle and sinew will have to be added. These
committees, and the several other bodies created
in the past, will achieve substance when the peo-
ple of both countries, acting in bodies sucli as this
conference, will lend their advice, assistance, and
continuing support.

I think we have to recognize tliat this is not
going to be an easy undertaking. Differences of
language, culture, and customs present formidable
obstacles to understanding. I am convinced, how-
ever, that there are enough men in both countries
who are willing to take the trouble to cross the
language barrier, who are M'illing to work and
persevere to build a partnership, and who are
willing to solve problems as they arise by joint
action in a spirit of mutuality and cooperation.
I believe that a partnership of this kind, actively

shared and nourished by citizens of both coim-
tries, can be fruitful beyond all expectations.

Japan's 10- Year Economic Plan

I note with great satisfaction that the Japanese
Government has recently embarked upon a 10-year
economic plan to double the national income and
thus to raise the living standards of the Japanese
people to a level among the very highest in the
world. I cannot stress emphatically enough the
tremendous significance of this plan, not only be-
cause whatever affects the economic health of one
of our best customers will sooner or later affect
our own but also because of the example which
will be set for less developed nations to follow.
The essential, harrowing question of our time is
this : "Is individual freedom consistent with rapid
economic growth?" I am confident that Japan,
one of the four leading industrial complexes of
the world, is already providing an affirmative
answer to this central question.

Our stake in this bold venture undertaken by
Japan is very nearly as great as that of Japan
itself. We Americans understand that Japan can-
not succeed in this imdertaking unless she can
achieve access on reasonable terms to a fair share
of the market in the United States and elsewhere
in the free world. I do not mean, of course, that
we have any intention of driving American manu-
facturers out of business, and I do not mean that
we intend to encourage any mass invasion of
America by Japanese products. But I do mean
that we have a real, a very great interest in seeiiiir
to it that Japan expands its market. In return
our Japanese friends will surely recognize their
obligation to dismantle as rapidly as possible the
remaining quantitative controls over imports into
Japan. If we continue to approach this problem
in a spirit of good will and understanding on both
sides, as I am sure we shall, thei-e is every reason
to expect that the results will be mutually
satisfactory and in the general interest.

There is, finally, another highly significant area
for future action by the Japanese- American part-
nership that I wish to call to your attention — the
challenge posed by the large nimiber of newly in-
dependont and economically less developed na-
tions of the world. As we all know, tlie United
States is vitally interested in assisting these na-
tions and has devoted several tens of billions of
dollars to this purpose. Japan, as an Asian na-

636

Deparlment of State Bulletin

tion and as the only Asian nation which has thus
far created a modern, industrialized economy, also
has much to offer to these new nations. Japan's
possession of the most vigorously expanding econ-
omy in the entire world gives her a position of
considerable authority from which to speak.
There is thus a vital and imique contribution which
Japan can make, in terms of teclinical assistance
and advice, as well as in terms of money and
capital equipment. Operating in conjunction
with one another, the efforts of each reinforcing
and complementing those of the other, the part-
nership of Japan and the United States can ef-
fectively meet this great challenge of the decade
in a manner which would be impossible for either
acting alone.

Building Toward the World of Tomorrow

In the past 16 years many strong links have
been forged between our two nations. This im-
portant conference is a shining example of such
enduring, valuable, and far-reaching links. Our
peoples and our cultures have their destinies so
comingled that separation would only impoverish
both nations. We share the same road to the fu-
ture. Our journey along this road will not be
without danger, hazard, or challenge. But I am
certain that the combined strength, wisdom, and
determination of your countrymen and mine will
be worthy of any trials which we may face and
that together we shall be able not only to surpass
the demands of this troubled age but to contribute
most significantly toward the transition to a safer
and happier one.

Those developmental forces which over the past
century have so insistently, precipitately, and
perhaps prematurely juxtaposed the world's peo-
ples have vastly exacerbated the problems of their
relationships. Those same forces, however, have
also afforded the most remarkable tools — in trans-
portation and communication, in medicine, educa-
tion, and pedagogy— for the solution of those

problems. The four industrial centers of the
world possess these tools in great abundance, but
the manner of their use will make all the differ-
ence in the nature of our future life on this planet.

The ideology of Communist countries was con-
ceived and born in the early days of the industrial
revolution which has presented mankind with
both problem and promise in such overwhelming
plenty. These Communist nations have for the
most part clung to a dogmatic answer to both
problem and promise, geared to limited under-
standing of the social dislocations which in those
early days were attendant upon industrialization.
Their achievements have been too much impelled
by fear and hate, implemented by ruthless regi-
mentation, and put to the services of a type of
power politics which the world must rapidly out-
grow if it is to survive in safety.

In this situation it is of crucial importance to
all mankind that the other great industrial cen-
ters of the world, Japan, Western Europe, and
the United States, use the powerful tools of the
modern world in the most enlightened manner
and for the most constructive national and world
purposes — and in as much concert as appears
practicable — in building toward the world of
tomorrow.

The United States-Japan partnership, there-
fore, important as it is intrinsically, is also im-
portant to the future of millions of people who
may scarcely be aware of its reality. I am confi-
dent that our two peoples and their leaders will
measure up to our responsibilities inherent in this
larger context as well.

In conclusion I am very glad to convey to you,
on behalf of the United States, the expression of
our complete confidence that this partnership —
a partnership of peoples as well as of govern-
ments— will grow and prosper in the years ahead
and will become one of the most steadfast founda-
tions of progress, friendship, and peace in the
world.

October 16, 1961

637

Southern Africa in Transition

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs '■

Ladies and gentlemen, before taking up the text
of what I had prepared for you tonight, I must
take note of a very great tragedy which has be-
fallen us all in the death of Secretary-General
[Dag] Hammarskjold of the United Nations.
His plane, as you know, crashed in Northern
Rhodesia as it M-as carrying him on a mission of
peace and conciliation.

The United Nations and the Government of the
Congo have for more than a year sought to main-
tain the integrity of the Congolese nation against
separatist and secessionist movements. A crisis,
unfortunately involving violence, has lately
erupted over this issue in the Katanga province.'
It was on his way to meet Mr. [Moishe] Tshombe,
the leader of Katanga, that the Secretary-General
met an untimely death.

Our grief is profound tonight. But if Mr.
Hammarskjold is lost to the United Nations and
the world, it is our hope that his mission of con-
ciliation will be energetically pursued and the
U.N. will succeed soon in restoring Congolese
unity.

Just lately my wife and I have returned from
an extensive trip in Africa, the second since Presi-
dent Kennedy appointed me to my present duties
in the Depai'tment of State.^ I have now visited
14 of the independent countries of Africa and 12
of the dependent territories. Two more trips this

' Address made before the Negro Trade Union Leader-
ship Council at Philadelpliin, Pa., on Sept. 18 (press re-
leases (!41 and C41A).

' Bulletin of Oct. 2, 1901, p. 550.

' For an address made by Assi.stant Secretary Williams
In Salisbury, Federation of Northern Rhodesia and Nya.sa-
land, on Aug. 25, see iUd., Oct. 9, 1901, p. COO.

year will cover all the remaining nations and the
principal territories, excepting the Eepublic of
South Africa, where there wasn't a mutually con-
venient time for a visit.

Let me tell you something of my findings in
this most recent trip.

Our point of departure was the Republic of
the Ivory Coast, a country of 3 million people
situated in the great rain-forest arc which extends
along the western bulge of the continent. We were
there to help celebrate the first anniversary of the
independence of the Ivory Coast. It was my
great privilege to join with Attorney General
Robert Kennedy, with John H. Johnson, the dis-
tinguished Negro publisher from Chicago, and
with our Ambassador to the Ivory Coast, R. Bor-
den Reams, in representing the U.S. Government
at these ceremonies. I wish time permitted my
telling you of the tremendous spirit of these good
people, about their beautiful and modem capital
city, and about the example of progress they have
set in their first j'ear of independence. There is
a lesson, too, in the now cordial and mutually
beneficial relationship between the people of the
Ivory Coast and of France. You will have to
take my word for it that these things speak vol-
umes about the promise of Africa's future.

Then we traveled to southern Africa. Here we
visited two more of the 18 African countries
which have come to independence since the begin-
ning of 1960 — the Republic of Gabon in west
Africa and the Malagasy Republic on the island
of Madagascar. Both are flourishing countries
wliich are moving steadily forward under respon-
sible governments. I think the world can expect
much from both of them.

Toniglit, liowever, I'd like to deal mainly with
the dependent territories M'hich lie to the south

638

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

of the Republic of the Congo. Much of this area
has been attractive to European settlement for
some 400 years, and here we find the highest rela-
tive white population in sub-Saharan Africa, run-
ning up to about 25 percent m the Eepublic of
South Africa. In the Congo and to tlie north the
big question is the political and economic develop-
ment of now-independent nations, whereas to the
south the big question is the extension of the fran-
chise to black Africans in areas with sizable white
minorities. Two of these areas, Angola and
Mozambique, are vast territories administered by
Portugal. The other six are under British admin-
istration and reflect great contrasts. Let me begin
by discussing these British areas.

Bechuanaland, Basutoland, Swaziland

Least developed are three territories which are
only beginning to impinge on the preoccupied
mind of America and much of the rest of the
world. These are Bechuanaland and Swaziland,
which lie along the borders of the Republic of
South Africa, and Basutoland, which lies wholly
within South Africa. Together they hold a pop-
ulation of 11^ millions, of whom 11,000 are whites.
Bechuanaland is larger than Texas but appears
to be poorly favored in natural endowments.
Basutoland has voted for its own self-government
under British protection with all men having an
equal vote. Swaziland is working on a new con-
stitution giving more black African participation,
and Bechuanaland, too, is moving forward. We
shall certainly hear more about this trend, not
least because of its contrast with the retrogressive
political and social philosophy of apartheid being
practiced in neighboring South Africa.

The Rhodesias and Nyasaland

The most developed, the most complex, and the
most challenging territories we visited are South-
ern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland.
Here are three rather well defined territories, each
in a different stage of political evolution, each
affected by a different balance between the races
and by varying degrees of economic progress, but
all linked together in the Federation of Rhodesia
and Nyasaland. Tlie area is one of considerable
economic potential, with great cities, mines, plan-
tations, and factories already well developed.
The combined populations total 8,330,000, of
which 308,000 are of European stock.

A heated political dialog is taking place in these
countries, between the black African majorities
along with some white liberals on the one hand
and the bulk of the white minority on the other.
The British Government is presiding over the
debate and tempering its passions. Let me say
here that British administrators have done much
to encourage African advancement, political edu-
cation, and progressive evolution toward the
goals of democratic self-government by all the
people and an interracial society.

The goal of self-government by all the people
is acknowledged to be right by all responsible ele-
ments in the three territories. The subject of the
dialog, then, is the rate, the speed of transition
to majority rule. The political party of Sir Roy
Welensky, with strong white support particularly
in Southern Rhodesia, believes in a gradual pace.
Northern Rhodesia tends to be more progressive
and is working on a new constitution. The
African nationalist parties of Dr. Banda, Kenneth
Kaunda, and Joshua Nkomo are pressing for con-
stitutional changes which would give full voice,
at the earliest date, to the black African majori-
ties. Dr. Banda has of course now achieved self-
government for the black majority in Nyasaland
under British protection.

Inevitably tension has accompanied this great
debate. Lately there has been sporadic violence
in Northern Rhodesia, where many African na-
tionalists feel they have been denied adequate
progress under a proposed new constitution. Just
last week the British Government announced at
least a partial reopening of this question.

Racial Accommodation

In the Rhodesias and Nyasaland there is a prob-
lem within a problem. Besides constitutional
transition there is the vital process of accommoda-
tion between races, of building a truly democratic
interracial society. This goal is acknowledged by
all responsible parties and has constitutional sup-
port. A good beginning and much progress has
been achieved, but again the difficulty and the
argument are about the pace of progress.

The success of an interracial society in the
Rhodesias and Nyasaland has tremendous bearing
on what is going to happen in the way of black
African participation in government in Angola,
Mozambique, and the Republic of South Africa.
Consequently America and the world have a great

Ocfober 76, 1 96 1

639

interest in the successful development of what the
Federation calls a partnership policy.

Here we are very close to a subject of intense
concern to Americans, who know what is at stake
in the question of racial equality. We too have
long had the goal of a true interracial society.
We have come a greater distance toward this goal,
which is set forth in the law of the land and which
our Government is pledged to realize. Yet we
must be humbly aware how much must yet be
done, how many acts of faith and courage will be
necessary from our leaders and from all men of
good will.

We have stated it as a cornerstone of our for-
eign policy that we hope for the peoples of Africa
what we hope for ourselves in building and per-
fecting our own society. We must therefore expect
those peoples, black and white alike, to observe
with very great interest how we are getting on
with the job, just as we observe their progress.
Your effort here — and ours in Washington — are
thus joined.

Let us, on our side, look with imderstanding on
the problems which are being worked out by the
peoples and governments of the Rhodesias and
Nyasaland. Let us acknowledge that a promising
start has been made. And let us wish, for all
those concerned, two things: understanding and
persistence in moving ahead. I should add that
the U.S. Government hopes to be able to assist
in a more rapid extension of educational op-
portunity in the three territories, helping thereby
in the preparation for self-government.

Angola and Mozambique

This brings me to Angola and Mozambique.
Located on the west coast of Africa, Angola ex-
tends south from the Congo border. In size it is
larger than Texas and California together, and
its population is about 41/2 million. Of this num-
ber some 250,000 have held Portuguese citizenship.
Mozambique, on the east coast, is larger than
Texas and has a population of just over 6i/^
million.

The Portuguese have ruled Angola and Mozam-
bique for more than four centuries, and until 1951
the two territories had the status of colonies. In
that year the Government in Lisbon adopted laws
imder which these colonies became "overseas
provinces," and the Portuguese firmly maintain
that they are integral parts of Portugal.

This has become a point of controversy in the
United Nations, where the last General Assembly
adopted a resolution * which includes Portugal
among other nations having a responsibility under
article 73 of the charter to report to the Committee
on Information from Non-Self-Goveming Ter-
ritories. The Portuguese Government has de-
clai-ed its refusal to comply with this injunction.

This viewpoint of the Portuguese stands in
sharp contrast to that of the other principal
colonial powers. The British and the French have
deliberately pursued a policy of preparing their
dependent territories for self-government and
eventual independence. That is why the great
majority of new African nations have emerged
to freedom peacefully. Only in the Congo, which
did not enjoy this preparation, has independence
been followed by turmoil.

Political self-expression has been possible for
the African peoples of Angola and Mozambique
only to an extremely limited degree. Lentil just
last month, Portuguese law — the so-called indi-
gena law — divided the overseas populations into
two categories, "civilized" and "noncivilized." In
Angola, for example, the 250,000 persons who
were considered "civilized" included only about
30,000 Africans, who had achieved this status
under the official policy of "assimilation." To be-
come an assimilado an African had to become a
Christian and fill certain strict requirements as
to education and income. The "noncivilized" mil-
lions coidd not imder any circxmistances vote or
hold office. They lived under state protection and
control and were subject to a system of directed
labor during part of each year.

Until March of this year Portuguese Africa
remained outwardly calm. Then in northern
Angola a rebellion broke out and led to great
violence and the loss of thousands of lives, both
Portuguese and African. Military reinforce-
ments from Portugal have restored control of
urban centei-s in the disputed area, but the end of
the fighting is not in sight.

As you probably know, the U.N. General As-
sembly debated the question of Angola last April.
On April 20 the Assembly adopted a resolution"
deploring the violence in Angola and calling on
the Portuguese to effect reforms leading to self-

* U.N. doc. A/RES/1542 (XV).
° U.N. doc. A/RES/1603 (XV).

640

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

determination for the peoples of Angola. An An-
gola subcommittee was set up to report on the
situation. On June 9 the Security Council reaf-
firmed these views." The United States voted for
both resolutions, which were adopted by large
majorities.

In our visit to Angola we saw much evidence of
internal tension and we found considerable recog-
nition among the Portuguese of the importance of
reforms. Now at the end of August, as much in
response to these Portuguese settler views as to
the votes in the U.N., a series of reforms have been
announced. JNIost notably, the indigena law has
been abolished and all inhabitants of Portuguese
Africa have been granted constitutional equality.
Tlie average African will still be unable to vote
and will have little or no participation in govern-
ment, Iiowever, because, as is true for all Portu-
guese citizens, he must pass a literacy test and
comply with a tax proviso. Literacy in Portu-
guese Africa is well below 10 percent. From this
it will be seen that rapid educational advancement
is a requisite for full realization of political
equality.

The new reforms are of course most welcome
from our point of view, and we trust that they
will be made politically and socially effective.
How greatly they will resolve the issues in conflict
I cannot say. Much will depend on the Portu-
guese estimate of the lateness of the hour in
Africa and whether their response is timely and
also sufficiently broad. Ambassador Stevenson,
speaking in the Security Council last March 15,
outlined a frame of reference which we believe is
still pertinent, using these words : '

The United States would be remiss in its duties as a
friend of Portugal if it failed to express honestly its con-
viction that step-by-step planning within Portuguese
territories and its acceleration is now imperative for the
successful political and economic and social advancement
of all inhabitants under Portuguese administration —
advancement, in brief, toward full self-determination.

Angola and Mozambique have real promise
for all of their peoples under a progressive evo-
lution, and I sincerely hope that we have now seen
the beginning of such an evolution.

' For a statement made by Charles W. Yost, U.S. Repre-
sentative in the Security Council, and text of a resolution,
see Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 88.

' Ihid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497.

Attitudes Toward Change

Pei-mit me now, before closing, to touch on one
general impression gained m my trip.

In a speech in South Africa early in 1960 Prime
Minister Macmillan said that "the wind of change
is blowing through the continent." His words
were intended to bring reluctant or fearful minds
to face up to extending political and civil rights
equally to all men.

Since he spoke, 17 new nations have been bom
to independence in Africa, but in the dependent
territories I visited (as well as in the Eepublic
of South Africa, which I have not visited) there
are still many influential citizens who would like
to believe they can isolate themselves and pre-
serve political privileges with no change, or only
very little change. In defense of this attitude
they tend to look at the Congo as if what has
happened there is typical, when clearly it is the
exception to the rule among the newly independ-
ent countries.

Unfortunately there are some areas of white
African opinion that believe every African
nationalist is a Communist and subscribes to a
program of exterminating the whites or driving
them out. This is obviously untrue. National-
ist leaders by and large welcome white participa-
tion in their countries' affairs, recognizing the con-
tribution they can make. It is true, however, that
they believe that white Africans must ultimately
be content with the same privileges as black
Africans.

It is my hope that, increasingly, people will
become better informed about and will take heart
from the examples of successful independent gov-
ernments elsewhere in Africa. I should add that
our own policies for Africa are very much bound
up in this question. To the extent we can help
these new governments build up strong and stable
societies, we shall be contributing to a relaxation
of irrational and potentially dangerous fears.
Meanwhile we must also recognize how important
it is to see things through to a successful conclu-
sion in the Congo. And always it is important to
make our own multiracial society an outstanding
success.

My friends, in closing let me say again how
important it is that Americans take the kind of
interest in Africa that you have shown in estab-
lishing this scholarship award. It is a credit to
you, to Philadelpliia, and to the United States.

Oc/ober J 6, 1967

641

If your example is repeated often enough, the
future of African-American friendship will be
virtually assured.

Assistant Secretary Williams Plans
Two More Trips to Africa

The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 26 (press release 666) that Assistant Sec-
retary of State for African Affairs G. Memien
Williams would leave Washington September 29
for Rabat, Morocco. This will be the first stop
in his third oiBcial trip to Africa since he was
appointed by President Kennedy to the Depart-
ment of State. In addition to Morocco, he will
visit Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Chad,
Tunisia, Libya, and the Sudan between October 1
and 24. Mr. Williams will be accompanied by
Mrs. Williams, Department of State aides, and
representatives of the Departments of Labor and
Health, Education, and Welfare and the Inter-
national Cooperation Administration.

In two separate trips earlier this year. Assist-
ant Secretary Williams visited 16 coimtries in
central Africa as well as 2 independent states and
8 territories in southeast Africa.

Assi-stant Secretary Williams is making this
trip in order to convey personally the good wishes
and interest of the United States to the govern-
ments and peoples of the north and west African
nations and to gain firsthand impressions of the
area. He will also consult with members of our
embassies and consulates.

A fourth trip is planned to begin on November
27 and continue to December 17, at which time
Assistant Secretary Williams will visit west and
central African nations which were not included
in his previous visits.

CENTO Telecommunications
Project Contract Signed

Press release 674 dated September 29

The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 29 the signing of a telecommunications
project contract between the Radio Corporation of

America (RCA) and the International Coopera-
tion Administration (ICA) on behalf of the U.S.
Government. The project eventually will link
the three regional members of the Central Treaty
Organization (CENTO), Turkey, Iran, and
Pakistan. The signing ceremony took place in the
office of D. A. FitzGerald, Deputy Director of Op-
erations for ICA, who signed for the United
States. Douglas C. Lynch, vice president of RCA,
signed for the company. Among those attending
were representatives of the three regional coun-
tries and officials of RCA, ICA, and the Depart-
ment of State.

This occasion marks the start of actual construc-
tion on an undertakuig which has been the subject
of cooperative effort by the United States, Turkey,
Iran, and Pakistan for over 3 years, imder the
sponsorship of CENTO. The project illustrates
the peaceful objectives of CENTO as well as
cento's usefulness as a vehicle for regional
collaboration. Four sovereign nations, in partner-
ship, have worked together from the outset in
determining the major features of a modern tele-
communications system. The system is designed
not only to provide communications between
Ankara, Tehran, and Karachi but to tie in many
other communities. It is designed to take account
of existing and future branch lines along the
route. The equipment will be owned by the three
host countries and operated integrally with their
existing telecommunications systems.

The project is a partnership venture in the
financial sense also in that the host countries are
making large contributions which include provid-
ing all of the necessary buildings, several hundred
miles of access roads, and cash contributions to
cover the local-currency costs of construction.
The $16,490,000 construction contract is financed
largely by the United States but also in part by
the host countries. The United States is provid-
ing all foreign exchange costs for manufacturing
the equipment, and for its installation and testing.

The 3,000-mile CENTO telecommunications
system will be one of the longest microwave
systems in the world. "Wlien completed it will con-
tribute importantly to the realization of one of
cento's principal economic objectives — the im-
provement of communications between the coun-
tries of the region.

642

Department of State Bulletin

Ambassador Harriman Visits
Southeast Asia

Folloioing are departure statements made hy
Ambassador at Large W. Averell Harriman on
Septemher IS at Rangoon and on September 20
at Vientiane. Ambassador Harriman was visit-
ing southeast Asia to discvss further with Asian
leaders matters relating to the International Con-
ference for the Settlement of the Laotian Ques-
tion, ivhich convened at Geneva May. 16}

RANGOON

The talks which His Highness Prince Souvanna
Phouma and I have had during the past 3 days
have been franlv and useful and have given us an
opportunity to discuss the wide range of subjects
of mutual concern. We agreed that our common
objective is a truly neutral and sovereign Laos,
independent of all outside interferences, to be
achieved by peaceful means.

We discussed the various issues being negotiated
at the 14-nation conference at Geneva, and I found
a considerable measure of understanding between
us. There are a number of points now unresolved
in Geneva which can only be settled after the ar-
rival of a united delegation representing a govern-
ment of national unity. Parallel of the conference
in Geneva are the negotiations between the tliree
princes for fonnation of such a government. We
agreed on the need for an early successful outcome
of these negotiations. In the meantime, both of
us stressed the importance of strict observance of
a cease-fire by all concerned.

I raised with His Highness the question of the
Americans held in Xieng Khouang. He assured
me they would be released as soon as the new gov-
ernment was formed and in the meantime could
receive letters and packages.

His Highness and I have both expressed to
Prime Minister U Nu and his Government our
great appreciation for the hospitality and many
courtesies which they have shown us during our
stay here.

' For background, see Bulletin of May 15, 1961, p. 710 ;
June 5, 1961, p. 844 ; June 26, 1961, p. 1023 ; and July 10,
1961, p. 85.

VIENTIANE

During my visit to Laos I have had the honor
of being received by His Majesty the King. I had
the opportunity to assure him of the President's
deep interest in and concern for the future of Laos
and of my Government's support for His Majesty
and his Government. I expressed the unswerving
determination of the United States to assist in the
achievement of a truly independent and neutral
Laos through peaceful means.

I have had fruitful discussions with His High-
ness the Prime Minister, Prince Bonn Oum; the
Deputy Prime Minister, General Phoumi Nosa-
van ; and members of the Royal Government.

In these meetings we discussed the negotiations
going on at the 14-nation conference in Geneva
and the parallel discussions among the three
princes. We considered together the manner in
which our common goal of a peaceful and in-
dependent Laos could be reached. I informed His
Majesty and the Royal Government fully about
my talks in Rangoon with Prince Souvanna
Phouma, and I expressed the hope that the three
princes could meet soon again to come to an agree-
ment upon a government of national unity.

I am grateful to His Majesty for his gracious-
ness in receiving me and for the warm hospitality
and courtesies shown me by members of his
Government.

U.S. Makes Additional Quantities
of Uranium 235 Available

STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated September 26

Progress in using atomic energy for peaceful
purposes is evident in the numerous national and
international programs for scientific i-esearch and
for the development of nuclear power and other
applications. Many of the current projects and
those contemplated for the future are based on the
use of enriched uranium. I am announcing today
a further step by the United States to meet the
prospective needs for this material.

I have determined under section 41 b of the
Atomic Energy Act of 1954 that the amount of

Ocfober ^6, 7961

643

enriched uranium to be made available for peace-
ful uses at home and abroad will be increased to
a total of 165,000 kilograms of contained uranium
235. Of this total 100,000 kilograms is to be
available for distribution within the United
States under section 53 of the Atomic Energy Act
and 65,000 kilograms for distribution to other
countries under section 54. These amounts have
been recommended by the Atomic Energy Com-
mission with the concurrence of the Secretaries of
State and Defense. The material will be dis-
tributed as required over a period of years and
will be subject to prudent safeguards against un-
authorized use.

This action increases the amounts of uranium
235 made available by previous determination an-
nounced on February 22, 1956,^ and July 3, 1957.^
The new amounts are estimated to cover present
commitments and those expected to be made
during the next few years imder domestic li-
censes and foreign agreements. The purpose of
this announcement is to provide continuing as-
surance of the availability of enriched uranium
for peaceful programs contemplated at home and
abroad. As those programs develop in the fu-
ture, it will undoubtedly be necessary to make
further determinations to meet their requirements.
The capacity of the United States for producing
enriched uranium is sufficient to meet all foresee-
able needs for peaceful uses in addition to our
defense needs.

A discussion of the new determination is con-
tained in the attached statement by the Chairman
of the Atomic Energy Commission.

STATEMENT BY GLENN T. SEABORG
CHAIRMAN, ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated September 26

The President's announcement today that the
amount of enriched uranium to be made available
for peaceful uses at home and abroad has been in-
creased to a total of 165,000 kilograms of con-
tained uranimn 235 is an important step in the
advancement of peaceful applications of atomic
energy. Of this total, the 100,000 kilograms for
distribution within the United States and the

' Bulletin of Mar. 19, 1956, p. 469.
' nid., July 22, 1957, p. 146.

65,000 kilograms for distribution to other coun-
tries were recommended by the Atomic Energy
Commission to cover existing commitments and
those expected to be made during the next few
years under domestic licenses and foreign agree-
ments, including materials for research, test, and
power reactors. The availability of material for
peaceful uses in AEC's own facilities is not part
of this determination.

The last Presidential determination was an-
nounced on July 3, 1957, and brought the total of
material available to 100,000 kilograms of ura-
nium 235, divided equally between domestic and
foreign uses. As explained by the AEC at that
time, the 100,000-kilogram figure was in units of
equivalent output of highly enriched uranium
from United States production plants. However,
most of the uranium to be made available will
not be highly enriched in uranium 235, and the
domestic licenses and foreign agreements are in
terms of kilograms of uranium 235 actually con-
tained in the material supplied. Therefore, for
simplicity, the new determination is expressed in
kilograms of contained uranium 235. The total
of 165,000 kilograms of contained uranium 235
to be available is estimated as the production
equivalent of about 140,000 kilograms of uranium
235 in highly enriched material, so that the new
determination represents an increase of 40 percent
over tlie previous total.

The Presidential determination of enriched ura-
nium to be available for peaceful uses is based on
anticipated needs for present projects and those
expected to start during the next few years. On
earlier occasions the foreign and domestic require-
ments were estimated to be about equal, and thus
the quantities of material determined to be avail-
able for domestic and foreign distribution were
identical or nearly so. The fact that more en-
riched uranium presently is bemg made available
for domestic than foreign uses reflects, for the
moment at least, a somewhat more rapid increase
in the domestic needs of nuclear industiy for en-
riched uranium than in the foreign needs but does
not necessarily establish a precedent for future de-
terminations. As new requirements for enriched
uranium develop with expanded use of atomic en-
ergy at home and abroad, the quantity of material
to be made available for distribution by the AEC
will be reexamined periodically.

644

Department of State Bulletin

Allocation of enriched uranium to a reactor
project includes material for the fuel loading, for
fuel consumption over the period of the domestic
license or foreign agreement, and for the "pipe-
line" associated with the manufacture and storage
of fuel elements, cooling and shipment of irradi-
ated fuel, and chemical processing of irradiated
fuel to recover special nuclear material. The
amount of uranium 235 contained in enriched
uranium returned to the AEC is deducted from
the amount supplied by the AEC in computing
how much is available for further distribution.
The material allocated to a reactor project may
not be completely distributed for several decades.

As of June 30, 1961, there were in effect in the
United States construction permits or operating
licenses for 10 power reactors, 3 test reactors, 69
research reactors, and 14 critical-experiment fa-
cilities, in addition to 409 special nuclear material
licenses for uses other than in reactors or critical-
experiment facilities. Agreements for coopera-
tion in the civil uses of atomic energy are in effect
between the United States and a large part of the
free world, including 38 coimtries and West Ber-
lin; 14 of tliese agreements provide for coopera-
tion on power reactors. In addition, agreements
are in effect with the International Atomic En-
ergy Agency and the European Atomic Energy
Community (EURATOM).

Enriched uranium for peaceful purposes is dis-
tributed abroad only imder agreements for coop-
eration in the civil uses of atomic energy. These
agreements are of two general types: those pro-
viding for the transfer of modest amounts of ma-
terial for power as well as research and test re-
actors. All such agi-eements for cooperation con-
tain a guarantee by the cooperating country that
the material supplied will be used exclusively for
peaceful purposes. Safeguard provisions allow-
ing inspection of materials, facilities, and records
by United States or international inspectors are
also included, as appropriate.

The uranium 235 content of enriched uranium
distributed abroad is normally limited to 20 per-
cent. However, uranium containing up to 90 per-
cent uranium 235 may be made available for re-
search and test reactors and reactor experiments.
Agreements providing for the transfer of such
highly enriclied uranium for these purposes or for
the transfer of enriched uranium for power re-

actors contain comprehensive safeguard provi-
sions. Agreements covering only the transfer of
uranium containing up to 20 percent uranium 235
for research reactors contain more limited safe-
guard provisions.

Import Restrictions on Tung Oil
and Tung Nuts To Be Studied

White House press release dated September 18

Following is the text of a letter from President
Kennedy to the Members of the U.S. Tariff
Commission.

September 18, 1961
Dear Sirs: I have been advised by the Secre-
tary of Agriculture that there is reason to believe
that the circumstances requiring the provisions
of Proclamation No. 3378 of October 27, 1960,^
issued pursuant to Section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as amended, which extends for
three years commencing November 1, 1960, the
import restrictions on tung oil and tung nuts, no
longer exist and that such provisions may now be
terminated.

It is requested that the Tariff Commission make
a supplemental mvestigation under Section 22(d)
of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended,
to determine whether the circumstances requiring
said provisions of the aforementioned Proclama-
tion no longer exist and such provisions may now
be terminated.

The Commission's report of findings and recom-
mendations should be submitted as soon as prac-
ticable.

Sincerely,

John F. EIennedy

Honorable Joseph E. Talbot
Honorable J. Allen Overton, Jr.
Honorable Walter F. Schreiber
Honorable Glenn W. Sutton
Honorable William E. Dowling
United States Tariff Commission
Washington, D.C.

" For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 28, 1960, p. 835.

October 76, 7967

645

THE CONGRESS

President Signs Bill Creating
U.S. Disarmament Agency

ReTnarJcs hy President Kennedy^

With the signing of H.K. 9118 there is created
the United States Arms Control and Disarma-
ment Agency.= This act symbolizes the impor-
tance the United States places on arms control and
disarmament in its foreign policy.

The creation for the first time by act of Con-
gress of a special organization to deal with arms
control and disarmament matters emphasizes the
high priority that attaches to our efforts in this
direction. Our ultimate goal, as the act points
out, is a world free from war and free from the
dangers and burdens of armaments, in which the
use of force is subordinated to the rule of law and
in which international adjustments to a changing
world are achieved peacefully.

It is a complex and difficult task to reconcile
through negotiation the many security interests
of all nations to achieve disarmament, but the
establishment of this Agency will provide new
and better tools for this effort.

I am pleased and heartened by the bipartisan
support this bill enjoyed in the Congress. The
leaders of both political parties gave encourage-
ment and assistance. The new Agency brings
renewed hope for agreement and progress in the
critical battle for tlie survival of mankind.

I want to express my thanks to the Members of
the Congress — particularly who are here — who
were specially interested. I am extremely sorry
that Senator [HubertH.] Humphrey, who was a
particularly vigorous proponent of this legisla-
tion for many years in the Senate, is obliged to
remain in Washington. And I want to add a spe-
cial word of thanks to Mr. [John J.] McCloy, the
disarmament adviser, who has given this entire
matter his most constant attention.

I want to take this opportunity to annoimce that
the Director of the United States Arms Control
and Disarmament Agency set up by this legisla-
tion will be Mr. William Foster. He has been
a consultant to Mr. McCloy in preparing the
American plan which has been submitted to the
United Nations General Assembly yesterday,^ and
he and a gi'oup have been working for many
months, full time, on this most important
assignment.

I think that Mr. Salinger [Pierre Salinger,
White House Press Secretary] can give this after-
noon to any members of the press some of the
biographical material. Mr. Foster has been a
distinguished public servant for many years as a
most active and leading official in the Marshall
plan. He is a Republican, and I think his ap-
pointment indicates the bipartisan, national con-
cern of both parties — and really, in a sense, all
Americans — for this effort to disarm mankind
with adequate safeguards.

So I want to express our appreciation to you.
Mr. Foster, for taking on this assignment, and
Mr. Salinger perhaps can fill in some of the details.
Mr. Foster, as Director of this, has the rank of
an Under Secretary of State, and his work will
be most closely coordinated with the Secretai-y of
State, with me and the White House, and with our
representatives in the General Assembly.

Department Opposes Tariff
on Lead and Zinc

Statement ty Edwin M. Martin

Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs^

The subject of this statement is S. 1747, a bill
to stabilize the mining of lead and zinc.

The Department of State testified before the
Subcommittee on Minerals, Metals, and Fuels of

' Made at New Tork, N.T., on Sept 20 (White House
(New York) press release).

' Fer baokgronnd, see Bulletin of July 17, 1061, p. 99 ;
Sept. 4, 1961, p. 412 ; and Sept. 18, 1961, p. 492.

■ Spp p. 6!>0.

' Read before the Senate Finance Committee by Sidney
B. .Tacques, Director, OflBce of International Resources,
on Sept. 20 (press release 648) .

646

Deparfmenf of State B^/lletin

the Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Commit-
tee on one version of this bill.^ Since that time
the bill lias been amended with respect to the
subsidy provisions to reduce the price base for
•determining the subsidy but to increase the num-
.ber of producers eligible for the stabilization pay-
ments, as well as the quantity upon which each
may receive payments. The provisions which
would raise the taxes on imported lead and zinc
concentrates and metal and on numerous products
^re the same as originally proposed in S. 1747.

The Department of State, together with the
•other interested departments and agencies of this
administration, recommended against the passage
■of this legislation and continues to be strongly op-
posed to its enactment. We believe that the pro-
gram would prejudice the broader interests of the
United States both in the development of its own
economy and foreign trade and in its political re-
lations with other countries.

The Department of State is keenly aware of
the problems of this industry, especially in the
areas where mines have declined, smelters have
•closed, and communities have experienced unem-
ployment and business losses. The lead and zinc
markets have been plagued by surpluses, caused
primarily by reduced demand for these products,
which has resulted in low prices. This condition
of the industry has resulted from a number of
different causes, including overexpansion induced
by World War II, the Korean emergency, and the
stockpiling program. In addition it is suffering
from the difficulties that all mining industries
experience when ore bodies that were once eco-
nomic become marginal because the quality of the
ore declines or markets shift or newer, lower cost
supplies are developed. At the same time the
markets for lead and zinc in the United States
have declined from their 1955 peak due to inroads
made by competitive materials and by changes in
consumer taste— such as the development of the
compact automobile.

Kecognizing these problems, the administration
was prepared to consider a subsidy to small
miners to help them over this difficult period.
The terms of such a subsidy were outlined by the
Department of the Interior. It would provide
stabilization payments for up to 750 tons eaclTof
lead and zinc the first year, 500 the second year,
and 250 tons the third and last year. It would

' Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 340.
October 16, 1961

contain proper safeguards against unwarranted
windfall profits and was designed not to build
up production that could not stand on its own feet
in the future.

We believe the subsidy provisions in the bill be-
fore your committee to be too liberal. I leave to
the Department of the Interior the assessment of
the effect on the industry and the administrative
difficulties. I understand, however, that such a
subsidy could raise the production of lead and zinc
by 40,000 tons or more for each metal. Such a
volume would exert a downward pressure on
prices, to the detriment of the unsubsidized sector
of the industry. Such lower prices would cause
concern to those friendly countries who depend
on the U.S. market for a significant part of their
sales of lead and zinc. Not only less developed
countries such as Mexico and Peru depend on
sales to the United States, but also Australia and
Canada, which are important markets for Ameri-
can exports, need these earnings to help balance
their accounts with us. Representatives of some
of these countries have told us that the adminis-
tration subsidy proposal would not injure them
appreciably but that they were apprehensive of
the proposal in S. 1747.

Tariff Provisions of S. 1747

Turning to the import tax provisions contained
in title III of S. 1747, the Department of State
earnestly hopes that they will not be approved.
In the first place it would be inconsistent with the
general policy of leaving adjustments in tariff
rates to machinery set up in the Trade Agreements
Act and other administrative arrangements and of
not legislating directly on individual commodities.
Such a change would discourage the coimtries with
whom we must work to reduce barriers to our own
trade.

"Wlien we imposed import quotas on lead and
zinc concentrates and metal in 1958 under the
escape-clause procedure of the Trade Agreements
Act, the other countries who were members of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and who
suffered injury to their trade were entitled to ask
us for compensation. They did not do so because
they understood our problem and because they
believed that our action was temporary and would
be removed when conditions warranted. If we
proceed to legislate increases in import duties
there will be no reason why they should not ask

647

for compensation. We would be obliged to offer
reductions in some other tariff rates or perhaps
to see these other countries raise barriers against

us.

The tariff provisions of S. 1747 aim at the estab-
lishment of a domestic price for each of lead and
zinc metal at between IS14 cents and 14^/2 cents
per pound. There is good evidence that this is
neither necessary nor wise from the point of view
of the industry. Both metals have lost heavily
from the impact of substitutes in the past decade.
This process will be encouraged by the mainte-
nance of a high price. While present prices may
well be too low for a long-term balance between
supply and demand, it will only compoimd the
difficulty to aim at a price that is too high. The
Department of State does not know the price level
that will prove to be economically sound for lead
and zinc, but the Department of the Interior has
pointed out that economic forces probably would
not let the prices for these metals reach 141/4 cents
per pound more than temporarily. We believe
that the targets are too high and that other means
should be used to achieve more modest goals.

The decline in the domestic market for lead and
zinc lias been the basic problem for the domestic
industry. The quotas have not maintained the
domestic price at acceptable levels because of this
falloff in domestic demand. But this has been
due to domestic factors and not to an increase in
cheaper imports, since the quotas have limited
imports to 80 percent of the 1953-57 average. If
lead and zinc had maintained their markets over
the past 5 years against domestic substitute ma-
terials, their sales would have been about 10 per-
cent, or about 100,000 Ions, higher. Few people
woidd deny that the industry would have been
prosperous under those conditions.

Symbolic Character of Lead and Zinc

Lead and zinc have been given a symbolic char-
acter by other countries which raises intense emo-
tional and political reactions even in countries
that are not substantially affected economically.
This is especially true in Latin America but is
remarkably present in other areas of the world.
There is little doubt that more restrictive action
on trade in these metals by the United States would
be interpreted as a retreat from international co-
operation as a means of solving economic prob-
lems. Coming at a time M-hen we need the coop-

648

eration of others in reducing barriers to our trade,
this would establish an unfavorable atmosphere.
The Department of State has been using its best
efforts internationally to improve the position of
lead and zinc and thus benefit the industry in this
comitry. Tlirough the International Lead and
Zinc Study Group ' we regularly examine both
the short-term and long-term problems in this
field. Several actions have been tried to overcome
the weak market prices in these metals. Sales were
voluntarily restricted by some countries. Others
cut their production. The United States has con-
tracted to take 100,000 tons of surplus lead off tlie
market through barter for our agricultural sur-
pluses from producers who undertook to reduce
their output. None of these actions have had the
full effect desired. In the main, lack of success
has been due to failure of demand in tlie United
States to return to what has been normal levels in
the past. The Study Group will meet again this
October in Geneva. The clear intention on the
part of the United States to continue attacking
the problem multilaterally instead of taking uni-
lateral action will contribute greatly to our inter-
national position in these times.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Disarmament Agency. Hearings before the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee on S. 2180, a bill to establish
a U.S. Disarmament Agency for World Peace and
Security. August 14-lC, 1961. 352 pp.

Analysis of the Khrushchev Speech of January 6, 1961.
Hearing before the Subcommittee To Investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other
Internal Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Com-
mittee. Testimony of Dr. Stefan T. Possony. June
16. 1961. S. Doc. 46. August 24, 1961. 100 pp.

Promotion of United States Exports. Hearing before
Subcommittee No. 3 of the House Banking and Cur-
rency Committee on H.R. 8381, a bill to amend the
Export-Import Banli Act of 1945, H.R. 7102 and H.R.
710.3, bills to create an American Export Credits
Guaranty Corporation, and H.R. 7266 and H.R. 8249,
bills to encourage and promote the expansion through
private enterprise of domestic exports in world markets.
August 30, 1961. 1.56 pp.

Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 1001.
Report to accompany H.R. 8666. H. Rept. 1094.
August 31, 1961. 42 pp.

Amendments to the Budget Involving an Increa.se In
Appropriations for the Agency for International De-
velopment. Communication from the President. H.
Doc. 230. September 1, 1961. 2 pp.

' For background, see ihid.. May 9. 19C0, p. 7.5S.

Department of Stale BuUelin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ^

Adjourned During September 1961

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests ....

22d International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art

15th Annual Edinburgh Film Festival

10th Pacific Science Congress

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Planning and Administration of National
Community Development Programs.

South Pacific Commission: Women's Interests Training Seminar .

U.N. ECOSOC Committee of Experts on Transportation of Dan-
gerous Goods.

GATT Working Party on the Review of Article XXXV

U.N. Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation: 10th
Session.

International Conference on Currency Counterfeiting

ICAO Diplomatic Conference on the Unification of Certain Rules
Relating to International Carriage by Air Performed by a Person
Other Than the Contracting Carrier.

WHO Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 12th Session . .

lA-ECOSOC First Inter-American Traffic Seminar

U.N. ECAFE Asian Conference on Community Development. . .

U.N. ECE Working Party on Mechanization of Agriculture . . .

International Criminal Police Organization: 30th General Assem-
bly.

Caribbean Commission: 31st Meeting

International Seed Testing Association: Executive Committee . .

Caribbean Organization: 1st Meeting

ICEM Subcommittee on Budget and Finance: 4th Session . . .

ICEM Subcommittee on Budget and Finance: 1st Session of Work-
ing Party.

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Industrial Statistics

NATO Planning Board for European Inland Surface Transport . .

GATT Working Party on the Budget

U.N. ECE Working Party on Transport of Perishable Foodstuffs .

U.N. ECE Committee on Trade: 10th Session

Permanent International Association of Navigation Congresses:
20th International Congress.

GATT Committee III on E.xpansion of International Trade . . .

Washington Foreign Ministers Conference

Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission: Special Meeting . .

50th Conference of the Inter-Parliamentary Union

UNESCO E.xecutive Board Subcommittees

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Inter-
national Monetary Fund, International Finance Corporation,
International Development Association: Annual Meetings of
Boards of Governors.

ILO Tripartite Subcommittee of the Joint Maritime Commission
on Seafarers' Welfare: 2d Session.

U.N. ECAFE Symposium on Dams and Reservoirs

NATO Civil Defense Committee

FAO International Conference on Fish in Nutrition

IAEA Board of Governors

Geneva Oct. 31, 1958-

Sept. 9 1961

Venice Aug. 20-Sept. 3

Edinburgh Aug. 20-Sept. 9

Honolulu Aug. 21-Sept. 1

Bangkok Aug. 22-Sept. 16

Apia, Western Samoa .... Aug. 24-Sept. 22

Geneva Aug. 28-Sept. 1

Geneva Aug. 28-Sept. 6

New York Aug. 28-Sept. 15

Copenhagen Aug. 29-Sept. 1

Guadalajara, Mexico Aug. 29-Sept. 18

Wellington Aug. 31-Sept. 5

Washington Sept. 4-8

Bangkok Sept. 4-8

Geneva Sept. 4-8

Copenhagen Sept. 4-9

San Juan Sept. 5 (1 day)

Wageningen, Netherlands . . . Sept. 5-7

San Juan Sept. 6-15

Washington Sept. 6-15

Washington Sept. 6-15

Bangkok Sept. 7-23

Paris Sept. 8-9

Geneva Sept. 11-15

Geneva Sept. 11-15

Geneva Sept. 11-18

Baltimore Sept. 11-19

Geneva Sept. 11-22

Washington Sept. 14-16

Long Beach, Calif Sept. 14-16

Brussels Sept. 14-22

Paris Sept. 14-22

Vienna Sept. 18-22

Geneva Sept. 18-23

Tokyo Sept. 18-23

Paris Sept. 19-20

Washington Sept. 19-27

Vienna Sept. 22-25

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 28, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: ECAFE,
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and
Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tarififs and Trade; IAEA,
International .atomic Energy Agency; lA-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic and Social Council; ICAO, International
Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor
Organization; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization: U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological Organiza-
tion.

Ocfober 16, 7 967

649

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued

Adjourned During September 1961 — Continued

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 26th Session Geneva Sept. 25-26

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Road Geneva Sept. 25-29

Traffic Accidents.

UNESCO Intergovernmental Copyright Committee: 6th Session . Madrid Sept. 25-30

GATT Worliing Party on Swiss Accession Geneva Sept. 26-28

NATO Manpower Planning Committee Paris Sept. 27-28

U.N. ECE ^rf //oc Working Party on General Conditions of Sale for Geneva Sept. 27-28

Steel Products and Iron, Chromium, and Manganese Ores.

In Session as of September 30, 1961

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotian Ques- Geneva May 16-

tion.

U.N. Sugar Conference Geneva Sept. 12-

4th ICAO North Atlantic Regional Air Navigation Meeting . . . Paris Sept. 14-

WMO Commission for Aerology: 3d Session Rome Sept. 18-

U.N. General Assembly: 16th Session New York Sept. 19-

ILO Joint Maritime Commission: 19th Session Geneva Sept. 25-

GATT Council of Representatives to the Contracting Parties . . Geneva Sept. 25-

lAEA General Conference: 5th Regular Session Vienna Sept. 26-

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Economic Planners New Delhi Sept. 26-

U.S. Submits Proposal for General
and Complete Disarmament to U.N.

D.N. doc. A/4891

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

Septeiviber 25, 1961
I have the honour to transmit the text of the
proposal entitled "Declaration on Disarmament —
The United States Programme for General and
Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World", to
which refei-ence was made by President Kennedy
in his addre-ss to the General Assembly today.'

I would be gi'ateful if this letter with its enclo-
sure were circulated as soon as possible to all Mem-
bers of the United Nations for the information
of the General Assembly and the Disarmament
Commission.

Adlai E. Stevenson

TEXT OF PROPOSED DECLARATION

The following is submitted by the United States
of ATnerica as a proposed Declaration on Disarma-
incnt for consideration by the General Assembly

' See p. 610. For text of a U.S.-U.S.S.R. report to the
General Assembly, with a joint statement of agreed prin-
ciples for disarmament negotiations and supplementary
U.S. documents, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1901, p. 589.

of the United Nations a^s a guide for the negotia-
tion of a program^me for general and complete
disarmament in a peaceful world.

Declaration on Disarmament: A Programme
FOR General and Complete Disarmament in
a Peaceful World

The Nations of the world,

Conscious of the crisis in human history pro-
duced by the revolutionary development of mod-
ern weapons within a world divided by serious
ideological differences;

Determined to save present and succeeding gen-
erations from the scourge of war and the dangers
and burdens of the arms race and to create condi-
tions \\\ which all peoples can strive freely and
peacefully to fulfil their basic aspirations;

Declare their goal to be: a free, secure, and
peaceful world of independent States adhering to
common standards of justice and international
conduct and subjecting the use of force to the rule
of law; a world where adjustment to change takes
place in accordance with the principles of the
United Nations; a world where there shall be a
permanent state of general and complete disarma-
ment under effective international control and
where the resources of nations shall be devoted
to man's material, cultural and spiritual advance;

Set forth as the objectives of a programme of

650

Oeparfmenf of %ia\e Bulletin

general and complete disarmament in a peaceful
world :

(a) The disbanding of all national armed forces
and the prohibition of their re-establishment in
any form -whatsoever other than those required to
preserve internal order and for contributions to a
United Nations Peace Force ;

(b) The elimination from national arsenals of
all armaments, including all weapons of mass
destruction and the means for their delivery, other
than those required for a United Nations Peace
Force and for maintaining internal order ;

(c) The establishment and effective operation
of an International Disarmament Organization
within the framework of the United Nations to
ensure compliance at all times with all disarma-
ment obligations ;

(d) The institution of effective means for the
enforcement of international agreements, for the
settlement of disputes, and for the maintenance
of peace in accordance with the principles of the
United Nations ;

Call on the negotiating States:

(a) To develop the outline programme set forth
below into an agreed plan for general and com-
plete disarmament and to continue their efforts
without interruption until the whole programme
has been achieved ;

(b) To this end to seek to attain the widest
possible area of agreement at the earliest possible
date;

(c) Also to seek — without prejudice to progress
on the disarmament programme — agreement on
those immediate measures that would contribute
to the common security of nations and that could
facilitate and form a part of that programme ;

Aifirm that disarmament negotiations should be
guided by the following principles :

(a) Disarmament shall take place as rapidly
as possible until it is completed in stages contain-
ing balanced, phased and safeguarded measures,
with each measure and stage to be carried out in
an agreed period of time.

(b) Compliance with all disarmament obliga-
tions shall be effectively verified from their entry
into force. Verification arrangements shall be
instituted progressively and in such a manner as
to verify not only that agreed limitations or reduc-
tions take place but also that retained armed

forces and armaments do not exceed agreed levels
at any stage.

(c) Disarmament shall take place in a manner
that will not affect adversely the security of any
State, whether or not a party to an international
agreement or treaty.

(d) As States relinquish their arms, the United
Nations shall be progressively strengthened in
order to improve its capacity to assure interna-
tional security and the peaceful settlement of dif-
ferences as well as to facilitate the development
of international co-operation in common tasks for
the benefit of mankind.

(e) Transition from one stage of disarmament
to the next shall take place as soon as all the meas-
ures in the preceding stage have been carried out
and effective verification is continuing and as soon
as the arrangements that have been agreed to be
necessary for the next stage have been instituted.

Agree upon the following outline programme
for achieving general and complete disarmament :

Stage I

A. To Estahlish an International Disarmament
Organization :

(a) An International Disarmament Organiza-
tion (IDO) shall be established within the frame-
work of the United Nations upon entry into force
of the agreement. Its functions shall be ex-
panded progressively as required for the effective
verification of the disarmament programme.

(b) The IDO shall have: (1) a General Con-
ference of all the parties; (2) a Commission con-
sisting of representatives of all the major Powers
as permanent members and certain other States
on a rotating basis; and (3) an Administrator
who will administer the Organization subject to
the direction of the Commission and who will have
the authority, staff, and finances adequate to
assure effective impartial implementation of the
functions of the Organization.

(c) The IDO shall : (1) ensure compliance with
the obligations undertaken by verifying the execu-
tion of measures agreed upon; (2) assist the
States in developing the details of agreed further
verification and disarmament measures; (3) pro-
vide for the establishment of such bodies as may
be necessary for working out the details of fur-
ther measures provided for in the programme and
for such other expert study groups as may be

October 16, 1 96 1

651

required to give continuous study to the problems
of disarmament; (4) receive reports on the prog-
ress of disarmament and verification arrange-
ments and determine the transition from one stace
to the next.

B. To Reduce Armed Forces and Armaments:

(a) Force levels shall be limited to 2.1 million
each for the United States and USSR and to
appropriate levels not exceeding 2.1 million each
for all other militarily significant States. Reduc-
tions to the agreed levels will proceed by equi-
table, proportionate, and verified steps.

(b) Levels of armaments of prescribed types
shall be reduced by equitable and balanced steps.
The reductions shall be accomplished by transfers
of armaments to depots supervised by the IDO.
When, at specified periods during the Stage I
reduction process, the States party to the agree-
ment have agreed that the armaments and armed
forces are at prescribed levels, the armaments in
depots shall be destroyed or converted to peace-
ful uses.

(c) Tlie production of agreed types of arma-
ments shall be limited.

(d) A Chemical, Biological, Radiological
(CBR) Experts Commission shall be established
■within the IDO for the purpose of examining and
reporting on the feasibility and means for accom-
plishing the verifiable reduction and eventual
elimination of CBR weapons stockpiles and the
halting of their production.

C. To Contain and Reduce the Nuclear Threat:

(a) States that have not acceded to a treaty
effectively prohibiting the testing of nuclear
■weapons shall do so.

(b) The production of fissionable materials for
use in ■weapons shall be stopped.

(c) Upon the cessation of production of fis-
sionable materials for use in weapons, agreed ini-
tial quantities of fissionable materials from past
production shall be transferred to non-weapons
purposes.

(d) Any fissionable materials transferred be-
tween countries for peaceful uses of nuclear
energy shall be subject to appropriate safeguards
to be developed in agreement with the IAEA
[International Atomic Energy Agency].

(e) States owning nuclear weapons shall not
relinquish control of sucli weapons to any nation
not owning them and shall not transmit to any

such nation the information or material necessary
for their manufacture. States not owning nu-
clear weapons shall not manufacture such weap-
ons, attempt to obtain control of such weapons
belonging to other States, or seek or receive
information or materials necessary for their
manufacture.

(f) A Nuclear Experts Commission consisting
of I'epresentatives of the nuclear States shall be
established within the IDO for the purpose of
examining and reporting on the feasibility and
means for accomplishing the verified reduction
and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons
stockpiles.

D. To Reduce Strategic Nuclear Weapons Deliv-
ery Vehicles:

(a) Strategic nuclear weapons delivery vehi-
cles in specified categories and agreed types of
weapons designed to counter such vehicles shall
be reduced to agreed levels by equitable and bal-
anced steps. The reduction shall be accomplished
in each step by transfers to depots supervised by
the IDO of vehicles that are in excess of levels
agreed upon for each step. At specified periods
during the Stage I reduction process, the vehicles
that liave been placed under supervision of the
IDO shall be destroyed or converted to peaceful
uses.

(b) Production of agreed categories of strate-
gic nuclear weapons delivery vehicles and agreed
types of weapons designed to counter such vehi-
cles shall be discontinued or limited.

(c) Testing of agreed categories of strategic
nuclear weapons delivery vehicles and agreed
types of weapons designed to counter such vehi-
cles shall be limited or halted.

E. To Promote the Peaceful Use of Outer Space :

(a) The placing into orbit or stationing in
outer space of weapons capable of producing mass
destruction shall be prohibited.

(b) States shall give advance notification to
participating States and to the IDO of launch-
ings of space veliicles and missiles, together with
the track of the vehicle.

F. To Reduce the Risks of War by Accident, Mis-
calculation, and SurprL'ie Attach:

(a) States shall give advance notification to the
l)artiripating States and to the IDO of major
military movements and manoeuvres, on a scale as

652

Deparimeni of Slate Bulletin

may be agreed, which might give rise to misinter-
pretation or cause alarm and induce counter-
measures. The notification shall include the
geographic areas to be used and the nature, scale
and time span of the event.

(b) There shall be established observation
posts at such locations as major ports, railway
centres, motor liighways, and air bases to report
on concentrations and movements of military
forces.

(c) There shall also be established such addi-
tional inspection arrangements to reduce the dan-
ger of surprise attack as may be agreed.

(d) An international commission shall be
established immediately within the IDO to exam-
ine and make recommendations on the possibility
of further measures to reduce the risks of nuclear
war by accident, miscalculation, or failure of
commimication.

G. To Keep the Peace:

(a) States shall reafErm their obligations un-
der the United Nations Charter to refrain from
the threat or use of any type of armed force — in-
cluding nuclear, conventional, or CBR — contrary
to the principles of the United Nations Charter.

(b) States shall agree to refrain from indirect
aggression and subversion against any country.

(c) States shall use all appropriate processes
for tlie peaceful settlement of disputes and shall
seek within the United Nations further arrange-
ments for the peaceful settlement of international
disputes and for the codification and progressive
development of international law.

(d) States shall develop arrangements in Stage
I for the establishment in Stage II of a United
Nations peace force.

(e) A United Nations peace observation group
shall be staffed with a standing cadre of observers
who could be dispatched to investigate any situa-
tion which might constitute a threat to or breach
of the peace.

Stage II

A. International Disarmament Organization:
Tlie powers and responsibilities of the IDO

shall be progressively enlarged in order to give it
the capabilities to verify the measures undertaken
in Stage II.

B. To Further Reduce Armed Forces and Arma-
ments :

(a) Levels of forces for the United States,
USSR, and other militarily significant States
shall be further reduced by substantial amounts to
agreed levels in equitable and balanced steps.

(b) Levels of armaments of prescribed types
shall be further reduced by equitable and balanced
steps. The reduction shall be accomplished by
transfers of armaments to depots supervised by
the IDO. When, at specified periods during the
Stage II reduction process, the parties have
agreed that the armaments and armed forces are
at prescribed levels, the armaments in depots
shall be destroyed or converted to peaceful uses.

(c) There shall be further agreed restrictions
on the production of armaments.

(d) Agreed military bases and facilities
wherever they are located shall be dismantled or
converted to peaceful uses.

(e) Depending upon the findings of the Ex-
perts Commission on CBR weapons, the produc-
tion of CBR weapons shall be halted, existing
stocks progressively reduced, and the resulting ex-
cess quantities destroyed or converted to peaceful
uses.

C. To Further Reduce the Nuclear Threat:
Stocks of nuclear weapons shall be progres-
sively reduced to the minimum levels wliich can
be agreed upon as a result of the findings of the
Nuclear Experts Conmiission ; the resulting excess
of fissionable material shall be transferred to
peaceful purposes.

D. To Further Reduce Strategic Nuclear 'Weap-
ons Delivery Vehicles:

Further reductions in the stocks of strategic
nuclear weapons delivery vehicles and agreed
types of weapons designed to counter such vehi-
cles shall be carried out in accordance with the
procedure outlined in Stage I.

E. To Keep the Peace :

During Stage II, States shall develop further
the peace-keeping processes of the United Nations,
to the end that the United Nations can effectively
in Stage III deter or suppress any threat or use
of force in violation of the purposes and principles
of the United Nations :

(a) States shall agree upon strengthening the
structure, authority, and operation of the United
Nations so as to assure that the United Nations

October 16, 7961

653

-n-ill be able effectively to protect States against
threats to or breaclies of the peace.

(b) The United Nations peace force shall be
established and progressively strengthened.

(c) States sliall also agree upon further im-
provements and developments in rules of inter-
national conduct and in processes for peaceful
settlement of disputes and differences.

Stage III

By the time Stage II has been completed, the
confidence produced through a verified disarma-
ment progranmie, the acceptance of rules of
peaceful international behaviour, and the develop-
ment of strengthened international peace-keeping
processes within the framework of the United
Nations should have reached a point where the
States of the world can move forward to Stage
III. In Stage III, progressive controlled dis-
armament and continuously developing principles
and procedures of international law would proceed
to a point where no State would have the military
power to challenge tlie progressively strengthened
United Nations Peace Force and all international
disputes would be settled according to the agreed
principles of international conduct.

The progressive steps to be taken during the
final phase of the disarmament programme would
be directed toward the attainment of a world in
which :

(a) States would retain only those forces, non-
nuclear armaments, and establishments required
for the purpose of maintaining internal order;
they would also support and provide agreed man-
power for a United Nations Peace Force.

(b) The United Nations Peace Force, equipped
with agreed types and quantities of armaments,
would be fully functioning.

(c) The manufacture of armaments would be
I)roliibited except for those of agreed types and
quantities to be used by the United Nations Peace
Force and those required to maintain internal
order. All other armaments would be destroyed
or converted to peaceful purposes.

(d) The peace-keeping capabilities of the
United Nations would be sufficiently strong and
tlic obligations of all States under such arrange-
ments sufficiently far-reaching as to assure peace
and the just settlement of differences in a dis-
armed world.

654

Security Council Debates Admission
of New Members to U.N.

Following are two statements made on Septem-
ber 26 in the Security Council hy Ambassador
Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative, on the
applications for U.N. membership of Mauritania,
Outer Mongolia, and Sierra Leone.

MAURITANIA AND OUTER MONGOLIA

U.S. /U.N. press release 3779

Let me first say that we are very happy to know
that the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone, Dr.
Karefa Smart, is here in the Council chamber this
morning. And I would also like to express my
pleasure that the Soviet Union has agreed to the
prior consideration of the application for mem-
bership of Sierra Leone.

As to the order of our voting this morning, we
would suggest that the Ceylonese motion on the
application of Sierra Leone be considered first
and then proceed to a vote on the Soviet motion.

As to the latter we are obliged to oppose the
motion to take up Outer Mongolia before Mauri-
tania, which is the effect of the Soviet proposal,
as I understand it. Last fall the Republic of
Mauritania was considered by the Security Coun-
cil for membership in the United Nations, just as
other new African states had been considered and
promptly approved. But after the Security
Council met last year, I remind you, the Soviet
Union injected the question of Outer Mongolia
into the discussion in an effort to create a so-called
"package deal" and to justify thereby its decision
to veto the application of Mauritania.' In short
the application of Outer Mongolia was not even
raised until after the Council had been, in fact,
convened to consider Mauritania.

The present proposal to give priority to Outer
Mongolia over Mauritania is another attempt to
justify this opposition.

I do not think there is anyone here who can
deny that Mauritania less than a year ago was un-
fairly and unjustly barred from membership for
reasons that have nothing to do with Mauritania
or with Africa. Mauritania, regrettably, is in-

' Bulletin of Dec. 20, 1960, p. 976.

Department of State BuUet'm

volved in an African controversy. We must face
that fact with understanding. But to complicate
it by artificially injecting disputes and disagree-
ments entirely of a different nature and order of
magnitude seems to us both unfair and unjust.

There is, I believe, a widespread and sincere de-
sire among the great majority of countries in the
United Nations to see Mauritania admitted to
membership promptly. And we can see no justi-
fication for asking that the order of the agenda be
revised in order to give Outer Mongolia a priority
and thereby perhaps perpetuate the injustice to
Mauritania. We hope that the Council will there-
fore reject the Soviet motion when we reach it in
the course of the discussion this morning.^

SIERRA LEONE

D.S./tJ.N. press release 3781

The United States welcomes the application of
Sierra Leone for membership in the United Na-
tions. Sierra Leone has had a long and distin-
guished history filled with episodes of valor and of
hardship. The purpose of its establishment, as
we well know in this country, in 1787 was to assist
in the abolition of slavery. For many years it was
to Sierra Leone that captured slave ships were
brought for trial and disposition. The part it
played in the elimination of that abominable traf-
fic was a very significant and vital one.

Over the years Sierra Leone progressed steadily
toward independence. In 1863 it received sepa-
rate executive and legislative councils. By 1925
it had a constitution which provided for election
of African legislative councilors. By 1948 the
number of elected members of the legislative coun-
cil was made greater than the number of appointed
membei-s.

Meanwhile economic development was steadily
pursued. The construction of a railroad from
Freetown to the interior between 1896 and 1908
made it possible to develop an export trade. With
the discovery of valuable iron ore and diamond
deposits in the 1930's, the colony increased in
economic importance.

On April 27, 1961, the green, white, and blue
flag of independent Sierra Leone flew for the first

time at a moving ceremony which the United
States was honored to attend. On that occasion
the President of our country sent the good wishes
of the people of the United States to the people
of Sierra Leone, whom he described as "a people
who cherish individual liberty and independence,
and who have made great sacrifices so that these
vital principles might endure." °

Mr. President, the Security Council again has
the happy task of voting on the admission of a
new African state for membership. There have
been many in recent months and years, but the
experience never fails to be moving or the occa-
sion heartening. The United States welcomes the
application of Sierra Leone to membership in the
United Nations, as I have said. We voted with
pleasure for the resolution sponsored by Ceylon
and the United Kingdom and Liberia and we look
forward with equal pleasure to working with the
representatives of Sierra Leone during the coming
months and years.^

U.S. Welcomes Inception of OECD

Following is the text of a message from Secre-
tary Rush to Thorkil Kristensen, Secretary Gen-
eral of the Organization for Economic Coopera-
tion and Development, on the occasion of the
entry into force on Septemher 30 of the conven-
tion establishing the OECD}

Press release 675 dated September 29

September 29, 1961

Dear Mr. Secretart General: The Govern-
ment of the United States is gratified by the entry
into force of the Convention establishmg the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development. This historic event represents the
beginning of a new era in the long and intimate
relationship between Europe and North America.

The task of postwar reconstruction is behind

' The Soviet motion to consider the application of Outer
Mongolia before that of Mauritania was rejected.

' Bulletin of May 15, 1961, p. 733.

* The Council on Sept. 26 recommended without opposi-
tion that Sierra Leone be admitted to membership in the
United Nations. On Sept. 27 the General Assembly ad-
mitted Sierra Leone by acclamation.

' For text of convention, see Bulletin of Jan. 2, 1961,
p. 11.

October 16, Z96I

655

us. We have not only recovered from the ravages
of World War II, but most of us have achieved
new levels of prosperity and social well-being.
This economic and social growth is all the more
remarkable when we remember that many nations
of the Atlantic Community have been compelled
to devote substantial energies and resources to
the maintenance of international peace and
security.

The tasks that lie ahead are no less challenging.
We must intensify cooperative activities designed
to sustain and accelerate the economic growth of
every member of the Atlantic Community. We
must work together to encourage worldwide pat-
terns of trade and investment that will not only
be beneficial to our own peoples, but that will also
meet the diverse needs of free peoples on every
continent. Finally, Ave must cooperate to utilize
more effectively our growing economic resources
to promote economic, social and technical devel-
opment in the less advanced regions of the world.

The United States Government is confident that
the new instrumentalities of the OECD can
greatly assist the performance of these tasks and
can thereby bring the Atlantic partnership to a
higher plateau of unity and vitality. The ulti-
mate success of the OECD — its capacity to serve
the far-reaching purposes for which it has been
created — depends upon the full cooperation of
every member. I want to assure you of the wliole-
hearted support of the Government of the United
States.

Dean Rttsk

U.S. Representatives Named
to IAEA General Conference

The Senate on September 14 confirmed Glenn
T. Seaborg to be the representative of the United
States to the fifth session of the General Con-
ference of the International Atomic Energy
Agency.

Tlio following-named persons were confirmed
on the same date to be alternate representatives:
Henry DeWolf Smyth, William I. Cargo, John
S. Graham, and Leland J. Haworth.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Caribbean Commission

Agreement for the establishment of the Caribbean Com-
mission. Signed at Washington October 30, 1946.
Entered into force for the United States August 6,
1948. TIAS 1799.

Terminated: September 15, 1961 (replaced by the agree-
ment for the establishment of the Caribbean Organi-
zation, signed at Washington June 21, 1960).

Finance

Articles of agreement of the International Development
Association. Done at Washington January 26, 1960.
Entered into force September 24, 1960. TIAS 4607.
Signatures and acceptances : Panama, September 1,
1961 ; Peru, August 30, 1961.

Postal Services

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3,
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202.
Adherence deposited: Central African Republic, June
28, 1961.

Publications

Agreement relating to the repression of the circulation
of obscene publications, as amended by the protocol of
May 4, 1949 (TIAS 2164). Signed at Paris May 4,
1910. Entered into force September 15, 1911. 37 Stat,
l.oll.

Assumed applicable obligations and responsibilities of
the United Kingdom: Nigeria, June 26, 1961.
Convention concerning the international exchange of
publications. Adopted at Paris December 3, 1958."
Acceptance deposited: Italy, August 2, 1961.
Convention concerning the exchange of ofiicial publica-
tions and government documents between states.
Adopted at Paris December 3, 1958. Entered into force
May 30, 1961.=

Ratification deposited: Ecuador, February 8, 1961.
Acceptances deposited: Italy, August 2, 1961; United

Kingdom, June 1, 1961.
Extension to: Antigua, Bahamas, BaUiwiek of Guern-
sey, Barbados, Bermuda, British Guiana, British
Solomon Islands Protectorate, British Virgin Is-
lands, Dominica, Gilbert and Elliee Islands Col-
ony, Grenada. Isle of Man, Jamaica, Jersey, Malta,
Montserrat, Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,
St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Lucia. St. Vincent, Sey-
chelles, State of Singapore, Trinidad and Tobago,
June 1, 1901.

' Not in force.

' Not in force for the United States.

656

Departmenf of State Bulletin

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961."
Ratification advised by the Senate (with declarations) :

September 25, 1961.'
Accession deposited: Togo, September 14, 1961.

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in-
ternational telecommunication convention, 1959, and
additional protocol. Done at Geneva December 21,
1959. Entered into force May 1, 1961.''
Ratification advised by the Senate: September 25, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Acknowledged applicable rights and obligations of the
United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 22, 1961, with
respect to the following :

Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and
XXX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Done at Geneva March 10, 1955.'

Protocol of organizational amendments to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
March 10, 1955.*

Agreement on the Organization for Trade Cooperation.
Done at Geneva March 10, 1955.*

Fifth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Geneva December 3, 1955.'

Sixth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Geneva April 11, 1957.'

Seventh protocol of rectifications and modifications to
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 30, 1957.'

Protocol relating to negotiations for establishment of new
schedule III — Brazil — to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva December 31, 1958.'

Eighth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Geneva February 18, 1959.'

Proc^s-verbal containing schedules to be annexed to pro-
tocol relating to negotiations for establishment of new
.schedule III — Brazil — to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (Brazil and United Kingdom).
Done at Geneva May 13, 1959.'

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 1959.'

Wheat

International wheat agreement, 1959, with annex.
Opened for signature at Washington April 6 through
24, 1959. Entered into force July 16, 1959, for part I
and parts III to VIII, and August 1, 1959, for part II.
TIAS 4302.
Application to: Land Berlin, September 1, 1961.

BILATERAL

Ceylon

Agreement relating to the settlement of matters in con-
nection with a purchase authorization under the surplus
agricultural commodities agreement of March 13, 1959,

as amended (TIAS 4211 and 4242). Effected by ex-
change of notes at Washington December 1 and 8, 1959.
Entered into force December 8, 1959.

Indonesia

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of November 5, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4616
and 4709). Effected by exchange of notes at Djakarta
September 8, 1961. Entered into force September 8,
1961.

United Kingdom

Agreement relating to the reopening of the weather sta-
tion on Betio Island. Effected by exchange of notes at
Washington September 26, 1961. Entered into force
September 26, 1961.

Uruguay

Agreement relating to radio communications between ra-
dio amateurs on behalf of third parties. Effected by
exchange of notes at Montevideo September 12, 1961.
Enters into force on the date of notification that par-
liamentary approval has been obtained by Uruguay.

Agreement amending the agreement of December 1, 1959
(TIAS 4375), supplementing the agricultural com-
modities agreement of February 20, 1959, as supple-
mented (TIAS 4179, 4238, 4356, 4406, and 4641). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Montevideo September 18,
1961. Entered into force September IS, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

' Includes all territories of the United States.

Confirmations

The Senate on September 21 confirmed the nomination
of Charles W. Cole to be Ambassador to Chile. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
669 dated September 28. )

The Senate on September 23 confirmed Fowler Hamil-
ton to be Administrator of the Agency for International
Develoiiment. (For biographic details, see White House
press release dated September 20. )

Designations

Philip H. Burris as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
PoUcy Plans and Guidance, Bureau of Public Affairs,
effective September 1.

Appointments

John M. Patterson as Special Assistant to the Assistant
Secretary for Public Affairs, effective August 28.

Ocfober 76, 1 96 1

657

Recent Releases

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may be ob-
tained from the Department of State.

The Newly Independent Nations —

Dahomey. Pub. 7158. African Series 13. 12 pp. 150.
Ivory Coast. Pub. 7153. African Series 12. 7 pp. 100.
Niger. Pub. 7159. African Series 14. 11 pp. 150.

Leaflets, in a series of fact sheets, designed to give read-
ers a few highlights on the peoples and lands of the
newly independent nations.

Foreign Consular Offices in the United States. Pub. 7177.

Department and Foreign Service Series 100. 55 pp.

20^.

A complete and official listing of the foreign consular

offices in the United States, with their jurisdictions and

recognized personnel, compiled with the full cooperation

of the foreign missions in Washington.

How Foreign Policy is Made. Pub. 7179. General For-
eign Policy Series 164. 19 pp. 250.
This pamphlet describes the role of the President, the
Congress, and the people in the formulation of American
foreign policy.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Pub.
7182. Commercial Policy Series 178. 74 pp. 25^.

A reproduction of the General Agreement as amended by
various protocols, including those parts of the Protocol
Amending the Preamble and Parts II and III and the
Proc^s-Verbal of Rectification concerning that Protocol
which became effective for two-thirds of the contracting
parties, including the United States, on Oct. 7, 1957, and
Feb. 15, 1961 (Article XIV).

Fact Sheet— Mutual Security in Action— Jordan. Pub.
7184. Near and Middle Eastern Series 61. 9 pp. 100.

Some basic facts about Jordan and principal areas of
U.S. assistance which help to maintain its stability are
outlined in this fact sheet.

A Basic Bibliography, Disarmament, Arms Control and
National Security. Pub. 7193. Disarmament Series 1.
29 pp. Limited distribution.

A brief annotated list of books, pamphlets, and articles
on disarmament, arms control, and related topics prepare<l
as a preliminary introductory guide to the increasing
volume of scholarly and popular writing in this field.

U.S. Balance of Payments, Questions and Answers. Pub.
7194. General and Foreign Policy Series 166. 16 pp.
150.

A pamphlet explaining the meaning of U.S. "balance of
payments" and of the measures proposed to eliminate the
remaining "basic" deficit.

Aid in Action — How U.S. Aid Lends a Hand Around the
World. Pnb. 7221. General Foreign Policy Series 172.
63 pp. 250.

This booklet cites many examples of the remarkable suc-
cesses of the foreign aid program, achieved through U.S.
technical and financial assistance over the past decade
to the underdeveloped countries of the world.

Toward A National Effort in International Educational
and Cultural Affairs. Pub. 7238. International Infor-
mation and Cultural Series 78. 82 pp. 350.

Report of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Educational
Exchange in the area of international and cultural af-
fairs prepared by Walter H. C. Laves, chairman, De-
partment of Government, Indiana University.

Foreign Aid — Facts and Fallacies. Pub. 7239. General
Foreign Policy Series 176. 52 pp. Limited distribution.

This pamphlet presents the facts about some of the
major criticisms of the foreign aid program and Includes
a supplement which outlines .some of the benefits the
United States derives from the program.

Educational and Cultural Exchange Opportunities (Re-
vised). Pub. 7201. International Information and Cul-
tural Series 77. 27 pp. 150.

A pamphlet which sets forth the scope of the international
educational and cultural program administered by the
Department of State.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 25-October 1

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Buixetin
which were issued prior to September 25 are Nos.
639, 641, and 641A of September 18, 648 of Septem-
ber 20, and 650 of September 21.

Subject

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

Rusk : "Continental Classroom."

Sanjuan : public accommodations for
diplomats.

Note to U.S.S.R. on landing of West
German aircraft at Berlin.

Bowles: death of Sumner Welles.

MacPhail designated USOM director,
Libya (biographic details).

Williams plans trips to Africa (re-
write).

Morris sworn in as ICA representative,
Venezuela (biographic details).

Moline sworn in as USOM director.
United Arab Republic (biographic
details).

Cole sworn in as ambassador to Chile
(biographic details).

Cultural exchange (Sudan).

Program for visit of President of
Sudan.

Rowan : NYU panel discussion on
Government press relations.

CENTO telecommunications project.

Rusk : entry into force of OECD.

Lonchheim: D.C. Federation of BPW
Clubs.

Program for visit of President of Fin-
laud.

*Xot printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

*660

9/25

661
t662

9/25

9/25

663

9/26

♦664
♦665

9/25
9/26

666

9/26

♦667

9/27

♦668

9/27

♦609

9/28

♦670
♦671

9/28
9/29

♦672

9/29

674

675

1676

9/29
9/29
9/30

♦677

9/30

658

Department of State Bulletin

October 16, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV No. 1164

Africa

Assistant Secretary Williams Plans Two More

Trips to Africa 642

Southern Africa in Transition (Williams) . . . 638

American Principles. The Obligation To Under-
stand the American System of Government
(Rusk) 630

Angola. Southern Africa in Transition (Williams). 638

Atomic Energy

U.S. Makes Additional Quantities of Uranium 235
Available (Kennedy, Seaborg) 643

U.S. Representatives Named to IAEA General Con-
ference 656

Chile. Cole confirmed as Ambassador 657

Congress, The

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign

Policy 648

Department Opposes Tariff on Lead and Zinc

(Martin) 646

President Signs Bill Creating U.S. Disarmament
Agency (Kennedy) 646

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Patterson) 657

Confirmations (Cole, Hamilton) 6.57

Designations (Burris) 657

Disarmament

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" (Kennedy) . . . 619

President Signs Bill Creating U.S. Disarmament
Agency (Kennedy) 646

U.S. Submits Proposal for General and Complete
Disarmament to U.N. (Stevenson, text of pro-
posed declaration) 650

Economic Affairs

CENTO Telecommunications Project Contract

Signed 642

Department Opposee Tariff on Lead and Zinc

(Martin) 646

Import Restrictions on Tung Oil and Tung Nuts To

Be Studied (Kennedy) 645

U.S. Welcomes Inception of OECD (Rusk) . . . 655

Germany

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" (Kennedy) . . . 619
U.S. Replies to Soviet Complaint on Flight of West

German Planes (texts of U.S. and Soviet notes) . 632

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 649

CENTO Telecommunications Project Contract

Signed 642

U.S. Representatives Named to IAEA General

Conference 6.56

U.S. Welcomes Inception of OECD (Rusk) . . . . 655

Iran. CENTO Telecommunications Project Con-
tract Signed 642

Japan. A Pacific Partnership (McConaughy) . . 634

Laos. Ambassador Harriman Visits Southeast

Asia (Harriman) 643

Mauritania. Security Council Debates Admission

of New Members to U.N. (Stevenson) .... 654

Mutual Security

CENTO Telecommunications Project Contract

Signed 642

Hamilton confirmed as Administrator of Agency

for International Development 657

Non-Self-Governing Territories. Southern Africa

in Transition (Williams) 638

Outer Mongolia. Security Council Debates Admis-
sion of New Members to U.N. (Stevenson) . . . 654

Pakistan. CENTO Telecommunications Project

Contract Signed 642

Portugal. Southern Africa in Transition

(Williams) 638

Presidential Documents

Import Restrictions on Tung Oil and Tung Nuts To
Be Studied 645

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" 619

President Signs Bill Creating U.S. Disarmament
Agency 646

U.S. Makes Additional Quantities of Uranium 235
Available C43

Public Affairs. The Obligation To Understand the
American System of Government (Rusk) . . . 630

Publications. Recent Releases 668

Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of. Southern

Africa in Transition (Williams) 638

Sierra Leone. Security Council Debates Admission

of New Members to U.N. (Stevenson) .... 6.54

Treaty Information. Current Actions 656

Turkey. CENTO Telecommunications Project Con-
tract Signed 642

U.S.S.R. U.S. Replies to Soviet Complaint on Flight
of West German Planes (texts of U.S. and Soviet
notes) 632

United Nations

Four Central Threads of U.S. Foreign Policy

(Rusk) 625

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" (Kennedy) ... 619

Security Council Debates Admission of New Mem-
bers to U.N. (Stevenson) 654

U.S. Submits Proposal for General and Complete
Disarmament to U.N. (Stevenson, text of pro-
posed declaration ) 650

Name Index

Burris, Philip H 657

Cole, Charles W 657

Hamilton, Fowler 657

Harriman, W. Averell 643

Kennedy, President 619,643,645,646

Martin, Edwin M 646

McConaughy, Walter P 634

Patterson, John M 657

Rusk, Secretary 625,630,655

Seaborg, Glenn T 644

Stevenson, Adlai E 6.50,654

WilUams, G. Mennen 638, 642

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;IAL
EEKLY RECORD

Vol. XLV, No. 1165 October 23, 1961

THE AMERICAN IMAGE OF JAPAN • by Assistant

Secretary McConaughy 663

THE LESSONS OF THE CONGO • by Assistant Secretary

Williams 668

PRESIDENT PRADO OF PERU MAKES OFFICIAL

VISIT TO UNITED STATES • Texts of Greetings,
Joint Communique, and Address to Congress . 674

CURRENT INTERNATIONAL AIR TRANSPORTATION

PROBLEMS • Statement by Assistant Secretary Martin . 684

niED STATES
REIGN POLICY

Boston Publ.c Library
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DEPOSITOR/

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV. No. 1165 • Publication 7288
October 23, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

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Note: Contents of this publication arc not
copyrighted and Items contained heroin may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed In the
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a iceekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
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issued by the tThite House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
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the Secretary of State and other
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special articles on various pluises of
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which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
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Publications of the Department,
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national relations are listed currently.

The American Image of Japan

iy Walter P. McConaughy

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^

I approach my topic historically. America's
first conception of Japan was as an ideal state.
In 1688, in a treatise on Japan by the American
colonist, Jolm Stalker warned the West against
"any longer flattering themselves with the empty
notions of having surpassed all the world. . . .
The glory of one comitry, Japan alone, has ex-
ceeded in beauty and magnificence all the pride
of the Vatican and Pantheon heretofore." Mr.
Stalker was expressing the ancient European
quest for the perfect state. He was motivated by
the same forces that drove Thomas More to write
his Utopia and Francis Bacon to write his Neio
Atlantis. But I imagine that Mr. Stalker's in-
junction found ready response in the New World,
for the American colonist was interested in the
formulation of the ideal society.

In later years American whaling ships hunting
in the north Pacific and American clipper ships
trading with China were to bring back vague
rumors and exaggerated reports on Japan, but
their information was too scant to account for the
complete reversal in American opinion about
Japan by 1850. Japan was no longer an ideal
state but had become an ancient and moribund
society in the eyes of the American.

When President Fillmore decided to send an
expedition to Japan, the American temper was in
one of its most optimistic and self-assured phases.
In the short period between 1846 and 1851 the
United States established the Oregon Territory,
defeated Mexico, discovered gold on the West
Coast, started the great migration to the Western

'Address made before the Japan-America Society of
Washington at Washington, D.O., on Oct. 2 (press release
680).

seaboard, and admitted California to the Union.
In short, America was approaching the fulfillment
of her "manifest destiny" and was poised on the
shores of the Pacific, looking further to the West.
If the Pacific role of the United States seemed
assured so also did the spread of republican gov-
ernment seem a certainty. The European revolu-
tions of 1848 and 1849 were evidence to the mid-
centui-y American that these nations were restless
and desirous of following the American example.
When Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian revolution-
ary, appealed to Americans to begin their crusade
by coming to the aid of the revolutionary move-
ments of Europe, it was not diiScult for the Ameri-
cans to imagine they heard a similar call from
Japan. It was in this framework that many
Americans viewed the dispatch of Commodore
Perry and his Black Ships to Japan.

The Romantic Image of the 19th Century

If Commodore Periy hnagined the Japanese to
be eagerly awaiting the gifts of Western religion,
science, and commerce, he was soon corrected by
the Shogun's retainers. But the doors to Japan
were finally open, and slowly Americans began
passing through these doors to view a world they
had imagined but never seen. Townsend Harris,
the first American consul, was to send to the De-
partment long reports of his lonely waiting at the
consulate, a temple in Shimoda, for a chance to
negotiate a treaty of commerce. Missionaries and
teachers — David Murray, Dr. Hepburn, Guido
Verbeck, William Grifllis, Edward Warren Clark,
for example — were to write careful observations
of Japan.

October 23, 1961

663

But the thoughtful reflection of these men did
not become part of the mainstream of American
thought. The Civil War in America had proved
to be the catalyst for that final great surge of
industrialization which was to make America a
world power. Tlie American vision was no longer
directed outward to Europe and Asia but turned
inward to the continent itself. Americans were
concerned with the development of large-scale
manufacturing, the rise of investment banking, the
exploitation of natural resources. They were en-
gaged in the construction of a railway and tele-
graph network across their vast continent. They
were throwing open new areas to farming, devel-
oping new markets for produce, and establishing
cattle kingdoms. They were inventmg new ma-
chines. They had admitted over a dozen new
States to the Union, were building new cities,
were providing employment for the 15 million
immigrants who poured into the New World.
They were, in the span of one generation, to
change a thinly populated rural republic into a
great industrial nation.

These labors were exhausting. And when the
American looked up from his tasks he was not
prepared to try to comprehend the equally excit-
ing political and economic changes that were tak-
ing place in Japan. "When he thought of Japan,
he was to look to it for escape in its exotic and
artistic qualities. He appointed, as his interpre-
ters of Japan, Hearn, the romantic novelist;
Wliistler, the expatriate artist; and Fenellosa, the
cultural historian.

The American image of Japan was set for the
next half century by the Japanese mission to the
United States in 1860.^ These men were on a
serious political mission — the ratification of a
treaty with a part of the world about which they
knew little. But America, while honored to be
the first nation to enter into a treaty with Japan,
was more interested in the envoys themselves.
The Congress, in a rare act of extravagance, ap-
propriated $50,000 for their entertainment.
American citizens flocked to the hotels and the
theaters to marvel over "their brocaded silks, their
ornate swords, their grave and courteous mien."
Walt Whitman wrote a commemorative poem en-
titled "A Broadway Pageant." The dictionary
defines pageant as an elaborate and brilliant si)ec-

' For an article on the first Japanese mission to the
United States, see Bulletin of May 9, 1960, p. 744.

664

tacular display devised for the entertainment of
the public. Walt "Whitman's word proved both
prophetic and apt, for this was how the Ameri-
can regarded Japan as his nation came of age.

Post World War I Image

America still retains vestiges of her romantic
image of Japan. Our magazines still publish
photographs of the ancient temples of Nara,
Nikko, and Kyoto. Kabuki and gagaku still
arouse popular interest when shown in American
theaters. Heam still has his biographers, "Wliist-
ler's butterfly signature is still recognized, the
Boston Museimi still exhibits Fenellosa's magnifi-
cent collection of Tokugawa art.

But a substantial change in the American image
of Japan came with the close of the First World
War. Europe had taught the United States that
intercourse with foreign nations was not a grand
adventure but a grave responsibility, that a call
to end war could produce war, that a peace treaty
could be an invitation to another holocaust.
Faced with these challenges America's answer was
ambivalent. On the one hand she attempted to
hide behind high tariff barriers and proclaim she
was interested only in democracy at home. On
the other hand she began to look with more real-
istic eyes at the countries which surrounded her.

Japan was one of these countries. If Japan's
attempt at "Versailles to secure recognition of her
special position in the Far East indicated dis-
satisfaction with the international order, the
murder of Premier Hara in 1921 indicated
dissatisfaction with the domestic order. The
idyllic picture of Hiroshige's sailboats Avas re-
placed by the awesome picture of Japan's capital
sliips of the line. The Tokyo earthquake of 1923
brought realization that catastrophe as well as
calligraphy was part of Japan, and America re-
sponded with funds for a program of modem
reconstruction. The insane sequence of the Tsinan
Incident followed by the assassination of Premier
Hamaguchi was to be repeated over again in the
Mukden Incident followed by the assassination of
Premier Inukai. The constant pattern of external
adventure and internal violence was to awake
America to the realities of Japan. It was not
fortuitous that the most popular book of the day
on Japan was entitled Realism in Romantic Japan..
It was not chance that led the American Institute
of Pacific Affairs to publish in 1928 tlie first edition

Deparimeni of State Bulletin

of its biennial under the title ProbleTns of the
PacifiG. American attention was also attracted to
the acid pen of A. Morgan Young, the publisher
of the Japan Advertiser. The New York Times
correspondent, Hugh Byas, who later crystallized
his views in the book Government iy Assassina-
tion, was also reporting regularly on Japanese
policies and developments. The Lytton Commis-
sion report became required reading.

Other men in other fields were moving to show
the reality of Japan. John Embree lived a year
in a Japanese farming hamlet and wrote a pioneer-
ing field study of Japanese village life. William
Plomer attempted to explain Japanese personality
through satires in the manner of Akutagawa and
Mori Orai. Connie Mack brought the Tokyo
Giants to the United States, and they, by winning
75 out of 110 games, were able to force on the
Americans a realistic appraisal of Japanese base-
ball and physical prowess. Tsimoda Ryusaku was
to come to Columbia University to lecture on
Japanese thought and to establish the nucleus of
her East Asian Library. American students like
Edwin Eeiscliauer,^' Hugh Borton, and Charles
Falls studied in Japanese imiversities. But
America's slow progress in discovering Japanese
realities was to be outdistanced by the rapid rush
of events. One of fate's bitterest ironies was that
America should find itself at war with Japan
without really knowing who the Japanese were.

The Pacific war was brought finally to an end,
and America was able to salvage a few construc-
tive elements from the debris of this senseless and
horrible destruction. First, there was a group of
young officers trained in the Japanese language.
With demobilization, many of them gravitated to
the universities where they became instrumental
in making Japanese studies a formal part of the
university curriculum. They provided the in-
tellectual underpinning for America's new image
of Japan. Other of America's talented yoimg men
traveled to Japan to join in her reconstruction.
Their long hours of work led them to feel that
they, too, had a stake in Japan's future. They
added idealism to the new image. Finally, the
thousands of Americans who served in Japan dur-
ing the occupation and during the Korean war
added popularity and wider diffusion to the new
Ullage of Japan.

Today our universities are producing detailed

'Mr. Reischauer is U.S. Ambassador to Japan.
October 23, 7961

studies of Japanese thought. Men in government
are discussing Japanese politics. In towns
throughout America Japanese custom is being dis-
cussed since, for better or worse, every American
community has its authority on Japan.

Image of Japan Today

Wliat, then, is the national consensus of Japan
in today's America ? I must answer broadly, for
America has a broad view of Japan. I speak
honestly, for America holds a realistic view of
Japan. Lastly, I speak with hope, for the Ameri-
can believes he has a share in Japan's future. First
of all, then —

The American regards Japan as a democracy.
The American recognizes the extraordinary politi-
cal progress that Japan has made in the postwar
period. A vast new element of the population
has been enfranchised. The right to political par-
ticipation and to hold office has been broadened.
Dissent and opposition have become legitimate
political roles. The education system has been
liberalized. New civil rights have been extended
and are freely exercised. Local autonomy has
been greatly increased. Tax burdens have been
appreciably equalized. New elements have been
given access to political power. The great divi-
sions in the social structure have been noticeably
narrowed, and the middle class has grown. Al-
though these reforms were started in the Meiji
period and made great strides in the 1920's, the
greatest changes have taken place in the last short
span of 16 years, and it is natural that the Jap-
anese still do not have complete confidence in their
new institutions or complete satisfaction in the
way they are employed. The process of blending
traditional pattern with new concepts requires
time, but there is no longer any need to doubt that
Japan has joined the ranks of the great democratic
nations.

Americans regard Japan as an Asian leader.
East Asia has no regional unity. The collapse of
the Confucian state saw the dissolution of similar
political ideals. The ties of religion and culture
are no longer strong. Independence has frag-
mented the united opposition to colonialism.
Modernization has dissolved similar social struc-
tures. Today two other concepts are at work in
Asia. One of these forces wants to unite Asia by
abolishing the state and imposing a class dictator-
ship. Coercion is regarded as a legitimate weapon

665

to achieve these ends. The free world poses an
alternative way. We believe that the nation-state
is still a viable form of international organization,
that cooperation rather than coercion should be
the governing principle, and that diversity should
be welcomed. America looks to Japan to play
an increasingly important role in this free associa-
tion of states.

Americans regard Japan as a world power.
Japan is one of the four major industrial com-
plexes in the world, offering a model for other
nations to follow in their course of modernization.
Her people are highly literate and are capable of
forming an independent national opinion.
Japan's domestic decisions regarding patterns and
modes of trade affect all nations of the world.
Her culture has and will continue to have im-
portant effects on other national cultures. Her
scientific commimity produces discovei'ies and
tecliniques which alter mankind's course. Japan
demonstrates daily that it is not land mass, natural
resources, and armies that make a powerful nation
but rather education, social organization, indus-
trial capability, and a powerful sense of identity.
America welcomes Japan's voice in the inter-
national forum.

America regards Japan as a center of culture.
The present-day American has categorically
denied Kipling's 19th century thesis that East is
East and West is West and ne'er the twain shall
meet. Americans have not only admired Jap-
anese culture but have made it an integral part of
their life. The Japanese influence in America is
all-pervasive and extends from our architecture
to our poetry, from our painting to our gardens,
from our clothing to our language. Tlie United
States militarily occupied Japan during the late
1940's, but Japan began its cultural occupation of
America in Whistler's day and there seems to be
no prospect that this occupation will end.

Americans regard Japan as an industrial leader.
There are few Americans who are not aware of
the tremendous industrial growth that has taken
place in Japan in the postwar period. Our econ-
omists tell us that the economic rate of growth
of Japan exceeds that of any other nation. Our
businessmen speak with wonder of the expansion
of the industrial plant. Our press reports Japan's
10-year plan to us and confidently anticipates its
success. Indeed, this concept of Japan as an in-

dustrial giant may be too strong, for not all
Americans are aware that Japan must buy from
us as well as sell to us. Those of us, both Jap-
anese and Americans, who are familiar with the
true facts of Japanese- American trade have a re-
sponsibility to acquaint the American people with
the image of Japan as a good customer, a country
that consistently buys more from us than she sells
to us and has in recent years generally been our
second best customer after Canada and our best
customer for agricultural products.

America regards Japan as a partner. This
image of Japan is perhaps the strongest image
of all, for we have done more than simply honor
this concept in speech and book. We have in-
scribed this concept in the language of a treaty.*
America proposes to devote many million dollars
to educational exchange in fui-therance of the
cultural aspects of this partnership. She has
proclaimed in official documents of state that she
wishes to open new doors to educational and scien-
tific cooperation. In recognition of the impor-
tance of the economic aspects of this partnership
six United States Cabinet members are to go to
Japan to conduct talks to further its development.*
This partnership is a real and vital part of the
relations between Japan and the United States.

"N^liat, then, is the total image of Japan in
America today? First, it is of a great nation
which has arisen with astounding energy and
vitality from the ashes of destruction to a position
of thriving industrial, scientific, and cultural ac-
tivity. Second, it is of a nation which has alined
itself firmly on the side of the free world in the
struggle to preserve the democratic way of life.
Third, it is of a nation whose trade with the
United States is of vital importance to both
nations. Fourth, it is of a nation of unique and
delightful cultural traditions which continue to
exercise a strong hold over the imagination of
Americans. Finally, it is of a nation with which
Americans, notwithstanding the vast distances of
the Pacific, have close feelings of kinship and an
instinctive confidence that, whatever the trials
ahead, our two nations will stand together.

*For text of a Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and
Security signed on Jan. 19, 1960, see Buixetin of Feb. 8,
19G0, p. 184.

• For background, see ibid., July 10, 1961, p. 57.

666

Department of State Bulletin

U.S. Survey Team To Review
Problems of Ryukyu Islands

White House press release dated September 30

A United States Government survey team will
be in Okmawa on October 5 to review the major
economic and social welfare problems facing the
people of the Eyulcyus. The mission's major
objective is to gather information needed in the
formulation of U.S. policies and programs which
would more effectively improve the islands' living
conditions.

Carl Kaysen, a member of the President's
White House staff, is chairman of the Government
survey group. Members of the team include in-
dividuals from U.S. Government agencies having
a responsibility to the Ryukyus and other ex-
perts in development and international problems.
They are: Jolm H. Kaufmann, economist and
consultant to the chairman; Brig. Gen. Benjamin
F. Evans, Jr., Department of the Army ; Kingdon
W. Swayne, Department of State; L. Albert
Wilson, Agency for International Development;
James D. Hoover, Department of Labor; Col.
Edward G. Allen and Lt. Col. John B. Sitterson,
Department of the Army.

Mr. Kaysen will arrive in Okinawa 1 week after
the rest of the group ; Mr. Kaufmann wiU be act-
ing chairman until he arrives.

This sui-vey, which the High Commissioner has
been urging, is part of the U.S. Government's ac-
tivity in carrying out policy reaffirmed last sum-
mer following the conference between Prime
Minister [Hayato] Ikeda of Japan and the
President.^ At the conclusion of this meeting a
joint communique was issued stating,

The President affirmed that the United States would
make further efforts to enhance the welfare and well-
being of the Inhabitants of the Ryukyus and welcomed
Japanese cooperation in these efforts ; the Prime Minister
affirmed that Japan would continue to cooperate with
the United States to this end.

In executing their mission the survey group

' For background and text of communique, see Bulletin
of July 10, 1961, p. 57.

anticipates the opportunity of discussing the
problems of the Ryulcyu Islands with various
representative groups and individuals in and out-
side of the government of the Ryukyu Islands, as
well as the High Commissioner and members of
his staff. The group expects to remain in
Okinawa for most of their stay of 2 or 3 weeks
but also intends to travel to various points in the
islands.

President Greets Nigerian People
on Anniversary of Independence

Following is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Kennedy to Nnamdi Asikiwe, Governor Gen-
eral of Nigeria.

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 1

1 October 1961
Dear Govi^jnor General : It gives me the great-
est pleasure to extend to you and the people of
Nigeria cordial greetings and heartfelt congratu-
lations on the first anniversary of your country's
independence.

This first year of your nationhood has been a
highly auspicious one. It has seen Nigeria take
its place with distinction among the family of free
nations. It has seen the emergence of wise and
far-reaching plans for the social and economic
betterment of the Nigerian people. In essence, it
has been a period in which firm foundations have
been laid for the future of a great nation. The
people of the United States join me in the hope
that the peace and prosperity of this first year
will continue and that the succeeding anniversaries
of Nigeria's independence will be equally happy
and fruitful.

Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy
His Excellency
The Governor General
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
Lagos, Nigeria

October 23, 7961

667

The Lessons off the Congo

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs^

Events of the last few days have brought us
to a testing time for all that America stands for.
Your President and your Government, and you
as American citizens, are confronted vrith a formi-
dable array of crises, each one challenging our
national ingenuity, our strength and determina-
tion, our sense of purpose and dedication.

These perils press in on us because of our posi-
tion of leadership, because of our power and
responsibilities in the world.

The question of Berlin imperils the freedom of
the 21^ million West Berliners — and the United
States is committed to their freedom. The hopes
for freedom of other millions are bound up in
this issue. The Soviet Union has chosen to mul-
tiply dangerously the tensions which are so visible
in Berlin. The step of outright Soviet aggression
hero could plunge Europe and all the world into
catastrophe.

A 3-year moratorium on atomic testing was
cynically terminated by Moscow just 3 weeks ago.^
With this act the hopes and sensibilities of hu-
manity were bludgeoned aside. To this bran-
dishing of arms the United States has had no
choice but to resume its own tests underground.'
The Soviet Union has chosen not only to poison
the atmosphere which envelops the earth but also
that atmosphere of conciliation and construction
and higher goals which is the breath of hope to all
the peoples of the world.

' Address made before the Women's Democratic Club
of the 10th Congressional District of Virginia at Arling-
ton, Va., on Sept. 21 (press release 650).

* For a White Uouse statement, see Bulletin of
Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475.

'Ihid.

Now, when it is most needed, one of the great
institutions for keeping the peace is gravely
threatened. Dag Hammarskjold is dead. As
Secretary-General of the United Nations, he kept
open the paths of peace and progress. His un-
timely death is mourned by all mankind, save
only by the new imperialists of the Communist
bloc.

Wlio can forget the tantrum of Khrushchev,
the shoe pounding and the vitriolic language,
when he found he could not thrust aside Dag
Hammarskjold? Who can misread the frustra-
tion behind this tantrum brought on by the Sovi-
ets' failure to reap the whirlwind they had sown
in the Congo? Who can forget the overwhelm-
ing verdict of the General Assembly, supporting
the United Nations action in the Congo in the
face of the Russian onslauglit? And who can
doubt the Communist intention, ever since, to
undermine and disrupt this U.N. structure which
orders so much of our political world ?

There is something strangely morbid in the
Communist reaction to the crisis which now affects
the United Nations. To cripple the United
Nations would be to smash the machinery through
whicli disarmament, the control of outer space,
and the development of emerging nations may be
achieved. Such a blow would disintegrate the
symbol and safeguard of peace and strike at the
security of every nation.

In these circumstances the greatest jeopardy
would fall not to the United States and the North
Atlantic community, which have great powers to
defend themselves and to smash aggression. Tlie
greatest jeopardy would be to the smaller nations,
so many of them bom to independence under the

668

Department of State Bulletin

liberating principles of the charter and the watch-
ful protection of the United Nations Organiza-
tion.

What is morbid in the Soviet attitude, it seems
to me, is the antagonism it holds for the positive
purposes which the United Nations serves. It is
not hard to see that a powerful dictatorship can
cause immense difficulties in the functioning of
the U.N. But it is hard to believe that the yearn-
ings and achievements of mankind — the positive
purposes — will lose their force at this point in
time, when unprecedented nimabers of nations and
peoples have come to share the blessings of free-
dom and independence.

Does the Soviet Union, obsessed with an ideol-
ogy of total tyranny, fear the enlargement of
freedom which has taken place in the last 16 years?
Then it is alone in this. The United States wel-
comes and encourages and works for the enlarge-
ment of freedom, especially so in the United
Nations. The newly independent nations, includ-
ing those which proclaim their nonalinement,
are eager to assert their freedom and build up
their societies without outside intervention. In
this they can coimt on the support of the United
States.

So I believe that the Soviet Union, seeking to
prey on the confusion and disorder it promotes,
will find it has miscalculated again. The nations
of the free world are not likely to submerge their
personalities in constnicting a single monolithic
answer to the blusterings and threats of the Rus-
sians. But they %oiU make conmion cause in
asserting and defending their freedom. The
United Nations, as Ambassador Stevenson has
said, is mankind's sole common instrument of
politics; it offers the best hope of holding the
gains which new nations have made, of putting
an end to outside imperial control, of preventing
local disputes from spiraling into general war.

National leaders I have met on my trips to
Africa, or during their visits here, are very well
aware of these facts and have sliown that they
are by positive support of the U.N. They appre-
ciate how greatly the United Nations can help to
keep the cold war out of Africa.

The history of the Congo troubles offers elo-
quent testimony to this. Without question, the
cold war would now have spread its virus danger-
ously in Africa but for the United Nations action
in the Congo. Last summer the Russians were

pouring military equipment and advisers into the
Congo, outside U.N. channels, and promoting dis-
order and civil war. They were expelled, and
thereupon they attempted to censure the U.N.
operation and weaken its capacity to act. A spe-
cial emergency session of the General Assembly
rebuffed this effort and reaffirmed full support for
the U.N. operation by a 70-0 vote.*

U.N. Operation in the Congo

The Congo operation is the greatest peacekeep-
ing effort ever undertaken by the U.N. Consider
the problem which confronted the world commu-
nity a year ago July.

The Congo Republic was less than 2 weeks old
when its military forces went into open rebellion.
The Belgians sent troops back into the country,
and the richest province, Katanga, declared its
secession. On July 12 the Congolese Government
appealed to the United Nations for military aid
"to protect the national territory of the Congo
against the present external aggression." The
Security Council met.= Three days later, contin-
gents of African troops under U.N. command
were already on the scene in the troubled area.

Grave moments have since beset the U.N. mis-
sion to the Congo. Yet without any comparable
experience in moimting an operation of this kind,
the U.N. has maintained a multinational army of
up to 20,000 men in the Congo. It has kept up
essential services through a small army of techni-
cal experts and administrators. It has prevented
outside intervention and forestalled civil war. It
has made possible the formation of a new central
government with parliamentary sanction.

Believing in self-determination, respecting the
independence of African nations, we supported
the U.N. action in the Congo to prevent unilat-
eral intervention — from whatever quarter. We
pledged to work only through the U.N., in sup-
port of its resolutions. These resolutions called
for the restoration of order, the preservation of
the territorial integrity of the comitry, the re-
establishment of constitutional government, and
the withdrawal of foreign military personnel.

The purpose of the U.N. operation, and of our

* For text of a resolution adopted on Sept. 20, 1960, see
iUd., Oct. 10, 1960, p. 588.
' For background, see ihid., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 159.

Ocfober 23, 7967

669

support, was and still is to permit the Congolese
to work out their own solutions to their national
problems. That solution has recently been
brought closer than ever. Under President Kasa-
vubu, and with the vital assistance of the U.N.,
the Congolese Parliament recently established a
new government offering, at last, the prospect of a
reunited Congo.

Present Congolese Government

Let me tell you something of the present
government.

Mr. Adoula, whom I met on my latest trip to
Africa, is both dynamic and able. 1 am confident
he is particularly well qualified as Prime Minis-
ter. His cabinet is basically moderate and was
installed following the unanimous vote of ap-
proval by the Congo Government. The present
Government is fully determined to maintain the
Congo's independence from all outside interfer-
ence.

The formation of this government cut away the
basis for the separatist and Communist-supported
regime in Stanleyville. There remained the ques-
tion of the secessionist regime in Katanga Prov-
ince, headed by Moise Tshombe.

It is important to understand the relationship
of Katanga to the rest of the country. The Congo
has existed as a clearly defined and unified terri-
tory for three-quarters of a century. The Ka-
tanga never even had a provincial parliament but
was only an administrative unit of the central
administrative authority. The present bounda-
ries of the Congo (including Katanga) were
agreed to by all the Congolese leaders at the Brus-
sels conference in January 1960 which established
the basis for the Congo's independence.

Article 6 of the fundamental law of the Congo
says: "The Congo constitutes, within its present
frontiers, an indivisible and democratic state."
Representatives from Katanga were at Brussels
and agreed to this charter, although no one was
there representing provinces as such but as mem-
bers of political parties, some of which were local
in nature. The people of Katanga, like their
brotliers in other sections of the Congo, partici-
pated in the national elections in May 1960 for the
purpose of electing representatives to the central
parliament in L^opoldville.

Importance of Political Unity

In short, there is no warrant whatsoever for the
idea of Katanga separatism. The Congo needs
all of its regions to remain economically viable.
The Congo as a whole has always needed the in-
come from the mineral production of Katanga,
and Katanga in turn needs the labor force, the
markets, and the transportation facilities of the
rest of the Congo.

We, and the U.N. membership, also support
maintenance of political imity. We have opposed
separatism on the part of both the Stanleyville
and Elisabethville regimes. Separatism on the
part of one province could only encourage sepa-
ratism on the part of others, or civil war, or both.
Clearly the welfare of the Congo depends on
active participation by all regions in the process
of government. The U.N., therefore, has been
encouraging Mr. Tshombe to join the central
government.

The United Nations operations in Katanga in
recent days were directed to carrying out the sev-
eral U.N. Security Council resolutions, dating
from July 13, 1960, and including that of Febru-
ary 21, 1961.* Among other things, these called
for a withdrawal from the Congo of foreign mili-
tary personnel and political advisers. The U.N.
force in the Katanga began rounding up these
officers on August 28. As of that date, despite
the above resolutions and repeated attempts to
negotiate their withdrawal, some 500 foreign offi-
cers and noncommissioned officers remained with
the Katanga army. To insure against resist-
ance, the U.N. on the same day seized key commu-
nications points in Elisabethville and surrounded
Katanga army units in their camps, without how-
over making any attempt to disarm them. The
operation met with no resistance, either from the
Katanga population or the troops. The latter,
in fact, were quite cooperative with the U.N. pro-
gram. However, over 100 of these foreign mili-
taiy personnel went into hiding before they could
be picked up by the U.N.

Since then, these individuals, plus an increas-
ing number of European civilians and mercenar-
ies in the city have participated in an active

8 For background and texts of resolutions, see iiid.,
Aug. 1, 1060, p. 159; Aug. 8, 1900, p. 221; Sept. 5, 1960,
p. 384 ; Jan. 9, 1961, p. 51 ; and Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359.

670

Department of State Bulletin

campaign of harassment and provocation against
the U.N. Accordingly, the U.N. felt obliged to
regain control of communications points, particu-
larly the radio station, and to round up and re-
move the remaining foreign military personnel.
But in the meantime these same individuals or-
ganized a resistance movement and incited mili-
tary action against the United Nations forces.
The fighting which resulted has been suspended,
according to latest reports, by a cease-fire.

Katangan secessionism has obstructed the clear
aims of the United Nations. It is, furthermore,
viewed with alarm as promoting instability on the
African Continent. In addition, substantial out-
side influence has been exerted in favor of con-
tinuing secession of the Katanga, again clearly in
opposition to U.N. resolutions.

Efforts To Restore Peace in tite Congo

As matters stand now, the U.N. will have to
make renewed and perhaps redoubled efforts if
civil war is to be avoided in the Congo. We are
exerting all our efforts to support them in restor-
ing peace and bringing about the reunification of
the Congo. It was for this very purpose that
Mr. Hammarskjold traveled to the Congo and
then flew on his ill-fated mission to Ehodesia,
where he was to meet with Mr. Tshombe.

We keenly regret that violence and loss of life
have attended the United Nations actions in
Katanga. We hope that the political dialog will
now be resumed. We never envisaged the U.N.
action in the Katanga as a means of destroying
Tshombe ; nor did the United Nations. The Sec-
retary-General's effort to contact Mr. Tshombe
and bring him back to active participation in the
political life of the Congo is tragic evidence of
that. We will therefore do everything appropri-
ate to facilitate a peaceful reintegration of the
Katanga, but we are convinced that for this pur-
pose the U.N. must remain in a position of
strength in order to fulfill its mandate.

It is in this delicate situation that the United
Nations will find one of its severest tests, now that
its dedicated leader has fallen. It is our strong
hope and belief that the lessons of the Congo will
at this time be clearly read by those most
concerned.

The U.N. has shown, in the Congo, its capacity
to act on behalf of these nations. That fact, that

barrier to Soviet ambitions, was the cause of the
Communist onslaught on the office of the Secre-
tary-General. I do not think the member states
of the U.N. intend now to see the clock set back
in the Congo. And if that is so, they will, I am
convinced, see the United Nations through its
pi'esent crisis.

The responsibilities of peace, the promise of
what the U.N. has so far built for them and with
them, are too evident to be mistaken in this hour.
The principles which we uphold are widely
shared, and I think we can draw great encourage-
ment from this fact as we come to grips with our
own broad responsibilities in the world at this time
of crisis.

The Color Issue in the Crusade
Against Tyranny

RemarTcs hy Pedro A. Sanjuan
Assistant Chief of Protocol ^

It would be wrong, if it were merely for show,
to ask for a guarantee of the individual's basic
inalienable rights to equal treatment in our society
merely because the world has its eyes glued upon
us and we can no longer sin in secret. The guar-
antee of dignity and equality is the birthright of
all American citizens and of all men as creatures
of God.

But it is sometimes easier to understand what
we do through the eyes of those who see us doing
it. When visitors from other lands forcefully
impress upon us the nature of our actions and ad-
vise us to mend our ways or face the consequences,
there is perhaps no excuse for refusing to face the
moral issue which we may have ignored.

This year there are over 55,000 foreign students
in the United States. One hundred nations send
their diplomatic representatives to Washington —
and to New York City to represent their countries
at an organization created to judge the actions of
all nations. Hundreds of visitors— professors of
universities, mayors, provincial governors, local
government officials, cabinet ministers, teclmi-
cians, prime ministers, and presidents of other

'Made before a conference of Maryland officials at
Aberdeen, Md., on Sept. 25 (press release 662).

Oefober 23, J 96 J

671

lands — come to our country with an avid interest
to learn new techniques and to learn about the way
we live. Since we are the richest and teclinologi-
cally the most developed nation in the world and
since our ideals of freedom and justice have in-
spired freedom-loving peoples everywhere for
over 200 years, a great deal is expected of us. The
technicians expect our machines to be well made,
the professors expect our universities to be well
equipped, the government officials expect our
Government to be well run, the diplomats expect
us to know how to treat diplomats, the students
expect us to know how to teach students. All of
them expect us to live according to the principles
of justice and equality that we have been preach-
ing for so long. In America, "the land of the free
and the home of the brave," they expect to find the
free and the brave.

Therefore, when in Maryland, or in Virginia,
or in New York, or in Georgia the 7-year-old son
of one of these foreign dignitaries is refused a
glass of water to quench Ms thirst in a public res-
taurant because the little boy's skin is dark, or
when a diplomat and his family are forced to
travel 800 miles along our beautiful higliways
without finding a place where they are allowed to
eat or rest, these visitors, many of them pilgrims,
rightfully wonder about the "free" and the
"brave." They wonder what sort of people we are
to deny a 7-year-old boy a glass of water, when
even in the heat of battle soldiers have been known
to share tlieir canteens with the thirsty cliildren
of the enemy.

The issue in the Avorld today, the vibrant and
vital issue, is between personal freedom as guar-
anteed by democracy and that brand of mass
slavery imposed by a tyrannical minority who
claim they act in the name of the welfare of the
state. The outcome of this struggle will not be
settled by the devastating force of bombs but by
the indomitable will of men. And to Khru-
shchev, who says he will bury us, we should say
this: "Unless you blow up the whole world and
yourself with it, wherever men survive the spirit
of freedom that flows through the veins of blacks
and whites and browns alike — and 'blues' if there
were any — will outlast the forces of tyranny."

Herein lies our overwhelming moral force. It
is the force that has stirred men's hearts since time
immemorial in every corner of the world, even in
Russia, and it justifies our conviction that tyranny

672

shall perish and that freedom and democracy shall
finally prevail. The will to be free is the patri-
mony of all men at all times under any and all
circumstances.

Wlien freedom and democracy are recognized as
our ideals and practiced as well, we form part of
the overwhelming majority in this world and we
can prevail in the end. But if some of us insist
on looking at the color of men's skins and preserv-
ing the vestiges of our own lingering tribal cus-
toms, the color issue puts us in the minority. And
I am not speaking only of the ratio of three
colored for every white man in the population of
the world, because it is not only Africans and
Asians who criticize our discriminator\' practices,
but Europeans as well. Existing race barriers in
America cannot be dismissed just by explaining
that they are merely local customs, because these
barriers are sanctioned by law in some States.

The whole crusade the United States is waging
against the forces of tyranny tliroughout the
world is being betrayed by tliis wholly artificial
and unnatural color issue. We pour millions into
foreign aid — millions which come from your
pockets and mine, millions which represent a sac-
rifice all Americans are making to strengthen the
economies of struggling nations, to save lives, to
free people from the shackles of poverty and star-
vation and assure them of a time when they will
be fully able to enjoy the fruits of freedom and de-
mocracy. How senseless it is to ruin this tremen-
dous effort by refusing to serve a cup of coffee to ,
a customer whose skin is dark !

There are many public-spirited citizens in
Maryland who have heard this plea and have acted
to correct such unfortunate situations as the
Hagerstown incident. Mayor Burhans and the
entire city of Hagerstown showed the Charge d'
Affaires of Sierra Leone a few months ago that
Africans were welcome guests in Maryland. Tlie
Department of State does not mean to single out
this State. Similar unfortunate situations have
occurred in northern and southern States alike.
As a matter of fact, this plea today is part of a
nationwide campaign which is being undertaken
in more tlian 30 States with the cooperation of the
Governors of these States.' At this very moment
the Department's message is being delivered at
the Soutliern Governors' Conference in Texas.

' For background, see Buixetin of Oct. 2, 1961, p. 552.
Department of State Bulletin

I know this message must mean something to
you. You can assist your country in carrying out
its world mission by doing something besides pay-
ing taxes. Through your influence in your com-
munity you can do a great deal to convince those
who own segregated establishments that here in
Maryland, for all the world to see, the ideals of
freedom and democracy must be practiced. Per-
haps it is not an exaggeration to add in closing
that when a public accommodations bill is pre-
sented to the Maryland General Legislative As-
sembly in February,^ that Assembly will have the
privilege of debating not just a local issue or a
State issue or even a national issue but a much
larger issue which will affect the future of all men
everywhere who want to remain free as well as
the future of those who do not wish to remain
enslaved.

Posing Some Problems

Remarks hy Roger Tubhy

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^

I have been asked to outline some of the prob-
lems confronting our country, without suggesting
solutions. It is, happily, for you later on this
afternoon to discuss possible ways in which we
may most effectively meet our present dangers —
and opportunities.

First of all, it is of course most fitting that we
should be honoring Mayor [Willy] Brandt who,
with the people of West Berlin, has shown such
courage, patience, and good sense during long
years of trial.

Our President last week in New York in his
address to the United Nations said,^

If there is a dangerous crisis in Berlin — and there is —
it is because of threats against the vital interests and the
deep commitments of the Western Powers and the freedom
of "West Berlin. We cannot yield these interests. We
cannot fail these commitments. We cannot surrender the
freedom of these people for whom we are responsible.

' For a statement by Mr. Sanjuan before the Legislative
Council of the General Assembly of Maryland on Sept. 13,
see ibid., p. 551.

' Made before the Freedom House Assembly at New
Xork, N.Y., on Oct. 6 (press release 689).

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct 16, 1961, p. 619.

This afternoon in Washington he will make this
clear once again to the Kussians in his meeting
with Mr. Gromyko [Andrei A. Gromyko, Soviet
Foreign Minister].

The crisis in Berlin exists because there is a
renewed threat to the continued free existence of
West Berlin. But as we know, Berlin is but one
of many grave problems confronting free men,
several of them stemming from Russian pressures,
some of them existing independently and which
would be of concern to us even if there were no
Russia or Red China or Communist drive to domi-
nate all the world.

However, these other problems would be far
more manageable if it were not necessary for the
free world to maintain hundreds of thousands of
young men in our armed forces and if it were not
also necessary to contribute vast resources to our
defenses. If only Russia and Red China, the last
of the old-style imperialists, gave up their drive
for conquest and added the great talents of their
peoples, as well as their own resources, to ours in
the free world, then, of course, they and we could
make enormous strides forward in every field of
human endeavor. Instead, problems of providing
better education in the free world, more hospitals,
improved working conditions, fuller and more
fruitful understandings between peoples, difficult
as they are, become more so because of Communist
efforts to disrupt, intimidate, and destroy.

Communist deceit, terror, and outright aggres-
sion make the problems of growth and develop-
ment especially acute in the nations of southeast
Asia. But in many other lands efforts to build
stable and prosperous societies are also thwarted
or hobbled by Communist tactics. How to deal
effectively with these no doubt will be of concern
to you in your discussions. I hope you will bear
in mind, however, free-world achievements since
1946 in successfully meeting Communist chal-
lenges in many areas, beginning with the turning
back of the Communist effort to seize Greece. The
Greek-Turkish aid program, the 31/^ year economic
pump-priming of the Marshall plan, which saved
France and Italy and helped strengthen other free
nations, the successes against the Communists in
Malaya and the Philippines — on these programs
and experiences we can build usefully not only to
meet the Communist challenge but the insistent
demand of millions for a better life.

Will we build well enough? Will we build

Ocfober 23, 796/

673

fast enough? Willy Brandt once said that we
only really learn about life the hard way.

This he has done in Berlin. So have we.

We can mark with some satisfaction the work
of NATO and other regional alliances created to
check aggression. We can, especially, be thank-
ful that the United Nations, despite Russian ob-
structionism, has been able to provide a measure
of stability in troubled lands in the Middle East,
Asia, and Africa and that it has helped promote
economic growth in many countries. Britain,
West Germany, France, Italy, Japan — rising out
of the rubble of war — these and many other coun-
tries of the free world, including our own, are
prospering. The European Common Market, the
cooperative effort in the OECD [Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development], sliow
promise of still further economic progress.

These are pluses on the side of the free world.
They show how much we have already done and
are worth considering when weighing the prob-
lems now before us.

How to avoid either war or surrender; how to
achieve disarmament or a ban on nuclear testing
with effective controls; how to strengthen the
U.N. ; how to check Communist aggression or sub-
version in southeast Asia or anywhere else ; how to
broaden the economic and social base in many
countries still in an early stage of economic de-
velopment; how to reach their intellectuals and
win their respect and understanding ; how to deal
with satellite countries; what to do about U.S.
economic aid to so-called neutrals which appear
to support Moscow ; how to reserve outer space for
peaceful uses; how to end colonialism — under the
Russians or Red Chinese or anyone else; how to
make the new Alliance for Progress for Latin
America a success.

Even a listing of problems indicates the com-
plexity of our problems abroad. There are many
others. They are related to many at home — to
the widespread racial inequality still plaguing us;
to the lack of understanding by many of our own
people of foreign affairs problems or opportuni-
ties, with consequent indifference or complacency;
to the need for still greater efforts in education.

No lack of problems ! Yet I feel sure that by
pooling our resources in the future, as we have in
the past, we can do what's necessary to maintain
and eventually expand the area of freedom
through the choice of peoples now living in a

world of coercion. Nearly 4 million East Ger-
mans voted with their feet by fleeing through
West Berlin. In time we hope self-determina-
tion, self-expression, will be possible even in Com-
munist lands. Meanwhile, by our example,
whether in West Berlin or elsewhere, we need to
demonstrate convincingly that our free society is
a far better society than exists under the
Communists.

President Prado of Peru Makes
Official Visit to United States

President Manuel Prado of Peru and Senora de
Prado made an official visit to the United States
September 18-29. FoUowinff is an exchange of
greetings hetioeen President Kennedy and Presi-
dent Prado on September 19 and a joint communi-
que issued on September 21, together with the text
of President Prado\<s address to a joint session of
Congress on September 21.

EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS

White House press release dated September 19
President Kennedy

President and Seiiora Prado, I want to express
my great pleasure on behalf of the people of the
United States in welcoming you here.

History has a strange rhythm. History does
repeat itself, even if sometimes in a slightly dif-
ferent form. And it is a striking fact that in 1942
President Prado was one of the first, if not the
first, of the democratically elected leaders of the
Latin American Republics to visit the United
States on an official visit.

The United States was then engaged in war, and
yet President Roosevelt wanted President Prado
of Peru to come to our country in order to ex-
press our appreciation and esteem for him for the
leadership which he had taken in this hemisphere
in the fight against the Axis.

His strong support in many public forums, his
willingness to commit his country to this great
struggle, all of these facts are remembered now,
as in 1961, nearly 20 years later, President Prado
of Peru comes again to the United States on an
official visit.

The Presidents are different. The times have

674

Department of State Bulletin

changed. The adversaries take a different form.
But I believe in a very real sense that both Peru
and the United States, still standing shoulder to
shoulder, fight for the same things, and that is:
a world at peace, a world of law, a world which
permits us to develop in our respective countries
a better life for our people, which uses the ad-
vantages of science to build life instead of to de-
stroy it.

President Prado is the first leader of a Latin
American Republic to come to this country in this
new administration. The good-neighbor policy
has passed into history. "We have sought to re-
place it by a partnership, north and south, an alli-
ance for the progress of our people.

We in this country esteem our friends. We
have a long memory, Mr. President. And there-
fore, standing as I do where 20 years ago my dis-
tinguished predecessor stood, I extend to you a
warm personal welcome, and I hope in extending
this welcome to you that the people of your country
will realize that we hold them in the strongest
bonds of friendship.

Mr. President.

President Prado

I sincerely appreciate, Mr. President, the very
warm greetings which you have just extended to
me, in which you express the noble sentiments of
the American people for Peru.

This is not the first time that I have had the
privilege of visiting the United States as the Presi-
dent of my coimtry. I came to Washington ini-
tially in 1942 as the guest of my friend President
Roosevelt. I arrived here during the most difficult
days of World War II, and I was pleased to bear
a message of solidarity from my country.

I return today, almost 20 years later, under cir-
cumstances in which we are faced with a new crisis
in history. I am here in the same spirit as before,
with the same ideals of liberty and respect for
human dignity. I am equally moved by a desire
to fortify hemisphere solidarity and fraternal
relations between the United States and Peru.

I also seek means of closing ground against ag-
gression from abroad and against infiltration by
foreign and disruptive ideologies.

Most of all I want my greeting to the people of
the United States to contain a sense of faith in
democratic institutions and an expression of con-

viction that through the cooperation of the free
nations we shall succeed in defeating the attempt
at Communist domination and in turn assure the
world a future of peace, justice, and progress.

Mr. President, I want to thank you very much
for your noble words about my international poli-
cies and my personal actions in my country, and
the international support of your country and the
Allies in the Second World War ; and now in this
moment you and your people can be sure that
Peru is solidly on your side.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated September 21

Dr. Manuel Prado, President of the Republic
of Peru, is making a state visit to the United
States at the invitation of President Kennedy,
with a view to strengthening the already friendly
relations prevailing between the two countries.
In keeping with this objective, the two Presidents
have held conversations characterized by a spirit
of cordiality, frankness and understanding.
They discussed a number of matters of bilateral
interest as well as other important problems in
international relations.

The Presidents in their discussions affirmed
their adherence to the principles of the Alliance
for Progress.^ They stressed the great impor-
tance of the economic and social development of
Latin America in order to achieve growing econo-
mies, with effective and continuing improvement
in living standards, and thus to satisfy the urgent
aspirations of its peoples for a more equitable par-
ticipation in the life of their countries. Each
Latin American country must therefore concen-
trate increasing efforts and make greater sacri-
fice toward such basic development. The United
States for its part is prepared to assist in the
realization of this objective in accordance with the
principles established in the Charter of Punta del
Este.^ With this in mind the Presidents con-
sidered various projects of importance to Peni's
economic and social development. The United
States will participate in emergency projects be-
ing initiated by the Peruvian Government in the
critical Puno area.

The Presidents agreed that such development in

* For background, see BtriiETiN of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.
' For text, see ibid., p. 463.

October 23, 7 967

675

Latin America would be facilitated by the formu-
lation by each country of a national development
plan to establish its own goals, priorities and
reforms.

They also agreed that only by instituting re-
forms in such fields as land tenure, tax structure
and the utilization of national income can the
objective of integrated social and economic de-
velopment be achieved.

President Prado emphasized that one of the
essential problems in the case of Peru is the in-
tegration of the Indian population into the life of
the country.

The Presidents agreed to the need for stimulat-
ing private investment in Peru and in all of Latin
America. President Prado emphasized that Peru,
because of its raw materials, its advanced legis-
lation, its policy of free trade, monetary stability
and the absence of exchange controls, offers ex-
cellent opportunities for foreign capital interested
in participating with Peruvian capital in the
growth of its promising economy. In order to
encourage such investment, he stressed the desir-
ability of eliminating double taxation.

Following a review of the international situa-
tion, the Presidents agreed on the need for a firm
policy to confront the imceasing conspiracy of
international Communism against the peace of
the hemisphere and of the world, recognizing that
the successes or failures of Communism wherever
they may occur have direct or indirect repercus-
sion in each and every nation.

The Presidents emphasized the importance of
hemispheric unity for the preservation of peace
and the development of harmonious relations
among nations. Because of their traditions of
liberty, faith in the human being and encourage-
ment of individual initiative in all aspects of life,
the Americas must serve as a bastion of these
principles and a force for harmony in the world.
Such unity is firmly founded upon long historic
ties and a community of purpose of the nations of
the hemisphere and on recognition and respect for
the distinctive national character of each member
of the American family.

As guiding principles governing the peaceful
relationship of nations, fundamental to the Inter-
American system, the Presidents reiterated the
importance of nonintervention iji the domestic af-
fairs of other states and the right of self-deter-
mination of peoples by means of periodic, free

and democratic elections to guarantee the rule of
liberty, justice and individual social and human
rights. They agreed that when an alien ideology
establishes a foothold in the hemisphere or when
its official and imofficial agents engage subver-
sively in undermining constitutional order, this
constitutes both a violation of the principle of
nonintervention and a threat to all the nations of
the hemisphere.

The Presidents reasserted their adherence to the
principles of the United Nations and of the
Organization of American States, which are the
embodiment of the fundamental precepts of the
rule of law and justice, the faithful observance of
international obligations and agreements, and the
respect for national independence, identity and
dignity. They call on all nations to reaffirm in
their actions their adherence to the high principles
of those two organizations.

The Presidents also discussed the similarity of
the principles, particularly the principle of
reciprocal assistance, which characterize the
Organization of American States and the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization. They agreed that
it is more than ever essential that these regional
organizations be alert to maintain and defend the
civilization that is common to their members.

In conclusion, the two Chiefs of State reiterated
their unwavering determination to foster and per-
fect the close cooperation that exists between
their nations in matters of common interest both
of regional consequence and of world importance.

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS >

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and
the House of Representatives ; distinguished members of
the Cabinet, the judiciary, and the diplomatic corps — my
friends, it is indeed a distinct honor to be invited to
address this great Parliament and I deeply appreciate
the generous words of introduction. It fills a visitor with
a solemn sense of responsibility to meet with you at such
a critical moment in the affairs of the world and more
particularly in the affairs of the Western Hemisphere.

So I come before you grateful for your invitation and
fully aware of the grave responsibilities which all of us
share at this time. It is my high privilege to bring yon
the warm wishes of the people of the Republic of Peru.

And I bring you this further message: Peru stands
with you in the struggle against communism in the world
and in our hemisphere — whatever measures you may be

• Reprinted from the Congres8ional Record of Sept. 21,
1961, p. 19296.

676

Department of State Bulletin

required to take to combat it, you will find my country
at your side.

Twice it tias fallen to my lot to make a state visit to
the United States as President of my country, and twice
I have come at a critical jioint in our history. In May
1942 when the thunder of Pearl Harbor still echoed
around the world, I traveled to the United States as the
guest of my illustrious friend, President Franklin X>.
Roosevelt, to confer with him and his government on
wartime problems.

At that time the Second World War had confronted
the entire hemisphere with the grave decision of having
to defend itself by the combined effort and sacrifice of
every member nation in every field of activity — by the
use of arms or through action in the domestic ideological
struggle, by producing and delivering raw materials in
unaccustomed quantities or through an intensive indus-
trial effort.

From the very beginning of the conflict and in re-
sponse to my own convictions and responsibilities of office.
I placed my country formally at the side of the Allies on
April 1, 1941. Consequently, when I arrived in Washing-
ton almost 20 years ago, I was received by President
Roo.sevelt as a defender in the southern part of our
hemisphere of the same cause as that of the United
States.

Today the circumstances are certainly no less dramatic.
While no general conflict now exists, no one is blinded
to the fact that the cold war and the continuing conflicts
at various points of the world have brought about a .state
of alarm which deeply disturbs the Western nations.

Thus, once again, on the state visit which I am now
making during my second tenure of oflice as President,
I come before you as an old friend and as one who is
accustomed to speak with frankness. Since the times
call for plain speaking among friends, just as they did
in 1942, I would like to take this opportunity to discuss
with you certain grave problems which are now before
us in the Western Hemisphere. We are all hearing many
unsound views on these issues on the part of certain
people who do not understand them and on the part of
other people who wish to misrepresent them. Since I
believe that these arguments do not stand up under care-
ful analysis, I wish to make my own position and my
own views very clear.

I refer specifically to the classic principles of self-de-
termination of peoples and nonintervention. Self-deter-
mination of peoples means to me, and I think to you,
the right of each nation to conduct its own affairs in its
own way in exercise of its own sovereignty — and it is
indispensable to this principle that the will of the people
must be able to express itself through free elections pe-
riodically held.

Now, with regard to nonintervention. This principle
is being badly misrepresented by some who would invoke
It to permit the destruction of the inter-American system
of free republics by an outside power — namely interna-
tional communism. The doctrine of nonintervention is
designed to prevent interference by one nation in the
foreign and domestic affairs of another, whether this
interference be done through infiltration, through prop-
aganda or through the abuse of diplomatic privileges.

I can report to you that such interference occurred in
my country on the part of one American nation which we
regard as an agent of foreign ideologies. When such
interference was proved we promptly broke off relations
with that government — and they will remain broken off
until that country is once again able to conduct itself
as a free and self-governing American Republic. May
that day come soon.

A state which interferes in the internal affairs of an-
other by subversion and by provoking uprisings and
disturbances is in no position to claim for itself the bene-
fits of the very principle of nonintervention which it Is
violating. Any other interpretation would be illogical
and would destroy the true meaning of the sound Ameri-
can doctrine of nonintervention.

I say to you, therefore, Members of the Senate and the
House of Representatives, that the democratic, law-abid-
ing republics of the Western Hemisphere have no obliga-
tion to submit to subversion, vicious antidemocratic prop-
aganda, or other abuse from any nation of the Americas
which for the time being may become the creature of a
foreign ideology. You will forgive me for being blunt on
this point but as I have said, the moment is dangerous
and we as friends can and must speak openly to one
another.

My ideological position from the time I first occupied
the Presidency is positive, clear, and definitely anti-Com-
munist. I have opposed and I now oppose this conception
of the world which degrades man, deprives him of his lib-
erty, submits him to the slavery of the state, robs him
of a just wage, condemns him to the common and the
anonymous, controls his thoughts, directs his culture and
separates him from God. Communism is the negation of
America, of its traditions and of its mi.ssion for the future.
It must be driven out of the Americas.

I consider it an honor for me not to have accepted sug-
gestions which I received in 1&42 to exchange ambassadors
with the Soviet Union despite the fact that, at the time,
that coimtry and mine were part of the same war front.
As a result Peru has no diplomatic relations with those
governments behind the Iron Curtain. The reason for my
refusal is obvious : I foresaw that once Nazi-Fascist total-
itarianism was conquered, communi.sm would employ all
its resources in an attempt to dominate the world. Un-
fortunately the facts have given me good reason.

In addition to these considerations of a purely political
nature to which I have referred, I believe that in order to
combat communism successfully we must take into ac-
count the economic factor for the welfare of the people.
The cooperation of the United States with the southern
part of the hemisphere is necessary and it must be effec-
tive and prompt. Any delay is dangerous. Any limitation
of the program can be an open door for the enemy.

In the alliance-for-progress program, that great cam-
paign launched by President Kennedy, each nation should
be encouraged to determine its own goals, its own priori-
ties and procedures in accordance with its own aims and
ambitions. With a frank understanding on this question
a great deal can be done for the unity of the hemisphere
in meeting the totalitarian attack. Let us bear in mind
that the mandate of history is that America is and must

Ocfofaer 23, 1967

615106^61 3

677

continue to be the bulwark of liberty and human dignity.

Senators and Rei)resentatives, before I take my leave
of you let me add these words to the message I prepared
to bring to you today. They are words which my con-
science and my sense of the high responsibility of this
hour prompt me to utter. The moment is of the most ex-
treme gravity. Grave moments call for grave decisions —
for bold action — for courage, and faith.

We learned this when we worked and fought and sacri-
ficed together, through the crisis of 20 years ago. We did
what had to be done to save Western civilization, and I
do not need to recall it to you now. But I do say to you
that in the present crisis we must follow the same hard
course. We can do no less, and we may have to do more.

This is the supreme test of the moral force of free peo-
ples. The totalitarian threat of atheistic communism calls
for sacrifice — national sacrifice, economic sacrifice. It
must be met with patriotism, with dedication and with
all that is necessary to assure peace, freedom, and a de-
cent way of life to our generation and to those who will
follow us.

Mr. President and Mr. Speaker, in the name of my
country may I conclude by paying a special tribute to the
United States of America and to its exemplary democratic
institutions among which the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives are outstanding.

Under Secretary Holds Regional
Conferences in Latin America

The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 6 (press release 690) that Under Secretary
Chester Bowles will be chairman of two U.S. re-
gional operations conferences to be held at Lima,
Peru, October 9-11 for U.S. representatives in all
the South American countries, and at San Jose,
CostA Rica, October 16-18 for those in the Central
American and Caribbean areas.

The two conferences will draw U.S. ambassa-
dors and other top U.S. officials for 3 days of
meetings to discuss U.S. foreign policy and opera-
tions in Latin America. They will be similar to
the earlier conferences held by the Under Secre-
tary during the summer in Lagos (Nigeria), Ni-
cosia (Cyprus), and New Delhi (India), which
were attended by senior U.S. representatives from
45 countries in Africa, the Middle East, and South
Asia, respectively. ^

One of the main purposes of each conference
will be to strengthen and coordinate U.S. opera-

' Bulletin of Aug. 7, 1961, p. 246.
678

tions overseas by stressing the "country team" con-
cept of U.S. activities abroad. Each ambassador
will be accompanied by the chiefs of the U.S.
Information Service, the U.S. Operations Mission
(the foreign aid mission), and the U.S. Military
Assistance Group in the country to which he is
accredited. Last May President Kennedy wrote
to each ambassador emphasizing that, in addition
to his traditional role as representative of the
President, he must serve as coordinator of all U.S.
Government activities in his country of assign-
ment.

Accompanying Mr. Bowles to the meetings will
be:

Edward R. Murrow, Director, United States Information

Agency
deLesseps S. Morrison, Ambassador to the Organization of

American States
Robert F. Woodward, Assistant Secretary of State for

Inter-American Affairs
George L. P. Weaver, Assistant Secretary of Labor for ,

International Affairs
George C. McGhee, Counselor of the Department of State

and Chairman of its Policy Planning Council
Tyler Thompson, Director General of the Foreign Service,

Department of State
Elmer B. Staats, Deputy Director, Bureau of the Budget
Richard N. Goodwin. Assistant Special Counsel to the

President
James Symington, Deputy Director, Food-for-Peace

Program
John W. Johnston, Jr., Acting Regional Director for Latin

America, International Cooperation Administration
Max Isenbergh, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for

Educational and Cultural Affairs
Herman Pollack, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for ,

Personnel I

Carl T. Rowan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for

Public Affairs
Haydn Williams, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense

for International Security Affairs
Jay P. Cerf, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Commerce

for International Affairs

Other senior U.S. Government officials will also
accompany Mr. Bowles.

The Under Secretary and his party will leave
Washington on October 7. Between the two con-
ferences Mr. Bowles will visit the Puno area of
southeastern Peru, where he will officially open a
school-lunch program supported by the U.S. Food-
for-Peace Program. After the San Joso meeting
ho is expected to spend 2 days in Mexico for in-
formal conversations with the Mexican Govern-
ment, returning to Washington on October 21.

Department of State BuUetin

President Makes Interim Delegation
of Foreign Aid Authority

Following are texts of letters ' from President
Kennedy to Secretary of State Dean Rusk and
Secretary of Defense Rohert S. McNamara in
■which the President delegates to them authority
under the foreign aid legislation fending the is-
suance of an Executive order on that subject.

LETTER TO SECRETARY OF STATE

The White House,
Washington, September 30, 1961.

Dear SIr. Secretary: Effective simultaneously
with the taking effect of the provisions of the
Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appro-
priation Act, 1962, I hereby delegate to you all
functions conferred upon the President by the
i^'oreign Assistance Act of 1961 which are com-
parable to fimctions under the Mutual Security
Act of 1954, as amended, now exercised by the De-
velopment Loan Fund and the Secretary of State,
mcluding such comparable functions which have
been delegated by the Secretary of State to the
Under Secretary of State for Economic Atfairs
and the International Cooperation Administra-
tion. In addition, I delegate to you the authority
conferred upon the President by section 620(b)
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.

For carrymg out such of the foregomg func-
tions as may be appropriate, you are authorized
to establish within the Department of State an
agency to be known as the Agency for Inter-
national Development and to be headed by the
officer appointed pursuant to section 624(a) (1) of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. You are also
authorized to utilize, in connection with that
Agency and to such extent as you may deem to
be advantageous to the Government, the services
of personnel employed, and the records, property,
entities, offices and the funds used, existing, held,
or available for use, by the Department of State
(including the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration) or the Development Loan Fund
under the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as
amended.

The purpose of the delegation made hereinabove
is to facilitate the transition from the existing
form of organization for foreign aid purposes
to the form thereof contemplated under the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. The said dele-
gation shall terminate upon issuance of an Execu-
tive order providing generally for the carrying
out of the functions conferred upon me by that
Act.

There are hereby allocated to the Department
of State all funds now appropriated to the Presi-
dent for carrying out the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 except those appropriated for carrying
out part II of that Act.

References in Executive Order No. 10784, as
amended,^ to the Mutual Security Act of 1954 or
provisions thereof shall be deemed to refer also
to the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 or cor-
responding provisions thereof.

It is requested that this letter be published in
the Federal Register.
Sincerely,

John F. Ejinnedy

The Honorable Dean Rusk,

Secretary of State,
Washington 25, D.C.

LETTER TO SECRETARY OF DEFENSE

The White House,
Washington, September SO, 1961.

Dear Mr. Secretary : Effective simultaneously
with the taking effect of the provisions of the
Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appro-
priation Act, 1962, I hereby delegate to you all
functions conferred upon the President by the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 which are com-
parable to functions under the Mutual Security
Act of 1954, as amended, now exercised by you.

The foregoing delegation shall terminate upon
issuance of an Executive order providing gen-
erally for the carrying out of the functions con-
ferred upon me by that Act.

There are hereby allocated to the Department
of Defense all funds now appropriated to the

' 26 Fed. Reg. 9375.
Ocfober 23, 7 961

■ Bui.u:tin of Nov. 2, 1961, p. 6.53.

679

President for carrying out part 11 of the Foreign

Assistance Act of 1961.

It is requested that this letter be published in
the Federal Register.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

The Honorable Robert S. McNamara,

Secretary of Defense^
Washington 25, D.O.

U.S. Grants University of Iceland
$198,000 on 50th Anniversary

Press release 691 dated October 6

The U.S. Government has awarded a grant of
5 million kronur ($198,000) to the University of
Iceland on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of
that institution. Announcement of the grant was
made by the rector of the university. Prof.
Armann Snaevarr, at Reykjavik on October 6,
during the course of ceremonies commemorating
the anniversary.

The grant of 5 million kronur will be used to
aid in the development of four technical institutes
in mathematics, physics, chemistry, and geo-
physics. The grant was made possible under a
special provision of a P.L. 480 agreement between
the United States and Iceland.

The four institutes will contribute an expansion
of teaching facilities in Iceland in the physical
sciences, including mathematics, chemistry, and
geophysics. They will provide opportunities for
Icelandic scholars to pursue postgraduate and
research studies at the university. The new in-
stitutes made possible by the grant will provide, in
addition, facilities for advanced technical train-
ing which will assist Iceland in its efforts to
diversify its economy.

The University of Iceland was founded at
Reykjavik by an amalgamation of three inde-
pendent faculties which had existed prior to 1911.
These faculties had provided instruction in
theology, medicine, and law. At the founding of
the university a faculty of philosophy was estab-
lished and was followed later by the addition of a
faculty of engineering. In the half-century since
its foundation the university has established an

680

outstanding scholastic record and has contributed
in a unique way to the development of modern
Iceland.

U.S.-Soviet Films Committee Reviews
Progress in Exchange Program

Press release 682 dated October 2

The U.S.-U.S.S.R. Standing Committee on
Cooperation in the Field of Cinematography be-
gan meetings October 2, 1961, at Washington to
discuss progress in film exchanges between the two
countries. The U.S.-U.S.S.R. agreement on sci-
entific, technical, educational, and cultural ex-
changes of November 21, 1959,' includes in section
VIII exchanges of commercial films, documen-
taries, film delegations, film premieres, and other
types of cooperation in the field of cinematog-
raphy. This meeting of the standing committee
will review progress of exchanges in the field
during the last 2 years.

Representing the United States are Turner B.
Shelton, Director, Motion Picture Service, U.S.
Information Agency, and Eric Johnston, presi-
dent, Motion Picture Association of America, Inc.
Advisers to the U.S. delegation are Ralph Jones,
Deputy Director, Soviet and Eastern European
Exchanges Staff, Department of State, and Hans
N. Tuch, Policy Officer for Eastern Europe, U.S.
Information Agency. The Soviet Union is repre-
sented by A. N. Da^-J'dov, president of Sovexport-
film, the Soviet film export monopoly, and Boris
Krylov, chief of the American Section, State
Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign
Countries. Adviser to the Soviet delegation is
L. O. Arnshtam, Soviet film director.

U.S. Approves IJC Recommendations
on St. Croix River Basin Development

Press release 678 dated October 2

The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 2 that the Government of the United States
has considered the report of the International

' For test, see Bijixetin of Dec. 28, 1959, p. 9.51.

D-rpartment of State Bulletin

Joint Commission, United States and Canada, on
the development of the water resources of the St.
Croix Eiver Basin, dated October 7, 1959, and has
approved the recommendations contained in the
report with the exception of number 2, which is
still under study. A similar approval of the Com-
mission's report was announced by the Govern-
ment of Canada.

The International Joint Commission was estab-
lished pursuant to the Boundary Waters Treaty
of 1909 to provide for the settlement of questions
and to make recommendations concerning the use
of boundary waters between the United States and
Canada. The Governments of Canada and the
United States, pursuant to article IX of the
Boimdary Waters Treaty of 1909, on June 10,
1955, requested the International Joint Commis-
sion to investigate and report on the possibilities
of further development of water resources of the
St. Croix River Basin in Maine and New
Brunswick.^

To conduct the necessary investigations in the
area, the Commission established the International
St. Croix River Engineering Board with members
from both countries. Interested parties were in-
vited to present their views to the Commission at
a public hearing in Calais, Maine, on June 27,
1958. As a result of its investigations and testi-
mony at the public hearing, the Commission made
a nimiber of recommendations which were made
public on November 10, 1959. These have been
carefully studied by the Governments concerned.

The Governments have accepted the Commis-
sion's recommendations regarding steps to be
taken to abate the pollution of the St. Croix River
and recommendations that anadromous fish runs
be restored. They have also approved recom-
mendations that redevelopment of the Milltown,
New Brunswick, site for power and other pur-
poses should be carried out by Canadian interests,
that an international gaging station be installed
by appropriate agencies of the two countries
downstream from the dam at Woodland, Maine,
and that the Commission be authorized to con-
tinue studies of the possibilities for development
of the water resources of the St. Croix River Ba-

sin. Recommendation nimiber 2 of the report,
which concerns water levels on East Grand and
Spednik Lakes, is still under review by the
Governments.

India and U.S. Exchange Views
on Trade in Cotton Textiles

Joint Press Statement

Press release 687 dated October 6

Officials of the Indian and United States Gov-
ernments, assisted by representatives from the
textile industries of both countries, met in Wash-
ington October 2 through 4, 1961, for an informal
exchange of views with regard to international
trade in cotton textiles. These discussions, which
were held in an atmosphere of understanding and
cordiality, were concerned with matters of mutual
interest in connection with the GATT Arrange-
ments Regarding International Trade in Cotton
Textiles^ and the forthcoming meeting of the
Cotton Textile Committee, established in the
GATT arrangements, which is scheduled to con-
vene in Geneva on October 23. The Committee
will initiate consideration of long-term solutions
to problems in the field of cotton textiles.

The informal discussions between Indian and
United States representatives enabled the partici-
pants to increase their understanding of the nature
of the situation in the cotton textile industries
of the two countries.

The desire of the two Governments to facilitate
economic expansion and in particular to promote
the development of the less developed countries
by providing increasing access for their exports
of manufactured products was reaffirmed. Both
countries agreed to work toward increased access
to world markets for cotton textile exports on a
constructive and orderly basis.

At the conclusion of the meeting, the represent-
atives of both comitries expressed their desire for
continued cooperation concerning matters of
mutual interest with regard to international trade
in cotton textiles.

^ For text of the Reference sent by the Department of
State to the Chairman of the U.S. Section of the Commis-
sion, see Bulletin of July 4, 1955, p. 21.

' For background and test of agreement, see Bulletin
of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 336 ; for an announcement of Presi-
dent Kennedy's acceptance of the agreement on Sept. 7,
see iUd., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 528.

October 23, 7961

681

Concession Granted To Compensate
for Action on Spring Clothespins

A PROCLAAIATION'

1. Whereas, pursuant to the authority vested In him
by the Constitution and the statutes, including section
350 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended (48 Stat. (pt.
1) 943, 57 Stat. (pt. 1) 125, 59 Stat. (pt. 1) 410), the
President, on October 30, 1947, entered into a trade
agreement with certain foreign countries, which consists
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (herein-
after referred to as the General Agreement), including a
Schedule of United States Concessions and the Protocol
of Provisional Application of the General Agreement,
together with a Final Act (61 Stat. (pts. 5 and 6) A7,
All, andA2051) ;

2. Whereas by Proclamation No. 2761A of December
16, 1947 (61 Stat. (pt. 2) 1103), the President proclaimed
such modifications of existing duties and other import
restrictions of the United States of America and such con-
tinuance of existing customs or excise treatment of
articles imported into the United States of America as
were then found to be required or appropriate to carry
out the trade agreement specified in the first recital of
this proclamation on and after January 1, 1948, which
proclamation has been supplemented and amended by
subsequent proclamations ;

3. Whereas, the period for the exercise of the authority
to enter into foreign-trade agreements pursuant to section
350 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, having been
extended (63 Stat. (pt. 1) 697), the President, on October
10, 1949, entered into a trade agreement with certain
foreign countries providing for the accession to the Gen-
eral Agreement of these foreign countries, which trade
agreement for accession consists of the Annecy Protocol
of Terms of Accession to the General Agreement (herein-
after referred to as "Annecy-1949"), including the an-
nexes thereto (04 Stat. (pt. 3) B141) ;

4. Whereas, by Proclamation No. 2867 of December 22,
1949 (64 Stat. (pt. 2) A380), the President proclaimed
such modifications of existing duties and the other import
restrictions of the United States of America and such
continuance of existing customs or excise treatment of
articles imported into the United States of America as
were then found to be required or appropriate to carry
out the trade agreement for accession on and after Jan-
uary 1, 1950, which proclamation has been supplemented
and amended by subsequent proclamations, including
Proclamation No. 2884 of April 27, 1950 (64 Stat. (pt. 2)
A399) ;

5. Whereas, acting under and by virtue of the au-
thority vested in him by section 350 of the Tariff Act of
1930, as amended (48 Stat. (pt. 1) 943, 57 Stat. (pt. 1)
125, 59 Stat. (pt. 1) 410, 63 Stat. (pt. 1) 698, 69 Stat.
162), and by section 7(c) of the Trade Agreements Ex-
tension Act of 1951 (65 Stat. 74), and in accordance with
Article XIX of the General Agreement, the Pre.sident, by
Proclamation No. 3211 of November 9, 1957, proclaimed

the withdrawal of the duty concession granted by the
United States with respect to spring clothespins described
in the first item 412 in Part I of Schedule XX (Annecy-
1949), effective after the close of business December 9,
1957;

6. Whereas Article XIX of the General Agreement pro-
vides for consultation with those other contracting parties
having a substantial interest as exporters of products
with respect to which action has been taken under that
Article with a view to agreement being reached among
all interested contracting parties ;

7. Whereas reasonable public notice of the intention
to conduct trade-agreement negotiations with the Gov-
ernment of Sweden, which is a contracting party to the
General Agreement having a substantial interest as an
exporter, was given, the views presented by persons
interested in such negotiations were received and con-
sidered, and information and advice with respect to such
negotiations were sought and obtained from the Depart-
ments of State, Agriculture, Commerce, and Defense, and
from other sources ;

8. Whereas, pursuant to section 3(a) of the Trade
Agi-eements Extension Act of 1951, as amended (19 U.S.C.
§1360 (a)), the President transmitted to the United
States Tariff Commission for Investigation and report
a list of all articles imported into the United States of
America to be considered for possible modification of
duties and other import restrictions, imposition of ad-
ditional import restrictions, or continuance of existing
customs or excise treatment in the trade-agreement nego-
tiations with the Government of Sweden, and the Tariff
Commission made an investigation in accordance with
section 3 of the said Trade Agreements Extension Act of
1951, as amended, and thereafter reported to him its
determinations made pursuant to such section within the
period specified therein ;

9. Whereas I have found as a fact that, in the cir-
cumstances recited above, existing duties or other import
restrictions of the United States of America are unduly
burdening and restricting the foreign trade of the United
States of America ;

10. Whereas, the period for the exercise of the author-
ity of the President to enter into foreign-trade agreements
under section 3.50 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended,
having been extended by section 2 of the Trade Agree-
ments Extension Act of 1958 (72 Stat. 673) until the
close of Juno 30, 1962, as a result of the findings set forth
in the ninth recital of this proclamation and for the
purpose of restoring the general level of reciprocal and
mutually advantageous concessions in the General Agree-
ment by the replacement therein of other concessions, I,
through my duly authorized representative, on Septem-
ber 15, 1961, entered into a foreign trade agreement con-
sisting of an agreement, including a schedule, between the
Kingdom of Sweden and the United States of America
supplementary to the General Agreement, a copy vi
which supplementary agreement is annexed to this
proclamation ; '

11. Whereas the agreement specified in the tenth re-
cital of this proclamation provides that the treatment

' No. .3431 ; 26 Fed. Keg. 8931.
682

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 2, 1961, p. 570.

Deparfment of State Bulletin

provided for in the schedule annexed thereto shall be
applied by the United States of America on and after
October 18, 19G1 ;

12. Whereas I find that the compensatory modifica-
tions provided for in the trade agreement specified in
the tenth recital of this proclamation constitute an ap-
propriate action toward maintaining the general level of
reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions in the
General Agreement, that the purpose set forth in the
said section 3S0, as amended, wiU be promoted by such
compensatory modifications of existing duties and other
import restrictions and continuance of existing customs
or excise treatment as are set forth and provided for in
the trade agreement specified in the tenth recital of this
proclamation and that such modifications of existing
duties and other import restrictions and such continu-
ance of existing customs or excise treatment of articles
as are hereinafter proclaimed in this proclamation will
be required or appropriate, on and after the date here-
inafter specified, to carry out that trade agreement :

Now, THEREFORE, I, JoHN F. KENNEDY, President of the
United States of America, acting under and by virtue
of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and
the statutes, including section 350 of the Tariff Act of
1930, as amended, to the end that the foreign-trade agree-
ment supplementary to the General Agreement, specified
in the tenth recital of this proclamation, may be carried
out, do hereby proclaim that such modifications of existing
duties and other import restrictions of the United States
of America and such continuance of existing customs or
excise treatment of articles imported into the United
States as are specified and provided for in that trade
agreement, including the schedule annexed thereto, shall,
subject to the provisions of that trade agreement, be ap-
plied as though such modifications and continuance were
specified and provided for in Part I of Schedule XX
(Annecy-1949) , as follows :

(1) The rates of duty specified in column A at the right
of the description of products in the said schedule an-
nexed to the said trade agreement supplementary to the
General Agreement, on and after October 18, 1961.

(2) The rates of duty specified in column B at the
right of the description of products, on and after the
date determined in accordance with the provisions of the
Note at the end of the schedule annexed to the said trade
agreement.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to
be aflixed.
Done at the City of Washington this 18th day of Sep-
tember In the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
[seal] and sixty-one and of the Independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
eighty-sixth.

By the President:

Chester Bowles,

Acting Secretary of State.

President Takes Action in Two
Escape-Clause Cases

WILTON AND VELVET RUGS

White House press release (Newport, K.I.) dated October 1

The President on October 1 announced that he
had referred back to the Tariff Commission the
escape-clause case involving Wilton and velvet
rugs, -with the request that the Commission furnish
him with additional mformation dealing with:
(1) the 1961 experience of the hidustry, and (2)
the competitive effect upon the industry of domes-
tic production of machine-tufted carpets and rugs.
The President requested the Commission to report
back by December 1, 1961.

The President's action was taken after consulta-
tion with the Trade Policy Committee.

The case was submitted to the President by the
Tariff Commission on August 3, 1961. The Com-
mission recommended that the duty be increased
from 21 percent ad valorem to 40 percent ad
valorem.

ALSIKE CLOVER SEED

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 1

The President on October 1 announced that he
had accepted as the findings of the Tariff Com-
mission in the case involving alsike clover seed the
findings of the two Commissioners who decided
that the imposition of additional restrictions on
imports of alsike clover seed was not warranted
under section 7, the escape-clause provision of the
Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951, as
amended.

The President's decision was taken after consul-
tation with the Trade Policy Committee.

The case was submitted to the President by the
Tariff Commission on August 7, 1961. The four
members of the Commission who participated in
the investigation divided two to two in their find-
ings. Two Commissioners recommended no
change in the tariff treatment accorded alsike
clover seed ; the other two Commissioners recom-
mended a change in such treatment. In cases
where the Commission is equally divided, the
President is authorized to accept the findings of
either group of Commissioners as the fuidings of
the Conmiission.

October 23, 7967

683

THE CONGRESS

Current International Air Transportation Problems

Statement hy Edwin M. Martin
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs '

You have requested the Department of State
to present its views on current international air
transportation problems. This is indeed a criti-
cal area at this time, and all evidence points to
the fact that problems may become more acute
in the near future. I believe you are interested
in current problems and what may be done to
resolve these problems over the next few years;
so I will not spend a great deal of time on the
historical background. However, we can provide
you with supplementary material on the detailed
history if the committee should so desire.

In its international air transport relations the
United States since 1946 has been primarily
guided by the so-called Bermuda Principles.
These principles were established in the United
States-United Kingdom Air Agreement of 1946 ^
to provide rules for the orderly development of
international air services. In the United States
view these principles represented a flexible means
to permit the healthy expansion and development
of international airlines with reasonable control
over excessive and unfair competition. The Ber-
muda Principles specify that the services offered
by the designated airline should retain as their
primary objective the provision of capacity for
traffic between the homeland and countries of
ultimate destination of the traffic with the pro-

' Made before the Senate Commerce Committee on
Sept. 22 (press release 656) on S. Res. 167, a resolution
authorizing an Investigation of matters pertaining to
International air transportation.

* For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 7, 1946, p. 586.

vision that airlines might carry fill-up traffic
between two foreign points.

Substantially all the international routes,
established by the Civil Aeronautics Board
(CAB) as the United States goal in 1944, were
successfully negotiated with the countries con-
cerned during the early postwar years. United
States air carriers in general were able to fly these
routes unencumbered by arbitrary restrictions as
to capacity, frequency, type of equipment, etc.
The United States was aided in this international
expansion by the unique position it occupied at
the end of the war, having the greatest stock of
air transport equipment in the world, the largest
reserve of skilled personnel, worldwide experience
in the operation of long-haul, transoceanic
routes, and the economic potential to weld these
advantages into an aggressive, expanding indus-
try. On the other hand, most foreign countries
were either at such a low level of economic devel-
opment or so weakened by the ravages of World
War II they were imable to bring to bear the
amount of economic resources to the development
of their air transport fleet and facilities to com-
pete effectively with the United States operators.

However, in recent years the picture has
changed considerably. National flag airlines
have grown up and are vigorously seeking to
expand their international activities. Many
countries are now either directly challenging the
value of the Bermuda Principles or attempting
to establish interpretations of these principles
inconsistent with the traditional United States
view. I wish to outline some of these problems

684

Department of Slate Bulletin

and the steps the Department is supporting to
establish guidelines for effective United States
policies for their resolution.

Development of Recent Problems

The climate for the development and expansion
of United States international transportation has
become substantially and adversely altered over
the last few years due to a growing nimiber of dis-
agreements with foreign countries on the interpre-
tation and implementation of our bilateral air
transport agreements. Most of these disagree-
ments have been engendered in one form or an-
other by the increasing desire of foreign countries
to have their own airlines and to secure a larger
share in the international air transport market.
Difficulties have been experienced from two ex-
treme and opposite groups — those seeking to re-
strict United States airlines and those advocating
essentially freedom of the air. The Department
has been fully aware of these problems and has
vigorously prosecuted bilateral consultations
within the context of existing Bermuda policies
for the resolution of these difficulties. Unfortu-
nately the United States has been at best only par-
tially successful in achieving a satisfactory settle-
ment of the difficulties within the Bermuda
framework.

Foreign governments are tending more and
more to integrate international air transport ob-
jectives into their overall foreign relations pos-
ture. This is due to two reasons. The first reason
for foreign governments' extraordinary interest
in international air transport is the desire to "show
the flag" and to utilize the national airline as an
instrument of national prestige and commerce.
Once committed to this objective the foreign gov-
ernments seek to protect and support their na-
tional airline even to the extent of relating their
aviation objectives to nonaviation matters. In the
face of these attempts to expand the context of
' aviation relations to include other aspects of for-
eign relations, the United States has constantly
sought to deal with aviation matters within the
framework of aviation considerations alone.
Second, in some cases international air transport
services represent a substantial economic asset
whose ability to earn foreign exchange is con-
sidered essential to the national economy. The

role of KLM in Netherlands economy represents
a typical example.

I will attempt to outline in general terms the
major specific problems facing the United States
at this time.

Excess Capacity

As national economies improved during the
postwar reconstruction period there was an awak-
ening on the part of foreign countries as to the
desirability of having a national airline for the
purpose not only of serving domestic routes but
also to provide an instmment of national prestige
on international routes. Not only countries at a
reasonably high level of economic development but
also newly developing countries felt it urgent to
establish and support an international carrier.
Many countries in the last few years have sought
not only to exploit rights previously negotiated
although not utilized but have progressively pur-
sued a policy of expanding these rights. Since the
United States represents the richest air market
in the world, it has been a particular target of
these efforts. Moreover, foreign efforts to obtain
a greater share of existing markets have been ac-
tively directed against United States carriers as
the predominant operators in many of these
markets. In some cases countries have claimed a
basic imbalance of benefits in favor of the United
States under the original agreement which was
negotiated at the time when the foreign country
was not in a position to implement greater rights.

The net result of this drive by foreign countries
to establish their own international airlines has
been a proliferation of carriers in most interna-
tional air markets. For example, the number of
international carriers on the North Atlantic has
increased from 9 in 1950 to 13 in 1955 and 17 in
1960. In other areas, particularly in Latin Amer-
ica and parts of the Near and Far East, the num-
ber of carriers now far exceeds the ability of the
traffic to support them. These operations show a
chronic condition of excess capacity.

The difficulties in these areas are that the gen-
eral economic conditions in them have not kept
pace with the increased capacity offered. Since
many of these carriers are noncompetitive, they
are experiencing great difficulty in obtaining what
they consider to be a sufficient share of these
markets.

October 23, 1 96 1

685

Another and more dramatic development which
has resulted in excess capacity has been the advent
of the jets, which by matching piston schedules
roughly triple the productive capacity of the
piston equipment which they have replaced. Be-
cause of the appeal of the jets to the traveling
public, most carriers feel they must also have jets
in order to compete effectively for the available
traffic. The experience in the North Atlantic
during 1961 typifies the problem of the rapid in-
troduction of jet equipment resulting in over-
capacity and uneconomic load factors.

It has been alleged that the United States policy
on multiple designation has in some cases resulted
in an irritation of the capacity problems. Mul-
tiple designation refers to the authorization of
more than one United States carrier to operate
between the United States and a foreign country.
The complaint is based on the thesis that Amer-
ican airlines in competition with one another tend
to match one another's schedules. From the view-
point of the foreign country the addition of a
second United States carrier in the market offers
a threat of a doubling of the offered United States
airline capacity.

The gradually developing problem of excess
capacity has resulted in a variety of actions by
foreign countries to attempt to protect the in-
terests of their own carriers. In most cases these
countries base their actions on their own interpre-
tation of the capacity provisions of the bilateral
agreements with the United States.

There have evolved three general schools of
philosophy in regard to the solution of the excess
capacity problem. The advocates of "freedom of
the air" such as the Dutch and ScandinaAaans,
possessed with strong, aggressive, and competent
airlines, argue that carriers operating on inter-
national routes should have full freedom to carry
all the traffic that they can develop. Under this
thesis the weaker carriers or those not in a posi-
tion for one reason or another to compete effec-
tively would have to either leave the market or
curtail their operations.

A second school holds that many countries suffer
from basic disadvantages in the fight for interna-
tional air passengers and that in order to protect
the national carrier these countries must be able
to allocate or predetermine the volume of traffic
carried in and out of their countries.

A third school, to which the United States be-
longs, maintains that airlines should have reason-

able freedom to carry traffic of primary interest
(third- and fourth-freedom traffic) but that there
should be sensible rules governing the carriage of
secondary traffic (fifth-freedom traffic).

A special problem has arisen in the past few
years with respect to the carriage of so-called
sixth-freedom traffic, which the United States
considers to be a special category of fifth freedom.
This is traffic carried between foreign countries via
the homeland. The United States interprets such
traffic to be secondary-justification traffic which
should represent only fill-up traffic after the re-
quirements of primary-justification traffic are met.
Certain coimtries such as the Netherlands and the
Scandinavian countries consider that the carriage
of such traffic via the homeland, no matter how
long the stopover, converts this traffic from sec-
ondary or fifth-freedom to primary traffic. They
claun that the pro\'isions of the agreement are
not designed to cover tliis type of traffic and that
the United States has no basis for taking issue with
its carriage.

Rates

A second problem area has become critical in
recent years where certain foreign carriers have
indulged in various rate-cutting practices in order
to secure a more favorable share of the market.
Carriers which engage in rate-cutting practices are
usually small regional carriers which offer rates
well below the commonly accepted fare levels.
These carriers usually claim they cannot compete
with the major carriers and therefore require a
lower rate structure. It is possible, due to local
conditions, that the costs experienced by these car-
riers are in fact lower than many of the major
carriers and they can make a profit at fare levels
considerably below those of the lATA [Interna-
tional Air Transport Association] carriers.

The effect of these rate-cutting practices has
been to divert passengers from the United States
carriers. The precise extent of this diversion has
not yet been determined, but the United States
carriers claim it is substantial. Those bilateral
agreements which include provisions on rates out-
line consultative machinery for the resolution of
rate problems. In the event of disagreement after
such consultation the complaining party may take
such steps as it may consider necessary to prevent
the establishment of the proposed rate. However,
this machinery has not proven of great value to

686

Department of State Bulletin

the United States because its aeronautical author-
ity, the CAB, does not have powers to disapprove
rates in international air transportation. A new
rate article has been developed which represents
a substantial improvement over the original rate
article, but it still relies on the powers of each
party to take steps under its own regulatory
powers to disapprove the establishment of unrea-
sonable rates. Tlie CAB has periodically recom-
mended legislation to Congress, which the Depart-
ment has supported, which would give the Board
ratemaking powers similar to those now exercised
in domestic transportation. Such legislation has
also been proposed in the current session of
Congress.

Other Problems

Capacity and rate problems represent the most
severe difficulties facing the United States Govern-
ment in its international negotiations. There are
a number of others. One of these is the matter
of foreign airline pools and the exceedingly strong
economic combination that such pools can rep-
resent in international markets. The increased
financial resources, use of joint ticket offices, joint
publicity efforts, maintenance facilities, and air-
craft utilization result in substantial advantages to
such combinations. In addition the governments
concerned are more likely to act in concert in
support of those pooled interests. It should be
noted, however, that, while in some cases pooling
arrangements may result in more effective com-
petition, in other cases they may represent a highly
necessary economic rationalization of the opera-
tions of a number of small uneconomic carriers.

Another difficulty, which is related to the
capacity problem, is the matter of a common ap-
proach to the collection and use of air-traffic
statistics. An intelligent bilateral analysis of
capacity problems cannot be made in the absence
of adequate traffic data the interpretation and use
of which both sides agree. The lack of a mutually
acceptable approach to statistics has represented
one of the stickiest obstacles to a satisfactory
resolution of capacity problems. The United
States, in ICAO [International Civil Aviation
Organization] and in bilateral discussions, has
been attempting for the last several years to
achieve a widely accepted multilateral understand-
ing on the definition of traffic categories, means of
collection, and use in capacity discussions. The

efforts have for the most part been unsuccessful
due to the wide divergence of opinion on this sub-
ject and desire of some countries to avoid the use
of statistics entirely.

United States international carriers may soon
be confronted with special restrictions due to
regional intergovernmental attempts to control the
operations of nonregional airlines. Some coun-
tries of the Arab League have for some time been
advancing the theory that routes within the Arab
League area are cabotage routes, that is, routes
on which traffic may be carried only by Arab
League airlines. It is understood that these efforts
have already been directed against certain non-
United States carriers and could conceivably soon
be aimed at United States airlines.

Similar efforts are being made by member
countries in the Latin American Regional Civil
Aviation Conference (CRAC). The objective
here is to establish quotas for non-CRAC airlines
so as to reserve a major share of the Latin Ameri-
can market for CRAC airlines. Peru and Chile
have already initiated discussions with the United
States on this matter although no action has yet
been taken. These countries allege that efforts
to protect regional carriers are consistent with the
spirit of the bilateral agreements.

Other regional groups such as the European
Civil Aviation Conference (ECAC) and Air
Afrique, a regional airline to serve 11 former
French colonies and Africa, have been formed. It
is not known as yet what effect these regional
groups will have on United States aviation
interests.

International Air Transportation Study

The Department has become increasingly con-
cerned that the resolution of the problems men-
tioned above cannot be achieved within the frame-
work of United States traditional policies. It
believes that the objective of the United States for
enlightened leadership in the development of in-
ternational civil air transport is being impaired
by the current inability to implement United
States international aviation policies and pro-
grams in the face of major new problems and is-
sues, among them : the growing number of foreign
airlines demanding traffic rights in the United
States; the swift, technical revolution of the jet
age resulting in vastly increased costs and excess
capacity on major routes; and the great prestige

October 23, 1 96 1

687

importance attached to the operation of national
flag carriers, especially by newly emerging
nations.

A comprehensive reappraisal of United States
civil air transport policies and programs is ur-
gently needed if continuing United States lead-
ership is to be assured. Policies adopted as
compromises in the mid-1940's remain substan-
tially unchanged and may now be far outmoded
by the dynamic progress of civil aviation in the
intervening years. As a nation, the United States
has a wide range of interrelated and often con-
flicting interests in international air transport —
political, economic, psychological, and military.
When conflicts arise, it becomes the task of gov-
ernment to balance and reconcile and to make
a determination of relative importance to the
Nation.

Issues now confronting the Government are
numerous; they include a range of subjects
relating to :

a. the importance of international aviation to
the United States in terms of, inter alia, the em-
ployment it generates, its contribution to tlie
gross national product, and its effect on the United
States balance of payments ; and

b. the consistency of aviation policies with
foreign political, economic, and military policy
principles and objectives.

The Department is therefore pleased that the
President has recently announced that a study
covering all facets of international air transporta-
tion would be carried out by a private research
organization under contract to the Bureau of the
Budget. In addition the Bureau of the Budget is
undertaking a study of the role of the United
States Government in the development of inter-
national air transportation policy and how it is
organized to carry out its responsibilities in this
area. This will involve a study of the responsi-
bilities and activities of the various agencies
involved in these policies.

The Department is hopeful that the results of
these studies will provide guidelines for the more
effective pursuit of United States objectives in
this important area.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Cambodian Port Highway (Part I) and Afghanistan
Highway Contracts (Part II). Hearings before a sub-
committee of the House Government Operations Com-
mittee. February 9-June 20, 1961. 123 pp.

Organizing for National Security : The Budget and the
Policy Process. Hearings before the Subcommittee on
National Policy Machinery of the Senate Government
Operations Committee. Part VHI. July 24-August 1,
1961. 168 pp.

United States Contributions to International Organiza-
tions. Letter from the Acting Secretary of State trans-
mitting the ninth report on the extent and disposition
of U.S. contributions for fiscal year 1960. H. Doc. 222.
August 10, 1961. 122 pp.

The 14th Semiannual Report on Activities of the Food-
for-Peace Program Carried on Under Public Law 480,
83d Congress, as Amended. Message from the President
transmitting the report for the period January 1
through June 30, 1961. H. Doc. 223. August 14, 1961.
107 pp.

To Establish a United States Anns Control Agency.
Hearings before the House Foreign Affairs Committee
on H.R. 7936 and H.R. 9118. August 24-September 7,
1961. 180 pp.

Trade With Cuba. Hearings before the House Interstate
and Foreign Commerce Committee on H.R. 8465 and
H.R. 8866. August 29-September 1, 1961. 78 pp.

Fourth Annual Report Covering U.S. Participation in the
International Atomic Energy Agency for 1960. H. Doc.
233. September 1, 1961. 39 pp.

Fifth Annual Report on the Operation of the Trade
Agreements Program. H. Doc. 234. September 1,
1961. 110 pp.

U.S. Representation to the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development. Report to accompany
S. 2323. S. Rept 878. September 5, 1961. 3 pp.

United States Disarmament Agency for World Peace and
Security. Report of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee on S. 2180. S. Rept. 882. September 6,
1961. 10 pp.

International Exposition for Southern California. Re-
port to accompany S.J. Res. 132. S. Rept. 883. Sep-
tember 6, 1961. 6 pp.

Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1961. Hearing
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on
H.R. 8291, an act to enable the United States to partic-
ipate in the assistance rendered to certain migrants and
refugees. September 11, 1961. 27 pp.

Inter- Ajnerican Children's Institute. Report to accom-
pany H.R. 8895. H. Rept. 1159. September 11, 1961.
3 pp.

Departments of State and Justice, the Judiciary, and
Related Agencies Appropriation Bill, 1962. Conference
report to accompany H.R. 7371. H. Rept. 1163. Sep-
tember 11, 1961. 7 pp.

To Establish a United States Arms Control Agency. Re-
port of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on H.R.
9118. H. Rept. 1165. September 12, 1961. 37 pp.

Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1961. Report
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on H.R.
8291. S. Rept. 989. September 12, 1961. 8 pp.

Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appropriation
BiU, 1962. Report to accompany H.R. 9033. S. Rept.
991. September 13, 1961. 16 pp.

688

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Agenda of the Sixteenth Regular Session
of the U.N. General Assembly ^

1. Opening of the session by the Chairman of the

delegation of Ireland.

2. Minute of silent prayer or meditation.

3. Credentials of representatives to the sixteenth session

of the General Assembly :

(a) Appointment of the Credentials Committee;

(b) Report of the Credentials Committee.

4. Election of the President.

5. Constitution of the Main Committees and election

of officers.

6. Election of Vice-Presidents.

7. Notification by the Secretary-General under Article

12, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the United
Nations.

8. Adoption of the agenda.

9. Opening of the general debate.

10. Report of the Secretary-General on the work of the

Organization.

11. Report of the Security Council.

12. Report of the Economic and Social Council.

13. Report of the Trusteeship Council.

14. Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

15. Election of non-permanent members of the Security

Council.

16. Election of six members of the Economic and Social

Council.

17. Election of the members of the International Law

Commission.

18. Report of the Committee on arrangements for a con-

ference for the purpose of reviewing the Charter.

19. Question of disarmament.

20. The Korean question : reports of the United Nations

Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation
of Korea.

21. Report of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of

Outer Space.

22. Assistance to Africa :

(a) A United Nations programme for independence;

(b) Economic development of Africa ;

(c) African educational development.

23. Question of Oman.

24. Report of the United Nations Scientific Committee

on the Effects of Atomic Radiation.

* Adopted by the General Assembly on Sept. 25 (U.N.
doc. A/4890).

25. Report of the Director of the United Nations Relief

and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the
Near East.

26. United Nations Emergency Force :

(a) Cost estimates for the maintenance of the Force;

(b) Report on the Force.

27. The situation in Angola : report of the Sub-Committee

established by General Assembly resolution 1603
(XY).

28. Economic development of under-developed countries:

(a) Industrial development and activities of the or-

gans of the United Nations in the field of
industrialization ;

(b) Establishment of a United Nations capital de-

velopment fund : report of the Committee estab-
lished by General Assembly resolution 1521
(XV);

(c) Accelerated flow of capital and technical assist-

ance to the developing countries : report of the
Secretary-General ;

(d) Land reform: interim report of the Secretary-

General ;

(e) Provision of food surpluses to food-deficient

peoples through the United Nations system.

29. Questions relating to international trade and com-

modities :

(a) Strengthening and development of the world

market and improvement of the trade condi-
tions of the economically less developed coun-
tries : report of the Economic and Social
Council ;

(b) Improvement of the terms of trade between the

industrial and the under-developed countries :
report of the Economic and Social Council.

30. Questions relating to science and technology :

(a) Development of scientific and technical co-opera-

tion and exchange of experience: report of the
Secretary-General ;

(b) Main trends of inquiry in the natural sciences,

dissemination of scientific knowledge and ap-
plication of such knowledge for peaceful ends :
report of the Economic and Social Council.

31. Progress and operations of the Special Fund.

32. United Nations programmes of technical co-operation :

(a) Report of the Economic and Social Council;

(b) Use of volunteer workers in the operational pro-

„ October 23, 1961

689

grammes of the United Nations and related
agencies ;
(e) Confirmation of the allocation of funds under the
Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance.

33. Assistance to newly independent States : report of

the Economic and Social Council.

34. Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees.
3.5. Draft International Covenants on Human Rights.

36. Draft Convention on Freedom of Information.

37. Draft Declaration on Freedom of Information.

38. Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum.

39. Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories

transmitted under Article 73 e of the Charter of the
United Nations: reports of the Secretary-General
and of the Committee on Information from Non-
Self-Governing Territories:

(a) Information on social conditions ;

(b) Information on other conditions;

(c) General questions relating to the transmission

and examination of Information.

40. Preparation and training of indigenous civil and tech-

nical cadres in Non-Self -Governing Territories : re-
port of the Committee on Information from Non-
Self-Governing Territories.

41. Racial discrimination In Non-Self-Governing Terri-

tories : report of the Committee on Information from
Non-Self-Governing Territories.

42. Dissemination of information on the United Nations

in the Non-Self-Governing Territories: report of
the Secretary-General.

43. Participation of the Non-Self-Goveming Territories

in the work of the United Nations and of the spe-
cialized agencies: report of the Secretary-General.

44. Offers by Member States of study and training facili-

ties for inhabitants of Non-Self-Governing Terri-
tories : report of the Secretary-General.

45. Question of the renewal of the Committee on In-

formation from Non-Self-Governing Territories.

46. Election, if required, to fill vacancies in the member-

ship of the Committee on Information from Non-
Self-Governing Territories.

47. Question of South West Africa :

(a) Report of the Committee on South West Africa;

(b) Assistance of the specialized agencies and of the

United Nations Children's Fund in the eco-
nomic, social and educational development of
South West Africa : reports of the agencies
and of the Fund ;

(c) Election of three members of the Committee on

South West Africa.

48. Question of the future of Western Samoa: report of

the United Nations Plebi.scite Commissioner for
Western Samoa and report of the Trusteeship
Council thereon.

49. Question of the future of Ruanda-Urundi : report

of the United Nations Commission for Ruanda-
Urundi.
60. Dissemination of Information on the United Nations
and the International Trusteeship System In the

Trust Territories: report of the Secretary-General.

51. Offers by Member States of study and training fa-

cilities for inhabitants of Trust Territories : report
of the Secretary-General.

52. Financial reports and accounts for the financial year

ended 31 December 19G0, and reports of the Board
of Auditors :

(a) United Nations;

(b) United Nations Children's Fund;

(c) United Nations Relief and Worlss Agency for

Palestine Refugees in the Near East ;

(d) Voluntary funds administered by the United

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

53. Supplementary estimates for the financial year 1961.

54. Budget estimates for the financial year 1962.

55. United Nations operations in the Congo : cost esti-

mates and financing.

56. Appointments to fill vacancies in the membership of

subsidiary bodies of the General Assembly :

(a) Advisory Committee on Administrative and

Budgetary Questions ;

(b) Committee on Contributions;

(c) Board of Auditors;

(d) Investments Committee: confirmation of the ap-

pointments made by the Secretary-General;

(e) United Nations Administrative Tribunal ;

(f) United Nations Staff Pension Committee.

57. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the

expenses of the United Nations: report of the
Committee on Contributions.

58. Audit reports relating to expenditure by specialized

agencies and the International Atomic Energy
Agency :

(a) Expenditure of technical assistance funds allo-

cated from the Special Account of the Ex-
panded Programme of Technical Assistance;

(b) Expenditure as executing agencies for Special

Fund projects.

59. Administrative and budgetary co-ordination of the

United Nations with the specialized agencies and
with the International Atomic Energy Agency : re-
port of the Advisory Committee on Administra-
tive and Budgetary Questions.

CO. Report of the Negotiating Committee for Extra-
Budgetary Funds.

61. Review of the activities and organization of the Sec-
retariat : report of the Committee of Experts ap-
pointed under General Assembly resolution 1446
(XIV) and recommendations thereon by the Sec-
retary-General.

02. Administrative and budgetary procedures of the
United Nations: report of the working group ap-
pointed under General As.sembly resolution 1620
(XV).

63. Public information activities of the United Nations:

report of the Secretary-General.

64. Personnel questions :

(a) Geographical distribution of the staff of the Sec-
retariat ;

690

Department of State Bulletin

65.

66.
67.
68.
69.

TO.

71.
72.

73.
74.

75.
76.

77.

78.

79.

80.
81.

82.

83.

84.
85.

87.
88.

89.
90,

91.

(b) Proportion of fixed-term staff ;

(c) Other personnel questions.

Base salary scales and post adjustments of the staff
in the professional and higher categories of the in-
ternational civil service : reports of the Interna-
tional Civil Service Advisory Board and of the
Secretary-General.

Annual report of the United Nations Joint Staff Pen-
sion Board.

United Nations International School: report of the
Secretary-General.

United Nations Library: report of the Secretary-Gen-
eral.

Report of the International Law Commission on the
work of its thirteenth session.

Future worlj in the field of the codification and pro-
gressive development of international law.

Question of special missions.

The urgent need for a treaty to ban nuclear weapons
tests under effective international control.

Continuation of suspension of nuclear and thermo-
nuclear tests and obligations of States to refrain
from their renewal.

The status of the German-speaking element in the
Province of Bolzano (Bozen) ; implementation of
General Assembly resolution 1497 (XV) of 31 Oc-
tober 1960.

Treatment of people of Indian and Indo-Pakistani
origin in the Republic of South Africa.

The question of race conflict in South Africa result-
ing from the policies of apartheid of the Govern-
ment of the Republic of South Africa.

Enlargement of the International Law Commission.

Complaint by Cuba of threats to international peace
and security arising from new plans of aggression
and acts of intervention being executed by the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America against
the Revolutionary Government of Cuba.

Non-compliance of the Government of Portugal with
Chapter XI of the Charter of the United Nations,
and resolution 1542 (XV) of the General Assembly.

Question of Algeria.

The prevention of the wider dissemination of nuclear
weapons.

Problem raised by the situation of Angolan refugees
in the Congo.

Question of Tibet.

Population growth and economic development.

Draft Convention and Recommendation on Consent to
Marriage, Minimum Age of Marriage and Registra-
tion of Marriages.

Manifestations of racial prejudice and national and
religious intolerance.

Permanent sovereignty over natural resources.

The situation with regard to the implementation of
the Declaration on the granting of independence to
colonial countries and peoples.

Question of Hungary.

Question of the representation of China in the United
Nations.

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Re-
public of China in the United Nations.

U.S. Host to OECD Conference

on Economic Growth and Education

Press release 686 dated October 5

The Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD), which came into be-
ing September 30, 1961, will hold a Policy Con-
ference on Economic Growth and Investment in
Education at Washington, D.C., from October 16
to 20, 1961. Secretary Rusk will welcome delegates
to the opening public session in the Department
of State. Working sessions of the conference will
be held at the Brookings Institution.

The OECD supplants the Organization for
European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), which
was created in 1948. The new designation reflects
the changes that have taken place in the world
economic situation since the former organization
was created to administer the Marshall plan aid
and to restore the European economy on a coop-
erative basis. It also reflects the fact that two
non-European countries — the United States and
Canada — now have become full members, bringing
the total to 20 countries, and that the organization
will stress the need for major free- world indus-
trial nations to consult closely on their economic
policies.

Bringing together governmental delegations of
top-level economists and educators from member
countries, the conference reflects the growing in-
terest for the role played by education as a key
factor for economic growth. Thus the conferees
will have an opportunity to exchange ideas and
determine the needs in education and the most ad-
vanced methods and techniques for setting realistic
goals geared to the rate of economic growth.

The conference will be chaired by Philip H.
Coombs, Assistant Secretary of State for Educa-
tional and Cultural Afi'airs. Mr. Coombs, who also
will head the U.S. delegation, will deliver the key-
note address.

The special needs of the underdeveloped
countries will be given emphasis at the conference.
In this connection, a number of papers will be read
and discussed concerning why and how targets
for educational expansion in the advanced
countries might be related to the needs of the im-
derdeveloped countries, not only for education in
general but in particular for scientific personnel
and educational facilities, including teachers.

Ocfober 23, 1967

691

The Secretary General of OECD, Dr. Thorkil
Kristensen of Denmark, will attend the opening
session and will deliver a speech at an evening
banquet offered by the Department of State in
honor of the conference delegates.

Other main speakers at the conference will in-
clude Prof. Fred Harbison of Princeton Uni-
versity, Prof. J. Tinbergen of the Netherlands,
and Prof. Ingvar Svemiilson of Sweden.

Besides Mr. Coombs the U.S. delegation will
be composed of David E. Bell, Director, Bureau
of the Budget; Sterling M. McMurrin, U.S. Com-
missioner of Education; Alan T. Waterman, Di-
rector, National Science Foundation; Kermit
Gordon, Council of Economic Advisers; Manuel
Abrams, Office of European Regional Affairs,
Department of State ; and James P. Grant, Deputy
Director, Office of Progi-am and Planning, Agency
for International Development.

TREATY INFORMATION

Public Invited To Submit Comments
on Warsaw Convention, Hague Protocol

Press release 679 dated October 2
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

The Department of State di-aws attention to
the attached self-explanatory letter regarding re-
consideration of the Warsaw Convention ^ and
The Hague Protocol,- which is being transmitted
to certain persons and organizations by the Inter-
agency Group on International Aviation (IGIA).

The United States is a party to the Warsaw
Convention, a treaty which regulates the responsi-
bilities and liabilities of airlines toward passengers
and shippers in international air transportation.
A principal provision of this treaty (article 22)
provides that "the liability of the carrier for each
passenger shall be limited" to $8,300. Article 17
provides that "the carrier shall be liable for

' 49 Stat. 3000.

• S. Ex. H, 86th Cong., 1st sess.

damage sustained in the event of the death or
wounding of a passenger or any other bodily in-
jury suffered by a passenger" from an aircraft
accident. Article 20 provides that "the carrier
shall not be liable if he proves that he and his
agents have taken all necessary measures to avoid
the damage or that it was impossible for him or
them to take such measures." Further, article 25
provides that "the carrier shall not be entitled to
avail himself of the provisions of this convention
which exclude or limit his liability, if the damage
is caused by his wilful misconduct."

The Hague Protocol, which was submitted to
the Senate for advice and consent in 1959 but has
not yet been acted upon, is an amendment to the
Warsaw Convention and, in general, would raise
the limit of recovery from $8,300 to $16,600, and
in addition would permit recovery of attorneys'
fees and costs of litigation.

Persons and organizations, in addition to those
to whom the letter has been addressed, are invited
to submit to Interagency Group on International
Aviation, % Federal Aviation Agency, Washing-
ton 25, D.C., by November 15, 19G1, written com-
ments and any requests to present oral statements.

TEXT OF LETTER

Fedeilvl Aviation Agency
Washington, D.C., September 22, 1961

Dear : As part of the general review of

pending international conventions before the Sen-
ate, and in the light of the controversial provision
on limitation of liability with respect to passen-
gers, the Depai'tment of State has asked the Inter-
agency Group on International Aviation (IGIA)
to undertake a consideration of the relationship of
the United States to The Plague Protocol and the
Warsaw Convention. More specifically, the De-
pai-tment desires the advice of the IGIA (1)
whether or not the Department should recommend
that the President withdraw the request to the
Senate for advice and consent to The Hague Pro-
tocol; and (2) whether or not the United States
should withdraw from participation in the War-
saw Convention by giving the required six-months'
notice.

In order that member agencies of the IGIA (the
Departments of State, Commerce, and Defense,
the Federal Aviation Agency and the Civil Aero-
nautics Board) may be in a position to evaluate
all aspects of the two questions, comments thereon

692

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

are being invited from interested persons and
organizations. Comments should be directed to
the legal, economic and international consequences,
as appropriate, which should be taken into account
by the Government in making its determination
on these questions.

As background for your consideration of the
many factors involved, please find enclosed, as
Enclosure 1, a copy of the position taken by the
Executive Branch of the Government as prepared
by an interagency committee in 1957, and, as En-
closure 2, the composite text of the Warsaw Con-
vention and The Hague Protocol. Persons and
organizations desiring to comment may find it
convenient to utilize the topical discussions con-
tained in Enclosure 1 as a basis for reply to this
inquiry. It is suggested that comments will have
maximum usefulness and value if they are sup-
ported by established statistical data, decided case
law or enacted statute, or other specific and exist-
ing evidence. In addition, opinions are invited as
to the significance of any recent developments
under the various topics.

Written comments should be received by the
IGIA by November 15, 1961. Persons and or-
ganizations desiring to present an oral statement
will be afforded an opportunity to do so Decem-
ber 4, 1961. A request therefor should be sub-
mitted with any written comments by Novem-
ber 15. Such persons and organizations will be
separately advised as to the hour and place.
Sincerely yours,

W. C. Hannekan, Sta-ff Offtcer
Interagency Group on International Aviation

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Customs

International convention to facilitate the importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Done at
Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into force for the
United States October 17, 1957. TIAS 3920.
Assumed applicable oUigations and responsibiUties of
the United Kingdom: Nigeria, June 26, 1961.

Narcotics

Convention and final protocols relating to the suppression
of the abuse of opium and other drugs. Signed at The
Hague January 23, 1912, and July 9, 1913. Entered
into force for the United States February 11, 1915. 38
Stat. 1912.

Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Niger, August 25, 1961.

Convention for limiting the manufacture and regulating
the distribution of narcotic drugs, as amended (61 Stat.
2230; 62 Stat. 1796). Done at Geneva July 13, 1931.
Entered into force July 9, 1933. 48 Stat. 1543.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Niger, August 25, 1961.

Protocol bringing under international control drugs out-
side the scope of the convention limiting the manu-
facture and regulating the distribution of narcotic
drugs concluded at Geneva July 13, 1931 (48 Stat. 1543),
as amended (61 Stat. 2230; 02 Stat. 1796). Done at
Paris November 19, 1948. Entered into force for the
United States September 11. 1950. TIAS 2308.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Niger, August 25, 1901.

Property

Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial prop-
erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels December 14,
1900, at Washington June 2, 1011, at The Hague No-
vember 6, 1925, at London June 2, 1934, and at Lisbon
October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958."
Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Germany
(including Land Berlin) , July 28, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Declaration on extension of standstill provisions of article
XVI :4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Done at Geneva November 19, 1960. Enters into force
on day it has been accepted, by signature or otherwise,
by Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United
Kingdom, and United States.
Signatrire: Japan, May 1, 1961.

Acceptances:' Belgium, November 24, 1960; Canada,
April 14, 1961 ; France, November 19, 1960 ; Luxem-
bourg, February 24, 1961 ; Netherlands ( including
Netherlands Antilles and Netherlands New Guinea),
April 25, 1961 ; New Zealand, May 30, 1961 ; Norway,
February 9, 1961 ; Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasa-
land, May 9, 1961; United Kingdom (Including all
territories to which GATT provisionally applied with
exception of Kenya), August 21, 1961; United States
(with a statement), September 19, 1961.
Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton
textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into
force October 1, 1961.
Acceptance: United States, September 7, 1961.

Acknotcledped applicable rights and obligations of the

United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 25, 1961, with

respect to the following :
Protocol of rectification to the General Agreement on

Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana March 24, 1948.

Entered into force March 24, 1948. TIAS 1761.
Protocol modifying certain provisions of the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana

March 24, 1948. Entered into force April 15, 1948.

TIAS 1763.
Special protocol modifying article XIV of the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana

March 24, 1948. Entered into force April 19, 1948.

TIAS 1764.
Special protocol relating to article XXIV of the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana

March 24, 1948. Entered into force June 7, 1948.

TIAS 1765.
Protocol replacing Schedule I (AustraUa) of the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy

August 13, 1949. Entered into force October 21, 1951.

TIAS 2394.

' Not in force.

• By virtue of acceptance of declaration giving effect to
provisions of article XVI :4 of GATT.

October 23, J 96?

693

Protocol replacing Schedule VI (Ceylon) of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy
August 13, 1949. Entered into force September 24, 1952.
TIAS 2746.

First protocol of modifications to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 1949.
Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS 2745.

Second protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Geneva September 14,
1948. Entered into force September 14, 1948. TIAS
1888.

Protocol modifying part I and article XXIX of the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered into force
September 24, 1952. TIAS 2744.

Protocol modifying part II and article XXVI of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered Into force Decem-
ber 14, 1948. TIAS 1890.

Edwin G. Moline as Director, U.S. Operations Mission,
United Arab Republic, effective September 27. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
6C8 dated September 27.)

Patrick F. Morris as International Cooperation Admin-
istration representative in Venezuela, effective Septem-
ber 26. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 667 dated September 27.)

Belton O. Bryan as Deputy Administrator, Bureau of
Security and Consular Affairs, effective October 2. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
683 dated October 2.)

Philip H. Trezise as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Economic Affairs, effective October 3. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 685 dated
October 4.)

BILATERAL
Canada

Agreement relating to the addition of Cape Dyer to the
annex of the agreement of May 1, 19.">9 (TIAS 4218),
relating to the establishment, maintenance, and oper-
ation of short-range tactical air navigation (TACAN)
facilities in Canada. Effected by exchange of notes at
Ottawa September 19 and 23, 1961. Entered into force
September 23, 1961.

Germany, Federal Republic of

Agreement extending agreement for lease of air navigation
equipment of August 2, 19513, as extended (TIAS 3464,
4002, and 4490) . Effected by exchange of notes at Bonn
August 14 and September 11, 1961. Entered into force
September 11, 1961.

Mexico

Agreement for acceptance by United States of certificates
of airworthiness for aircraft manufactured by Loclv-
heed-Azcdrate, S.A. Effected by exchange of notes at
Washington June 26 and July 19, 1961. Entered into
force July 19, 1961.

Norway

Agreement amending annex C of the mutual defense a.s-
sistance agreement of January 27, 19."i0 (TIAS 2016).
Effected by exchange of notes at Oslo August 17 and
30, 1961. Entered into force August 30, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Designations

Alfred M. Hurt as Director, U.S. Operations Mission,
Somali Republic, effective August 25. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 538 dated
July 31.)

Donald B. MacPhail as Director, U.S. Operations Mis-
sion, Libya, effective September 25. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 665 dated
September 26.)

Checi< List of Department off State
Press Releases: October 2-8

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin
which were issued prior to October 2 are Nos. 650
of September 21, 656 of September 22, and 662 of
September 25.

Subject

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

Development of water resources of St.
Croix River Basin.

Reconsideration of Warsaw Conven-
tion and Hague Protocol.

McConaughy : "American Image of
Japan."

Cultural exchange (Somali Republic).

Film exchange talks with U.S.S.R.

Bryan designated Deputy Administra-
tor, Bureau of Security and Consular
Affairs (biographic details).

Cieplinski : American Immigration and
Citizenship Conference.

Trezise designated Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Economic Affairs
(biographic details).

OECD conference on economic growth
and education.

U.S.-India textile-trade statement.

Program for visit of President of
Sudan.

Tubby : "Posing Some Problems."

Regional operations conferences In
Latin America (rewrite).

Grant to University of Iceland.

Boutempo: Italian-American civic
groups, Newark. N.J. (excerpts).

Visit of Panamanian economic mis-
sion.

McElroy appointed AID special assist-
ant (biographic details).

Rusk : interview on "Prospects of
Mankind."

Coerr : letter to Julio Garceran.

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletiw.

No.

Date

*673

10/2

678

10/2

679

10/2

680

10/2

♦681

682

*6S3

10/2
10/2
10/2

t684

10/4

•685

10/4

686 10/5

687
*688

10/5
10/5

689
690

10/6
10/6

091
*092

10/6
10/6

t693

10/7

•694

10/7

1695

10/7

t696

10/7

694

Department of State Bulletin

October 23, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1165

American Republics. Under Secretary Holds Re-
gional Conferences in Latin America .... 678

Aviation

Current International Air Transportation Problems

(Martin) 684

Public Invited To Submit Comments on Warsaw

Convention, Hague Protocol 692

Canada. U.S. Approves IJO Recommendations on

St. Croix River Basin Development 680

Congo (Leopoldville). The Lessons of the Congo

(Williams) 668

Congress, The

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign

Policy 688

Current International Air Transportation Problems

(Martin) 684

President Prado of Peru Makes Official Visit to

United States (Kennedy, Prado, texts of joint

communique, and address to Congress) .... 674
Department and Foreign Service
Designations (Bryan, Hurt, MacPhail, MoUne,

Morris, Trezise) 694

Under Secretary Holds Regional Conferences in

Latin America 678

Economic Affairs

Concession Granted To Compensate for Action on

Spring Clothespins (text of proclamation) . . 682
India and U.S. Exchange Views on Trade in Cotton

Textiles 681

President Takes Action in Two Escape-Clause

Cases 683

U.S. Approves IJC Recommendations on St. Croix

River Basin Development 680

Educational and Cultural Affairs

U.S. Grants University of Iceland $198,000 on 50th

Anniversary 680

U.S. Host to OECD Conference on Economic

Growth and Education 691

U.S.-Soviet Films Committee Reviews Progress in

Exchange Program 680

Germany. Posing Some Problems (Tubby) . . . 673

Iceland. U.S. Grants University of Iceland

$198,000 on 50th Anniversary 680

India. India and U.S. Exchange Views on Trade in
Cotton Textiles 681

International Organizations and Conferences.
U.S. Host to OECD Conference on Economic
Growth and Education 691

Japan

The American Image of Japan (McConaughy) . . 603
U.S. Survey Team To Review Problems of Ryukyu

Islands 667

Libya. MacPhail designated as USOM director . 694

Mutual Security

President Makes Interim Delegation of Foreign Aid

Authority (Kennedy) 67&

U.S. Grants University of Iceland $198,000 on 50th
Anniversary 680

Nigeria. President Greets Nigerian People on An-
niversary of Independence (Kennedy) .... 667

Peru. President Prado of Peru Makes Official Visit
to United States (Kennedy, Prado, texts of joint
communique, and address to Congress) . . . 674

Presidential Documents

Concession Granted To Compensate for Action on

Spring Clothespins 682

President Greets Nigerian People on Anniversary of

Independence 667

President Makes Interim Delegation of Foreign Aid
Authority 679

President Prado of Peru Jlakes Official Visit to
United States 674

Public Affairs. The Color Issue in the Crusade

Against Tyranny (Sanjuan) 671

Ryukyu Islands. U.S. Survey Team To Review
Problems of Ryukyu Islands 667

Somali Republic Hurt designated as USOM direc-
tor 694

Treaty Information

Current Actions 693

Public Invited To Submit Comments on Warsaw

Convention, Hague Protocol 692

U.S.S.R. U.S.-Soviet Films Committee Reviews
Progress in Exchange Program 680

United Arab Republic. MoUne designated as
USOM director 694

United Nations

Agenda of the Sixteenth Regular Session of the

U.N. General Assembly 689

The Lessons of the Congo (Williams) 668

Venezuela. Morris designated as ICA representa-
tive 694

Name Index

Bryan, Belton O 694

Hurt, Alfred M 694

Kennedy, President 667,674,679,682

MacPhail, Donald B 694

Martin, Edwin M 684

McConaughy, Walter P 663

Moline, Edwin G 694

Morris, Patrick F 694

Prado, Manuel 675

Sanjuan, Pedro A 671

Trezise, Philip H 694

Tubby, Roger 673

Williams, G. Mennen 668

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"LET US CALL A TRUCE TO TERROR"

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The above quotation is from President Kennedy's address before the
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following subjects :

Dedication to U.N. Charter and "World Law
Plan for General and Complete Disarmament
Proposals To Halt Testing and Nuclear Arms Race
Worldwide Law and Law Enforcement
Extending the Rule of Law to Outer Space
United Nations Decade of Development
Colonialism and the Principle of Free Choice
Two Threats to the Peace
Responsibilities of U.N. General Assembly

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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1166

October 30, 1961

AL
fKlY RECORD

STATES
nn POLICY

THE PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY OF EDUCATED

MEN • Address by President Kennedy 699

U.S. FOREIGN POLICY: FOUR MAJOR ISSUES •

Address by Secretary Rusk ................ 702

THE U.N., A FORUM FOR REAFFIRMING MAN'S

COMMON HUMANITY • Remarks by Ambassador
Adiai E. Stevenson , 724

INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT AND THE
PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC GROWTH • by

Assistant Secretary Martin 710

Boston Public Library
Superintendent ot Documents

NOV 2: 1961

DEPOSITORY

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1166 • Publication 7294
October 30, 1961

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Note: Contents of this puhllcatlon are not
copyrighted and Items contained heroin may
be reprinted Citation of the Department
or Stati Bdlletin as the source will be
sppri^lated. The Builetin Is Indeicd In the
Ktaders' Guide to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by tlie
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in tlie field of foreign
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Department, and statements and ad-
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the Secretary of State and other
officers of tlie Department, as uvlt as
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and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral interruitional interest.

Publications of tlie Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

The Public Responsibility of Educated Men

Address hy President Kennedy ^

Mr. Chancellor, Governor [Terry] Sanford,
members of the faculty, ladies and gentlemen:

I am honored today to be admitted to the fel-
lowship of this ancient and distinguished uni-
versity, and I am pleased to receive in the short
space of one or two minutes the honor for which
you spend over 4 years of your lives. But
whether the degree be honorary or earned, it is
a proud symbol of this university and this State.

North Carolina has long been identified with
enlightened and progressive leaders and people,
and I can thinlc of no more important reason for
that reputation than this university, which year
after year has sent out educated men and women
who have had a recognition of their public respon-
sibility as well as in private interests.

Distinguished presidents like President [Frank
P.] Graham and [Gordon] Gray, distinguished
leaders like the Secretary of Commerce, Gover-
nor [Luther H.] Hodges, distinguished Members
of the congressional delegation, carry out a tra-
dition whicli stretclies back to the beginning of
this school, and that is that the graduate of tliis
university is a man of his nation as well as a
man of his time. And it is my hope, in a changing
world, when untold possibilities lie before North
Carolina, and indeed the entire South and coun-
try, that this university will still hew to the old
line of the responsibility that its graduates owe
to the community at large — that in your time, too,

'Made at the University of North Carolina, Chapel
Hill, N.C., on Oct. 12 (White House (Chapel Hill) press
release).

you will be willing to give to the State and coun-
try a portion of your lives and all of your knowl-
edge and all of your loyalty.

Link Between Education and Political Leaderslitp

I want to emphasize, in the great concentra-
tion which we now place upon scientists and engi-
neers, how much we still need the men and women
educated in the liberal traditions, willing to take
the long look, undisturbed by prejudices and slo-
gans of the moment, who attempt to make an
honest judgment on difficult events.

This university has a more important function
today than ever before, and therefore I am proud
as President of the United States, and as a gradu-
ate of a small land-grant college in Massachu-
setts, Harvard University, to come to this center
of education.

Those of you who regard my profession of
political life with some disdain should remember
that it made it possible for me to move from being
an obscure lieutenant in the United States Navy
to Commander in Chief in 14 years, with very little
technical competence.

But more than that, I hope that you will real-
ize that from the beginning of this country, and
especially in North Carolina, there has been the
closest link between educated men and women and
politics and government. And also to remember
that our nation's first great leaders were also our
first great scholars.

A contemporary described Thomas Jefferson as
"a gentleman of 32 who could calculate an eclipse,
survey an estate, tie an artery, plan an edifice, try

Ocfober 30, 1 96 1

699

a cause, break a horse, dance the minuet, and play
the violin." John Quincy Adams, after being
summarily dismissed by the Massachusetts Legis-
lature from the United States Senate for support-
ing Thomas Jefferson, could then become Boylston
Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard
University, and then become a great Secretary of
State.

And Senator Daniel Webster could stroll down
the corridors of Congress a few steps, after mak-
ing some of the greatest speeches in the history
of this country, and dominate the Supreme Court
as the foremost lawyer of his day.

This versatility, this vitality, this intellectual
energy, put to the service of our country, repre-
sents our great i-esource in these difficult days.

I would urge you, therefore, regardless of your
specialty, and regardless of your chosen field or
occupation, and regardless of whether you bear
office or not, that you recognize the contribution
which you can make as educated men and women
to intellectual and political leadership in these dif-
ficult days, when the problems are infinitely more
complicated and come with increasing speed, with
increasing significance, in our lives than they were
a century ago, when so many gifted men dominated
our political life. The United States Senate had
more able men serving in it, from the period of
1830 to 1850, than probably any time in our his-
tory, and yet they dealt with three or four
problems which they had dealt with for over a
generation.

Now they come day by day, from all parts of
the world. Even the experts find themselves con-
fused, and therefore in a free society such as this,
where the people must make an educated judg-
ment, they depend upon those of you who have
had the advantage of the scholar's education.

The Role of the University

I ask you to give to the service of our country
the critical faculties whicli society has helped de-
velop in you here. I ask you to decide, as Goethe
put it, "whether you will be an anvil or a ham-
mer," whether you will give the United States,
in which you were reared and educated, the broad-
est possible benefits of that education.

It is not enough to lend your talents to deplor-
ing present solutions. Most educated men and
women on occasions prefer to discuss what is
wrong, rather than to suggest alternative courses

of action. But, "Would you have counted him a
friend of ancient Greece," as George William
Curtis asked a body of educators a century ago —
"Would you have counted him a friend of ancient
Greece who quietly discussed the theory of patri-
otism on that hot summer day through whose
hopeless and immortal hours Leonidas and the
three hundred stood at Thermopylae for liberty?
Was John Milton to conjugate Greek verbs in his
library when the last Englishman was imperiled?"

This is a great institution with a great tradi-
tion, and with a devoted alumni, and with the sup-
port of the people of this State. Its establishment
and continued functioning, like that of all great
universities, has required great sacrifice by the
people of North Carolina, I cannot believe that
all of this is undertaken merely to give this
school's graduates an economic advantage in the
life struggle.

"A university," said Professor Woodrow Wil-
son, "should be an organ of memory for the State,
for the transmission of its best traditions." And
Prince Bismarck was even more specific. "One
third of the students of German universities," he
once said, "broke down from overwork, another
third broke down from dissipation, and the other
third ruled Germany." I leave it to each of you
to decide into which category you will fall.

I do not suggest that our political and public
life should be turned over to college-trained
experts, nor would I give this university a seat in
the Congress, as William and Mary was once rep-
resented in the Virginia House of Burgesses, nor
would I adopt from the Belgian Constitution a
provision giving three votes instead of one to col-
lege graduates — at least not until more Democrats
go to college. But I do hope that you will join
them.

This university produces trained men and
women, and what this country needs are those who
look, as the motto of your State says, at things
as they are and not at things as they seem to be.

For this meeting is held at an extraordinary
time. Angola or Algeria, Brazil or Bizerte, Syria
or south Viet-Nam, Korea or Kuwait, the Domini-
can Republic, Berlin, the United Nations itself —
all problems which 20 years ago we could not even
dream of.

Our task in this coimtry is to do our best, to
serve our nation's interest as we see it, and not to
be swayed from our course by the faijithearted or

700

Department of State Bulletin

the unknowing, or the threats of those who would
make themselves our foes.

The Long View

This is not a simple task in a democracy. We
cannot open all our books in advance to an adver-
sary who operates in the night — the decisions we
make, the weapons we possess, the bargains we will
accept — nor can we always see reflected overnight
the success or failure of the actions that we may
take.

In times past, a simple slogan described our
policy : "Fifty-four forty or fight." "To make the
world safe for democracy." "No entangling al-
liances." But the times, issues, and the weapons,
all have changed and complicated and endangered
our lives. It is a dangerous illusion to believe that
the policies of the United States, stretching as they
do worldwide, under varying and different condi-
tions, can be encompassed in one slogan or one
adjective, hard or soft or otherwise — or to believe
that we shall soon meet total victory or total
defeat.

Peace and freedom do not come cheap, and we
are destined, all of us here today, to live out most
if not all of our lives in uncertainty and challenge
and peril. Our policy must therefore blend what-
ever degree of firmness and flexibility which is
necessary to protect our vital iiiterests, by peaceful
means if possible, by resolute action if necessary.

There is, of course, no place in America where
reason and firmness are more clearly pointed out
than here in North Carolina. All Americans can
profit from what happened in this State a century
ago. It was this State, firmly fixed in the tradi-
tions of the South, which sought a way of reason
in a troubled and dangerous world. Yet when the
war came. North Carolina provided a fourth of
all of the Confederate soldiers who made the su-
preme sacrifice in those years. And it won the
right to the slogan, "First in battle, farthest at
Gettysburg, and last at Appomattox."

Its quest for a peaceful resolution of our prob-
lems was never identified in the minds of its peo-
ple, of people today, with anything but a desire
for peace and a preparation to meet their respon-
sibilities.

We move for the first time in our history
through an age in which two opposing powers
have the capacity to destroy each other, and while
we do not intend to see the free world give up, we

shall make every effort to prevent the world from
being blown up.

The American eagle on our official seal empha-
sizes both peace and freedom, and as I said in the
state of the Union address, we in this country give
equal attention to its claws when in its left hand
it holds the arrows and in its right the olive
branch.

This is a time of national maturity, and under-
standing, and willingness to face issues as they
are, not as we would like them to be. It is a test
of our ability to be farseeing and calm, as well as
resolute, to keep an eye on both our dangers and
our opportunities, and not to be diverted by mo-
mentary gains, or setbacks, or pressures. And it
is the long view of the educated citizen to which
the graduates of this university can best
contribute.

We must distinguish the real from the illusory,
the long-range from the temporary, the signifi-
cant from the petty, but if we can be purposeful,
if we can face up to our risks and live up to our
word, if we can do our duty undeterred by fanatics
or frenzy at home or abroad, then surely peace and
freedom can prevail. We shall be neither Red
nor dead, but alive and free — and worthy of the
traditions and responsibilities of North Carolina
and the United States of America.

Chief Minister of Uganda
Visits United States

The Department of State announced on October
13 (press release 706) that Benedicto Kiwanuka,
Chief Minister of the Government of Uganda,
would arrive at Friendship International Air-
port at Baltimore on October 1.5 to begin a week's
visit in the United States as a guest of the U.S.
Government. The Minister will be accompanied
by E. B. Bhwambali and H. J. Obonyo, members
of the Uganda Legislative Council.

While in Wasliington, Minister Kiwanuka will
confer with Fowler Hamilton, Director of the
Agency for International Development, on Oc-
tober 16 and Secretary Kusk on October 17. He
will also meet with other leading oilicials of the
Federal Government.

During his stay in the United States, Minister
Kiwanuka will visit the United Nations in New
York.

Ocfober 30, 1967

701

U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major Issues

Address hy Secretary Rush ^

It is a high privilege for me to be here. As a
mere man, I have not been so outnumbered since
I taught at a woman's college man years ago.
But that experience caused me to treat your invi-
tation as a command. I do not claim that, as a
teacher of young women, I came to understand
them. But I can confess that I was deeply im-
pressed by them.

One reason was their disconcerting practicality
about public affairs. I found that women students
insisted upon moving rapidly from the general to
the particular, from the abstract to the tangible,
from the global to the personal implication. I
found them skeptical about the artificial and
dangerous games they suspected men were prone
to play with words, concepts, myths, and pretense
on such important matters as war and peace. And
I found them deeply interested in how the story
is going to come out in the end, in the building of
a decent world order, in arrangements which could
make life tolerable for individuals and families,
homes and local communities.

Indeed, foreign policy is not a remote abstrac-
tion, having only to do with entities called "states,"
notions like "sovei-eignty," and formal arrange-
ments called "protocol." In this climactic period
of history foreign policy involves every citizen,
lays its hand upon every home, and embraces our
personal aspirations for the kind of world in
which we hope our children can live.

We in the Department of State are deeply in-
terested in what United Church Women think
about the major issues of foreign policy. We fol-
low your reports, appreciate your support when
you feel you can give it, and pause to reflect if

' Made before the United Church Women at Miami, Fla.,
on Oct. 11 ( press release 701 ) .

policy fails to commend itself to you. I am grate-
ful, therefore, for an opportunity to comment upon
certain matters upon which you have passed reso-
lutions at this meeting.

The United Nations

The first has to do with our support for the
United Nations. The United Nations, of course,
has its enemies — those who fear cooperation among
nations, even though science has made this a world
in which we must cooperate or die. The United
Nations has its fair-weather friends, who cheer
loudly when things go well but abandon ship if
the sea gets rough.

Then there are those who have the patient
courage to support the United Nations year in and
year out as an indispensable instrument of peace.
Your resolutions over the years have spoken for
your steadfast support, and you represent, I be-
lieve, the great majority of the American public.

I happened to be present at the birth of the
United Nations in San Francisco more than 16
years ago. Last month I was with it in New York
during the crisis brought on by the tragic death of
that hero of peace. Dag Hammarskjold.

The story of the United Nations during the in-
tervening years tells us a great deal about the
world in which we live. It also enables us to ap-
praise realistically the present capabilities of the
Organization. I think we should be quite clear
about wliat the United Nations can do and can-
not do, what it is and what it is not.

Obviously the United Nations has not fulfilled
the hopes of some of its most devoted advocates
in 1045. But it is more than a debating society,
although debate, even when it does not lead to
action, may serve as a safety valve for national

702

Department of State Bvlletin

passions and helps to clarify issues. We must
recognize also that many of the problems put be-
fore the United Nations are extremely difficult;
they go there because they have not been solved
somewhere else.

The United Nations has not banished war. But
it has reduced and averted threats to peace — in
Iran, Greece, Palestine, Suez, Lebanon, and the
Congo.

The United Nations has not created unity in a
divided world. But it has organized concerts of
nations to do together the things upon which they
can agree.

The United Nations has not bridged the gap
between the world of coercion and the world of
free choice. But it provides a bridge between the
Northern Hemisphere and the Southern Hemi-
sphere, where most of the new nations are found
and where most of the peoples of the non-Com-
munist world are struggling to throw off their
burden of poverty.

The United Nations has not ushered in the mil-
lennium. But it has laid the foundations for a
world community through a wide range of inter-
national institutions. Some, such as the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund, have
grown into powerful, mature organizations ; others
are still finding their way. Some do such undra-
matic but important tasks as working out common
technical definitions and allocating frequencies for
radio transmission. Some have such dramatically
humanitarian tasks as the elimination of malaria
and the inoculation of millions of children against
the disfiguring and crippling disease of yaws.
Others are pioneering in new fields, such as plan-
ning a world system of weather reporting. Over
the years the United Nations has created the
framework for doing more and more of the world's
business on the basis of voluntary cooperation
among sovereign states.

Within this family of United Nations organi-
zations the United States cooperates with most of
the non-Communist world — despite Soviet ob-
struction, despite the veto, despite threats to peace,
despite severe budgetary problems, despite the pas-
sion of such subjects as colonialism, despite the
inexperience of new members and the inertia of
old ones, and despite the inclination of us all to
look upon our own views with parocliial
attachment.

The United Nations is the symbol and the pri-
mary substance of the kind of world which the

United States seeks to build. Its charter contains
an expression of our deepest ideals. We are com-
mitted firmly to supporting and strengthening the
United Nations. We earnestly wish to extend its
writ, its influence, its capacity to act. We look
forward to a time when the Soviet Union will join
the United Nations in spirit, as well as in name,
when it, too, will abide by the principles of the
charter and cooperate genuinely in strengthening
the great international organization and its
agencies.

Regional Organizations

The United Nations is not the only channel for
United States foreign policy. We support various
regional organizations. In Western Europe we
have lent our encouragement to the formation of a
great common market of nearly 300 million rel-
atively prosperous and highly skilled peoples, the
second greatest industrial complex in the world.
We are working actively to create new institutions
for economic cooperation throughout the North
Atlantic community.

We take part enthusiastically in the maturing
complex of Western Hemisphere institutions. We
welcome the trend toward common markets and
other forms of cooperation in South and Central
America. We salute the new Alliance for Prog-
ress. We would like to see durable new forms of
regional organization in southeast Asia. We
-would welcome progress toward regional coopera-
tion in the Arab world and in tropical Africa.

These new institutions for regional cooperation
are not alternatives to the United Nations. In-
deed, they are specifically anticipated and author-
ized in the charter.

We have a vital interest in our system of
defensive alliances against those who boast that
they will make the world over in their own image.
Against threats to freedom, the free must be firm
and united.

Many aspects of our foreign policy must be
handled on a bilateral basis.

Thus our foreign policy and overseas operations
are conducted through a variety of United Na-
tions, regional, and nation-to-nation arrangements.
These instruments are not mutually exclusive. All
are essential, and each complements the others.
They must be used simultaneously. For our choice
is not among standing firm in our direct confron-
tation with the Soviets, or building an Atlantic

Ocfofaer 30, 1967

703

Community, or working with the United Nations.
All three, and many other lines of action, help to
preserve and develop the kind of world in which
free peoples can live in peace and can flourish.

Disarmament

I turn now to one of the most complex yet most
urgent problems before the United Nations — dis-
armament. President Kennedy, in his recent
speech before the United Nations General As-
sembly, put the matter simply and directly when
he said : ^

Today . . . every man, woman, and child lives under a
nuclear sword of Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of
threads, capable of being cut at any moment by accident
or miscalculation or madness. The weapons of war must
be abolished before they abolish us.

The United States had placed before the United
Nations a new program for general and complete
disarmament in a peaceful world.' Three cardinal
principles underlie this program :

First, there should be an immediate and sub-
stantial start toward disarmament. Our program
would bring promptly under control all basic ele-
ments of national military power — nuclear weap-
ons, strategic delivery systems, conventional arms
and forces. No nation has ever before put for-
ward a program providing for such comprehensive
restrictions in the first stage of disarmament.

Secondly, all disarmament obligations must be
subject to effective international controls. As we
shed our means of self-protection, we must be sure
that others are doing so.

Thirdly, adequate international peacekeeping
machinery must be erected. Otherwise disarma-
ment would leave the world in disorder.

If these fundamental precepts were accepted, if
the general approach to disarmament as set forth
in our program were endorsed, we should be able
to make real and rapid progress toward disarma-
ment.

But it takes more than one to make an agree-
ment. To date the Soviet Union has been,
consistently, an unwilling party. It has said that
it accepts the principle of control. But apparently
it is willing to grant permission to look only at
arms destroyed, not at those which remain. In-

spection, so limited, would be a sham. The Soviet
Union professes also to recognize the need for
developing effective peacekeeping machinery.
But it seems bent on undermining the very organi-
zation created for this purpose: the United
Nations.

These are not encouraging signs. Nor can we
find encouragement in the Soviet Union's capri-
cious and cynical attitude toward a treaty banning
nuclear weapons tests. The United States be-
lieves that such a treaty would be a good way to
make a start in the direction of disarmament. For
3 years we, in conjunction with the United King-
dom, have sought to negotiate such a treaty with
the Soviet Union. We thought we were making
some progress toward that goal. In the hope of
reaching it, we — the U.K. and ourselves — pre-
sented a complete treaty early this year.* It went
far to meet prior Soviet positions. We indicated
our readiness to sign the treaty immediately or to
use it as the basis for further serious negotiation.

Wliat was the reaction of the Soviet Union?
First, it repudiated its previous agreement to one
of the basic points. Then it insisted that negotia-
tions of a test ban should be merged with negotia-
tions on general disarmament — a complete reversal
of its earlier position. Finally, the Soviets re-
sumed nuclear testing.' The number, speed, and
nature of their recent explosions shows that, while
they were negotiating, the Soviets were making
elaborate secret preparations for these tests.

Faced with the Soviet testing and the Soviets'
disinterest in concluding an agreement. President
Kennedy ordered the resumption of nuclear weap-
ons testing in the laboratory and underground.'
He had to do so to protect our security and that
of the free world. In his words : "We cannot en-
danger that security by refraining from testing
while others improve their arsenals." '

The United States nevertheless remains pre-
pared to conclude an agreement which would, with
safety to all, put an end to nuclear weapons testing
in all environments. The Geneva conference is
not formally ended. It is in recess. The delegates
now assembled at the United Nations have an
opportunity and an obligation to consider the
situation and act accordmgly.

* Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

• For text, see (Bid., p. 650.

' For text, see ibid., June ."5, 1961, p. 870.

' Ibid., Sept. IS, 1961, p. 475.

'Ibid.

' Ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

704

Department of State Bulletin

Further evidence of our national purpose to
seek etfective and reliable disarmament agreements
may be found in creation by statute of a United
States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.
This legislation was signed into law by the Presi-
dent on September 26, 1961.* Significantly, it had
the overwhelming support of both political parties
in Congress.

This is the first time we have had a permanent
Government agency devoted to disarmament.
Some of the earlier committees and agencies and
other official groups which worked on the problem
did excellent work. The Baruch-Acheson-Lilien-
thal plan for international control of atomic
energy, placed before the United Nations in 1946,*
was statesmanship of the highest order. We then
had a monopoly on atomic weapons. But we were
willing to put these weapons aside and share with
the world our Imowledge of the peacetime uses of
atomic energy. Indeed, we proposed that all
atomic energy enterprises throughout the world
be owned or operated by an agency of the United
Nations. That plan, in its basic features, com-
mended itself to all the members of the United
Nations except the Soviet bloc. But for Soviet
obstructionism, there would have been no nuclear
arms race.

Other efforts which we have made in the inter-
vening years have foundered on the same rock of
Soviet obstructionism. Whether our latest efforts
bear result depends primarily on whether the
Soviets change their attitude. But with our new
permanent United States Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency, we can be sure that our own
Government will work diligently to move the
world along the road toward disarmament.

Foreign Aid

Among the other important problems in which
your organization has taken a sympathetic interest
are foreign aid and foreign trade.

I do not need to stress to you the necessity of
our program of assistance to the underdeveloped
nations of the free world. America owes what it

' For text of President Kennedy's remarks when he
signed the bill creating the Agency, see ibid., p. 646.

" For an address by Bernard M. Baruch at the opening
session of the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission on June 14,
1946, see iiid., June 23, 1946, p. 1057.

is today to our enduring support of freedom,
justice and progress, here and abroad. This is
the American message, which gives us national
strength and purpose and causes other men to turn
to us for hope and leadership.

"Wlienever an underdeveloped country makes
economic, social, and political progress it expands
the frontier of freedom. Wlierever we cooperate
in breaking down the barriers of ignorance, pov-
erty, disease, and despair, we further not only the
well-being of mankind but our own security.

We have had programs of aid to the under-
developed nations for more than a decade. With-
out these the map of the world would be far dif-
ferent today. But, with experience, we have
realized that our past programs, despite their very
real accomplishments, were inadequate in various
respects. The past year has witnessed the making
of a new program, that for a Decade of Develop-
ment, to which many of our best minds have con-
tributed, regardless of party.

The paramount objective of our new program is
to foster long-range social and economic develop-
ment. Of course, there will continue to be need
for emergency and special aid. We will continue
to assist certain countries to maintain adequate
military establishments or, in some cases, to save
an economy from imminent collapse. But, wher-
ever possible, we intend to move away from a
"finger in the dike" operation. We intend to en-
courage and support long-range planning and
development by the recipients of aid. Such plan-
ning should, of course, take account of local re-
sources, necessary reforms, and priorities.

Human and social development is an integral
part of the total development process. Many of
the new countries urgently need help in the field
of education — education of leaders, of administra-
tors, of technicians, as well as of the population
generally. This is an important phase of our new
program. In Africa more than a third of our
total aid bill will be devoted to human and social
development. Meeting these needs is a major
part of the new program for social progress in
Latin America also.

Our new program emphasizes self-help. No
amount of aid will save those who do not help
themselves. And the assistance we can supply
will be only a portion — often a small portion —
of the total effort required. We regard it as our

October 30, 7967

705

first duty to help those of the less developed
friendly countries that try to help themselves.
By self-help we mean not only mobilizing local
resources, levying appropriate taxes, and other
financial and economic measures. We mean will-
ingness to undertake, where necessary, land re-
forms, other social reforms, and expansion and im-
provement of education. Our goal is not only
overall economic growth but an increasing meas-
ure of social justice, to improve the lot of the great
majorities who have so long suffered from pov-
erty, illiteracy, and the lack of hope for anything
better than bare subsistence.

There are encouraging indications from a num-
ber of countries that they are ready to undertake
greater measures of self-help. When countries
have demonstrated the will and capacity for self-
help, they should not be allowed to fail in their
efforts for lack of the margin of external aid
which we can provide.

The recent Act for International Development
made available an increased appropriation for de-
velopment assistance. It also enables us to coordi-
nate more effectively a wide range of Government
activities and to increase cooperation between the
Government and various private agencies.

In addition, other industrial nations — a major-
ity of them rehabilitated in the past with our
help — are able to provide increased aid to the un-
derdeveloped countries. Most are furnishing ex-
tensive aid already. In sub-Sahara Africa their
effort exceeds ours severalfold and is rising. We
are going to try to coordinate our joint efforts
more closely to assure the best use of increased
amounts of assistance. This partnership has al-
ready started. A recent notable example was the
consortium agreement for India, under which
other developed nations and international agen-
cies have promised to provide more than half of
the $2,300,000,000 in external aid which India
needs for the next 2 years.

Another cardinal point in the new program is
more efficient administration. Aid programs pre-
viously administered by separate agencies have
been brought under one roof in AID, the Agency
for International Development, under a single
administrator, Mr. Fowler Hamilton. Aid is
being reorganized primarily along geographic
lines to achieve clearer lines of responsibility and
authority. And we are seeking the best men and

women available in the United States to staff the
key positions in this new agency. I

Those are some of the principal new directions r
and improvements in our program of economic
assistance. I share the judgment of Senator Ful-
bright that we now have "the best aid legislation
in years."

Foreign Trade

Next year we shall have the problem of trying
to obtain equally satisfactory legislation for our
trade relations. The present trade policy law ex-
pires in June 1962. The Executive, the Congress,
and the American people will have to consider
anew the nature of our basic interest in the inter-
national exchange of goods. The choices and de-
cisions that we make in this field will have far-
reaching implications and consequences. What we
do about trade policy will be a test of our ability
to meet the test of leadership in the world of the
1960's.

National interest can be defined in a number of
ways. By any definition, however, we have a na-
tional interest in an expanding total volume of
world trade. Last year we sold to other countries
almost $20 billion worth of American goods. Our
purchases from abroad were in the order of $15
billion. As a nation we are stronger and richer
because of tliese exchanges. Even on the most
narrow grounds of material self-interest we need
this trade.

Some sectors of our economy are peculiarly and
particularly linked to exports. Foremost among
these is agriculture. We are the world's largest
exporter of agricultural products. About $5 bil-
lion of American agricultural commodities will be
sold abroad this year. We will export half our
wheat and rice crops, more than 40 percent of our
cotton, and 30 percent of our soybeans. For many
other agricultural commodities, as well, export
markets take a very substantial share of our
production.

The figures for agricultural exports are dra-
matic, but our export trade as a whole is a signifi-
cant factor in our employment picture. It is
conservative to estimate that iy^ million American
workers owe their livelihood to foreign trade.
This is the side of the coin that is too rarely turned
over when we look at the impact of international
trade upon our domestic well-being.

706

Department of State Bulletin

We are now coming face to face with a radically
new situation in the world economy. It is one that
bears critically upon our choices for trade policy.
The European Economic Community has not only
come into being but is likely soon to be expanded
by the addition of the United Kingdom and other
European states. The resulting economic union
will have a population at least 40 percent greater
than the United States. It will be, potentially, the
world's largest single market. No later than 1969,
and probably much sooner, the expanded Common
Market will have virtually no restrictions on trade
among its members. And it will present a common
tariff and trade policy to the rest of the world.

It is crucially important that we put ourselves
in position to negotiate for fullest possible access
to this Common Market. It is already abundantly
clear that the dynamic new European grouping
will afford very large opportunities for our ex-
ports. They will remain empty opportunities
unless we can gain access to the market. And, in
its present form, our trade policy law does not
give us the authority we need for successful bar-
gaining with the European Economic Community.

I could go on at some length to enumerate the
specific material advantages that American in-
dustry, American agriculture, American labor,
and the American consumer stand to gain from an
effective trade policy. These advantages are part
and parcel of the national interest.

There is another aspect of the matter, however.
By virtue of our fabulous productivity we account
for a huge portion, roughly 40 percent, of the
world's output of goods and services. Because of
our vast internal market international trade ac-
counts for a smaller part of our total national in-
come than is true in many other countries. Yet
our imports and exports together comprise 30 per-
cent of all the commerce of the world. What we
do affects everybody. In trade, as in so many other
matters, leadership has been placed upon us by our
own capacities and accomplishments. We can
exercise it wisely or badly, but exercise it we must.

Our trade policy will be a key factor in the suc-
cess or failure of the new countries to build and
improve their economies. It will determine our
long-run relations with Japan, where recovery
from war and devastation has furnished so spec-
tacular and so heartening an example of the value
of free institutions. It will be a critical element in

our political as well as our economic relationships
within the Atlantic Community.

The particulars of next year's trade legislation,
of course, must be developed with the Congress
in the forthcoming session. In the executive
branch we have focused thus far on the general
principles that we shall need to embody into law
if we are going to safeguard and advance
our national interests. Two vital points have
emerged.

First, we must have more flexible and adapt-
able rules to govern our tariff negotiations and
trade relations with other countries. The trade
agreements law now on the books has accumu-
lated over the years a series of restrictive amend-
ments, the net effect of which has been to
curtail and limit our ability to negotiate realis-
tically with friendly countries. A trade policy
that continues to be weighted down with these
kinds of restrictions is hopelessly inconsistent with
the needs of the times. It requires us to act
defensively and timidly when our true interests
call for boldness. The trade policy law that will
be submitted to the Congress must at a minimum
include the necessary authority to enable our
negotiators to bargain as representatives of the
greatest trading nation and richest economy in
the world.

The second main principle is that, so far as
imports have an adverse effect on domestic indus-
try or employment, the burden must be borne by
the community as a whole. We must devise ways
to assure that, if imports do cause injury, the
injury will be effectively remedied. We must do
this not by restrictions on trade, which only beget
competitive restrictions, but usually and mainly
by assistance, financed by all of us to those who
are affected.

The concept, you know, is not new. The de-
pressed areas law enacted by the Congress last
summer embodied an identical principle in rela-
tion to regions that have suffered in tiie process
of economic change. Indeed, the maximum con-
ceivable dimensions of the import damage prob-
lem are so small, by comparison, that we have
no reason to shrink from this elementary provi-
sion for making our national trade policy
workable.

[Secretary Rusk closed with informal remarks.]

Ocfofaer 30, 1961

707

Secretary Rusk Interviewed
on "Prospects off Mankind''

Following is the transcript of an interview of
Secretanj Rusk on the '"''Prospects of Mankind''''
program broadcast over WTTG-TV^ Washington,
D.C., on October 11^.

Press release 605 dated October 7

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt: Mr. Secretary, I can't
tell you what a pleasure it is to have you ^oith its
today, nor how grateful I am that you would take
tlie time to he here on this program with us today.

Secretary Rusk : Thank you.

Mrs. Roosevelt: There are a number of questio-ns,
of course, on this subject which we are to discuss,
Berlin, luhich / think is perhaps one of the most
important subjects at the moment in the minds of
our own people and also in the minds of the world;
so I would like, first of all, to ask you one which
seems to be a peculiarly American dile?nma. How
are we to persuade Mr. Khrushchev that we really
cannot be pushed beyond certain limits and build
up military power to make him feel that toe are in
earnest, and, at the same time, try to persuade
peoples of the world that we are not warmongering
in doing this? This seems to me a dilemma, and I
would like to have your answer, if you are willing
to give it.

Secretary Rusk: Mrs. Roosevelt, first let me
say wliat a pleasure it is for me to be here with you
on "Prospects of Mankind." Actually, in regard
to your question and based on talks that I have had
with representatives of peoples all over the world,
I don't think that this is as much of a dilemma as
it might appear to some. I think tliere is general
understanding throughout the world as to what
the purposes of American power are. And I think
people have not entirely forgotten the history of
the last 15 or 16 years. Tlie United States did
demobilize drastically and promptly after World
"War II. We had an atomic monopoly. We tried
to put that atomic weapon under international con-
trol. Our defense budget was about one-fourth
or one-fifth of what it is these days. If we have
increased our strength, it is because of a series of
threats and challenges which developed after
World War II, first in Europe and then in other

parts of the world, which forced the free world to
bring its strength into good order.

I think that it is relevant that the American
people after World War II committed themselves,
and I think quite genuinely, with great determina-
tion, as you yourself will recall, to the charter of
the United Nations and threw ourselves behind
that effort. And I think that is generally under-
stood in most countries. Even the neutrals, I
think, understand, broadly speaking, what we are
after as a people. And especially the neutrals
understand that, for the most part, that neutrality
is possible only if the power of the Sino-Soviet bloc
is confronted by a countervailing power by those
who are committed to the peaceful purposes to
which we in the West are committed. So that,
although we regret the necessity of an increase in
our strength, we believe the purposes are well and
generally understood. I don't believe there is any-
one who is under any illusion about who has started
the pressures involved in this Berlin crisis.

Mrs. Roosevelt: Of course, I think a great many
people wish it were not necessary to build up
strength because there are so many other things
that need to be done.

Secretary Rusk: Yes. I think it could be
fairly said that the American people bear arms
reluctantly ; they bear arms out of necessity.

Mrs. Roosevelt: Then there is another question
that has been on my mind a good deal, and that is,
I have some feeling that there is justification for
the fears that the Soviets have had of the nuclear
rea)'mament of Germany, because I think none of
us can forget that two wars did start in Germany,
two world wars. But it is something I think loe
have to take into consideratioii, and I have often
wondered how much it is taken into consideration
in the formulation of American policy.

Secretary Rusk : As a matter of fact, this is
not just a question of Germany, but it ramifies into
much broader problems. Germany does not have
a national nuclear capability at the present time.
It does not have nuclear weapons. Its forces are
a part of NATO, and the nuclear capacity of
NATO is a United States nuclear capacity. We
liave been opposed, we in the United States, to the
further extension of national nuclear weapons
capability. The problems of trying to keep these

708

Department of State Bulletin

frightening weapons under control when two, or
three, or four might have them would be greatly
multiplied if additional coimtries got these
weapons in their hands.

We tried in 1945 to work out an international
control for such weapons because we knew that
nature would not withhold its secrets from other
countries. And we wanted to get this under con-
trol before it became a matter of great controversy,
contest, and arms race in this terrible field. This is
why we have attached so much importance to the
nuclear test ban treaty as a first step — perhaps a
small step, but a first very significant step — in
getting this entire modern weapons system under
better control.' Had the Soviet Union been able to
sit down and come to a satisfactory conclusion
there, after the United States and the United
Kingdom went to great lengths to meet what we
thought were their positions in early negotiations,
then perhaps we might have taken the first step.
We hope it isn't too late to take that first step. But
perhaps we can understand that the Soviets, in
view of historical factors, might be especially
sensitive about the situation in Germany, but this
is a part of the broader problem. We must find
some way to bring these weapons under control.

Mrs. Roosevelt: Still our original proposal
would still have value, wouldrCt it?

Secretary Rusk : If we could get an agreement
along the lines of the original proposal, there
would be great merit in it ; but it is more difficult
now that several governments have this capacity.
But certainly a first step would be a nuclear test
ban treaty under efi^ective inspection control.

Mrs. Roosevelt: Is there any way that you be-
lieve that the United Nations can contribute in the
settlement of these Berlin issues?

Secretary Rusk : I think there are two or three
important influences brought to bear in the United
Nations which have an effect. I do believe that the
general body of opinion in the United Nations
makes itself felt on both sides in a situation of this
sort in the direction of moderation and reasonable-

ness, trying to emphasize in the traditions of the
U.N. that full exploration should occur when crises
begin to develop to consider whether or not there
might be a peaceful solution. If this question were
put into the United Nations today, I suppose that
the United Nations would prefer that the parties
principally involved should first attempt by
negotiation to find some sort of solution, but if
the crisis deepens I think it is almost certain that
the Berlin issue would be before the United Nations
for full consideration by the world community,
and in that situation the U.N. can play a very
decisive role.

Mrs. Roosevelt: That is something for us all to
be thinking about, I think. And one short ques-
tion: You have been holding conferences with the
representative of the Soviet Foreign Office, Mr.
Gromyko. Could you tell us what your general
impressions in these conversations have been?

Secretary Rusk : These talks which have been
going on for some little time now are not negotia-
tions in the usual sense of the word. We have felt
that the proposals of the Soviet Union and the
framing of those proposals did not provide an
adequate basis for negotiation. It is a little as the
President put it : "What's mine is mine and what's
yours is negotiable."^ What we have been doing is
trying through exploratory talks to find out
whether there is any reasonable basis for serious
negotiations of any questions that are properly
negotiable. I think I can say that these explora-
tory talks have been serious. I think the atmos-
phere and mood has been on the whole constructive,
but as to the outcome we shall just have to wait and
see.

Mrs. Roosevelt: I want to thank you so very
much, Mr. Secretary. I think it is a wonderful
thing that you were willing to come and give on
this program of your knowledge for the American
people, and we are very grateful to you.

Secretary Rusk: It has been a very great
privilege for me. Thank you very much, Mrs.
Roosevelt.

* For text of a U.S.-U.K. draft treaty introduced in the
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon
Tests at Geneva on Apr. 18, 1961, see Bulletin of June
5, 1961, p. 870.

' For President Kennedy's report to the Nation on the
Berlin crisis, see iUd., Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267.

Ocfofaer 30, 7 96 J

709

International Investment and the Problems of Economic Growth

iy Edwin M. Martin

Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^

The neighborly relationship that exists between
the United States and Canada is not nearly so
unique as it once was. Science and technology
have made all the nations as close neighbors today
as you and we were half a century ago. This is
an enlargement of our opportunities but also of
our responsibilities.

In many ways I think Canadians and Americans
have a rather unique background for under-
standing the many ramifications of the social
relationsliips which are described by the word
"neighborliness." I have recently lived for 6 years
in Europe and have, of course, been interested
in hearing visitors to North America comment
on their experiences and impressions. The one
trait which seemed to have most impressed them
was this quality of friendliness, of neighborliness.
I should not be regretful if future historians
should agree that this was an outstanding char-
acteristic of our society.

Neighborliness on the block or in the farm com-
munity is probably more a matter of heart than
head. I suspect that, while a similar spirit is vital
to good relations between countries, there needs to
be much more head in it. Living together in the
intimacy of "next-door neighbors" inevitably re-
quires the daily adjustment of many differences
in points of view and in metliods for dealing with
situations. Between countries these potential
points of friction will often be complex and
thorny, requiring first-class brains and technical
skills to resolve them, above and beyond mutual

'Address prepared for delivery before the Manitoba
Institute of Chartered Accountants at Toronto on Sept
26 and read for Mr. Martin by 'WlUls C. Armstrong,
U.S. Minister at Ottawa.

understanding. And when one brings the whole
free world somewhere within the circle of close
and constant contact, the difficulty and frequency
of the issues to be settled increase enormously.

It is for this reason that, while not wishing to
deny any student with a bent for science the ability
to secure the best educational training he can ab-
sorb, I personally object to an emphasis on science
which would reduce the amount of brainpower
devoted to human relations, to making scientific
and technical progress contribute purposefully to
man's advantage rather than destruction.

As neighbors I hope we shall never get in the
position described vividly in a story I heard at
the annual Shakespeare birthday festival at
Strat ford-on- Avon several years ago. It was told
by the Bishop of Coventry, whose magnificent
new cathedral, alongside the bombed-out shell of
the old, is rapidly becoming a three-star attrac-
tion for visitors from North America. He told
about a village in his diocese in which a feud had
developed between church and state, represented
by the vicar and the town clerk. There had been
a gypsy troup camping in a field next to the
church. One morning the vicar noticed that they
had departed during the night and went over to see
how much of a mess they had made. He found a
dead donkey. Immediately he rang the clerk on
the phone and reported what he had found. The
town clerk testily replied that he didn't know
why he had been bothered; it was the duty of the
clergy to bury the dead. The vicar smoothly re-
plied that he had been misunderstood; he was not
asking the clerk to do anything, he was merely
notifying the next of kin.

Your chairman has asked me to say something
about one particular aspect of neighborly rela-

710

Department of State Bulletin

tions between countries, namely, international in-
vestment. One may note immediately that it can
seldom take place except between countries which
are in some real sense neighbors.

But it is currently taking place in unprecedented
volumes. Because the causes of this upsurge, the
nature of the flow of capital, and the problems
raised are so different, I should like to divide what
I have to say rather sharply into two parts. The
first will deal with investment between indus-
trialized countries, the second with the movement
of capital from the industrialized coimtries to the
less developed countries. You will observe that
this division is more conceptual than real. Com-
petition between the two sets of consumers is often
direct.

Current Upsurge in Direct Private Investment

Between industrial countries, current capital
movements are largely in the form of direct pri-
vate investment. This contrasts with earlier peri-
ods when government bonds or corporate securities
were the center of interest. This relatively recent
urge of business firms to own plants abroad is the
product of several factors, some new and some
old, but all reflecting essentially competitive
calculations.

It has, for example, always been useful to be
able to jump a high tariff wall by having an
internal source of supply. It has always been
desirable to move production to locations with
lower labor or transport costs. But these were
drastic moves, requiring the solution of many
kinds of problems : personal relations with strange
government bureaucracies and unfamiliar labor
attitudes and uncertain consumers, maintaining
adequate control of operations from a distance,
repatriation of earnings, political uncertainties.

During the past decade many of these worries
have been lessened. Increased ease of travel and
communication and increased contacts in the war
and since have reduced the height of many of the
hurdles, sometimes down to their real rather than
imagined heights. Political and economic condi-
tions have become relatively stable. Institutional
arrangements and consumer tastes have become
not only less strange but increasingly less different.

Perhaps even more important has been the de-
velopment of strong, positive incentives. A gen-
eral expansion in demand and rapid changes in
technology have made it necessary to choose loca-
tions for many large new investments.

Exceptionally rapid rates of growth and the
promise of an enlarged tariff-free market in the
area of the Six ^ have not only stimulated invest-
ment among the Six but also from the United
States and even somewhat from the United King-
dom. U.S. entrance since the war on the world
stage has brought an increased awareness of the
ease of tapping from plants in the United King-
dom the huge Commonwealth market, in addition
to being close to European outlets. Increased
competition in Europe and in third countries, as
the recovery of European industry from the war
has progressed, has persuaded many U.S. compa-
nies to seek to lower their costs, labor or otherwise,
by tackling the problems of setting up foreign
subsidiaries or making licensing arrangements.
The desire to stabilize profits by product diversifi-
cation has been accompanied by some interest in
achieving the same end by country diversification,
in the hope the business cycle will not affect all
areas alike.

The result has been a wide variety of choices
for companies planning new investment and a
growing internationalization of business interests
among the larger firms which may have a long-
term political significance of some magnitude.

To illustrate what has happened, U.S. net direct
investment abroad in 1960 was $3 billion. Over
the last 4 years it has averaged over $2i/^ billion.
This compares with $1 billion 10 years ago. Can-
ada has shared in this interest in investing abroad ;
recent estimates indicate a total overseas invest-
ment of Canadians of around $225 per capita,
compared with the U.S. figure of about $260. In-
terestingly enough, only about $90 of the U.S.
figure is represented by investments in Canada,
while Canada has a per capita investment in the
United States of over $175.

The pull of Western Europe is reflected in an
increase from about $500 million in 1957 to about
$1.3 billion in 1960. Despite the great pull of the
Common Market, the United Kingdom alone got
more than half of this 1960 total, nearly two and
a half times as much as in 1957. The German fig-
ure, while growing rapidly, was still just around
$200 million in 1960. The Canadian take has re-
mained fairly steady at around $800 million a
year, not too much above the U.K. 1960 figure.

•The European Economic Community, or Common
Market, Is composed of Belgium, France, the Federal
Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the
Netherlands.

Ocfober 30, 1967

711

U.S. Balance-of-Payments Problem

This new emphasis on international investment
has brought many benefits but also some problems.
We are concerned at present, for example, with
its impact on our current balance of payments.
Wliile the outward flow from the United States
is of course of great help to the reserve position
of the recipients, many of whom were earlier suf-
fering from the postwar dollar shortage, most are
now better off in this respect than we.

It is often suggested that these investments
cost our balance of payments nothing since the net
outflow from the United States after deducting
reinvestment of overseas earnings has been more
than covered by earnings received on prior in-
vestments. Moreover, the argument runs, current
investments will expand future income. These
are sound positions for the long run. But in the
short run earnings will still accrue even if no new
investments are made.

There has also been concern in some quarters
that overseas investment often represented an at-
tempt to escape the high wage rates in the United
States. Feelings on this score are accentuated
when companies transfer exports to third countries
to new overseas subsidiaries or even look to them
to supply part of their U.S. market. This has
happened not just or even particularly from
areas such as Japan but more largely from the
United Kingdom. It is, of course, true that over-
seas investment usually goes to build new facilities
and thus create new jobs, absorbing unemploy-
ment in a foreign country rather than our own,
where we still have more than we like. But it also
often creates jobs by providing a market for
initial equipment and some components and in-
dustrial raw materials. More importantly, it per-
mits sales in markets which would not be open
to U.S.-produced goods. We have thus far re-
sisted attempts to deny certain tax benefits to over-
seas subsidiaries who ship more than a stated
percentage of their output back into the United
States.

Despite these problems the present United States
policy is to place no obstacles to new United
States investment overseas in recognition of the
importance of keeping open ourselves, and en-
couraging others to keep open, the normal channels
of private trade and financial transactions. We
have sought, though no action has yet been taken,
to remove certain special incentives which our

tax laws were considered to give to overseas in-
vestment, tliough only as far as the industrialized
countries are concerned. The low level of invest-
ment in the less developed areas and its political
advantages made us unwilling to take similar
action with respect to such investments.

Encouraging Foreign Investment in the U.S.

In addition to limiting the incentives to addi-
tional investment in the industrialized areas, we
are also trying to counteract the adverse effects I
have mentioned by a campaign to encourage and
facilitate foreign investment in the United States.
The past trend has not been entirely one-way. I
have already referred to the volume of Canadian
investment in the United States. "V^ile data are
not complete, it would appear that, if corporate
security holdings are included, United Kingdom
private investments in the United States are about
equal in value to United States holdings in the
United Kingdom. But new investments in recent
years have been small. We hope we can persuade
the reserve-rich European countries that the
United States market is one deserving their at-
tention in the form of investments here. In co-
operation with interested State governments we
are working out various programs to relax in-
hibiting government controls, to bring investment
opportunities to their attention, and to help them
solve some of the adjustment problems we have
faced abroad and know they will need help on
here. As European labor costs rise and skilled
labor becomes even scarcer, we feel more and more
European industries will see competitive advan-
tages in owning United States subsidiaries.

There is one other problem which has arisen
from this great wave of international capital in-
vestments. There have been outbursts of nation-
alist feelings against foreign investment, either in
general or in particular cases, on the grounds that
either the society in general or a particular in-
dustry' or a large group of employees were coming
under the control, or at least heavy influence, of
foreign citizens. I saw several short-lived cases
of this during my tour of duty in our London
Embassy.

This is, of course, not a new story for the United
States. Over a hundred years ago President
Andrew Jackson in vetoing a bill passed by the
Congress said : "If we must have a bank with pri-
vate stockholders, every consideration of sound

712

Department of Slate Bulletin

policy and every impulse of American feeling ad-
monishes that it should be purely Ame7ncan. Its
stockliolders should be composed exclusively of
our own citizens, who at least ought to be friendly
to our Government and willing to support it in
times of difficulty and danger."

Fifty years earlier our first great financial
statesman, Alexander Hamilton, took, however,
an opposite view: "It is at least evident that in
a country situated like the United States, with
an infinite fund of resources yet to be unfolded,
every farthing of foreign capital which is laid
out in internal meliorations, and in industrial es-
tablisliments, of a permanent nature, is a precious
acquisition."

Even more pungently an eloquent Senator from
South Carolina put the case in the mid-19th
century in these terms: "No man . . . can deny
that foreign capital, ay, British capital, has been
the pap on which we fed; the strong aliment
which supported and stimulated our industiy,
even to the present day; the Southern people,
although they have received the goods and sold
their crops to British agents and British factors,
whether in their own cities or those further north,
are not the less republican, nor the less independ-
ent in their politics, nor the less free from foreign
partialities."

I would suspect the realities of the situation,
apart from passing natural emotional feelings, are
largely influenced by whether or not the foreign
subsidiary accepts and fully recognizes tlie ad-
vantages it receives from the government and
people in whose midst it is operating. If it be-
haves in a responsible, public-spirited fashion
toward its new government, its employees, and
the community in which it operates — conducts
itself as it would normally expect to do at home —
there will be few real difficulties and the many
advantages of the added facility will rapidly domi-
nate public thought on the question.

Declining Flow of Capital to Less Developed Areas

Turning now to international investment in the
less developed countries, we find a completely
different picture. Instead of an expanding flow
of capital across national boundaries, it appears
to be declining. For example, the great increase
in United States investment in Europe between
1957 and 1960 did not result in an increase in the

annual rate of United States overseas investment
because it was accompanied by a sharp fall from
$1.8 billion to under $600 million in investment
in the less developed countries. Most of this fall
was m one category, oil investment, wliich dropped
from a Suez-swollen figure of $1.2 billion to $100
million. Investments in other industries also de-
clined—by some $100 million.

United States overseas interests are not only
heavily concentrated in oil, but Latin America is
heavily preferred for both oil and other types of
investment. Of the total additional United States
direct private investment overseas of nearly $3
billion in 1960, only $165 million was in Africa
and Asia and the Middle East, and $65 million
of that was oil. A good bit of the remainmg $100
million was also in extractive enterprises, which,
like oil, give the impression to natives of draining
off their natural resources that God gave them
without an adequate return or provision against
the future when reserves are exhausted.

Business groups frequently ask us how United
States subsidiaries in less developed countries can
best support United States policy objectives. In
general my answer is that there is too little of
such investment to make much difference and the
first thing needed is more interest in investing in
these areas. For I am convinced that there are
wide areas of their economic life which can best
be handled by private enterprise. Wliile each
country must make up its own mind about the
role it wishes to give private enterprise in the
light of its circumstances and political philosophy,
most of the free-world comitries do recognize a
significant role.

As one who has dealt with foreign aid pi-ob-
lems ever since our program started, I am particu-
larly impressed by the opportunities for direct
people-to-people contact which are open to private
enterprises, in contrast with foreign aid, which
must necessarily all go through a government-to-
government fumiel.

But the contribution made will depend on how
they behave. I finish up my answer to the busi-
ness group question by suggesting that their best
contribution to United States objectives is to be-
have as responsibly and with as much public spirit,
within, of course, the framework of local customs
and laws and needs, as they would expect to do in
order to be a respectable member of the community
in the United States.

Ocfober 30, I96I

616065—61 3

713

Need for Favorable Climate for Investment

How can we get more private investment in
these areas ? There is no single or simple answer.

The developing country will usually recognize
that its needs are so great that, in addition to
public capital and technical assistance, private
capital and managerial resources can be valuable
means of meeting their serious shortages of re-
sources. To secure the maximum benefits, it is
necessary that a favorable climate for private
enterprise be established. We are prepared to
work with these countries on what this means in
precise terms and how it can be provided without
in any way impairing their full sovereign rights.

But it is still true that in many areas unfamil-
iarity with conditions, uncertainties about the
local market, labor supplies, political stability,
and other factors are serious and valid deterrents.
We have been working for some years with
various types of guarantee arrangements to
diminish some of these risks. Our new aid legis-
lation contains authority for an experimental
$100-million program of all-risk guarantees, to be
used only where close collaboration between gov-
ernment and private capital is called for. It in-
volves "share the loss" agreements, where the
Government and the private investors would
share any losses, from whatever causes, in agreed-
upon ratios.

United States loan funds are also available in
instances where this can, by reducing the amount
of private funds exposed to risk, make the vital
difference between having a private investment or
not. The terms of such loans can be varied to
suit the individual circumstance, and on certain
high-priority projects departures from ordinary
commercial and banking practices may be in order.
Such departures are fully justified when private
skills and management are in reality the most
effective instruments of assistance.

"Feasibility Studies"

Help in locating investment opportunities
through Government assistance in "feasibility
studies," which involve the gathering of the basic
data necessary for the decision on whether or not
to make an investment, will also be available. To
facilitate this process and stimulate greater
private-enterprise participation, a new program
will be undertaken under which the United States
Government will provide partial financing of

feasibility studies by companies which are pro-
posing to make investments.

Of course public investment has been the main
source of outside capital for most of the develop-
ing areas of the world. Its wise use in providing
basic economic and social infrastructure is a basic
pi-erequisite for successful private investment.
Without ports, roads and railroads, power, com-
munity facilities, an educated labor force, efficient
public service, law and order— all benefiting from
our aid programs — private investment is well-
nigh impossible on any scale.

But foreign aid is a subject for several speeches
all by itself. I should like to close with some brief
observations on the importance to our civilization
of success in the effort to which foreign aid —
yours and ours — and our private enterprise ac-
tivities in the developing countries are addressed.

Impact of Western Progress

As an economist I have had some experience
with the risks of economic forecasting. I suspect
forecasting what future historians will say about
the present is even more risky. Nevertheless I
shall be bold and predict that in the history books
of 2500 A.D., if man is still dependent on such
pedestrian things as books, the chapter on the
20th century will be quite a long one, recording
it as a major turning point in the development
of human society on this planet.

There will be many things to talk about, from
the scientific revolution to the two most destruc-
tive wars up to that date. But I would suspect
that the most significant feature of 20th century
life will prove to have been the foundation laid
in that era for the history of mankind during a
good many ensuing centuries by the success with
which our centuiy handled the problems created
by the final disintegration of many ancient so-
cieties and cultures under the impact of Western
"progress" and the dissolution of such organizing
forces as were represented by the world empires
of the 19th century. The emergence of a multi-
tude of new nations and their transformation,
along with numerous independent but heretofore
aloof countries, into active participants in the
stream of modern world history will surely ap-
]ioar as a major event. Will it prove to have been
a constructive influence or a destructive one? To
do what we can to influence the answer to this
question is our great responsibility.

714

Department of State Bulletin

I can think of no problem which the human
race has faced in its past which has been more
challenging, more difficult, or more important
than this one.

For several generations the growing impact of
Western ideas and standards has been under-
mining the traditional social and cultural and eco-
nomic structures which, at their own levels, had
provided a cohesive force for a majority of the
world's population. With the advent of modern
means of communication and transport, this de-
structive process has been enormously accelerated
in the last 40 years.

Along with the disintegration of old standards
the West has contributed two new ambitions, both,
in their immediate impact, more destructive than
constructive. The first is nationalism and the de-
sire for political independence at almost all costs.
The second is the urgent demand for a higher
standard of living, for a society which in its
materialistic splendor can hope someday, and
sooner rather than later, to match the riches of
the industrial countries of Europe and North
America. Not only does this establish an enor-
mously difficult goal to reach, but the very em-
phasis on material achievement, desperately
needed as it is, runs the risk of obscuring the
importance of nonmaterial values without which
the discipline and sacrifices necessary to material
success can hardly be expected to emerge.

The fact that the seriousness of this problem is
recognized in ever- widening circles is a good omen
for success. I sometimes get the impression that
nearly all of my economic professorial friends
who 10 years ago were busy on books about the
dollar gap are now turning out books on economic
development.

Political Maturity and Moral Values

We need help from all sources, and I think
most of all from those so-called less scientific and
less practical domains which deal with the re-
lations between human beings in the realm of the
mind and the spirit. But unless we Americans
can, by our own actions and leadership, demon-
strate and convince the peoples of the free world
that there are important tilings in life besides the
standard of living, that there are other objectives
worth seeking and having, we shall, I fear, be
faced with a real prospect of failure. Both our
race against time for material prosperity itself

and the probable need to achieve political ma-
turity despite less-than-hoped-for material prog-
ress, as well as success in our across-the-board
competition with Soviet commimism for men's
loyalties, depend on the growth of a belief in
moral values on wliich day-to-day discussions can
be founded.

Perhaps our major problem in promoting eco-
nomic growth is that we are not in command of
the situation. We are better able to transmit the
fruits of growth than the seed. The process we
are trying to set in motion and help to sustain
requires widespread transformations in attitudes,
institutions, and structure. It requires leaders
committed to economic and social progress and
competent to organize, administer, and inspire
their own people. We cannot bestow leadership.
We can set some examples in behavior and atti-
tudes, and we do command substantial resources
that are important determinants of growth, in
particular capital and technical skills. Wliere
governments are making a determined effort to
propel their economies forward, it is imperative
that we help them in full measure. Where gov-
erning groups resist change in the interest of
privilege or are weak, unstable, and ineffective in
translating ideas into action, our problem is to try
to fashion our assistance in such ways as to en-
courage the transformations that are needed.
What is clear is that the process will be long-term
and that it will require substantial and sustained
effort on our part, guided by the wisest leadership
we possess.

U.S. Recognizes Government
of Syrian Arab Republic

Department Statement

Press release 700 dated October 10

The United States Government, having taken
note of the declaration of the Government of the
Syrian Arab Republic that it intends to respect
and observe its international obligations, has to-
day [October 10] extended recognition to that
Government. The Government of the Syrian
Arab Republic has been apprised of the desire of
the United States Government to raise to the
status of an embassy the American consulate gen-
eral in Damascus and to appoint Mr. Ridgway B.
Knight Charge d' Affaires.

Ocfober 30, 7967

715

U.S. states Policy on Recognition
of a Cuban Government in Exile

Following is a statement made hy Joseph W.
Reap, Deputy Director of the Office of News, to
news correspondents on October 7 and the text
of a telegram from. Wymherley DeR. Coerr, Act-
ing Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Af-
fairs, to Julio Garceran.

STATEMENT BY MR. REAP'

The recognition of a government of Cuba in
exile at this time is not in the national interest of
the United States because neither the Government
of Switzerland nor any other government could
then represent United States interests before the
Castro regime.

United States citizens are imprisoned in Cuba
and can only be offered such protection as is avail-
able in Cuba under the Castro regime by the con-
tinued ability of a foreign government to repre-
sent U.S. interests.

TEXT OF TELEGRAM

Press release 696 dated October 7

October 7, 1961

Doctor Julio Gaeceran de Vall y Souza
2128 Coral Way
Apartment #4
Miami, Florida

Dear Mr. Garceran : The Department of State
has seen reports that you have been chosen by the
Association of Cuban Magistrates in Exile, one of
the Cuban exile organizations, as the provisional
President of the Government of Cuba in Arms in
Exile. It is regrettable that you or the Association
did not consult with the Department of State be-
fore taking any such step within the territory of
the United States.

While the United States sympathizes strongly
with your motives and looks to the day when free-
dom will reign in Cuba, I must inform you that for

" On Sept. 19 Mr. Reap made a similar statement to
news correspondents :

"The Dopartment of State does not believe that It
would be In the United States national Interest to recog-
nize a Cuban government in exile at this time."

another government to establish itself within the
territory of the United States, without the consent
of the Government of the United States, would
violate the sovereignty and territory of the United
States under international law.

I should also mention that the consent of the
Government of the United States to the establish-
ment of a government in exile would imply recog-
nition by the United States of such a government.
The Government of the United States, of coui"se,
cannot permit itself to be forced into such a
position.

I am constrained to inform you that the Gov-
ernment of the United States does not consent to
the pretended or assumed existence of the Govern-
ment of Cuba in Anns in Exile within its sovereign
domain and, for that reason, I must suggest that
whatever acts you or others associated with you
have taken or may be taking looking to the estab-
lisliment of such a government, without the invita-
tion or consent of the United States, be dissolved
and cease forthwith.

I wish at the same time to assure you that this
statement of United States policy with respect to
the establishment and maintenance of the Govern-
ment of Cuba in Arms in Exile within the United
States in no way affects the policy of the Govern-
ment of the United States toward the present
regime in Cuba. As stated by the President of the
United States : We do not intend to abandon Cuba.
For the Secretary of State :

Wtmberlet DeR. Coerr

Acting Assistant Secretary of State

Bureau of Inter-American Affairs

Department of State

Acts of Recognition Since 1953

The Department of State, in response to an in-
quiry, has compiled the following list of actions hy
the United States Government since 1953 involv-
ing the recognition of new states or new
governments.

In 1953 the United States recognized a new Gov-
ernment of Colombia on June 18 and a new
Government (Republic) of Egypt on June 22.

In 1954 the United States recognized a new
Government of Paraguay on May 13 ; a new Gov-

716

Department of State Bulletin

ermnent of Guatemala on July 13; and a new
Government of Honduras on December 16.

In 1955 the United States recognized the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany on May 5; the
reestablishment of Austria as a sovereign and
independent state on May 15 ; a new Government
of Argentina on September 25 ; a new Government
of Viet-Nam on October 26; and a new Govern-
ment of Argentina on November 17.

In 1956 the United States recognized the Re-
public of the Sudan on January 1 ; the Kingdom
of Morocco on March 7 ; the Kingdom of Tunisia
on March 22 ; a new Government of Honduras on
October 27; and a new Government of Haiti on
December 24.

In 1957 the United States recognized a new
Government of Haiti on February 21; the Re-
public of Ghana on March 6 ; a new Government
of Haiti on May 7 ; a new Government of Colombia
on May 17; a new Government (Republic) of
Tunisia on July 30 ; a new Government of Haiti
on July 30 ; the Federation of Malaya on August
31; a new Government of Guatemala on October
29 ; and a new Government of Honduras on De-
cember 21.

In 1958 the United States recognized a new
Government of Venezuela on January 28; the
United Arab Republic, created from the union of
Egypt and Syria, on February 25 (see below under
1961 for recognition of the Syrian Arab Republic
as a separate state) ; the Arab Union, created from
the union of the Kingdom of Iraq and the Hashe-
mite Kingdom of Jordan, on May 28 (dissolved
later the same year) ; a new Government (Re-
public) of Iraq on August 2; the Republic of
Guinea on November 1 ; and a new Government of
Sudan on November 22.

In 1959 the United States recognized a new
Government of Cuba on January 7.

In 1960 the United States recognized the State
(now Federal Republic) of Cameroon on January
1 ; the Republic of Togo on April 27 ; a new Gov-
ernment of Turkey on May 30; the Federation of
Mali on June 20 (subsequently divided into Sene-
gal and Mali, both listed below as recognized on
September 24, 1960) ; the Malagasy Republic on
June 26 ; the Republic of the Congo on June 30 ;
the Somali Republic on July 1; the Republic of
Dahomey on August 1 ; the Republic of Niger on
August 3 ; the Republic of Upper Volta on August
5 ; the Republic of Ivory Coast on August 7 ; the

Republic of Chad on August 11 ; the Central Afi-i-
can Republic on August 13 ; the Republic of Congo
on August 15 ; the Republic of Cyprus on August
16 ; the Gabon Republic on August 17 ; the Repub-
lic of Senegal on September 24; the Republic of
]\Iali on September 24 ; the Federation of Nigeria
on October 1 ; the Islamic Republic of Mauritania
on November 28; and a new Government of El
Salvador on December 3.

In 1961 the United States recognized a new
Government of El Salvador on February 15;
Sierra Leone on April 27; and the Syrian Arab
Republic on October 10.

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request
on Distributing U.S. Views on Berlin

Press release 708 dated October 13

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 13

During the past few months the Crosscurrents
Press, a firm chartered in the United States but
registered with the Department of Justice as an
agent of the state publications export monopoly
of the U.S.S.R., has been distributing in substan-
tial quantity Soviet propaganda material on Ger-
many and Berlin. In view of the wide dissemina-
tion given this material in this country, the U.S.
Government, in a note delivered to the Soviet
Ministry of Foreign Affairs on September 22,
1961, asked the Soviet Government for the neces-
sary facilities to distribute comparable materials
in the Soviet Union presenting American views on
the Berlin question. In this way, the U.S. Gov-
ernment note pointed out, the Soviet people would
be given an opportunity, as the American people
have had, to study in some depth both sides of this
critical problem.

Yesterday the Soviet Government replied to
this request. In essence the Soviet Government
denied the facilities asked for, asserting that the
Soviet Government could not agree to the distribu-
tion of materials which, in its view, are not
"constructive."

The texts of the U.S. Government's note of
September 22, 1961, and the Soviet reply of Oc-
tober 12, 1961, follow.

October 30, J 96 1

717

U.S. NOTE OF SEPTEMBER 22

No. 333

The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Allairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics and, upon the instructions of its Govern-
ment, has the honor to set forth the following.

In view of tlie extreme seriousness of the ques-
tion of Berlin, it is imperative that the peoples of
the Soviet Union and the United States — and, in-
deed, all peoples — have the opportunity to read
and study the governmental views that have been
presented on this matter.

The people of the United States and their Gov-
ernment have traditionally maintained that the
availability of differing views on all questions pro-
vides the basis and stimulus essential for the just
resolution of problems. In this regard, the United
States Government notes that the full texts of the
major communications of the Government of the
Soviet Union on the question of Berlin have been
carried by major daily newspapers in the United
States. Furthermore, Crosscurrents Press, which
is a firm chartered in the United States, but regis-
tered with the Department of Justice as an agent
of the Soviet state export monopoly for publica-
tions and thus a channel for the views of the
Soviet Government, has recently published in the
United States, as one of a series of pamphlets con-
taining Soviet materials, a mass edition of a pam-
phlet entitled "The Soviet Stand on Germany".
This contains a collection of documents presenting
Soviet views on the Berlin question, with an in-
troduction by the Chairman of the Council of
Ministers of the U.S.S.E., Nikita S. Khrushchev.
Although the Soviet press has published some of-
ficial statements of the United States Government
on the Berlin problem, the Soviet people have had
no opportunity to study the American viewpoint
on the Berlin problem in a fashion similar to the
opportunity given the American people to study
the Soviet viewpoint as presented in the pamphlet
published by Crosscurrents Press.

Since it is incumbent upon both Governments
to take appropriate steps which seek to eliminate
misunderstandings between the peoples of our two
countries, the United States Government proposes
that the Government of the Soviet Union make
available to the United States Government facili-

ties for the distribution at this time of comparable
material presenting American views on the Berlin
question. In this way, the Soviet people will have
an opportunity, as the American people have had,
to study in some depth both sides of this question,
which is of such great importance.

The Department of State is ready to proceed
with this project, and it is hoped that the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union will give its immediate
attention to makmg the requested facilities
available.

Embassy of the United States of America,
Moscmo, Septemher 2B, 1961

SOVIET NOTE OF OCTOBER 12

[Complimentary opening para^aph omitted]

The Soviet Government has always believed that a
broad exchange of truthful information plays an impor-
tant role in assuring the best mutual understanding and
the development of friendly relations between countries
and peoples. There is not and cannot be any doubt that
the exchange of such information serves the interest of
strengthening i)eace. The Soviet Government supports
precisely this position in its practical activity.

But there is another form of information, or more
exactly false information, used by certain circles in order
to sow mistrust between states and incite enmity among
peoples. The Soviet Government has always opposed
this sort of "information" and naturally cannot agree to
its distribution in the Soviet Union. If any other path
were taken. It would not only not contribute to mutual
understanding among peoples, but, on the contrary, it
would directly damage the cause of strengthening inter-
national ties and cooperation.

In the note of the Embas.sy of the United States of
America there is reference to the publication, upon the
initiative of the American private publishing company,
"Crosscurrents Press", of a selection of certain Soviet
documents on the question of the conclusion of a peace
treaty with Germany and the normalization of the situ-
ation in West Berlin. In this connection, it must be
noted that the competent Soviet organizations naturally
do not object if this or that foreign publishing house
approaches them with a request to publish any sort of
official Soviet materials and documents or publishes such
documents on its own initiative. This is the business of
publishing companies.

Public opinion in the Soviet Union is widely informed
on all questions of international life and not only has a
full understanding of the positions of all states, includ-
ing the position of the Government of the United States
of America as well, on questions of the international
situation, but also speaks its mind energetically on all
questions, especially when these concern the preservation
and strengthening of peace and friendship among nations.

718

Department of State Bulletin

In this connection : The statement contained in the
note of the Embassy of the United States of America to
the effect that Soviet public opinion may not be informed
on the American point of view on the Berlin question
evokes bewilderment at the very least. The Embassy
cannot fail to note that all basic documents, notes and
statements of the Government of the United States of
America on the German problem as a whole, including
the Berlin problem as well, are regularly published in
the Soviet press. Incidentally, for justice's sake, it
should be said that the notes of the Soviet Government,
like a majority of its statements, are far from always
published in the American press, and if they are published,
it is sometimes in distorted form.

The Government of the United States of America can
be sure that, if its leaders wish to address Soviet public
opinion with constructive statements on the just solution
of unsettled problems and the strengthening of peace,
then materials of that sort, as has been the case earlier
as well, will receive broadest elucidation in the Soviet
Union.

United States Congratulates China
on 50th Anniversary of Revolution

Following is a message from President Kennedy
to Chiang Kai-shek, President of the Republic of
Ghiim.

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 9

October 5, 1961

Your Excellency: Tlie people of the United
States join me in offering congratulations on
China's National Day which this year marks the
50th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution. On
this occasion we recall vividly the long, arduous
struggle Free China has waged under your valiant
leadership against foreign aggression and Com-
munist tyranny and for the realization of the
noble aspirations of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Our alli-
ance, based on ties of historic friendship and unity
of purpose, has withstood the tests of the past.
May it grow ever stronger in the years ahead.

Your Excellency, the American people share
your abiding faith in the ultimate triumph of
justice over evil. We look confidently toward the
day when all the great people of China will again
take their place in the struggle for those principles
of freedom and progress espoused by Dr. Sun
Yat-sen.

John F. Kjennedt

President Kennedy Holds Talks
With President of Argentina

Following is the text of a joint communique
released at tlie close of a meeting at New York
City on September 26 between President Ken-
nedy and President Arturo Frondisi of the
Republic of Argentina.

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated September 26

The meeting between the Presidents of the
United States and of the Republic of Argentina
was held in the spirit of deep friendship and
mutual respect which unites the two countries and
wliich finds expression in the fruitful coopera-
tion and close solidarity in ideals and aims that
are common to the two nations.

On the basis of tliis spirit of understanding and
common interest the two Presidents joined in con-
versation for four hours, during which time they
considered subjects of the greatest relevance in
the field of cooperation between the two coun-
tries— questions relating to political solidarity and
the economic and social development of the Amer-
ican continent, as well as serious world problems.

This frank understanding has made it possible
to reaffirm the deep and unchangeable identity of
purpose of the two nations, which, being based
on a common historic tradition, has reached an
unprecedented level, thanks to the work and effort
of the two governments.

President Frondizi expressed to President Ken-
nedy the full adherence of Argentina to the un-
tiring efforts on the part of the United States di-
rected toward the maintenance of world peace, the
preservation and broadening of the full exercise
of freedom, representative democracy and the dig-
nity of man, as well as toward the fuller develop-
ment of the economically imderdeveloped coun-
tries. President Frondizi made especially clear
to President Kennedy the extent to which Argen-
tina looks favorably upon President Kennedy's
effort to give United States international coopera-
tion policies a dynamic, far-reaching, realistic and
effective content, which answers the pressing
needs of the present serious situation.

President Kennedy, in turn, expressed to Presi-
dent Frondizi the importance that the United
States gives to the firm and sincere adherence on
the part of Argentina to those common ideals and

October 30, 7961

719

aims which, being characteristic of Western civil-
ization, are the intrinsic and inherent values of the
two nations. At the same time President Ken-
nedy reiterated his firm decision to cooperate with
President Frondizi, in the latter's effort to consoli-
date, once and for all, effective democratic insti-
tutions in Argentina, and to speed up, at an un-
pi'ecedented rate, the economic development of
his country. He expressed his assurance that
these efforts contain a deep historic significance
for this South American nation and constitute, by
the same token, a decisive factor in the stabiliza-
tion of democracy and the consolidation of social
and economic progress in the entire Hemisphere.

President Frondizi informed President Ken-
nedy of the progress attained by his comitry in
transforming its economic structure and the solid
foundation of a modern nation. He reiterated
the gratitude of his government for the extensive
aid received from the United States towards that
end.

President Frondizi also explained his country's
basic current problems and needs which require an
immediate solution so that gains already achieved
can be consolidated and national development can
be carried out in a progressive manner. In this
connection, he pointed out to President Kennedy
the importance of United States cooperation, and
emphasized the renewed determination derived
from the formulation of the Alliance for Progress,
as approved at Punta del Este.^

President Kennedy reiterated to President
Frondizi the terms of the declaration that was for-
mulated at the White House on May 24 of this
year.^ He stated that the px-esent experience in
Argentina constitutes an essential part of the Free
World's effort to demonstrate, in a practical
fashion, the capacity of the democratic countries
to work for rapid economic and social develop-
ment while reaffirming human rights and denying
those violent methods which are inconsistent with
the way of life of either country and which destroy
human dignity and individual freedom.

For all these reasons, the government of the
United States will continue to collaborate with the
efforts of Argentina.

President Frondizi and President Kennedy dis-
cussed various aspects of the Argentine develop-

' BuixETiN of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.
' For a statement made by President Kennedy, see ibid.,
June 12, 1961, p. 920.

ment plan which — in addition to projects already
submitted for United States consideration — in-
clude the El Chocon-Los Colorados project, the
modernization of the meat packing industry, de-
velopment of the fishing industry, expansion of
housing programs, and water development. The
Presidents agreed that these progi'ams were con-
sistent with the basic aims of the Alliance for
Progress. President Kennedy expressed his great
admiration for the impressive efforts and sacrifices
which Argentma has already made in order to
speed up its economic and social development ; and
his recognition of the effort being made to mobi-
lize domestic resources for future development.
Therefore, President Kennedy welcomed the op-
portunity to reaffirm his government's firm com-
mitment to assist the government of Argentina in
its development program in order to help in bring-
ing as rapidly as possible higher standards of
living and increased social welfare to all the people
of Argentina. He spoke of his government's in-
tention to examine carefully the specific project
applications for tlie above program and to con-
sider them as rapidly as possible in view of their
great importance for the people of Argentina.

President Kemiedy was particularly impressed
by the significance of the El Cliocon-Complex
project in view of its potential for the transforma-
tion of a vast region of the country. He noted
that it was similar in concept to the highly success-
ful TVA project in the United States.

President Kennedy stated that he would join
with the Argentine government in seeking to ex-
pedite the completion of the survey of the project
which is being undertaken by the Inter-American
Development Bank. As sound plans are developed
the United States government will consult with
the Argentine government with respect to financ-
ing of the project. In this connection this large
and important project, which can be of such wide- m
spread benefit for the Argentine people and which
is receiving such a major impulse from the Argen-
tine government, -will clearly require for its suc-
cessful execution the full cooperation of European
countries as well as the United States government
and major international financial institutions.

Among the problems of economic cooperation,
special attention was given to those concerning
commercial interchanges. There was full agree-
ment concerning the need to continue joint efforts
to promote the expansion of commerce between

720

Department of State Bulletin

the two countries in wliich Argentina at present
has an unfavorable balance. Likewise, it was
agreed that it is necessary to press vigorously
in international forums such as GATT to achieve
our common purposes. This will require a more
intense effort to reduce restrictions on interna-
tional trade that are obstructing the expansion of
commerce with other countries. The importance
to both countries that the European regional
agreements grant fair treatment to imports from
third countries was noted in this connection.

The major issues in the present world political
situation were thoroughly examined. During the
exchange of views on problems such as the Berlin
question, the resumption of nuclear tests, the main-
tenance of peace, the Cuban situation and other
situations and threats emerging from the Cold
War, the President of the United States and the
President of Argentina evidenced agreement on
fundamental goals and President Kennedy stressed
during the discussion his awareness of the sig-
nificance of the growing Argentine participation
in world affairs.

The topics of political solidarity and economic
cooperation in the American hemisphere received
special attention. Both Presidents agreed as to
the need for strengthening and revitalizing multi-
lateral and bi-lateral machinery of the Inter-
American system so as to guarantee, in a definitive
manner, the prevalence of the principles of coop-
eration, the principle of non-intervention by
foreign powers in the affairs of this hemisphere,
the principle of self-determination and non-inter-
vention, political solidarity, mutual respect, effec-
tive exercise of representative democracy and
economic and social development in each and every
one of the coimtries of this hemisphere.

Department To Support Visit
of Governors to Japan

Press release 703 dated October 11

The Department of State on October 11 in-
formed Governor Wesley Powell of New Hamp-
shire, chairman of the Governors' Conference, of
plans for support by the Department of the visit
to Japan of 10 U.S. Governors and the bringing
to this country of 10 Japanese Governors. This
exchange was proposed by the Governors' Con-
ference at its meeting in Hawaii earlier this year.

Besides Governor Powell, the others in the U.S.

delegation will be Governors Paul Fannin, Ari-
zona; Edmund G. Brown, California; William F.
Quinn, Hawaii; John B. Swainson, Michigan;
Elmer L. Anderson, Minnesota; Edwin L. Me-
chem, New Mexico ; David L. Lawrence, Pennsyl-
vania ; Buford Ellington, Tennessee ; and Gaylord
A. Nelson, Wisconsin. All except Governor
Quinn of Hawaii are currently members of the
executive committee of the Conference.

The State Department will facilitate the ex-
change, to take place in early 1962, by providing
travel grants and also living costs not otherwise
met.

President Abboud of Sudan Visits
United States October 4-14

Ibrahim Ahhoud, President of the Supreme
Council for the Armed Forces and Prime Minister
of the Republic of the Sridan, made an official visit
to the United States October 4--H- Following is
an exchange of greetings between President
Kennedy and President Abboud on October 4 and
a joint communique issued at the close of the
Washington portion of President Abboud'' s visit
on October 6.

EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS

White House press release dated October 4

President Kennedy

Mr. President, members of your party, ladies
and gentlemen : I wish to express on behalf of the
people of the United States our great satisfaction
in welcoming you to our country.

This is the first occasion in the history of the
Sudan that a leader of your country has come to
visit the United States, and we are particularly
glad that this should happen in this most signifi-
cant year of 1961.

Your flag, like the flag of the United States, tells
us a good deal about your country. The blue for
the Nile Eiver, the yellow for the desert, the green
for what you have been able to do with the com-
bination of the desert and the Nile.

We welcome you also because you have set an
example of a country with eight neighbors, all of
whom live at peace with you and with each other.
You have set a standard for your continent and
indeed, in that sense, for the world.

Ocfober 30, 7961

721

So, Mr. President, we welcome you to Wash-
ington. We are extremely happy that you will
visit the United States, that you will see something
of our country and something of our people. We
are a young country. You are the leader of a
country wiiich is even younger, but in a very real
sense is perhaps the oldest part of the known world.

So for many reasons, Mr. President, we welcome
you here. We value the fact that you have chosen
to visit us. We want you to know that your
ministers and yourself will be most welcome, and
we hope that when you depart you will carry with
you a very real appreciation of the warm feeling
of friendship that our country feels for yours.

Mr. President.

President Abboud >

Mr. President Jolin F. Kennedy, President of
the United States of America: At this moment
when we begin our visit to your great country to
make direct contact with your friendly nation, we
feel overwhelmed by a deep sense of joy and
happiness. This joy is derived from your bright
history, and on behalf of the Sudan I present to
you and to the gieat American nation our most
sincere congratulations on the occasion of the 183d
anniversary of the memorable Valley Forge — that
great event which marked a chapter in the book
of heroism and the gospel of principles written by
your great Revolution under that outstanding
leader, George Washington. Then they scored the
first victory for the cause of independence and
freedom. Your people presented this historical
achievement to the world, that inspired and still
inspires many nations for all these years to follow
suit and be guided by its principles.

It is a good omen, Mr. President, that our visit
to the United States of America coincides with
this dear occasion to you and to me. It enables
us to couple our congratulations to you and to
the American people with our sincere thanks and
appreciation for your kind invitation which we
were so fortunate to be able to accept on behalf of
the Sudan. This invitation will further
strengthen our friendship and cooperation. We
shall always remember that you and the American
people have readily shown to the Sudan, even
before they achieved independence, sincere friend-
ship and fraternity by sending missions of good

' As Interpreted from the Arabic.
722

will, by supporting our candidacy for membership
in the United Nations, of cooperation between the
two nations on an exemplary and disinterested
basis.

I have no doubt that this visit which we make
on behalf of the Sudan will remain as a landmark
in the history of our relations. The warm recep-
tion accorded me by you, Mr. President, and by
the honorable members of your administration,
demonstrates once more those kind feelings and
sincere friendship extended toward the Sudan.

Indeed, this visit will be of great significance
because it came at a time when many nations, par-
ticularly Africans, have achieved independence
and become full members of the international
family. They have awakened up to shoulder their
responsibilities for the welfare of their people
within a happy and peaceful world.

For all these considerations, Mr. President, we
are happy to be able to accept your kind invita-
tion, which is a good example of cooperation
between members of the international family and
the establishment of close relations on the basis of
mutual respect and confidence, especially during
this troubled period of human history.

It gives me great pleasure, Mr. President, to
convey to you and to the great American people on
this occasion a message from the Sudanese peo-
ple, a message of good will and true friendship
stemming out of the genuine desire to further these
friendly relations and strengthen them on the
basis on which they started : mutual confidence and
respect for the interests of our countries and the
world at large.

In spite of the long distances that separate our
two countries, we have many things in common.
The system of government derived from the
principles of your revolution and our revolution.
We now devote our efforts to establish a system
of our own, based on our traditions and aiming
at the fulfillment of the wishes of our people for
freedom and social justice in the true Sudanese
pattern — again similar to the situation of your
great country in the American Continent. The
Sudan stretches from the Arab world into the
heart of Africa and is adjacent to no less than
eight countries. We are fully aware that this
situation imposes on us the declaration and ap-
plication of a clearly cut policy based on sincerity
and cooperation inside as well as outside the con-
tinent— that we have to stand for eradication of
what remains of foreign domination and for de-

Deparfment of Stale Bullelin

veloping the economic and social life of the
Africans.

Thus we safeguard freedom in Africa and,
hence, the peace of the world. In this spirit, which
we feel is shared by the American people, we look
forward, Mr. President, to the forthcoming meet-
ings. I am confident from what we already know
of your personal courage and frankness that our
deliberations will have far-reaching results in the
fulfillment of the objectives of our two nations and
in strengthening world peace and prosperity.

Finally, to the captain and crew of this magnifi-
cent and efficient aircraft which the President has
so kindly placed under our disposal, as an indica-
tion of honoring the Sudan, in my person, to them
I wish to express my deep thanks and appreciation
for all that they have done to make the journey
most comfortable.

I wish also to congratulate them for the con-
fidence of their people in charging them with the
history-making feat, the landing of the first
Boeing 707 at Khartoum Airport, a feat which
in fact they have performed with distinguished
success.

Thank you.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated October 6

President Abboud and President Kennedy have
had a most cordial exchange of views on a variety
of subjects of interest to the Sudan and to the
United States. Their talks revealed that the two
Presidents shared a common concern for the pres-
ervation of world peace, and a common reliance
on the United Nations as the most effective instru-
ment for maintaining peace.

The two Presidents considered that the current
international situation underscored the impor-
tance of reaching through negotiation mutually
acceptable solutions to existing disputes, especially
when moral issues are involved, such as the right
of self-determination, which belongs to the peoples
of every continent. President Abboud stressed
the importance of rapidly implementing the right
of self-determination throughout the African con-
tinent. President Kennedy expressed satisfaction
with the political gains which had been achieved
by the African peoples and confirmed his hopes
and expectations for further progress to this end.

President Abboud explained that the policy of
non-alignment followed by the Kepublic of the

Sudan was designed to strengthen and consolidate
the independence of the Sudan and to enable it to
play a constructive role in the resolution of situa-
tions which are sources of international tensions.
President Kennedy confirmed that the United
States fully endorsed the determination of the
newly-independent countries of Africa to main-
tain their independence. He noted that the sup-
port given by the Sudan to the mission of the
United Nations in the Congo had contributed to
an important extent to the maintenance of that
country's independence and territorial integrity.

President Kennedy drew attention to the
courageous struggle of the people of West Berlin
to preserve their independence and to the determi-
nation of the United States to support them in
their efforts to live in peace and freedom. Presi-
dent Abboud confirmed that the Kepublic of the
Sudan also attached great importance to a peace-
ful resolution of the Berlin question on terms
which are consistent with the legitimate expecta-
tions of the people of Berlin and of the German
people as a whole.

The two Presidents were in complete agreement
as to the importance of the early conclusion of a
nuclear test ban agreement based on an effective
system of inspection and control. They also
agreed that efforts should be continued in the field
of general disarmament with a view to reducing
international tensions and the increased applica-
tion of the resources of the world to the task of
economic and social development.

President Abboud explained to President Ken-
nedy the steps the Sudan was taking to promote
economic development and social justice. He con-
firmed the Sudan's intentions to mobilize its
human and material resources in accordance with
an integrated national plan to be executed by a
planning organization with the requisite author-
ity, and outlined the steps the Sudan was taking
to achieve this goal.

The two Presidents agreed that talks would con-
tinue between their advisers with respect to ex-
panding and expediting their cooperation in key
areas in which the United States can most effec-
tively assist the self-help efforts of the Republic
of the Sudan.

President Abboud extended to President and
Mrs. Kennedy a cordial invitation to visit the
Sudan. President Kennedy said that he and Mrs.
Kennedy look forward to such a visit whenever
his presidential duties permit.

Ocfober 30, 1961

723

The U.N., a Forum for Reaffirming
Man's Common Humanity

Remarks hy Adlai E. Stevenson

UjS. Representative to the United Nations ^

Here at Brandeis you are daily bringing to life
the Justice's o\vn ideal of a university. "To be
great," he said, "a university must express the
people and the community at their best. The aim
must be high and the vision broad ; the goal seem-
ingly attainable but beyond immediate reach."

I am reminded of many of Justice Brandeis'
words in my own work at the United Nations, for
it is, above all else, a place in which men from
many lands strive to bring into focus the two ele-
ments in our lives that concerned him most : law
and social progress.

"America's fundamental law," he said, "seeks
to make real the brotherhood of man." I know of
no finer phrase to describe the purpose of the
charter of the United Nations, although I am
mindful that the performance falls far short of the
purpose.

No Assembly in the United Nations' history has
equaled the importance of our meetings in New
York at this time. There is really only one item
on our agenda — the survival of the human race.
Mr. Khrushchev hardly needs to threaten us. We
know he can fill the air with radioactive fallout.
We know he can wipe out smaller countries as
though they were summer flies. He is doing the
former. And no one doubts his ability to do the
latter.

Equally he must know that America's atomic
arsenal is big enough to wipe out most — perhaps
all — of what the Russian people have built up so
painfully in the last 40 years. It is not the pos-
sibility of annihilation that we need to be reminded
of. The only issue is whether the fijial atomic
holocaust can be avoided.

And here I would like to express my belief that
it can. One ugly obstacle to creative action which
we must avoid is hopelessness — the feeling that
nothing can be done. I agree with Sir Charles
Snow's view that "when men believe events are too
big for them, there is no hope."

'Made at Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass., on
Oct. 8 (U.S./U.N. press release 3787 dated Oct. 7). Am-
bassador Stevenson was awarded an honorary degree of
Doctor of Humane Letters.

These events we face are not too big for us. We
must, we can, rise to the heights of statesmanship
needed to bring our fearful forces of destruction
under control. I say this not because of some des-
perate act of blind faith — although I confess that,
like Winston Churchill, I do profoundly believe
that "God lias not despaired of his children."

My reasons for faith are simple and positive.
Tliey center on the fact that men have contrived
over large areas and long epochs to live at peace
with each other. Human history is not simply
one long record of desperate fratricidal war. Be-
side man the angry pugnacious animal, we must
set man the friend and neighbor. Human nature
is capable of both peace and war. What we have
to establish are the institutions and conditions
under which his peaceful instincts are fostered and
his tendency to violence held in check.

Wliat are these preconditions? We can know
them because we have them inside domestic society.
Over long periods a quarter of the human race
lived at peace inside the old Chinese Empire. The
record of the United States has been to preserve
the peace inside the country, with only one im-
portant breakdown in a hundred years, and in a
territory of continental scale.

Keeping the peace is not, then, impossible. But
it does demand the minimum conditions which
give us peace loithin the state, and I would like to
underline the fact that all the policies my Govern-
ment seeks to put forward, all the resolutions it
supports and initiatives it wants to follow, lead
back in one way or another to this fundamental
objective — to build for our world the institutions
and habits of a common life, to create the kind of
society from which atomic war can be banished
forever.

Particular issues are far less important than this
fundamental point. We can patch them up. We
can even live with them, provided our society is „
geared to peace. But if our fundamental attitudes f|
and institutions are faulty, no particular settle-
ment will do more than stave off the day of holo- y
caust. The risk of destruction will be renewed ^
with each new conflict of interest, and since no
human society is conceivable without such con-
flicts, we shall remain perpetually, wearingly, _
despairingly exposed to the risk of planetary f
death.

It is insanely unsafe to accept such a possibility.
There is a German phrase : "Better an end to the

724

Department of Stale Bulletin

horror than a horror without end." With each
renewed crisis, tempers fray, nerves grow un-
steadier, the temptation to seek violent conclusions
grows more acute. Only a society that can medi-
ate its conflicts peacefully — as do, on the whole,
our domestic societies — has any hope of with-
standing the wear and tear of differences and
disputes.

My Government profoundly respects and wel-
comes the participation of all the United Nations
in the pursuit of peaceful solutions for our trou-
bled world. The old American cry of liberty has
been amended today to read : "No extermination
without representation," and it would indeed be
intolerable if the great powers — in whose hands
admittedly the instruments of destruction lie —
were to disregard arrogantly and indifferently the
right of all members of the human race to their
share of life.

So in all the proposals which we may make for
securing the peace, we seek the full participation
of other governments. Nothing less than a shared
and functioning world order will meet our needs ;
no power, however great, can build this alone. We
must all be partners, all participants in the ex-
periment of building a civic order for all mankind.

The concept of mankind as a family has begun,
however shyly, to make a concrete appearance on
the stage of the world. It is the hope and de-
termination of my Government to give it a
permanent and central part to play.

Yet again and again as one speaks of the policies
and institutions which are needed in the world if
man is to survive, one is haunted by the fear that
the imagination, the warmth, the sheer human
courage needed for such changes will not be
available in time. It was another of our greatest
jurists, Judge Learned Hand, who reminded us
that freedom cannot be preserved in constitutions
if it has already vanished from the hearts of
citizens.

Let us then use this great forum of the United
Nations to reaffirm our common humanity. The
bombs that blast the West can destroy the East.
Tlie radiation that slays the white child will not
spare the Indian or the Chinese. Faced with the
risk of atomic war, we are all one in our total
vulnerability. We can all suffer. We can all die.
The masks we wear will not save us from blast
and burn. Our deafness will not spare us when
the rockets fall.

And if just once, even if only through fear, we
can see each other as we really are, all of us frail,
mortal, human, confused, culpable, yet sole heirs
of a tremendous past and sole creators of a possi-
ble future — can we continue to look in each other's
eyes, reading hatred and destruction ?

I do not believe it. And here, in this community
of scholars and students, in this repository of
that tremendous past, among creators of that pos-
sible future, my confidence is restored, and I am
proud and happy to become a member of this
commimity where truth is enshrined in walls and
hearts.

Interpreting and Extending
tlie Dimensions of Democracy

Remarhs hy Mrs. Katie Louckheim
Consultant on Women's Activities ^

I am flattered to be asked to give you my inter-
pretation of the part we as professional women
must play in translating the dimensions of our
democratic society. For all of us, I am certain,
the spirit of democracy is evident in many dif-
ferent ways; we see it with our eyes, we make it
tangible and believable in deeds, we feel it in our
hearts. We value it highly, we accept it thank-
fully as our heritage, and above all we share in its
blessings by listening to one another. We point
with pride to our free institutions, to our right to
worship and speak as we please. We praise our
political freedoms, our freedom to debate and to
differ.

All these things we know, we accept, and in our
own way cherish. But what, we may well ask
ourselves, are we doing about it ?

Wlaat are the dimensions of our noblest dream,
for democracy is a dream, the noblest dream ever
dreamed by man. It is the dream of our fore-
fathers, the dream of a free society, free to go for-
ward, to progress and improve, and by means of
its free institutions and associations to forge the
future in which the greatest good for all may, by
peaceful means, be achieved.

Today this dream, through no fault of ours, has
new dimensions, dangerous dimensions. For as

' Made before the D.O. Federation of Business and Pro-
fessional Women's Clubs on Oct. 1 (press release 676
dated Sept. 30).

October 30, 7961

725

President Kennedy said so eloquently in his ad-
dress to the U.N.,- sometime in the next 10 months
we must make decisions which will determine
whether we all perish in a fiery holocaust or hope-
fully survive to progress in freedom and dignity.

These are awesome decisions. These decisions —
on Berlin, on disarmament, on the use of atomic
weapons — mercifully are not our responsibility.
We are living in a desperately complicated world,
and the best we can do is to know that the
courageous, forthright, and farsighted men mak-
ing these decisions deserve our sympathetic trust
and our prayers.

But what we can do is interpret the dimensions
of this democracy with which we are blessed, and
that is wliat I should like to talk with you about.
What are these dimensions, and which of them lie
within our province? In what way can we par-
ticipate in extending and articulating these
dimensions?

Let us examine them in the light of our own
experience. We are busy people. We are con-
stantly consumed with our own concern, with the
dilemmas of our daily experience. We are preoc-
cupied with our productive occupations. We are
immersed in appointments, meetings, gatherings,
and in the many other obligations of an urban
society. But one overwhelming fact immediately
impresses itself upon this limited view: What we
do, how we live, work, compete, how we relate
to one another is no longer just our concern. For
what we do is everyone's concern ; how we live and
relate, react, whatever and wherever it may be, is
known everywhere. Democracy is on trial, and
therefore we are on trial. All over the world
there are eyes and ears, listening, watching, ob-
serving, evaluating, making judgments.

I have recently traveled halfway round the
world. During the course of my travels I learned
many valuable lessons. The most important of
these can be simply stated: We are judged by our
deeds, by whether we act according to the prin-
ciples of our Constitution, our Bill of Eights, the
intentions of our Founding Fathers.

The spirit of democracy in the eyes of the un-
committed nations — democracy and its dimen-
sion.s — is only as true as it is viable. We are the
children of revolution, the heirs of freedom.
And yet, unless this spirit is made manifest here

* For text, see Bttlletin of Oct 16, 1961, p. 619.
726

and now, in our everyday life, it is but a promise
given and not kept.

When we preach of liberty and freedom for all,
we must not only mean it but live accordingly.

Do you know what the most striking evidence
has been as far as the have-not nations, the watch-
ing nations, are concerned? I will tell you. For
them the spirit of revolution, the spirit of free-
dom, has been reenacted and reborn in the sit-ins,
in the peaceful demonstrations in lunch counters,
in the Freedom Riders, the news that white and
black men together have carried the torch of
liberty high.

The quiet courage with which our Attorney
General, Robert Kennedy, has ordered an end of
segregation in interstate carriers is cheered in a
thousand hamlets and marketplaces. The peace-
ful means by which the Department of Justice at
Attorney General Kennedy's direction has insisted
on safeguarding the voting rights of all our people
has been applauded in every country where the
right to self-government has been recently
achieved. These are the shots that are heard
around the world.

If we are to win this much-extended cold war, if
we are to prove to all those who watch and wait
for us to lead that democracy and not totalitarian-
ism is the answer, these are the weapons we must
use.

These then are the dimensions of our democracy.
These matters are our concern. They do lie di-
rectly within our province. And these are the
ways in which we can prove that in our enlarged
role as women, women with many skills and
talents, we can lead and make the force of our
opinion felt.

By direct participation, by support, by making
the force of our opinions felt, we can hasten these
peaceful procedures, we can articulate them in our
daily busy lives. By affirming that democracy
alone of all the means of government devised by
man permits of change, by admitting that we need
to make progress by these means we can make our
contribution count. By moving forward vigor-
ously to remove all traces of discrimination, we
can assume the leadership role as women we so
rightfully claim.

Recently I attended a meeting at which officials
of important national women's groups such as
yours were present. One of these officials raised
the question of how we might best combat com-
munism. She suggested workshops, discussion

Department of State Bulletin

groups, study groups, conferences. My answer
■was quite a different one. The best way to com-
bat communism is to act — to prove daily by doing
that democracy is the only society in which the
greatest good for the greatest number can be
achieved.

Let us talk frequently about democracy, about
its dimensions, about the greater opportunities
for women, but let us also act. Let us prove that
we as women can make an important contribution,
that we have earned our place not only as skillful
professionals, administrators, homemakers, organ-
izers of community endeavor, but as leaders in the
fight for freedom for all people regardless of race,
creed, or color.

As business and professional women in the Na-
tion's Capital, we have a unique opportunity, and
a special obligation, to demonstrate democracy to
our many foreign visitors and resident diplomats.
Not only can we extend cordial hospitality to
them, inviting them to our meetings and to our
homes — as you do, of course, in your international
programs. But we can also directly influence the
conduct of community business life so that visitors,
especially those from the newer nations, feel wel-
come in all neighborhoods and all public places
and so that they realize all our citizens are equally
welcome.

You are soon to take part in a hemispheric con-
ference of business and professional women in
Puerto Rico, and you have a special interest in
Latin America; so you will be interested in the
reaction of a visitor from Panama. Last spring
my ofRce sponsored the visit of 12 Latin American
women whose special interest was social welfare.
The Panamanian member of the group was of
mixed African and Indian ancestry. She came to
the United States with much hesitation, afraid
that she might have unhappy experiences. For-
tunately her experience was happy; she was
warmly received wherever she went. At the end
of her stay she said to me : "I know now that what
matters in the United States is not the color of a
person's skin, but the person himself." Let us
make certain that all our visitors come to this
conclusion.

"We are fortunate. We are fortunate for many
reasons, not only in our birthright but because we
are taking our rightful part at that moment in
history when what we do can tip the scales for
our side and perhaps make the difference between
defeat and victory.

Immigration and Refugee Problems

Remarks hy Michel Cieplinshi *

You have invited me to speak to you on immi-
gration and citizenship and the problems ahead.
Our greatest challenge is to maintain an enlight-
ened administration of our immigration and cit-
izenship laws without losing sight of the ever-
present danger of infiltration by those who wish
to destroy our system of government and way of
life. While we in the Bureau of Security and
Consular Affairs will make every effort to facili-
tate and streamline passport and visa procedures
within the framework of existing law, we must
remain mindful of this danger.

During the coming year we will continue our
past efforts to improve procedures in the visa and
passport fields. The Passport Office, in coopera-
tion with other Federal and State agencies, has
recently developed improved methods of reporting
and recording births of United States nationals
abroad. It has also inaugurated on a worldwide
basis a completely new and simplified procedure
for handling passport and citizenship records at
our posts abroad. The Passport Office also has
underway extensive plans for increasing its effi-
ciency in handling citizenship cases referred to its
Washington headquarters. The Visa Office,
which not long ago overhauled all its regulations
and is in the process of completing installation of
the new immigrant visa procedures, is making
continued efforts to streamline its operations and
methods of cooperation with visa officers in the
field.

The immediate concern of the Office of Eefugee
and Migration Affairs, another office within the
Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, is the
plight of the world's homeless and stateless per-
sons— the refugees. Let me first say that we can
be proud of the record our Congress, our Govern-
ment, and the American people have established
since the end of World War II. Since then the
United States has spent over $1,200,000,000 on the
refugee problem and we have admitted to our
shores over 800,000 refugees.

'Made before the American Immigration and Citizen-
ship Conference at New Yorlc, N.Y., on Oct. 6 (press
release 684 dated Oct. 4). Mr. Cieplinslii is Deputy Ad-
ministrator of the Bureau of Security and Consular
Affairs.

Ocfober 30, J 96 7

727

Generous as has been the response of the free
world to the plight of the unfortunate victims of
totalitarian oppression, there still remains a job
to be done. In looking at the problems ahead, we
in the Government and the voluntary agencies
must be alert to the remaining refugee problems
and to those which are developing throughout the
world. Our eyes must look beyond Europe and
envisage the plight of new refugee groups in Asia,
Africa, and here in the Western Hemisphere.

Another disturbing element is the increased re-
cent activity of Communist governments in the
refugee field. They try to copy the Western
Powers by sending relatively smaller but much
more publicized shipments of food and relief
goods. They have already succeeded in moving
refugee children back behind the Iron Curtain.
The Communists who create the political upheav-
als which in turn spawn the refugees are now
posing as their friends and benefactors. They
are desperately trying to take away from the
United States its historic role as champion of the
oppressed and persecuted people.

It is our duty to uphold the true projection of
America in the eyes of the world. So that the
image of the Statue of Liberty does not fade in
the eyes and in the minds of the peoples of the
world, you and your members' work, contribution,
and dedication are urgently needed. The prob-
lems ahead which involve both old and new refu-
gees will require utmost vigilance and the widest
generosity and deepest compassion of the free
world.

Your organization and its many members are
vitally interested in the revision of our immigra-
tion policies. The immigration policy of the
United States is not only a matter of domestic con-
cern; it is an important factor in our foreign
relations. The Department therefore whole-
heartedly supported and welcomed the recent
amendment to the Immigration and Nationality
Act which eliminated the much-misunderstood re-
quirement that a visa applicant state his race and
ethnic classification. From a foreign policy point
of view it was of equal importance that the Con-
gress eliminated the ceiling on minimum quotas
in the Asia-Pacific triangle and made it possible
that new political entities do not lose any of the
quotas held previously by their components. This
' latter change in our laws will meet the problems
created by the formation of newly independent

nations, for example, the projected federation of
The West Indies. From a long-range point
of view, the Department recognizes the importance
of placing all independent areas in the Western
Hemisphere on an equal footing.

The recent legislation also relieved certain pres-
sures on oversubscribed quotas for the benefit of
close relatives of American citizens and permanent
resident aliens. The Department is in favor of
any legislation which permits the unification of
families separated in migration. It is hoped that
eventually this objective will be met by more per-
manent legislation, possibly following the ap-
proach proposed by Representative [Francis E.]
Walter in H.R. 6300, which would permit the use
of unused quotas for this purpose.

In summarizing the views of the Department
on needed revisions of our immigration laws, I
cannot do better than quote the President of the
United States in his message to you when you met
in March of this year.

"The tasks we face in revision of our immigra-
tion policy must be keyed to the tasks we face in
connection with every aspect of our rapidly chang-
ing world. The emergence of new nations in
Asia and Africa, the assumption of power by any
totalitarian tyranny, the cries for assistance when
disaster strikes, all call for the best in our
American traditions. Our immigration pro-
grams must be free from any taint of racism or
discrimination."

Panamanian Economic Mission
Concludes Taiiis at Washington

Joint Statement

Press release 693 dated October 7, for release October 8

A special Panamanian Economic Mission
headed by Dr. Gilberto Arias, Minister of Finance
of Panama, has engaged in talks with high United
States Government officials, which were concluded
October 5, on Panama's plans for social and eco-
nomic development. The discussions afforded an
opportunity for a full exploration of Panama's
development needs and joint consideration of how
Panamanian and United States resources can best
be used to meet those needs within the framework
of the Alliance for Progress.

Members of the Mission included the Ambas-
sador of Panama in Washington, A. Guillermo

728

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

Arango; Rudolfo A. Chiari and Ruben D. Carles,
President and Director, respectively, of Panama's
National Economic Council; Alejandro Remon,
Comptroller General of the Republic; David
Samudio A., Director General of the Bureau of
Planning and Administration in the Office of the
Presidency; and Jorge R. Riba and Rodrigo
Nunez, Chief Technical Director and Economic
Adviser, respectively, of the Bureau's Planning
Department.

In the course of the talks, the Mission made a
full presentation of Panama's economic situation
and the goals and objectives of Panama's 5-year
development plan (1962-66), the public invest-
ments for purposes of social and economic de-
velopment proposed under that plan, and the
external assistance required for financing these
investments. The Mission confirmed the inten-
tion of the Government of Panama to request
the panel of experts to be established under the
Inter- American Economic and Social Council, to
review the Panamanian long-range development
plan in accordance with the procedures adopted
in the Charter of Punta del Este.^

The Mission emphasized the determination of
the Government of Panama to exert its maximum
efforts to institute reforms and improvement in
its systems of fiscal management and taxation,
public administration, and laws governing land
tenure and use in order to mobilize domestic re-
sources effectively in support of the development
program. It described a series of measures al-
ready taken or planned toward this end consisting
of a new and increased schedule of corporate and
personal income taxes effective in May 1961, with
provision for effective enforcement and collec-
tions; the extension of the Civil Service system
to a larger proportion of Government employees ;
the more effective organization of Government
departments to handle development tasks; and
new legislation to be presented to the National
Assembly in October to implement a program of
agrarian reform.

The representatives of Panama stated the inten-
tion of their Government to make further progress
in the equitable distribution of income, in im-
proved utilization of resources, both human and
material, in increasing the efficiency of production,
in the creation of better agricultural credit sys-
tems and other institutions leading to increased
productivity and better public administration, in

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463.

promoting individual home ownership and en-
couraging the establishment of family-size farms
by transferring land titles to farmers at low cost
and with long terms of payment, and to give in-
creased attention to the social needs of the people
of Panama.

The United States officials participating in the
talks expressed to the Mission the desire of the
United States Government to support the efforts
of the Government of Panama to promote its eco-
nomic progress and achieve a greater measure of
social welfare for the Panamanian people. It
was recognized that the realization of the objec-
tives of Panama's development program would
require financial assistance from various sources
including the United States, other friendly coun-
tries, public international lending agencies, and
private investment, both domestic and foreign.

It was recognized that some of the projects in
tlie program need further study and review be-
fore they can be considered for external financial
assistance. Both the Mission and United States
officials agreed, however, that a number of projects
in the Panamanian 5-year development plan lent
themselves to immediate implementation. The
United States Government therefore indicated its
readiness, subject to the conclusion of satisfactory
project agreements, to provide grants of $9.9 mil-
lion to assist in financing the costs of high pri-
ority projects such as school construction,
agricultural extension services, housing, rural
healtli centers and urban hospitals, training for
road construction equipment, basic surveys of land
and natural resources, and completion of studies
of certain economic development projects included
in the 5-year plan. The projects to be financed
are integral elements of the Panamanian program
and will contribute importantly to the achieve-
ment of the objectives of the Alliance for Progress.

This United States financial support of $9.9
million will be in addition to loans totaling $22.6
million recently extended to Panama by United
States and international lending agencies. These
comprise loans of $7.8 million for housing and
feeder roads made by the Development Loan
Fund; a housing loan of $7.6 million granted from
the Social Progress Trust Fund of the Inter-
American Development Bank (established by the
United States Government imder the Act of
Bogota =) ; and a loan of $7.2 million for feeder

' For text, see ihid., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537.

October 30, 1961

729

roads extended by the International Bank for
Eeconst ruction and Development in conjunction
•with the loan for tliis project made by the De-
velo])ment Loan Fund.

The United States Government will also con-
tinue its already established program of technical
assistance and training in Panama for which a
preliminary allocation of approximately $2.5 mil-
lion has been made for the fiscal year 1962.

In the course of the talks the Mission requested
the United States Government to examine the
possibility of improving opportunities for the sale
of certain Panamanian products in the American
market and also to consider the adoption of
measures to improve control of the movement
of goods from the Canal Zone to the Republic of
Panama. Tlie United States Government ex-
pressed its willingness to do so and also agreed
to explore the possibilities of including Panama
in the Food for Peace program.

The Mission recognized tliat major segments
of the external resources required for Panama's
development program would have to be sought
from the international lending agencies and from
foreign private investment.

"With the object of stimulating the flow of
United States private investment into Panama,
the Governments of Panama and the United
States concluded an investment guaranty agree-
ment in January 19G1. The Mission stated that
the Executive branch of the Panamanian Govern-
ment will submit this agreement to the National
Assembly for ratification during its current
session.

President Concurs in Finding
on imports of Dried Figs

White House press release dated October 4

The President on October 4 concurred with the
U.S. Tariff Commission's recent finding that no
formal investigation should be instituted at this
time to determine whether tlie tariff should be
reduced on imports of dried figs. The President
found, with the Tariff Commission, tliat there is
not sufficient reason to reopen the escape-clause
action of August 1952 which resulted in an in-
crease in duty on dried figs.^ Therefore the in-
creased rate of duty established in 1952 will con-

' Bulletin of Sept 1, 1952, p. 337.
730

tinue to apply, without reduction or modification.
The President's action was taken after consulta-
tion with the Trade Policy Committee. The
Tariff Commission's study was made pursuant to
Executive Order 10401, which requires periodic
review of affirmative actions taken under the
escape clause. The Commission's report was sub-
mitted to the President on August 30, 1961.

New Schedule for Depreciation
of Textile Machinery Announced

White House press release dated October 11

The President on October 11 announced a new
depreciation schedule for textile machinery. On
May 2 the President requested that the deprecia- '
tion deductions for textile machinery allowed un-
der the income tax law be reviewed by the
Treasury Department in the liglit of changing
conditions.^ This review has been completed.
Because of the increasing rate of obsolescence, the
old administrative standards for estimated de-
preciable lives of machinery are being adjusted.
Specifically the estimated average useful lives sug-
gested by the Internal Revenue Service for most
textile machinery and equipment have been re-
duced from 25 years or longer to 15 years and in
some cases 12 years. The resulting speeding up
of depreciation deductions, which reflects current
technological conditions, will be of significant
help to the industry in enabling it to modernize,
meet foreign competition, and provide jobs.

The Treasury's study of depreciation allowances
is proceeding with respect to all industries, but
in accordance with the President's directive the
study of the depreciation rules for the textile in-
dustry was accelerated. The results of the depre-
ciation study for other industries will depend upon
their particular conditions and circumstances.
The objective is to determine whether or not exist-
ing tax guides relating to depreciation provide a
realistic measure of actual depreciation being sus-
tained and if not to suggest adjustments that are
appropriate to current conditions.

In the textile industry it has been clearly demon-
strated that the administrative guidelines for the
period of years over which depreciation should be
spread are no longer appropriate in view of chang-
ing economic conditions. The industry is experi-

' Bulletin of May 29, 1961, p. 825.

1

Department of State Bulletin

encing a major technological breakthrough in
which advancing techniques engender further ad-
vances and make even recently developed equip-
ment economically outmoded long before it is
physically worn out. The pressure for the adop-
tion of technological innovations is accentuated
by competition of foreign producers who, in many
cases, enjoy the advantages of very liberal depreci-
ation allowances as well as low wage costs.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
AND CONFERENCES

U.S. Replies to Cuban Charges
in U.N. General Assembly

Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson

UjS. Representative to the General Assembly ^

In the speech which the representative of Cuba
[Raul Roa] made here this afternoon, he has
added another to the incessant attacks against
the United States which have characterized the
Castro regime from its inception. I would have
preferred not to take up the Assembly's time with
any renewal of this public argument, but the Cu-
ban representative's remarks have obliged me to
claim my right of reply at least to a few of his
charges. The balance will be dealt with at the
proper time and place.

First, Dr. Roa has charged that the United
States was guilty of aggression against Cuba last
April. The Cuban Foreign Minister seems to
hold the Communist belief that repetition estab-
lishes validity. The General Assembly consid-
ered the same charge at its last session and adopted
a resolution ' exhorting "all Member States to
take such peaceful action as is open to tliem to
remove existing tensions." Has Cuba heeded this
resolution? Or has American peaceful patience
been answered by the same violent and continuous
attacks?

In the next place the Cuban representative has
declared that the United States is planning inter-

'Made In plenary session on Oct. 10 (U.S. delegation
press release 3792).

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1616(XV) ; for test, see Buixetin
of May 8, 1961, p. 685.

vention and aggression against Cuba. The United
States is not planning any intervention or aggres-
sion against Cuba. We have a deep and a legiti-
mate interest in what goes on in Cuba in this coun-
try. Cuba is very near to us, and 60 years of
close and friendly and beneficial relations bind
the peoples of the two countries together. If
there is any threat to the Cuban Government to-
day, it comes not from the United States but from
the Cuban people, who will not tolerate indefi-
nitely the repressions to which they are now sub-
jugated. But we have faith that the Cuban
people in the normal, inexorable unfolding of his-
tory will themselves correct injustice in their
country.

Another charge was that the United States is
plotting to wipe out the leaders of tlie Castro gov-
ernment. As to this repulsive accusation, let me
only say that it is ridiculous and that, little as
the United States likes Fidel Castro and his associ-
ates, it abhors assassination as a means of accom-
plishing political objectives.

Then he made the familiar charge that Puerto
Rico is a colony of the United States. The facts
are that Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United
States who have freely chosen their present com-
monwealth. In 1953 the General Assembly ap-
proved a finding that Puerto Rico had ceased to
be a non-self-governing territory. A year ago
similar attacks prompted the Governor of Puerto
Rico, Luis Mufioz Marin, to send a message to the
United Nations in which he said in part : '

The people of Puerto Rico are a self-governing people
freely associated to the United States of America on the
basis of mutual consent and respect.

He went on to say :

The United Nations General Assembly, by Resolution of
November 1953, has solemnly recognized that the people
of Puerto Rico effectively exercised their right to self-
determination in establishing the Commonwealth as an
autonomous political entity in a mutually agreed associa-
tion with the United States. In further regard to the
principle of self-determination, the Commonwealth Legis-
lative Assembly has approved this very year a law au-
thorizing another vote on Puerto Rico's status whenever
10 per cent of the electors request it.

I cannot conclude without mentioning that from
Dr. Roa's remarks it might be inferred that the
United States opposed the movement which
brought Dr. Castro to power. Far from it. We

' For text, see ibid., Oct. 24, 1960, p. 656.

Oefober 30, 7967

731

did our best to adhere to the same principle of non-
intervention which Dr. Roa now so loudly invokes.
At the same time, we followed our immemorial
practice of granting political asylum in the United
States to refugees from the Batista dictatorship.
Among the refugees who enjoyed asylum here in
this country was Dr. Castro himself. In fact, he
organized and equipped his expeditionary force to
a great extent on our shores. He was not such an
ardent advocate of nonintervention in those days.
But we are familiar with Dr. Roa's agility, and he
has conveniently forgotten all of that.

Wlien Dr. Castro and his comrades-in-arms came
to power they had widespread support and good
wishes from the American people and prompt
recognition from the United States Government.
Dr. Castro came to the United States 3 months
later and was cordially received. Nevertheless,
he chose to turn on this country, to appoint us as
his chief enemy and whipping boy for all calam-
ities, and to betray his promises to the Cuban
people by stamping out political opposition, by
stifling the free press, by delivering the economy
and the military affairs of his country into the
hands of the Soviet Union, by banning all political
parties except the Communist, and by driving into
exile every Cuban who criticized these steps.

It is small wonder that Cubans deprived of their
elementary human rights continue to flee by thou-
sands from their beautiful island to find refuge in
the United States and other hospitable and free
countries. And this exodus goes on despite
Castro's efforts to make their departure more diffi-
cult. Only today the press reports that the Gov-
ernment in Cuba has ruled that any Cuban who
leaves for the United States and remains abroad
for 29 days automatically loses everything he owns.

Mr. President, here is a country whose new
leaders after seizing power nearly 3 years ago set
out to lead the whole Western Hemisphere to
political, social, and economic reform. Instead
they have led their own country into political and
social reaction and economic chaos. Meanwhile
the United States, which they have sought to por-
tray as the chief enemy of their progress, has
joined with the rest of the hemisphere in a mighty
Alliance for Progress to build the social and eco-
nomic foundation of democracy for all the peoples
of the hemisphere.

We look to the day when the Republic of Cuba,
with whose people we in the United States have so
many enduring ties of friendship, can join the rest

732

of us in the hemispheric march to freedom and
progress.

Generous American Support of UNICEF
Urged by President Kennedy

Statement by the President

White House press release dated October 13

The world's children offer our greatest promise
for the future. It gives me great pleasure to send
a message of congratulations and support to
UNICEF again this year.

The United Nations Children's Fund has
worked tirelessly and effectively across national
boundaries to help children escape the threat of
hunger and disease. Their program of education
in disease prevention, medical care and nutrition
has already had a real impact upon today's chil-
dren, and its benefits will be felt even more keenly
by the millions of children to come. We can feel
proud of the cooperative effort which has enabled
UNICEF to carry out its work.

UNICEF has caught the imagination of our
people — especially our nation's children whose
Halloween collections have become a symbol of
concern and an expression of tangible aid. I urge
all my fellow citizens, young and old, to support
UNICEF generously again this year.

John F. Kennedy

Edward J. King Named to U.S.-Canada
International Boundary Commission

The Department of State announced on October
13 (press release 705) that Edward J. King was
sworn in on that date as U.S. Commissioner on
the International Boundary Commission, United
States and Canada. Mr. King will succeed Samuel
L. Golan, whose resignation was recently accepted
by President Kennedy.

The International Boundary Commission,
United States and Canada, was created under the
provisions of the treaties between the United
States and Great Britain of April 21, 1906, April
11, 1908, and February 24, 1925.' The Commis-

'34 Stat. 2948, 35 Stat. 2003, and 44 Stat. 2102.

Department of Slate Bulletin

sion consists of a U.S. Commissioner, a Canadian
Commissioner, and their assistants. The Secre-
tary of State exercises jurisdiction over the U.S.
section of the Commission. Its purpose is to de-
fine, mark, and maintain tlie demarcation of the
international boundary line between the United
States and Canada.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

Fourth protocol of rectifications to the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 3,
1950. Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS
2747.

Fifth protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement,
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Torquay December 16,
1950. Entered into force June 30, 1953. TIAS 2764.

Torquay protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade and schedules of tariff concessions annexed
thereto. Done at Torquay April 21, 1951. Entered Into
force June 6, 1951. TIAS 2420.

First protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade. Done at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered
into force October 21, 1953. TIAS 2885.

Second protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade. Done at Geneva November 8, 1952. Entered
into force February 2, 1959. TIAS 4250.

Third protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts
of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade. Done at Geneva October 24, 1953. Entered
into force February 2, 1959. TIAS 4197.

MULTILATERAL

Atomic Energy

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Done
at New Yorl£ October 26, 1956. Entered into force
July 29. 1957. TIAS 3873.

Acceptance deposited: Congo (L^opoldville), October 10,
1961.

Sugar

International sugar agreement, 1958. Done at London
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1,
1959 ; for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS 4389.
Accession deposited: Paraguay, October 11, 1961.

Telecominunications

International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
. into force January 1, 1961.'

Ratifications deposited: Spain, August 19, 1961 ; Tunisia,

August 25, 1961 ; UlJrainian Soviet Socialist Republic,

August 30, 1961.=
Accession deposited: Gabon, September 21, 1961.
Application to: Trust Territory of Western Samoa,

August 22, 1961.
Ratified iy President of the United States: October 4,

1961.'
Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in-
ternational telecommunication convention, 1959. Done
at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force May
1, 1961.'
Ratified hy President of the United States: October 4,

1961.

Trade and Commerce

Acknowledged applicahle rights and obligations of the
United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 25, 1961, with
respect to the following:

Protocol modifying article XXVI of the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13,
1949. Entered into force March 28, 1950. TIAS 2300.

Third protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13,
1949. Entered into force October 21, 1951. TIAS 2393.

Annecy protocol of terms of accession to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy Octo-
ber 10, 1949. Entered into force for the United States
October 10, 1949. TIAS 2100.

BILATERAL

Australia

Agreement approving the procedures for reciprocal filing
of classified patent applications in the United States
and Australia. Effected by exchange of notes at Wash-
ington September 13 and October 2, 1961. Entered
into force October 2, 1961.

Belgium

Treaty of friendship, establishment and navigation, and
protocol. Signed at Brussels February 21, 1961.'
Ratified hy President of the United States: September
26, 1961.

Canada

Agreement relating to the extension and strengthening
of the continental air defense system. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Ottawa September 27, 1961. Entered
into force September 27, 1961.

France

Agreement for cooperation in the operation of atomic
systems for mutual defense purposes. Signed at Paris
July 27, 1961.
Entered into force: October 9, 1961.

Iceland

Agreement concerning the closeout of the collection ac-
count of the agricultural commodities agreement of
April 11, 1957 {TIAS 3792). Effected by exchange of
notes at Reykjavili May 3 and September 14, 1961.
Entered into force September 14, 1901.

Liberia

Agreement amending the agreement of August 8 and 15,
1960, relating to radio relay facilites in Liberia. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Monrovia July 11 and
24, 1961. Entered into force July 24, 1961.

Luxembourg

Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense as-
sistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 2014).
Effected by exchange of notes at Luxembourg Septem-
ber 18 and 22, 1961. Entered into force September
22, 1961.

' Not in force for the United States.
' With a declaration.

' Not In force.

Ocfober 30, 1 96 1

733

Paraguay

General agreement for economic, technical and related as-
sistance. Signed at Asuncion September 26, 1901. En-
tered into force Septeml)er 26. 1961.

General asrecment for technical cooperation, as amended
(TIAS 2645). Signed at Asuncion December 29, 1950.
Entered into force December 29, 1950. TIAS 2176.
Terminated: September 26, 1961 (superseded by agree-
ment of September 26, 1961, supra).

Uruguay

Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Effected
by exchange of notes at Montevideo September 26,
1961. Enters into force on the date of the note by
which Uruguay notifies the United States that the agree-
ment has been approved In accordance with its con-
stitutional procedures.

Viet-Nam

Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at Saigon
April 3, 1961.'

Ratified by President of the United States: September
26, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Appointments

Stanley L. McElroy as Special Assistant, Agency for
International Development, effective October 4. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
694 dated October 7.)

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale 6j/ the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may he ob-
tained from the Department of State.

United States Defense Areas in the Federation of The
West Indies. TIAS 4734. 33 pp. 65«.

Agreement, with annexes, with the Federation of The
West Indies. Signed at Port of Spain February 10,
1901. Entered into force February 10, 1961. With niera-
oranduni of understanding and agreed minute; And re-
lated exchange of notes between the British Parliamen-
tary Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies and the
Representative of the United States of America.

Settlement of United States Claim for Postwar Eco-
nomic Assistance to Germany — Purchase by the Deutsche
Bundesbank of Partial Amount of Claim. TIAS 4737.
6 pp. 5(f.

Agreement with the Federal Republic of Germany. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Bonn and Bonn/Bad Godes-
berg April 25, 1961. Entered into force April 25, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.
5(f.

TIAS 4743. 3 pp.

Agreement with Pakistan, amending the agreement of
April 11, 1960, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Karachi April 22, 1961. Entered into force April 22,
1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

5(f.

TIAS 4745. 4 pp.

Agreement with Colombia, relating to article III of the
agreement of April 16, 1957, as amended. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Bogota April 20, 1961. Entered into
force April 20, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.
50.

TIAS 4747. 3 pp.

Agreement with Colombia, amending the agreement of
October 6, 1959. Exchange of notes — Signed at Bogotfi
AprU 26, 1961. Entered into force April 26, 1961.

No.

Date

' Not in force.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 9-15

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin
which were issued prior to October 9 are Nos. 676
of September 30 ; 6S4 of October 4 ; and 693, 695, and
696 of October 7.

Subject

Cultural exchange (Latin America).

U.S. participation in International
conferences.

Black designated AID mission direc-
tor, Senegal (biographic details).

Recognition of Syrian Arab Republic.

Rusk : United Church Women.

Herder designated AID mission direc-
tor. El Salvador (biographic
details).

Exchange visits of U.S. and Japanese
Governors.

Program for visit of President of
Finland.

King sworn in as U.S. Commissioner,
U.S.-Cnnada International Bound-
ary Commission (rewrite).

Chief Minister of Uganda visits U.S.

Program for visit of President of Fin-
land.

U.S. and Soviet notes on distribution
of pamphlets on Berlin.

Program for visit of President of
Liberia.

*697 10/9

*698 10/9

•699 10/9

700 10/10

701 10/11
•702 10/11

703 10/11

•704 10/12

705 10/13

706 10/13
•707 10/14

708 10/13

•709 10/14

•Not printed.

734

Department of State Bulletin'

October 30, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1166

American Principles. Interpreting and Extending

the Dimensions of Democracy (Louchheim) . . 725

Argentina. President Kennedy Holds Tallis With

President of Argentina 719

Atomic Energy. Secretary Rusls Interviewed on

"Prospects of Manliind'' (Roosevelt, Rusk) . . 70S

Canada

Edward J. King Named to U.S.-Canada Inter-
national Boundary Commission 732

International Investment and the Problems of

Economic Growth (Martin) 710

China. United States Congratulates China on 50th
Anniversary of Revolution (Kennedy) .... 719

Cuba

U.S. Replies to Cuban Charges in U.N. General
Assembly (Stevenson) 731

U.S. States Policy on Recognition of a Cuban Gov-
ernment in Exile (Coerr, Reap) 716

Department and Foreign Service. Appointments

(McElroy) 734

Disarmament. U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major

Issues (Rusk) 702

Economic Affairs

International Investment and the Problems of Eco-
nomic Growth (Martin) 710

New Schedule for Depreciation of Textile Machin-
ery Announced 730

Panamanian Economic Mission Concludes Talks

at Washington 728

President Concurs in Finding on Imports of Dried
Figs 730

U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major Issues (Rusk) . 702

Germany

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Prospects of Man-
kind" (Roosevelt, Rusk) 708

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request on Distribut-
ing U.S. Views on Berlin (texts of U.S. and
Soviet notes) 717

Immigration and Naturalization. Immigration and
Refugee Problems (Cieplinski) 727

International Organizations and Conferences.
Generous American Support of UNICEF Urged
by President Kennedy 732

Japan. Department To Support Visit of Governors

to Japan 721

Mutual Security

International Investment and the Problems of Eco-
nomic Growth (Martin) 710

McElroy appointed AID special assistant .... 734
U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major Issues (Rusk) . 702

Panama. Panamanian Economic Mission Concludes

Talks at Washington 728

Presidential Documents

Generous American Support of UNICEF Urged by

President Kennedy 732

President Abboud of Sudan Visits United States
October 4-14 721

President Kennedy Holds Talks With President of

Argentina 719

The Public Responsibility of Educated Men . . . 699
United States Congratulates China on 50th Anniver-
sary of Revolution 719

Public Affairs

The Public Responsibility of Educated Men (Ken-
nedy) 699

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request on Distribut-
ing U.S. Views on Berlin (texts of U.S. and So-
viet notes) 717

Publications. Recent Releases 734

Recognition

Acts of Recognition Since 1953 716

U.S. Recognizes Government of Syrian Arab Repub-
lic 715

U.S. States Policy on Recognition of a Cuban Gov-
ernment in Exile (Coerr, Reap) 716

Refugees. Immigration and Refugee Problems

(Cieplinski) 727

Sudan. President Abboud of Sudan Visits United
States October 4-14 (Abboud, Kennedy, and text
of joint communique) 721

Syrian Arab Republic. U.S. Recognizes Govern-
ment of Syrian Arab Republic 715

Treaty Information. Current Actions 733

Uganda. Chief Minister of Uganda Visits United

States 701

U.S.S.R.

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Prospects of Man-
kind" (Roosevelt, Rusk) 708

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request on Distribut-
ing U.S. Views on Berlin (texts of U.S. and So-
viet notes) 717

United Nations

The U.N., a Forum for ReaflSrming Man's Common

Humanity (Stevenson) 724

U.S. Foreign Policy : Four Major Issues (Rusk) . . 702
U.S. Replies to Cuban Charges in U.N. General
Assembly (Stevenson) 731

Name Index

Abboud, Ibrahim 722

Cieplinski, Michel 727

Coerr, Wymberley DeR 716

Frondizi, Arturo 719

Kennedy, President 699, 719, 721

King, Edward J 732

Kiwanuka, Benedicto 701

Louchheim, Mrs. Katie 725

Martin, Edwin M 710

McElroy, Stanley L 734

Reap, Joseph W 716

Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor 708

Rusk, Secretary 702. 708

Stevenson, Adlal E 724, 731

U.S. SOVERNMEHT rRIHTIKG OFFICEi 19SI

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Department

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m

i

n

OFFICIAL BUSINESS

"LET US CALL A TRUCE TO TERROR"

. . . Let us call a truce to terror. Let us

invoke the blessings of peace. And, as we
build an international capacity to keep
peace, let us join in dismantling the na-
tioruil capacity to wage war.

The above quotation is from President Kennedy's address before the
United Nations General Assembly, September 25, 1961. The full text
of his address, which is available in this 23-page pamphlet, covers the
following subjects :

Dedication to U.N. Charter and World Law
Plan for General and Complete Disarmament
Proposals To Halt Testing and Nuclear Arms Kace
Worldwide Law and Law Enforcement
Extending the Rule of Law to Outer Space
United Nations Decade of Development
Colonialism and the Principle of Free Choice
Two Threats to the Peace
Responsibilities of U.N. General Assembly

Publication 7282

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"LET US CALL A TRUCE TO TERROR"

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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

^io^

Vol. XLV, No. 1167

November 6, 1961

THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS, A CONTINUING

REVOLUTION • hy Under Secretary Bowles .... 739

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF

OCTOBER 18 746

THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE WESTERN HEM-
ISPHERE • by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson . . . 754

MR. MCCLOY RESIGNS AS ADVISER TO PRESIDENT,
REPORTS ON U.S. ACTIVITIES IN FIELD OF
DISARMAMENT AND ARMS CONTROL 762

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1167 • Publication 7296
November 6, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing OflQce

Washington 25, D.C.

Price:

62 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25

Single copy, 25 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion apiiroved by the Director of the liiu-eau
of the Budget (January 10, 1901).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items conlalne<l herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
07 State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed in the
Readers' Quide to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETINS includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made 6y the President and by
t/ie Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is inchided concerning treaties
and international agreements to
whicli the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

The Alliance for Progress, a Continuing RevoSution

hy Under Secretary Bowles '■

It is a great pleasure for me to meet with you
here at the binational institute to discuss the prob-
lems and prospects of the Alliance for Progress.^

This great partnership is designed to strike at
the roots of poverty and injustice throughout
Latin America and to enable the people and gov-
ernments of our 21 nations to strengthen their free
institutions by peaceful, democratic means. If we
are to succeed in this task, understanding and co-
operation between our two great neighboring
democracies is essential. Therefore let us briefly
review the situation which confronts us.

We live at a sober moment in history. Our
generation faces changes, dangers, and opportuni-
ties which are utterly without precedent. Every-
where the world which our fathers knew is being
challenged by powerful new revolutionary forces.
What are these forces ?

In a little more than a decade we have seen
nearly a billion people in Asia and Africa throw
off colonial rule to reclaim their independence or
to establish new nations. We have seen the march
of science pave the way for technological devel-
opments which our grandparents could scarcely
have imagined. We have seen the impact of this
new technology reach into the most remote villages
as people come suddenly to realize that illiteracy,
ill health, and injustice are not part of God's plan
for the unfortunate but evils to be met and
mastered.

At the same time we have seen the quickening

'Address made before the Mexican-North American
Cultural Institute at Mexico, D.F., on Oct. 19 (press
release 721).

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471,
and Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.

pace of military science multiply the destructive-
ness of modern weapons to a point where a single
miscalculation can now wipe out life on much of
this earth.

This situation poses some hard questions: For
instance, can the well-fed and comfortable minor-
ity of mankind participate as leaders and part-
ners in the process of peaceful revolutionary
change? Or is it fated by its own fears and in-
hibitions to stand uneasily on the sidelines, frus-
trated and ineffective ?

These questions are relevant not only to indi-
viduals but also to nations. They are particularly
relevant to my own country, the United States.

History records that some privileged societies
have had the wisdom to adjust themselves success-
fully to rapidly changing political, economic, and
social conditions beyond their borders. But I can
remember no instance of a nation so favored as
my own becoming a vigorous and effective partid-
pant in the process of such change.

The challenge to the people and the Government
of the United States is clear : Can we become his-
tory's first great exception ? I deeply believe that
we can, and, because the success or failure of the
Alliance for Progress depends in large measure on
the attitudes and convictions which my country
brings to it, I would like briefly to explain why.

Worldwide Significance of American Revolution

In spite of our mistakes and occasional de-
partures from our democratic principles, we are
deeply committed to the imiversal human values
of justice and social responsibility, and this com-
mitment has been reflected in many of our in-
stitutions and traditions.

November 6, 7967

739

In the first place, our American Revolution has
been a continuing revolution through wliich gen-
eration after generation has dealt effectively and
in great depth with changing economic and so-
cial, as well as political, forces. George Wash-
ington's Revolutionary armies gave us freedom
from colonial rule. Yet this was not the climax
of our Revolution ; it was the beginning.

Geoi'ge Washington was closely followed by a
great political revolutionary, Thomas Jefferson,
author of our Declaration of Independence, who
was determined tliat the new nation should be
ruled by its people and not an elite of the for-
tunate and "well born." Jefferson, in turn, was
succeeded by such dedicated exponents of peace-
ful economic and social change as Andrew Jack-
son, Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson, and
Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Each of these leaders was opposed in his time
by those who stood in the way of change. But
through the democratic process each mustered de-
cisive support behind policies designed to assure
an increasing measure of economic and social jus-
tice for all of our people.

Moreover, from our earliest beginnings, we
believed that the principles of our American
Revolution had worldwide significance. It was
Jefferson who said, "The American Revolution is
intended for all mankind." The mass of mankind,
he added, "was not born with saddles on their
backs, for a favored few, booted and spurred,
ready to ride them by the grace of God."

Jefferson's vision of a democratic, peaceful rev-
olution whose benefits were meant to be shared by
all men has stayed with us throughout our history,
and we have often supplied the words and acts
that have kindled men's spirits. "The right of
revolution," said Lincoln, "is a most sacred right ;
a right which we believe is to liberate the world."
Our Revolution, he thought, would lead the way
to ease the lot of peoples "over a great 2)ortion of
the globe."

With Franklin D. Roosevelt, who outlined our
good-neighbor policy in the 1930's, this peaceful
revolutionary tradition was further reinforced.
His four freedoms — freedom of speech and ex-
pression, freedom to worsliip God in one's own
way, freedom from want, and freedom from fear —
were intended, in his own words, for "everywhere
in the world."

American Tradition of Self-Help

A second factor which gives me confidence in
the ability of my country to participate effectively
in this great revolutionary adventure is our tradi-
tion of self-lielp, of working together with our
neighbors in behalf of a common goal.

It was in this tradition that we built up the vast
rural sections of our o^vn developing counti'v.
Hard work and imagination were combined with
a sense of neighborly cooperation in seeking the
conmion good. And it was the village school-
house, which provided education free for every
child, that invariably received first priority. The
result was communities in which men, women, and
children of all ages and occupations developed a
sense of belonging, of participation, of indi\ndual
dignity.

A strong contributing factor to this deeply
rooted sense of individual dignity and security
was our belief that each farmer has the right to
own his own land and to devote his energies to
improving its productivity. One of our first acts
after winning our independence in 1783 was to
repeal the British colonial laws which had pro-
tected large estates. In 1862 our Congress passed
the Homestead Act, which provided 160 acres free
to every family willing and able to farm them.

In the depression-ridden 1930's our national
commitment to the farmer-owned, family-sized
farm resulted in laws to provide long-term loans
at vei-y low interest rates to stop mortgage fore-
closures and otherwise to protect the farmer's abil-
ity to work out his own future on his own land.

Since World War II our deeply rooted belief
that private ownership of the land is the very
foundation of stable, democratic societies has been
reflected in American foreign policy.

Perhaps the most radical land reform in modern
history was launched in Japan, immediately fol-
lowing the war, by General MacArthur. Before
Pearl Harbor less than one-third of Japanese
farmers were landowners. As a result of the re-
forms introduced by General MacArthur, 92 per-
cent of all Japanese rural families now own their
own land, on which they are producing more food
and fiber per acre than anywhere in the world.

Nearly a half centun' ago we accepted another
economic doctrine which in many parts of Latin
America is still considered radical — the progres-
sive income tax. This tax called upon each citizen

740

Department of State Bulletin

to contribute to the welfare and security of our
country in proportion to his earnings.

Not only has this tax helped create a sense of
economic justice in the United States; contrary
to the predictions of its early opponents, it has
helped foster rapid economic growth and increased
capital investment. Indeed, the three nations with
the highest per capita income and perhaps the
fairest distribution of wealth in the world are those
with the highest graduated income taxes, coupled
with generous incentives for investment ; they are
the United States, Canada, and the United
Kingdom.

The corporation tax on annual business earnings
above $25,000 is now set at 52 percent. On top of
that is a tax on personal income that rises rapidly
as incomes rise to a top level of 90 percent. This
means that a United States cor|3oration earning a
million dollars gross profit pays $520,000 to the
Federal Government. If the remaining $480,000
is passed on as dividends to individual stock-
holders, it is taxed on a steeply graduated basis as
personal income. I do not suggest that taxes as
high as these are called for in a developing
counti-y. I mention them only to imderscore the
effort which we are making at home.

Lessons of Experience

This, then, is the experience, tradition, and
spirit that we bring to economic development in
other countries.

In our efforts to help other nations ease their
poverty and expand their economies following
World War II, we made many mistakes. Yet out
of (his expei-ience has come a clearer understand-
ing of the obstacles to rapid political, economic,
and social growth and how these obstacles can
l»st be overcome.

As •s^o consider the possibilities and pitfalls of
tlie challenging new Alliance for Progress, we
sliould, I believe, face certain hard facts.

For instance, we have learned by experience
that there is a strict limitation on what any for-
eign nation can do for others, regardless of the
extent of its resources and good will. Neither
prosperity nor freedom can be bestowed on one
people by another. They must be earned by hard
work, initiative, and often through sacrifice.

For instance, there must be a willingness among
the educated, privileged minority to forgo some

immediate gains in a common effort, to create free
societies, which alone can assure political, social,
and economic growth by peaceful means.

Wo have also learned that we cannot apply pat
answers willy-nilly to widely varying situations.

In Africa, for instance, the greatest barrier to
economic and political progress is the lack of well-
trained men and women to lead the forward surge.
Education and training on a mass basis are re-
quired to break this bottleneck and to provide the
African nations with a new capacity to develop
their capital and human resources.

In Asia a totally different situation exists. In
most Asian countries the central fact is the pres-
sure of a great and rapidly expanding population
against a limited resource base. Here the require-
ments are not only for more trained people but for
the outside capital which is essential to an indus-
trial and agricultural breakthrough.

Latin America presents a different kind of chal-
lenge. Here we find a rich cultural heritage based
on a common tradition. Here are nations which
150 years ago threw off the shackles of foreign
domination. Here are peoples with vast, untapped
natural resources.

In Mexico, as in the United States, an increasing
measure of economic and social justice has gone
hand in hand with political freedom. The revolu-
tion which began here a half century ago con-
tinues to influence the public life of your country.
The Mexican people, therefore, have a special re-
spect for and understanding of the dynamic power
of the democratic process.

In many other Latin American nations, how-
ever, the revolutionary process petered out once the
great liberators had broken the colonial ties. In
spite of the courageous and dedicated efforts of
many great democratic leaders, the economic and
social reforms that alone can give depth and
dignity to any society were often stifled or di-
verted. And because the essential economic and
social changes have not been forthcoming in many
Latin American nations, great wealth often exists
side by side with abject poverty.

In particular, the cry for land has created deep-
seated frustration and bitterness. The Spaniards
and Portuguese who seized control of Latin Amer-
ica in the 16th, I7th, and 18th centuries introduced
feudal institutions from Europe. "Wlien the colo-
nial ties were broken in the early 19th century, the

November 6, 7967

741

dominant role of the large landlords was, in most
parts of the continent, largely unchallenged.
Today it is said that 1.5 percent of the people of
Latin America — those with 15,000 or more acres
each — own half of all agricultural land. As a
result, a majority of Latin Americans are poor
tenant farmers, often deeply in debt to their
landlords.

If this antiquated rural system produced an
adequate supply of food and fiber at reasonable
prices, the social and economic injustices would
be less apparent. However, because so much
land has been set aside for cash crops and because
farming methods are largely outdated, many
Latin Americans continue to suffer diet
deficiencies.

There is urgent need for greater productivity,
tJirough expanded savings, capital investment,
and training; also the wiser use of existing re-
sources, greater sensitivity to human needs, and
a more just distribution of wealth which already
exists.

Poverty must be recognized as a form of tyr-
anny in itself; economic development as a liberat-
ing force. Yet economic development will fail
in its purposes if its benefits go primarily to a
wealthy elite.

Our task, therefore, is not only to bake a bigger
economic pie but to take greater care in how the
pie is sliced. Improved education and health,
moreover, should be looked upon not only as the
fruits of development but as a means to develop-
ment. For this reason they are doubly important.

We in the LTnited States deeply admire the ef-
forts of the Government and people of Mexico
to secure a more just economic and social balance.
In the course of j'our revolution I understand that
more than 50 million acres have been distributed
to the peasants and tliat your net real income
has been multiplied five times in the last 25 years —
a record matched by few nations in the world.

Objectives of Alliance for Progress

The Alliance for Progress provides the basis
for a partnership of nations designed to bring
a fresh, democratic approach to the economic and
social problems of the whole Western Hemisphere.
How can such a partnership best be developed?
How should the role of each partner be defined
and understood ?

In September 1960 the Act of Bogota ' stressed
that economic and social development can only
succeed if it is a two-way street. "The success
of a cooperative program of economic and social
progress," it said, "will require maximum self-
help efforts on the part of the American republics
and, in many cases, the improvement of existing
institutions and practices, particularly in the
fields of taxation, the ownership and use of land,
education and training, health and housing."

In August 1961, at Punta del Este, the Declara-
tion to the Peoples of America * on the Alliance
for Progress was even more precise. "Unjust
structures and systems of land tenure and use"
were condemned. Programs of integrated agrar-
ian reform in accordance with the characteristics
of each country to assure that "the land will be-
come for the man who works it . . . the founda-
tion of his increasing welfare, and the guarantee
of his freedom and dignity" were vigorously
endorsed.

The declaration called for tax laws, demanding
more from those who have most, to punish tax
evasion severely, and to redistribute the national
income "in order to benefit those who are most in
need, while, at the same time, promoting savings
and investment and reinvestment of capital."

The declaration finally expressed the conviction
that "these profound economic, social, and cul-
tural changes can come about only through the
self-help efforts of each country."

In early September the Congress of the United
States passed economic aid legislation ^ which in-
corporated these principles and spelled out Presi-
dent Kennedy's responsibility in allocating the
funds which were made available. For instance,
this new legislation states that in making loans
and grants to developing nations the President
shall "take into account . . . the extent to which
the recipient country is showing a responsiveness
to the vital economic, political, and social concerns
of its people, and demonstrating a clear determina-
tion to take effective self-help measures. . . ."

The legislation also stresses the need for compre-
hensive, well-thought-through plans which will
guard against waste and corruption. It calls for
special encouragement to integrated rural com-

' For text, see ihU}., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537.

* For text, see ihid., Sept. 11, 19G1, p. 462.

• Public Law 87-195.

742

Department of State Bulletin

munities to help assure greater opportunity and
justice to those who till the soil. In its specific
reference to Latin America, the new economic as-
sistance program emphasizes that aid should be
given "in accordance with the principles of the
Act of Bogota."

Essentials of Successful Development Program

These, then, are our clearly stated objectives.
Wliat about the program itself? Although tech-
niques, standards, and specific programs are still
in the development stage, a few general points
may be considered.

A challenge which requires particularly prompt
and careful consideration lies in the rural areas,
where 60 to 70 percent of the people of Latin
America now live. In dealing with this question
we must look beyond the popular slogans which
call vaguely for "land reform." Although in-
dividual or cooperative land ownership is essential
to the development of dynamic rural communities,
it is not enough in itself. If rural families are
to achieve the increasing dignity and opportunity
which they so urgently seek, government extension
services must be created to promote modern farm-
ing methods and the more efficient use of resources.
Moreover, such extension services should include
carefully integrated programs for the development
of health clinics, schools, and roads.

Low-interest loans must also be made available
and cooperatives formed so that whole communi-
ties may learn to work together to lift themselves
up by their bootstraps. Where feasible, streams
must be dammed and tube wells dug to provide
water for irrigation.

By encouraging all able-bodied people in the
commimity to volunteer their labor in building
these new facilities, the extension worker can fur-
ther increase their sense of individual pride and
participation. One overriding lesson has emerged
from our recent experience in working with rural
societies: Only when programs for rural better-
ment are carefully integrated are human energies
fully released.

Let me suggest with particular emphasis that no
country that aspires to economic development can
say that it cannot afford to educate its children.
It cannot afford not to educate its children. Nor
can it afford not to conserve the health of its
people.

Another essential form of self-help which was
stressed in both the Act of Bogota and the recent
conference at Punta del Este is the graduated in-
come tax. Such tax systems are needed to soak up
idle profits, while offering dynamic incentives for
capital investment in productive new enterprises.

Although we have no desire to interfere in the
affairs of others, we know from hard experience
that sharp and showy differences between rich and
poor breed bitter mirest and frustration among
the less privileged.

Another condition essential to increasing do-
mestic investment and to successful development
is a rational relationship between the currency of
the developing nation and that of those with which
it trades.

May I add that I do not see why my Govern-
ment or any other capital contributor should be
asked for loans or grants to replace runaway in-
digenous capital that could be kept at home by the
same kind of curbs with which the British helped
restore the soundness of their »iConomy following
the war.

Role of the United States

I have offered these views in a spirit of genuine
humility. We do not pretend to know all the
answers to the complex problems of economic and
social development. Yet the lessons we have
learned have been learned by the harsh process of
trial and error and often have been learned at very
great cost. It is in that spirit that I share them
with you tonight.

Now what precisely is the United States pre-
pared to do to help those nations which are taking
the essential steps to help themselves in the spirit
of the Act of Bogota ?

Each nation will present its own special needs
and opportunities. However, substantial sums are
available from a variety of agencies for loans and
grants for development programs; also teclmical
specialists for planning, operations, and develop-
ment; agricultural products such as wheat, maize,
powdered milk, and fats ; and Peace Corps volim-
teers, largely recruited from our universities, to
help in teaching, surveying, and other projects.

Studies are also under way which we hope may
lead to agreements that will provide assured fair
prices for various commodities which are vital to
tlie prosperity of Latin American countries.

November 6, J967

743

Working Partners in a Great International Eflort

The issue before us can be bluntly stated : What
we jointly pledfjed under the terms of the Act of
Bogota is no less than a continuing peaceful,
democratic revolution calling in many cases for
drastic change from the old ways.

How fully have we weighed the implications of
this pronomicement ? How clearly have we sensed
the formidable difficulties which lie ahead ? They
stem from several sources: from a sense of hope-
lessness among millions of impoverished peasants
and slum dwellers, from the conviction among
many important political leaders that constructive,
peaceful change is impossible, and from the op-
position of economic interests which are unwilling
to face the hard realities of today's revolutionary
world.

It would be folly for us to underestimate these
difficulties. Yet we should take heart at the grow-
ing support among influential leaders and groups
for the programs which will be required to meet
our stated objectives.

In April 1957, for instance, the Fourth Inter-
national Catholic Congress on Rural Life Prob-
lems was held in Santiago, Chile. The conference
concluded that the establishment of small, inde-
pendently owned farms was the key to the free-
dom, stability, and progress of Latin America and
of most of the underdeveloped world.

"All men have a right to live lives worthy of
human beings," the charter adopted by the
Catholic Congress said. "God does not will that
some shall enjoy extravagant riches while others
. . . lack even the barest necessities." The charter
wisely observed that the necessary changes in the
old pattern of society cannot be achieved merely
by exhortation. "A certain measure of inter-
vention," it stressed, "must be provided by the
national governments."

To men of stout hearts and deep conviction, our
age offers an exciting opportunity to lead and to
participate in a great international eii'ort for dem-
ocratic development. The challenge is particu-
larly great for younger men and women who have
so much to gain by the success of this movement
and so much to lose by its failure.

This is no task for the timid or the doctrinaire.
We must steer a pragmatic middle course between
the naive assumption that the world can be re-
made overnight and the panicky fear of ideolog-
ical hobgoblins.

The Communists did not create the wave of
revolutionary change which is now sweeping
Latin America, '^^1lat they are seeking to do is to
ride this wave for their own destructive purposes.
If every Commimist turned in his card tomorrow,
this so-called "revolution of rising expectations"
with all its fennent and vast potential for chaos
or improvement would still be with us.

Lenin proclaimed communism to be the wave
of the futui'e. More and more, however, it has
emerged as a sterile doctrine which rejects both
the univei-sal moral values and the clear lessons
of history. _

We should never underestimate the achieve- :|
ments of Soviet industry and science. Nor should
we allow our own military power ever to sag be-
low the levels necessary for our mutual defense.
However, when the record of our time is written,
I believe it will be agreed that whatever the Soviet
Union has accomplished in a material sense has
been achieved not by communism but in spite of it.

For the last 16 years Communists have con-
trolled every kindergarten, school, and college in
East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia,
Rumania, and Bulgaria. From morning to night
students in these schools have been exposed to
Communist textbooks. Communist libraries, Com-
munist teachers, Communist radios, and Commu-
nist speeches.

Precisely what has been achieved by this mas-
sive Communist indoctrination ? In October 1956,
the answer was spelled out in the streets of Buda-
pest, when 25,000 young Hungarians were killed
fighting Soviet tanks. It is reflected today in the
bitter attitudes of the young students in Poland,
Rumania, East Germany, and other satellite
nations.

And what about that great "competition be-
tween two economic systems" that the Kremlin has
been demanding since the war? Haven't we had
precisely such a competition between East and
West Germany — the former operating under a
Communist totalitarian system and the latter free
and independent ? Does any objective man doubt
the results?

In 10 years some 4 million East Germans, most
of them under 25 years of age, left their homes to
live in West Germany. In August, when the flow
of refugees reached 3,000 daily, the Soviets were
forced to establish a barbed wire and concrete

744

Department of Slate Bulletin

barrier and to block the escape routes with
machineguns.

No, communism is not our greatest hurdle. The
principal obstacle lies within ourselves.

The challenge for us and our generation is
abundantly clear: Can we, the citizens of such
free nations as Mexico and the United States, for-
get past differences and misunderstandings to be-
come working partners in the extraordinary
political, economic, and social revolution which
now involves most of mankind? Can we put
aside our own narrow, selfish interests to help
build the dynamic democratic societies which alone
can offer people of all races, religions, and creeds
the opportmiities and the justice which they seek?

We have all made mistakes, and there is much
to be done in our countries. Yet over the years
the record of the United States and Mexico in sup-
port of peaceful, democratic change both at home
and abroad has been a proud record.

In the spirit of our own continuing revolutions,
therefore, let us join with our 225 million neigh-
bors to the soutli in this great adventure in inter-
national cooperation — the Alliance for Progress.
There is no time to waste. As President Lopez
Mateos recently said, "At Punta del Este, the door
was open to the hopes of the people. A delay or
inefficiency in the action agreed upon will produce
a bitterness of total despair."

Your President has accurately stated the chal-
lenge. Let us accept it together boldly and with
high hopes.

Letters of Credence

Brazil

The newly appointed Ambassador of Brazil,
Roberto de Oliveira Campos, presented his creden-
tials to President Kennedy on October 18. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press release
717 dated October 18.

Laos

The newly appomted Ambassador of Laos,
Prince Khampan, presented his credentials to

President Kennedy on October 17. For texts of
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of State press release 715
dated October 17.

Liberia

The newly appointed Ambassador of Liberia,
S. Edward Peal, presented his credentials to Presi-
dent Kennedy on October 19. For texts of the
Ambassador's remarks and the President's reply,
see Department of State press release 722 dated
October 19.

U.S. Commemorates 5th Anniversary
of Hungarian National Uprising

Department Statement

Press release 727 dated October 20

Five years ago Hungarian patriots bravely
struggled against tremendous odds in an effort to
win national independence and the freedoms to
which all manlcind and all nations are entitled. In
complete disregard of the principle of self-de-
termination Soviet military forces brutally inter-
vened to suppress this national uprising of the
Hungarian people.

The United Nations has repeatedly condemned
this Soviet intervention and the accompanying
Soviet violations of human rights and freedoms.
The Soviet Government stands in defiance of the
United Nations by refusing to comply with its
expressed will. It continues to hold subject not
only the Hungarian nation but other peoples of
Eastern Europe.

On this fifth anniversary of the Hungarian na-
tional uprising free men everywhere will pay
tribute to the valor of the Hungarian people and
reaffirm their respect for Hungary's struggle
against Soviet imperialism. It is also fitting to
assure the Hungarian people that they are not
alone in their just aspirations for freedom and
national independence. The free world, as well
as the other Eastern European peoples, will not
forget the sacrifices of the Hungarian patriots for
the ideas we all share.

HoM&mher 6, 196?

745

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of October 18

Press release 720 dated October 18

Secretary Rusk : Before we start let me say that
our meeting in this room is frankly experimental.
As some of you know, we were not entirely satis-
fied with the large auditorium, where we were
swallowed up. But if you have any reactions as
to place after today's experience in this room,
please pass them along to Mr. Tubby or Mr. 'Wliite,
and we will do our best to settle down in a place
that is generally satisfactory.

I know that you will wish to know whether I
have any comments on Chairman Khrushchev's
speech of yesterday.' Let me say that I have not
yet received the full text in translation and would
not wish to characterize it in general terms. In
a speech of this character the excerpts which are
received early might be affected by additional
material which would be in the complete text, and
these matters in fine print sometimes are im-
portant. From the portions which I have seen it
is clear tliat Chairman Klirushchev ranged widely
over the field of foreign affairs and said a good
many things which could not be supported by the
record.

Today, however, I would comment on one state-
ment he made. He said :

If the Western Powers show readiness to settle the
German problem, then the question of the time of signing
a German peace treaty will not be of such importance.
We shall then not insist that the peace treaty be signed
without fail by 31 December, 1961.

Tliis confirms publicly what has been said in
private talks, including our talks with Mr. Gro-
myko [Andrei A. Gromyko, Soviet Minister of
Foreign Affairs]. His public statement, indicat-
ing that he does not assert an ultimatum with
respect to time, may serve to reduce tension some-
what. But his jrencral observations about the

' Mr. Khrushchev addressed the 22d Congress of the
Soviet Communist Party on Oct. 17.

German and Berlin problems show little, if any,
change from what has been said before. He did
not go into details, but one would not expect him
to in a general review of this character.

Our discussions in recent weeks with the Soviet
Union are properly called exploratory talks.
They have not been negotiations but an attempt
to discover whether a basis for negotiation exists.
In this process we have kept our allies fully in-
formed, both through the ambassadorial group
in Washington and in NATO.

Wlien a serious and dangerous difference arises,
there are various ways of dealing with it. One
would be for the two sides to growl publicly at
each other until something happens. Another is
to establish contact in order to clarify the situa-
tion and to guard against a catastrophe which
might be brought on by ignorance, miscalculation,
or mistake. In the modern world I believe that it
is important that great powers not lose contact
with each other in the presence of a severe dis-
agreement. Exploratory talks can clarify an un-
derstanding of vital issues and our determination
to defend them. They can also discover whether
there is any basis for negotiations which might
lead to a peaceful conclusion. We believe that
responsible statesmen must keep in touch with
each other — not despite the difficulties and dangers
but because of them.

If systematic negotiation can occur at some
point, that does not insure that an agreement can
be readied. The object would be to reach an agree-
ment which fully protects the legitimate vital in-
terests of botli sides. But since governments have,
not unexpectedly, different views as to what these
interests are, negotiation does not always succeed.

Tliere has been considerable speculation about
differences among the Western Allies with respect
to tlio liandling of the problem of Germany and
Berlin. I do not wish to pretend that there have
not been differences, but it is important for us to

746

Department of State Bulletin

know, and for Mr. Klirvislichev to know, wliat these
do and do not mean. There is complete agreement
in the West on the nature of our vital interests in
Germany and Berlin and on the necessity for de-
fending those vital interests. There is general
agreement on the need for preparations to meet
a severe crisis if one develops. There has been
some disagreement on the timing and nature of
contacts with the Soviet Union ; these have more
to do with procedure than with substance. It
would not be correct to believe that there is any
crisis within the "West with respect to Germany
and Berlin. Consultations among the Four Pow-
ers most directly involved in Germany and Berlin
continue on a daily basis, and on a regular basis
in NATO. Whether a particular group of experts
meets in a particular place, or whether tentative
arrangements for such a meeting do not material-
ize, is not as important as the basic unity on which
we are proceeding and the regiilar consultations
which are going forward.

Peruvian Proposal to OAS on Cuba

I might also make a brief comment on the im-
portant subject raised yesterday in the Organiza-
tion of American States by the Peruvian Ambas-
sador.

We are giving active and thorough attention to
the important Peruvian proposal of yesterday to
the Council of the OAS that a committee be des-
ignated to investigate abuses of civil liberties and
Cuban interventionist activities in other Ameri-
can countries. It is essential that the governments
of the Americas review how they can best meet
tlieir responsibilities to protect the security of
their peoples and that of the hemisphere as a
whole, and how efforts being made or contemplated
within the OAS to gain these objectives can be
best handled.

Peruvian Ambassador [Juan Batista de] La-
valle, in his presentation to the Council of the
OAS, eloquently described the causes for hemi-
sphere-wide concern with developments in Cuba
since the Castro government transformed that
country into an accomplice of the Sino-Soviet
bloc.

We may be certain the world will be watching
the OAS approach to the Cuban problem. The
central question here, as it is in other parts of
the world, is: Can people who are devoted to a
world of free choice, opposed to a world of coer-

cion, keep Communist intervention from under-
mining and destroying independent nations?
Now I am ready for your questions.

Exploratory Talks on Berlin

Q. Mr. Secretary., you Jiave spoken of possible
negotiations with Russia on Berlin. Would you
spell out at all what the criteria are as to token
■we migJit enter that phase?

A. I would anticipate that what I referred to
as exploratory talks would continue in order to
discover whether there is a satisfactory basis for
negotiation. Those talks may occur in a variety
of ways. As you know, Ambassador [Llewellyn
E.] Thompson is here for detailed briefing and
consultation and will be returning shortly. I
understand that the British Ambassador in Mos-
cow is returning for similar consultation. Per-
haps other Western ambassadors in Moscow may
do the same. But that would give us a variety
of channels and opportunities for pursuing these
exploratory talks somewhat further.

Q. Mr. Secretary, a dispatch from Moscow a
few moments ago reported that the Soviet Union
had sent a new note to the Western Powers, and
it is presumed to he on the question of access to
Berlin. Could you tell us anything at all aiout
this?

A. No, quite frankly, and this is another in-
stance where the press is faster than diplomatic
cables. I have not had information about that
note.

Q. Mr. Secretary, it is clear you handled this
group of experts, what you called your '■'■four wise
men''' — there has been some confusion — toill these
four wise men, or senior officers, meet, and if yes,
where, and if not, why?

A. Well, you know, I quite frankly have been
a little surprised at the importance that this par-
ticular meeting has assumed. I suppose this is
partly because, with a matter that is being han-
dled primarily through private talks of one sort
or another, anything which becomes visible be-
comes news. But I have been surprised, for ex-
ample, to have people suppose that the ambas-
sadorial group here in Washington is supposed
to be a low-level group and that this special
meeting of experts is a higher level group.

November 6, 7967

747

We have the most responsible possible means of
consultation here — they are meeting at this in-
stant— through the ambassadors. Now if on oc-
casion, as has occurred in the past, it is desirable
for a particular group to get together for more in-
tensive work in one of the other capitals on a par-
ticular aspect of its work, that may occur. But
this particular arrangement did not seem to com-
mend itself to all the governments involved, and so
tentative plans did not fully materialize.

Q. Mr. Secretary., you spoke, sir, of general
Western agreement on substance hut some differ-
ence on principles.

A. I beg your pardon — on procedure.

Q. Some differences on procedure. Do you feel,
Mr. Secretary, that hefore there can he any agree-
ment on procedure something more has to he de-
veloped in the exploratory talks, and if so, could
you give us some indication of what?

A. I think that we have indicated publicly, as
well as privately, that the framework of negotia-
tion to which the Soviets most frequently refer
is too narrow, that a discussion about a peace
treaty with Gennany and a solution of the prob-
lem of West Berlin on that basis is too restric-
tive an agenda for serious discussions of the
problems of Germany and Berlin.

That certainly would be one of the points that
would have to be further clarified, and tliere would
be others. But I hope you will understand that
I do not wish to get into the substantive points
of negotiation at this stage, when it would not be
helpful for me to do so.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you heJieve that ths ex-
ploratory talks can get under way again hefore
the German'^ have formally established a new
government?

A. I think that would not be an obstacle. The
exploratory talks did occur before the new govern-
ment was formed and announced. We have been
in close touch with Bonn on these matters. I do
not anticipate any change, any significant change,
in German policy on the mutter. We fully under-
stand each other on these problems. So that I
would think tliat this is not a major point thei-e.

There will be, of course, a great deal of Allied
consultation to review what the Gromyko talks
came up with and of course to review carefully

tlie speech of Mr. Khrushchev before the Party
Congress, and this will affect the nature and the
timing of further exploratory talks.

Q. Mr. Secretary, it is generally agreed that the
differences hetiveen the Allies center around the
U.S. and British desire to keep negotiations going,
the French and West Germans'' desire to stand
pat and firm. In view of Khrushchev''s postponing
or calling off his ^dtimatu7n or postponing Ids
deadline, is this a result of Allied firnvness or a
result of U.S. policy to continue negotiation? Who
won?

A. Well, I would not wish, in the first place,
to refer to these talks that have been going on as
negotiations. Nor would I wish to pose two capi-
tals against two capitals on matters of this sort.
I think that is much too simplified.

But in answer to the main part of your question,
I would think that it would be highly speculative
to try to decide what is causing what and what
influences are making themselves felt on one side
or the other. I think that Mr. Khrushchev under-
stands the seriousness of the Western position
and the seriousness of Western determination. To
what extent this is having an effect on him we
shall have to see.

Q. May I ask you ahout Mr. Williams' [Assist-
ant Secretary for African Affairs G. Mennen
Williams'] conversations in Tunis, xchich have
aroused some speculation? Can you say whether
we are giving any consideratio-n to recognizing
the provisianal government of Algeria?

A. I should think that would be a premature
question. The Algerian situation is one which we
hope will be resolved shortly through the process
of negotiation. We hope these negotiations will
be successful and that that very troublesome and
difficult question can be removed from the agenda.
Mr. Williams did meet certain representatives of
the Algerian side socially while visiting in Tunis,
but I think that it did not change the situation
in any way.

Soviet Nuclear Tests

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you had any assurances
either informally or foTvnally about the Soviet
Union's nuclear explosions to the effect that it will
not harm the United States in any way, and have

748

Deparfment of State Bulletin

you heard anything to the effect you think it will
not take flaoef

A. No, we have liad no assurances from the
Soviet Union on that matter. Indeed, the infor-
mation which we have comes from Mr. Ivliru-
shcliev's speech, and, quite frankly, I have not had
the official transcript of that portion of the speech
in front of me yet. I have a copy of a broadcast
in English to the United Kingdom, with which I
think you are all familiar.

I will not elaborate unduly on the statement
made at the Wliite House last evening about this
50-megaton explosion. But we are quite sure that
this will cause people all over the world to think
a great deal about this event. It stands against
the backgromid of two Soviet votes for an un-
policed moratorium. One possibility, since the
statement we have suggests that they might be
concluding this series of tests by the end of Oc-
tober— and, as I say, we have no information other
than that — one possibility is that they might con-
clude tliis series of tests, then support another
unpoliced moratorium until they are ready for
another series of tests. That would not be a very
productive enterprise, I should think.

These problems help to explain why we believe
that the path to a ban on nuclear tests lies through
a treaty, a treaty such as that tabled by the United
States and United Kingdom at Geneva this year,-
a treaty which will give assurance to all of those
who are directly interested that secret prepara-
tions are not going forward, that tests, if con-
ducted, will be ascertained, and that violations will
free the other signatories from obligations under
the treaty.

We hope that the Soviet Union, if it has made a
finn decision to conduct such an explosion, will
think again about it. Such an explosion is not
necessaiy from a technical point of view. The
tests whicli have been conducted already in the
ranges which have been used are fully adequate
for any teclinical or scientific purpose.

Just why the Soviet Union would wish to deto-
nate a 50-megaton explosion is something about
which we can all speculate. But if they have in
mind a demonstration, we hope that they will think
very hard about all that it will demonstrate and
not just a particular point that they wish to
establish.

U.S. Calls on U.S.S.R. Not To Test
50-IVIegaton Nuclear Bomb

White House Statement

White House press release dated October 17

It is reported that the Soviet Union plans to
explode a giant nuclear bomt) — the equivalent to 50
million tons of TNT.

"We call upon the Soviet Union to reconsider this
decision, if in fact it has been made. We know
about high-yield weapons. Since 1957 the United
States has had the technical know-how and mate-
rials to produce bombs in the 50-100 megaton range
and higher. But we also know that such weapons
are not essential to our military needs. Further-
more, full-scale tests are not necessary to develop
50-megaton bombs. Such an explosion could only
serve some unconfessed political purpose.

We believe the peoples throughout the world wlU
join us in asking the Soviet Union not to proceed
with a test which can serve no legitimate purpose
and which adds a mass of additional radioactive
fallout to that which has been unleashed in recent
weeks.

' For text, see Bulletin of June 5, 1961, p. 870.
November 6, I96I

We hope very much that we can move toward a
test ban treaty just as promptly as possible.

Situation in Southeast Asia

Q. Would you give us an appraisal^ sir, of the
situation in southeast Asia, in Viet-Nam and Laos,
and the effect that this is having on Thailand and
Cambodia and the other neighboring countries?

A. The security of southeast Asia as a region is
a matter of the greatest importance, and the most
immediate concerns there at the moment are, of
course, Laos and Viet-Nam. I believe that today
Prince Souvamia Phouma [of Laos] may be meet-
ing with the King at Luang Prabang to begin dis-
cussions on the constitution of a government.

The agreement among the three princes that
Souvanna Phouma might be recommended as the
Prime INIinister is only the beginning of what
could be a difficult negotiation, because the object
would be to get a government which would be in
fact neutral, and in fact independent, and would
be able to lead Laos in that direction.

It is too early yet to say whether these negotia-
tions can be successful. Meanwhile, the work in
Geneva goes ahead. But the work at Geneva will

749

be strongly influenced by what happens in these
negotiations in Laos about a government.

As you know, General [Maxwell D.] Taylor is in
Vict-Nam to review that situation for the Presi-
dent and the departments of Government
concerned.

Although the armed forces of south Viet-Nam
have improved considerably in strength and in
initiative and in equipment and training, there has
been a significant upsurge in guerrilla activity,
guerrilla activity which has been supported by
cadres and by supplies moving in from the north,
some of it directly, some of it by way of Laos.

Of course, the threats to the security of Laos and
Viet-Nam are matters of great concern to other
countries in that area, such as Thailand, Cam-
bodia, and indeed others. We are looking forward
to General Taylor's report with the greatest
possible interest. When we get it, we will con-
sider what can be done to steady that situation in
that part of the world.

U.S. Policy on Aid to Yugoslavia

Q. ~Will you state the objectives of our economic
aid to Yugoslavia and lohether it continues to serve
those objectives?

A. First let me review the situation briefly.
Yugoslavia is a Communist country and has been
since World War II. And no one in any of the
administrations which have considered this matter
has overlooked this fact.

A more important fact, however, is that in 1948
Yugoslavia broke away from the Soviet bloc and
since that time has been not only independent of
the Soviet bloc but also a divisive influence on
world communism and a source of considerable
dissension within the Communist bloc.

It has been a policy of three administrations to
support Yugoslavia's determination to maintain
its independence. As a part of our efforts to help
Yugoslavia preserve that independence, we have
furnished substantial economic and military as-
sistance, including military grant aid from 1951
through 1957. There is no doubt that our aid did
serve to strengthen Yugoslavia's eff'orts to main-
tain its independence. These developments have
not been without effect on the Soviet bloc.

You may recall that last December, in the
famous declaration issued by the Communist par-
ties at the time of the Communist summit, there
were some very severe criticisms of Yugoslavia

750

contained in that declaration, and you will observe
that Yugoslav policies have again been criticized
in the 22d Congress of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union, wliich is now taking place.

I think some of the criticism which this policy
is now receiving stems to a certain degree from
public disappointment that our aid to Yugoslavia
has not led to full Yugoslav agreement with the
foreign policy of the United States. But, as the
President has stated, our aid programs are not
designed to purchase agreement with us. In our
view countries are entitled to national sovereignty
and independence, and the basic purpose of our
aid is to strengthen the efforts of recipient coun-
tries to maintain their national sovereignty and
independence.

Some of the disappointment in this country
has come from the Belgrade meeting.' We do
not believe that that Belgrade meeting indicated
that Yugoslavia was in the process of losing its
independence, even though some things were said
there that we ourselves did not particularly ap-
prove. So that is the basis of our policy.

Q. Mr. Secretary., could you spell out what we
regard as our remaining rights in East Berlin and
specifically whether or not we regard the con-
tinued, circulation of Allied personnel into East
Berlin as a vital right?

A. We have quadripartite rights with respect
to East Berlin, which we are not abandoning, and
these are matters which will be subject to con-
versations with all the powers interested. We do
expect to have our personnel go into East Berlin
as necessary, under our existing quadripartite
riglits, and we expect the Soviet Union to recog-
nize those rights and protect them.

Hope for Agreement on New U.N. Secretary-Genera!

Q. Mr. Secretary, it has been some 4 weeks now
that we have been arguing over a successor to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations. Do
you foresee more haggling over this, or do you
think it has to come to a head fairly soon?

A. Wo do think that this ought to come to a
head promptly. The time that has been spent thus
far has been used to find out whether there was a
basis for agreement, general agreement. Because,
if such were possible, it would be in the broadest

•■' For background, see iUd.. Oct. 2, 1961, p. .53!).

Department of State Bulletin

sense better for the United Nations to proceed on
that basis.

But this agreement cannot be achieved at the
cost of crippling the United Nations or of inflict-
ing deep injury on the arrangements anticipated
by the charter.

We believe that there must be a Secretary-Gen-
eral who has the confidence of the United Nations
and who has the full authority to act in accord-
ance with the charter and whose responsibility for
the Secretariat is unencumbered by diffuse and
indefinite arrangements of any sort. We think
that his principal assistants should be selected by
him and on a geographical basis as intended in
the charter and that these assistants should not be
grouped in accordance with any doctrine of po-
litical forces, as has been advanced.

We would like to be able to proceed on the basis
of agreement, but if that agreement is not possible,
then it would be up to the General Assembly to
determine to proceed without agreement because
the fundamental interest of the U.N. and of the
large membership of the U.N. in this question is
overriding.

We think it possible that this might come to a
head very shortly. Intensive consultations are
testing, today or tomorrow, just what the possi-
bilities might be.

Q. What is the present feeling within the ad-
ministration on the necessity for resuming atmos-
pheric tests?

A. That is a matter on which the President has
commented. I would suppose that he would make
his position on that public at the appropriate time.
I would not wish to comment on that myself.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have heen more privileged
than any other man in the Western community to
discuss both Berlin, Germany, and southeast Asia
with the Russians directly. Can we have at least
some of your estimates on what they are really up
to, what their objectives are on both sides of the
world?

A. I think that on that question I would have to
refer to some remarks that I made at the National
Press Club * on the underlying crisis of our period,
the type of crisis precipitated by the policies an-
nounced last December and on January 6th and,

* IMd., July 31, 1961, p. 175.

from preliminary information, perhaps repeated
in the speech of yesterday.

If the Communist world believes that its brand
of revolution is historically inevitable, and pur-
sues that belief in action, then we shall have re-
current problems so long as that is the case.
Because the great struggle will be between those
who want that kind of world and those who want
the kind of world set forth in the United Nations
Charter.

That does not mean that in a particular situa-
tion there may not be reasons for settling par-
ticular questions. But the settlement of par-
ticular issues is made vastly more difficult and
complex by this miderlying crisis of which I have
spoken earlier.

This is not the same kind of negotiation that
one would expect to get into where both sides can
be confident that their basic objectives are the
same. So this is the complicating factor.

West Berlin Trade Relations

Q. The recent reports released by the Depart-
ment of Commerce have revealed that West Ber-
lin trade toith the Soviet bloc countries is at an
alltime high. It is twice that of Great Britain
and France ivith the Soviet bloc countries, and
four times that of the United States. In view
of present tensions over Berlin and West German
dejiiands of the West, hoio do you interpret bur-
geoning trade relations between West Germany
and the Communist states?

A. I would not relate the level of trade at the
particular moment with the Berlin issue as such.
The West Germans have entered the world ti'ade
picture with great vigor and great skill, and it
is not surprising that their trade with the Soviet
bloc and other groups of countries would have
increased, so that I would not wish to comment
particularly on that point. As far as our own
trade with the Soviet bloc is concerned, I shall
have an opportunity next week to discuss tliat
matter with the committee of the Congress, and I
hope some of you will be there.

Q. Mr. Secretary, back again, sir, on the
question of Allied consultations on the matter of
Berlin and Germany. Is the administration satis-
fied, sir, with the present scope and level of
progress in these consultations, or is there some
consideration being given to a possible meeting

November 6, 1 96 J

751

between either yourself or the President and
Chancellor Adenauer?

A. I would think that the channels for con-
sultation •which exist at the present time are en-
tirely adequate for present purposes. I vcouldn't
wish to speculate on the possibility of a foreign
ministers meeting or some other kind of meeting,
but for the present we woidd like to make full
use of existing channels.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has already heen some
criticism of the United States for having spent
^ weeks in dwcussing with Russia the possibility
of agreement on tlie new Secretary-General.
What do you say in ansioer to such criticism?

A. I indicated earlier that I thought that, if it
were possible to proceed on the basis of an agree-
ment without any compromise whatever with the.
basic necessities of the United Nations, this would
be desirable. I think the Soviet Union ran into
the fact that the troika proposals simply are not
negotiable in the United Nations, that they were
in effect stillborn as far as the U.N. is concerned —
the Secretary-General's post is concerned. Now,
if this period of time makes it possible for them
to reconsider, to get the full flavor of the attitude
of the overwhelming majority of the members of
the General Assembly and to understand that
troika, as they saw it, is not possible, then it might
be possible to proceed on some other basis con-
forming to the charter, and that has been the
purpose of the time spent.

No Future in Idea of Disengagement

Q. Mr. Secretary, on the German and Berlin is-
sues, to ivhat extent is the United States Govern-
ment willing to consider any type of sonal
arrangement affecting both sides of the East
German — of the Iron Curtain under the context
of European security?

A. I would not suppose that the idea of disen-
gagement has any future in it, because disengage-
ment implies the abandonment of responsibilities
and implies the creation of perhaps a vacuum,
which would not itself be conducive to stability
and peace. On the other hand, if any progress at
all can be made in the field of general disarmament
which applies to all countries and not on a dis-
criminatory basis and which itself could lead to
the reduction of the scale of forces at present, say,

in Europe, as well as in other parts of the world,

this in itself might not only be an evidence of re-
duction of tensions but might itself contribute to
a reduction of tensions.

I do not want to get trapped into the use ot
such words as "consider" and "study." Some of
you will recall some difficulties that we had with
this many years ago. Any organization like the
Department of State or Disarmament Agency is
going to study almost any idea that comes down
the track, including the proposals from those with
whom we are in sharp disagreement and including
proposals that we ourselves could not accept. So
that I hope that we won't let those two words
trick us here.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in this connection Senator
[Hubert H.] Humphrey has been saying that this
Government is seriously considering the so-called
Rapacki proposal.^ Nov\ if this: is true vwi''d if
be correct to assume that our policy had changed
since 1959, when toe had insisted that we would
only consider disengagement in Germany?

A. I would say that, on the subject of disen-
gagement and the way to achieve a reduction of
force in Europe and the general field of disarma-
ment, our policy has not changed.

Q. Mr. Secretary, for clarification, in answer
to Mr. Roberts'' [Chalmers M. Roberts, Washing-
ton Post and Times Herald] question, did you
mean to exclude the subject of zonal arrangements
affecting both sides from U.S.-Soviet talks and
apply them only to disarmament questions, or is
it possible that, as an adjunct to the general effort
of disarmament, there may still be possible some
U.S.-Soviet arrangement toward this end?

A. I would not think that there would be a
U.S.-Soviet arrangement on a matter of that sort.
These are matters for all of the governments in-
volved in a particular part of the world, and we
are not negotiating ourselves with the Soviet Un-
ion on matters of vital interest to all of these other
countries. But I would not suppose that zonal
arrangements of the disengagement type are in-
volved here. Under the disarmament plan which
we have put forward ° it is possible that various
regional arrangements might come into being in
the field of disarmament not only in Europe but
in other continents, so that this is a matter which

'■ For l)a(kgroun(J, see ihiif.. Slay 19, 1958, p. 821.
" lhi:l.. Oct. 16. 19G1, p. O.-.O.

752

Department of Slate Bulletin

can be taken up in pace with and alongside of the
general problems of disannament.

Q. Mr. Secreta'iy, some of the confiosion over
this seems to have arisen from the fact that the
Western position seems to have broadened tJie
Berlin talks to include European security prob-
lems in this problem of Germany. If you are
talking about things like zonal arrangements and
disengagement, what do you mean when you talk
about hroademng the problem to include Euro-
pean security? What are the elements there?

A. I said earlier that I was going to try to re-
sist talking about the substance of negotiations in
these matters because we haven't reached the point
of negotiation yet and I qviite frankly don't think
that I should go into it, but these are not the only
alternatives that miglit be taken up under a
broader concept of improving the general secu-
rity situation in Europe.

Q. Mr. Secretary, from, tohat you have seen
and studied in Mr. Khrushchev^s speech, would
you say that the chances for peace with honor are
better, or worse, or the same?

A. In a 61/^-hour speech I would think that
much would depend on what part of the speech
you have seen. I would be very i-eluctant, having
seen as much of it as I have, to characterize the
speech in any single, simple way. I am sui-e you
will find many quotes there that will point in dif-
ferent directions, and some quotes that would sup-
port almost any point of view in terms of a gen-
eral characterization of the situation. In some
aspects it seems to be quite moderate in tone, and
in some other aspects it was quite uncompromising
in tone.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you plan to attend the
Tokyo meeting of the Cabinet members?

A. That is my present plan, particularly since
this is the first one. This was worked out while
Prime Minister Ikeda was here.' It is patterned
after a similar arrangement we have with Canada.
If the situation permits it, I should like very
much to go, and my schedule at the moment in-
cludes a quick turnaround trip to Tokyo.

Q. Would it include any other countries?

A. I might, since I have not been to Korea in a

very long time, and I would like to make a very
brief visit there at the same time.

Outlook for Communist China's Membership in U.N.

Q. Mr. Secretary, what is the outlook for the
issue of Communist China's m,embership in the
United Nations at this session of the General
Assembly?

A. I would think that Communist China would
not be admitted to the United Nations at this ses-
sion of the General Assembly. This is a matter
which is seriously before the members of the U.N.
I think that we luiderstand the problems involved,
that a very considerable nmnber of the members
of the U.N., far more than recognize Peiping,
recognize and support the Government of the Re-
public of China, as do we, and I would not think
that there would be any change in the General
Assembly.

^ Q. Mr. Secretary, is it likely that the United
States loould introduce a resolution to resolve the
problem of succession to the Secretary-General-
ship of the United Nations? And, if so, how soon?
We have been reading about a possible deadline
at the end of the loeek.

A. There has been continuous consultation with
representatives of many gi'oups of nations on this
point. I would suppose that a resolution would
be more broadly representative than one we would
ourselves introduce.

Q. We would support it? We would be one of
the supporters?

A. Quite frankly I don't think that I can
answer that question at the moment, because they
are discussing this and other points this afternoon
in New York.

Q. Sir, could you possibly elaborate a little
more on your possible trip to Tokyo, this meeting
in question? I am not familiar with it. And
when?

A. This is a joint United States-Japanese com-
mittee at the Cabinet level to discuss trade and
economic relations between the two countries. It
is scheduled in Tokyo for early November. And
the plan would be that next year our Japanese
colleagues would join us here in the United States
for a visit.

' For background, see iBid., July 10, 1961, p. 57.

Q. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.

November 6, 7967

616883—61 3

753

The United Nations and the Western Hemisphere

by Adlai E. Stevenson

UjS. Representative to the United Nations ^

A la prensa Ubre de las Americas le traigo las
mas cordiales saludos de la gente y del gobiemo
de los Estados Unidos.

I am very happy to have this chance to pay my
respects and the respects of the Government and
people of tlie United States to the Inter- American
Press Association and its eminent leaders. We
recognize you as a force for a free and enlightened
press in this hemisphere and for friendship among
the American Republics, and we welcome you most
heartily to our shores.

At a dinner just as I was leaving for South
America last spring,^ as President Kennedy's rep-
resentative, my friend Bob Hope said: "Adlai's
going to South America to visit the friends of the
United States— and he will be back the same day."
Well, I was gone for 22 days, and if I had been
so foolish as to try to meet all the friends of the
United States in even one of the 10 countries I
visited, it would have had to be more like 22 years.
There was not always and everywhere a complete
meeting of minds — nobody expects that — but there
was always a meeting of friends; for that I am
full of gratitude.

I will confess that this last trip was more strenu-
ous than my other trip through Latin America,
over a year ago, when I met many of you and
traveled as a ijrivate citizen and as a working
journalist. Since then my situation has changed.
I haven't gone as far as my esteemed friend, Pedro
Beltran of Peru, who went from running a news-
paper to running a country. But as a public o9i-

' Address made before the Inter-American Press Asso-
ciation at New York, N.T., on Oct. 16 (U.S./U.N. press
release 3796).

■For Ambassador Stevenson's report to the Secretary
of State on his trip, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 311.

cial on this last trip I had another direct experi-
ence with the enterprise of the reporters and
editors of Latin America, and I can testify that
there is plenty of it ! And I have often remarked
that there are more really great newspapers in
South America than anywhere I've been — and
that's jiist about everywhere.

Before I leave the subject of that trip, there is
just one little incident on which I think I owe an
explanation to television viewers, at least in tliis
country.

It seems that the TV newsreels in the United
States showed two brief scenes from my visit to
Brazil, in rapid succession : first. President [ Janio]
Quadros, as he then was, driving himself to church
in an old Volkswagen, and then a picture of me
arriving for a meeting with President Quadros
in the biggest, shiniest limousine I ever saw. Nor
did the TV say that it belonged to the Governor
of Sao Paulo.

Having come to South America as a messenger
of progress for the common man, I felt a little like
the poor fellow in Lincoln's story who, in the bar-
baric manner of the frontier, was being ridden out
of town on a rail, and when somebody asked him
how he liked it he said : "If it wasn't for the honor
of the thing, I'd just as soon walk !"

Looking around this room, I see some friendly
and familiar faces from the upper ranks of Amer-
ican journalism, and that makes me feel very
much at liome, especially as they are so much more
friendly since I stopped running for President.
But I have no reservations about the Latin iVmer-
ican and Canadian press, who have always been
most discerning and treated me with such charity
and kindness. Indeed, tlianks to you, I've often
felt that I ran for President in the wrong country.

754

Department of Stale Bulletin

I feel at home, too, because I know that the
Inter-American Press Association is a great force
for freedom — not only for the freedom of the
press, and the responsible self-discipline of the
press, but for freedom in all its aspects.

Today the progress of freedom in our hemi-
sphere gives us all cause to rejoice, for in the past
5 years the dictators who throttled the free press
in the Americas have fallen one by one. That is
one of the truly bright spots in the picture of our
troubled age.

Let me add a word of gratitude to Jack Howard
and the other distinguished representatives of
the newspapers of New York who are our hosts
today. They are helping me to repay the debt
of gratitude which I owe for your kindness to
me in Latin America.

Role of Latin American Countries in the U.N.

I would lilve to talk to you today about two great
and interconnected communities: the worldwide
community of the United Nations, in which I now
have the honor to serve, and the community of
the Western Hemisphere, which long antedates
the United Nations and to which all of us in this
room belong.

One of the great sources of confidence and re-
assurance to me on returning last January to the
United Nations, where I had served in its earliest
beginnings, was the continued importance of the
Latin American countries in the work of the U.N.
From the very beginning, when the United Na-
tions had only 50 members, that membership in-
cluded all the 20 countries of Latin America.

They were founders of the Organization. It
was because of tliem that the link between regional
organizations and the United Nations was written
into chanter VIII of the U.N. Charter.

They formed (he first informal I'egional caucus
at the U.N., the Latin American caucus, which
still meets regularly to discuss U.N. business in a
democratic spirit. That was the model and
inspiration for all the other regional caucuses
which have come into existence at the United
Nations.

It would be hard to exaggerate the value of the
services which Latin America has rendered to the
United Nations in leadership and in ideas. Four
of its statesmen have served as presidents of the
General Assembly. Many of its representatives
have headed important committees, such as the

Political Committee of the General Assembly,
whose chairman this year is the very able perma-
nent representative of Argentina, Ambassador
[Mario] Amadeo.

Its statesmen have reported to the United Na-
tions on far-off trouble spots. And many of
them have performed distinguished services in the
Secretariat.

Once the Latin American countries made up
two-fift!is of the membership of the United Na-
tions. Today with 100 members, they are only
one-fifth. But their influence remains, because it
is more than a matter of arithmetic. They are not
a bloc, though that term is sometimes carelessly
applied to them. They are nobody's satellites —
the Soviet Union to the contrary notwithstanding.

Their delegates are admired for their independ-
ence of thought, for their devotion to the rule of
law in international affaii-s, for their parliamen-
tary and oratorical powers, and for their inextin-
guishable faith in the future of the United
Nations. The smn of their value to the work of
the U.N. is truly beyond calculation.

Speaking of oratorical powers, I remember one
story that is told about a particularly eloquent
orator of the old school, a representative of his
Latin American countiy in the United Nations
for many years. One day after one of his most
stirring addresses a member of the Secretariat
found the text of his address on the lectern and
noticed that the margins were all carefully marked
in red to indicate where he should raise his arm in
a dramatic gesture and where he should lift his
eyes to the heavens, and so forth. Then on one
page was the simple marginal note : "Weak Point.
Shout!"

If I begin raising my voice during this speech I
hope you won't misunderstand !

Selecting a New Secretary-General

And the first thing I want to raise my voice
about is the selection of a successor to Dag Ham-
marskjold — which is the gravest crisis the institu-
tion has faced. What we do now provisionally to
meet this crisis may well be permanent, and any
decisions now which compromise the efficiency and
integrity of the Secretariat as an operating
agency will be the first step on the slippery
path downhill to a debating society without oper-
ational responsibilities or competence. And there
are, as we know, some members of the U.N. who

November 6, 1961

755

want just that and who view with alarm the emer-
gence of a strong international agency that may
be and has been an obstacle to predatory self-
interest.

During all of the negotiations over a temporary
successor to Dag Hammarslrjold, the United States
and many other delegations who perceive the grave
implications have been guided by just one prin-
ciple : They have sought to preserve the integrity
of both the office of the Secretary-General and the
charter of the United Nations.

That remains the sole United States objective.
The charter prescribes that the Secretaiy-General
shall be free to select his principal assistants and
that he shall make these appointments on the basis
of ability, with due regard to geographical
considerations.

An equitable geographic distribution would in
our view be the Secretary-General and five Under-
Secretaries, who together with the Secretary-Gen-
eral cover the six main geogi'aphic areas of the
world.

The Soviet Union wants to compromise this
principle by forcing the new Secretary-General to
select his assistants on a political basis. This is
wholly contrary to the spirit of the charter. And
to divide the Secretariat on ideological lines would,
we think, import the cold war and destroy the
concept of a truly international Secretariat owing
its loyalty not to the countries of origin but to the
Organization.

The Soviet Union has talked of having various
numbers of Under-Secretaries, but in each case
the political consideration remains uppermost.
This is obviously the reason for insisting on a
second Eastern European in addition to a Soviet
national. The Soviet Union also insists that the
Secretary-General shall, in advance of his election,
make certain public declarations of his intent.
Any attempt, prior to appointment, to bind or
prescribe this official's relations with his subordi-
nates is clearly contrary to the charter. For the
Security Council and General Assembly to select
in effect the top staff of the Secretary-General is
of course a contradiction of the whole concept of
the executive responsibility and authority of the
Secretary-General .

The United States is willing to consider any
plan that is consistent with the charter and which
does not impair the effectiveness of the Secretary-
General.

756

U.N. Issues of Importance to Latin America

May I say in parentheses, to you who represent
the press of Latin America, that I have been sur-
prised not to discover you represented in the world
press corps that covers the United Nations.
There I have found full-time correspondents from
such countries as India, Germany, Egypt, Israel,
Switzerland, Canada, Sweden, and Japan; but
the only full-time correspondent from anywhere
between the Rio Grande and the Straits of Magel-
lan is one who represents an agency recently
created in Habana imder the somewhat pre- I
sumptuous name of Prensa Latina!

Is that the best you can do ?

You may ask what things of special interest a
reporter from a Latin American newspaper would
find if he came to cover the United Nations. I
could begin with your particular interest, the free-
dom of the press. The United Nations has dealt
with that issue from the beginning. In 1948 the
Western Hemisphere voted solidly for the Uni-
versal Declaration of Human Eights, adopted that
year by the General Assembly, article 19 of which
declares "freedom to hold opinions without inter-
ference and to seek, receive and impart informa-
tion and ideas through any media and regardless
of frontiers." i

"VVe are still working on that issue in the United
Nations today. This fall we will be urging the
adoption of a Declaration on Freedom of Informa-
tion. Latin America can take pride in that docu-
ment because it had its origin last year in a
meeting of the U.N. Economic and Social Council
in Mexico City, where it was sponsored by the
delegations of Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, and the
United States — what might be called an all-
American delegation !

In fact all the great questions — whether of
human rights, of peaceful settlement of disputes,
or of bettering living standards — all the great
questions which concern tlie Western Hemisphere
also concern the whole world and find their place
in the debates and resolutions and pi'Ograms of
the L^nited Nations. In this slirunken world, if
there is war anywhere, none of us can really be
at peace; if any man is enslaved, none of us is
entirely free; if any family goes hungry, none of
us who are well fed can feel complacent.

Just 2 weeks ago President Kennedy spoke be-
fore the United Nations and said : ' "Political

' ma., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

Department of Slate Bulletin

sovereignty is but a mockery without the means
of meeting poverty and illiteracy and disease."
He proposed the launching of a United Nations
Decade of Development to meet those evils which
afflict at least half of the world's population.
That too is one of the great themes at the United
Nations which would be familiar to any visiting
reporter from Latin America.

New Truths About Human Development

In fact this theme of economic and social de-
velopment— I might even say of human de-
velopment— has come more and more into the
foreground of our thoughts in the years since the
United Nations was founded.

The San Francisco charter, written in 1945,
speaks in its famous preamble of "social progress
and better standards of life in larger freedom."
But in the first j'ears of the United Nations we
were so preoccupied with urgent matters of war
and peace that only the smallest beginnings were
made toward a United Nations effort to meet that
hunger for development.

Then steadily the voices of the less developed
countries, including those of Latin America, made
themselves heard, and we realized that their prob-
lem too was hugely important. So the learning
process began.

As we gained experience in this field we learned
some new truths. We learned that industrial de-
velopment and great public works by themselves,
however important they are, are not enough. They
may even cause new chaos and suffering unless
there is a social conscience, decent wages, decent
housing, education, and medical care.

We learned that economic development can court
political disaster if it merely benefits the fortimate
few while the gulf between rich and poor grows
still more dangerously wide.

We learned that it was impossible to build a
modern economy on foundations of massive
poverty, illiteracy, feudalism, tax avoidance, and
social injustice.

We learned, in short, that a social revolution in
some cases is a precondition of political stability
and economic growth.

We learned that a coimtiy's development pro-
gram must be sustained over a long timespan —
nearer a decade than a year.

We learned how vital it is for the developing
countries and tlie great potential sources of pri-

vate investment to educate each other and get rid
of their respective fears, so that responsible pri-
vate capital can play its full part in the war
against poverty and social injustice.

Finally, we learned that the decisions on these
vital points can only be made by the government
of the developing country. It takes political
courage. And it takes still more courage to make
the efforts and social changes necessary to sup-
port these expensive programs without ruinous
inflation.

We first learned many of these truths right here
in the Western Hemisphere. To a great extent
Latin America has served as a laboratory for the
economic and social advancement of the whole
world.

But though we have learned some lessons, until
this past year we had scarcely begun to apply them
even in Latin America. Measured against the
political awareness of the peoples of this hemi-
sphere, and its widespread practice of political
democracy, we realized that we were still danger-
ously short of the need in what we had been doing
for the economic and social progress of Latin
America's common man.

Indeed, we must honestly confess that not
enough of us saw how great an effort was required
until it was brought home to us by the tragedy
of Cuba. Here was a people with many brave
and talented leaders, shackled by a venal dictator-
ship and outraged by extremes of wealth and
poverty. It had all the makings of violent revolu-
tion. And when the Cuban revolution happened,
almost at once it betrayed its bright promises and
gave itself to fanaticism, to revenge, and to that
worldwide scavenger of ruined revolutions, com-
munism directed from Moscow.

Now, of course, the new rulers of Cuba claim
the right to lead the march of what they call
"progress" througliout the Americas — and they
seem to want to begin by lighting the fires of vio-
lence wherever they can.

What a tragedy it would be if we who speak for
freedom and tolerance were to be asleep at this
moment, when the forces of totalitarianism are
so hard at work !

We might find that one country after another
was succumbing to the violence of the extreme
right or the extreme left, or, as has often happened,
that the extreme right wing and the left wing

November 6, 1961

757

had joined togetlier at the expense of the humane,
moderate, progressive center.

If we don't want this to happen, we must get on
with the business of freedom. "VVe must indeed
be "on the Lord's side," on the side of the golden
rule, on the side of the extension of the blessings
of freedom to the many millions among us who
today are too poor to be free. It is really as simple
as that, and as diflicult, and as urgent.

An Alliance for Progress

I believe that realization has now sunk in, not
only in the United States but in the whole
hemisphere.

The trip I made last June showed me how wide-
spread it was in South America. Almost every-
where I found that statesmen were more alert than
ever to the basic issue: If political democracy is
to prevail it must bring a better life for the com-
mon man. This issue had long been important
but now it liad clearly become urgent. And that
is the spirit which underlies the document signed
last August 17 at Punta del Este, the cliarter of
the 10-year Alliance for Progress, which contains
these words : *

It is our inpscapable task ... to demonstrate to the
poor and forsaken of our countries, and of all lands, that
the creative powers of free men hold the key to their
progress and to the progress of future generations.

Thus for the next 10 years we in the West wDl
be at work meeting the challenge of destructive
revolution with a peaceful and creative evolu-
tion— an evolution more rapid, and more compre-
hensive, and touching the lives of more people,
than any that our history has ever known. It will
have man}' aspects:

Speeding up industrial development.

Diversifying one-commodity economies.

Creating a regional common market.

Stabilizing markets for major export commod-
ities.

Reforming tax systems to relieve the low- and
middle-income groups and ending the tax evasion
which costs Latin American governments billions
of dollars every year.

Dividing the land more equitably, making it
more productive, and improving storage and trans-
portation of crops.

Finally, and perhaps most important, direct ex-
penditures for better education, better housing,
and better health services, without which neither
economic development nor stable government will
be possible. Ever}' child should have at least 6
years of schooling, and adult illiteracy must be
wiped out.

It is a big program. Over 10 years Latin
America will have to invest in its own progress,
not counting outside help, the equivalent of more
than $80 billion. On top of this it will require
at least $20 billion from outside sources. That
$20 billion is much more than we in the United
States spent on the Marshall plan. And it is a
historic and heartening fact that the countries of
Western Europe, which successfully completed
the Marshall plan nearly a decade ago, are now in
a position to furnish a significant part of the $20
billion for the Alliance for Progress.

As for the United States, we have announced,
and the declaration of Punta del Este confirmed,
that we will provide a major part of the $20 bil-
lion, including over $1 billion in the first year.
You may be interested to hear that we are already
meeting this pace. In the 6 months since last
March 13, when President Kennedy proposed the
Alliance for Progress,' our Government has made
82 loans to 16 of our 19 partners in the alliance,
and these 82 loans total over $700 million.

Another most encouraging step was taken by
the United States Congress in authorizing long-
term commitments for development loans and
credits. This will greatly assist the leaders in
Latin America to plan their long-range national
efforts with some assurance of continuity.

I think we in the United States have come a
long way. Tliose of us who can remember a gen-
eration back will perhaps recall the cartoon of the
new President of the United States who went on
a good- will tour in Latin America. Unfortu-
nately, all he had to offer to the coimtries seeking
aid from Washington was good will — nothing
else.

So Roy Howard's great cartoonist, Talburt, pic-
tured him standing beneath Miss South America's
balcony, strumming on his guitar and singing ro-
mantically. As she leaned over expectantly, he
serenaded her with tliat old popular song en-
titled "I can't give you anything but love, baby!"

* For text, see Hid., Sept. 11, 1061, p. 463.
758

« Ihid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

Department of State Bulletin

Now we can give you something more than love.
In fact the steps already taken by the United
States Government are an assurance to our friends
in Latin America that this country has now as-
signed to development and social progress in this
hemisphere a higher priority than ever before in
our history.

My impression from many different sources is
that a new atmosphere of optimism and enthusi-
asm was generated at Punta del Este, and that
atmosphere still prevails largely throughout the
hemisphere.

But it would be foolish to ignore the difficulties
that lie ahead. So many of the Latin American
leaders I met in my last two trips have told me
that real social and economic progress depends
on self-help — on the ability of their own govern-
ments to make reforms in their land systems and
tax systems, to prevent inflation, and to practice
some degree of economic self-denial. Often these
policies may cause tension and political strain.
But they are now miiversally accepted as neces-
sary by the governments that signed the Act of
Bogota® in 1960 and the Charter of Punta del
Este in 1961.

Practical Meaning of Seif-Help

Self-help ! That is the key to so much of our
common concern. If it were lacking, no amount
of money in outside aid will do much good. So
it is worth exploring for a moment just what self-
help means in this context.

A nation is helping itself when it contributes
local labor, materials, and land to meet the costs
of its programs ; when it reforms its tax system to
expand government revenues and distribute tax
burdens more equitably; when it formulates a
realistic long-range development plan for alloca-
tion of resources.

A nation is helping itself when it reforms and
strengthens its educational system to provide wider
opportunities to all the people of the country.

A nation helps itself when it puts into effect
agrarian reforms to improve rural life and to feed
its people better; when it improves credit facili-
ties for the benefit of small savers, small farmers,
and small business concerns ; when it makes loans
to build housing for low-mcome families; and

' For text, see iUd., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537.

when it improves the efficiency and standards of
integrity of government administration.

Not by any means least, a nation helps itself
when it keeps prices stable to encourage invest-
ment and when it encourages private enterprise
to stimulate the ingenuity and the efforts of in-
dividual citizens so that they contribute to the
nation's pi'oductivity and prosperity.

That is the practical meaning of self-help,
without which the Alliance for Progress would be
bomid to fail.

I do not expect it to fail. In fact I cannot
remember a period of brighter hopes or more vig-
orous determination in the affairs of the American
Republics. We are already on the move.

Right at this moment 60 tax experts from all
of the participating nations are meeting in Buenos
Aires to study ways of strengthening tax systems.
This is a first major step by the Alliance for
Progress. Already Uruguay and Panama have
enacted new and more progressive tax laws.
Venezuela has increased its income, gasoline, and
inheritance taxes to speed up the land-reform pro-
gram and resettle .350,000 rural families.

In the vital field of low-cost housing, progress
is in the air in nearly every Latm American
country. In education Colombia and Venezuela
are moving ahead.

These are but straws in the wind, but we know
the wind is blowing. The Alliance for Progress is
alive and at work.

To keep it alive and to realize its magnificent
promise of real and meaningful democracy for the
200 million people of Latin America, that will re-
quire 10 years of dedication by the governments
of all the developing members to two great princi-
ples : basic reform and self-help.

All who practice these principles will find the
United States a willing and eager partner. For in
our hands is the chance to show, once and for all,
that no people in search of material progress and
social justice need to pay for these things by sub-
mitting to totalitarian rule. In our hands is the
future of democracy in the Western Hemi-
sphere— and the example of democracy for all the
world.

Some of you may wonder why I, whose work is
at the United Nations, have talked so long about
the affaii's of the American Republics. Partly it
is my interest in this hemisphere, which goes back
a long way. But partly it is my belief that what

November 6, 7967

759

strengthens the hemisphere and brings us closer
to our democratic ideals also strengthens the
United Nations itself.

The goals of the United Nations are not just
for debate in those modernistic buildings on the
East River. They are for application in the daily
life of nations and in all our relations with one
another.

Ijet me close with a plea to you, the leaders of
the free inter- American press. We look to you to
keep us faithful to our pledges. You, like Soc-
rates, must always be the gadfly of the state and
of the people, rousing us to greater efforts just
when we most want to sink back into a comfortable
slumber.

Then in another 10 years, when the door of real
freedom and a decent life has opened at last for
millions of the poorest people in the Americas,
you through your great influence will have played
a part in the success of that historic and liberating
cause.

I wish you well.

President Kekkonen of Finland
Visits United States

President Urho K. Kekkonen of Finland, ac-
companied hy Mrs. Kekkonen and Minister of
Foreign Affairs Ahti Karjalainen, made an official
visit to the United States October 16-November 2.
Following is an exchange of greetings between
President Kennedy and President Kekkonen on
October IG and the text of a joint com77iunique
based wpon talks they held at the White House
that day.

EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS

White House press release dated October 18
President Kennedy

Mr. President and Minister, I want to express
on behalf of the people of the United States our
great satisf act ion at your visit here. As President
of your country, I think you must realize that
Finland and the Finnish people are identified in
the minds of the people of the United States with
those qualities of courage and fortitude and per-
severance which have made the reputation of

your country and people second to none here in
the United States.

They are the qualities which we have found
in those Finns who have come among us and raised
their families, and it is a source of personal pleas-
ure to us all that during your visit here you will,
in Michigan, have a chance to \\s\t one of those
families who are related to you.

In addition, throughout the long history of the
Finnish people, and especially today, we have
come to recognize in the actions of her people
her outlook on life, her determination to maintain
her own freedom, her own integrity.

So, Mr. President, no visitor could bo more
welcome. We are delighted to have you here
personally. Your last visit to the United States
was when you led the Olympic team from Fin-
land to Los Angeles in 1932. Much has changed
in this country since then, and much has changed
in your own country. But I am confident that the
same warm ties which were in existence then, many
years ago, in other days, are strengthened today.

Mr. President, though you have come from a
far north country here to the United States, to
Washington, you have come to a country which
is warm in its welcome to you and in our admira-
tion for your people.

President Kekkonen

Mr. President and Mrs. Kennedy, I wish to ex-
press my very sincere thanks for the friendly
and warm welcome with which you have received
me and my wife. The invitation you extended to
us has been greatly appreciated in Finland as an
expression of friendship toward the Finnish
people.

We have both very much looked forward to
this visit to the United States and to tliis oppor-
tunity of meeting you personally, Mr. President
and Mrs. Kennedy. It is at the same time a great
pleasure for us to be able to see your beautiful
Capital and to visit also other parts of your great
country and to meet with American people. Our
attention will be directed especially to your power-
ful economy, your splendid scientific achievements,
and the progress you have made in the social
sphere.

This moment when I step on American soil
gives me occasion to remember those hundreds of
thousands of Finns who have settled in this coun-

760

Department of Slate Bulletin

try and who with their toil and labor have made
themselves a place in the American community.
They are a living bond between our two peoples.
Mr. President, we Finns are keenly aware of the
friendship of the people of the United States to-
ward the people of Finland. I hope that my visit
to the United States will further develop and
strengthen the good and friendly relations which
have always existed between our two countries.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated October 17

The President of Finland and Mrs. Urho K.
Kekkonen were guests yesterday of President and
Mrs. Kennedy at a White House luncheon. Fol-
lowing the luncheon the two presidents exchanged
views with regard to current international devel-
opments.

President Kennedy paid tribute to the many
common ties between Finland and the United
States and the democratic ideals the two nations
share. Regarding Finland's position on the world
scene the American President took account of Fin-
land's treaty commitments and expressed Ameri-
can understanding for the reasons why Finland
follows a policy of neutrality. He stated the
United States will scrupulously respect Finland's
chosen course. President Kennedy emphasized
that all nations must avoid interference in the
affairs of Finland.

President Kekkonen expressed his appreciation
for the long-standing friendship between Finland
and the United States, and for the understanding
shown in the United States for Finland. Assert-
ing that the purpose of Finland's foreign policy
is to safeguard the security and independence of
the nation, the Finnish President reaffirmed his
country's intention to remain neutral while main-
taining the confidence and friendship of all
nations.

Presidents Kennedy and Kekkonen discussed
recent world events. They agreed it was essential
for both countries to support the United Nations
as firmly as ever, since that body offers all men

their greatest hope for achievement of the noble
causes envisioned in the Charter.

Presidents Kennedy and Kekkonen discussed
economic and cultural relations. The outlook for
European economic development and the implica-
tions for other countries of possible enlargement
of the European Common Market were reviewed.
There was agi-eement between the presidents that
current exchanges of students, teachers, leaders
in various fields, and cultural and artistic presen-
tations should be fostered. Exchanges of this
nature were commended as a fundamental aid in
developing understanding of each other's prob-
lems as well as consolidating existing friendship
between the peoples of the United States and
Finland.

Presidents Kennedy and Keldionen expressed
their mutual hopes that peace and justice would
prevail in the world. All nations, large and small,
have a grave responsibility toward civilization in
that they must constantly search for a formula to
bring true and universal peace, said the two presi-
dents. Only a sustained effort in pursuit of this
great objective, using all available human talents
and resources of nations, can assure progress to-
ward realization of this goal, one of man's oldest
and most basic desires.

President's Offer of Good Offices
Accepted by Afglianistan and Pakistan

White House press release dated October 17

The President's offer of good offices to the Gov-
ernments of Afghanistan and Pakistan to assist
these Governments in arriving at a solution of the
current transit trade difficulties has been accepted.
The President has appointed Ambassador Living-
ston T. Merchant as his personal representative to
visit the two coimtries and consult with appropri-
ate officials. Ambassador and Mrs. Merchant will
arrive in the area on October 19. The Ambassa-
dor, who formerly was Under Secretary of State
for Political Affairs, is expected to resume his
duties as Ambassador to Canada by early
November.

November 6, 1961

761

Mr. McCloy Resigns as Adviser to President, Reports on U.S. Activities
in Field of Disarmament and Arms Control

Following is an exchange of letters between
President Kennedy and John J. McCloy, Adviser
to the President on Disarmament, together with a
series of documents enclosed in Mr. McCloy''s
letter.

White House press release dated October 8

EXCHANGE OF LETTERS BETWEEN PRESIDENT

KENNEDY AND MR. McCLOY

President Kennedy

October 6, 1961

Dear Mr. McClot : I would like to extend my
hearty thanks to you for the work you have done
as my Adviser on disannament and arms control.
You have made a notable contribution to the
country and to the world in this most important
area.

Through your service the Government has been
able to table at Geneva a workable, effective and
understandable draft treaty for the banning of
nuclear weapons tests.*

In the field of general disarmament, your dis-
cussions with Mr. Zorin [Valerian A. Zorin,
Deputy Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R.] con-
cerning the principles wliich should guide future
disarmament negotiations have cleai'ed away
many of the misunderstandings and misconcep-
tions which liave clouded tliis difficult subject.

At tlie sume time, your development of the
United States Program for General and Complete
Disarmament in a Peaceful World has set forth
clearly the proposals of the United States for an
effective disarmament agreement with the Soviet
Union and other countries.

You have also perfonned a valuable service in
connection with the establishment of a permanent
agency of the Government to deal with the prob-
lems of disarmament and ai-ms control. After
giving this matter the most thorough considera-
tion, you arrived at a recommendation with re-
spect to the organization of the Government in
the field of arms control and disarmament whicli
I transmitted to the Congress.* The substantial
majority by which the Congress has recently en-
acted the Arms Control and Disarmament Act is
a tribute to the soundness of your recommenda-
tions and the diligence and persuasiveness with
which you presented them to the Congress.'

In all of these steps you have assisted in clarify-
ing the position of the United States as a country
wliich is seeking realistic, mutually balanced and
beneficial steps to reduce the dangers of war and
to obtain the kind of disarmed world we all pre-
fer. These tasks liave been carried out at a time
when the mtransigence of others, especially on the
issue of control over nuclear testing, has brought
disappointment to the woi'ld. But we must not
be discouraged, and I am confident that in the
longer view what you have done will be recorded
as a major contribution to the great task of achiev-
ing disarmament.

In expressing my thanks, I know I am express-
ing the thanks of our countiy also. I am very

' For text, see Bulletin of June 5, 1961, p. 870.

' For text of the draft legislation, see ibid., July 17,
19C1, p. 101.

' For a statement by Mr. McCloy before the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee on Aug. 14, see ihid., Sept. 4,
1961, p. 41.> ; for remarks made by President Kennedy on
Sept. 26, when he sisnod legislation creating the Agency,
see ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 646.

762

Department of Stafe Bulletin

glad that we shall continue to have the benefit of
your advice in this most important field.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

The Honorable John J. McClot
Adviser to the President on Disarmament
Washington^ D.C.

Mr. McCloy

October 6, 1961

Dear Mr. President : At the commencement of
your Administi-ation, you requested me to under-
take a special mission, later confirmed to me in
writing by your letter of January 27, 1961, the
essence of which was to act as your Adviser on
problems of disarmament and arms control, in-
cluding the nuclear test ban. In addition to the
request to make recommendations regarding the
formulation of the United States policy in these
areas, you also requested me to make recommenda-
tions to you as to the type and nature of the
organization within the Government which would
be best designed to deal with the very important
problems in this field.

In carrying out this mission, I have worked in
very close association with the Secretary of State
and the Secretary of Defense, as well as with other
Agencies of the Government having an interest
in these matters.

The first problem which demanded attention
was the then impending resumption of the test
ban negotiations at Geneva.'' Intensive efforts
were made to present to that Conference a con-
structive position which could promptly serve as a
basis for an agreement. This work was completed
prior to the resumption of the negotiations and a
comprehensive draft treaty was, in due course,
presented to the Conference, which, if adopted,
could have effected the banning of all nuclear test-
ing, with reasonable assurance that the obligations
undertaken were being fulfilled. Mr. Arthur H.
Dean conducted these negotiations on behalf of the
United States, ably assisted by Mr. Charles Stelle,
and an experienced staff. The proposals put forth
by the United States were designed to afford a

* For a history of the political and technical develop-
ments of the negotiations from Oct. 31, 1958, to Aug. 22,
1960, see ihid., Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482.

reasonable basis for negotiation, if the Soviets
wanted a workable agreement, or, if the Soviets
did not want a workable agreement, to make that
fact clear. We hoped for the former, but our
hopes for the conclusion of an agreement were
rudely shaken from the first day of the resumed ne-
gotiations by the new position taken by the Soviet
Union in regard to the matter of controls and in-
spection. Subsequent events, particularly the
breaking of the voluntary moratorium through the
resumption of extensive and rapid nuclear testing,
indicated that there had been no serious intent on
the part of the Soviet Union to reach an agree-
ment in the course of these negotiations. The
Soviet testing is of such a character that prepara-
tions for it must have been actively undertaken
from the outset of the resumed negotiations, if not
before. In spite of the disappointing attitude of
the Soviet Union, the United States continued to
search for a basis for an agreement covering all
tests and finally proposed an agreement without
controls and inspection on Soviet territory which
would ban testing in the atmosphere where fallout
was a continuing threat to health.

In the light of the high potential that these
negotiations possessed for constructive action on
the one hand, and the apparent pre-determination
on the part of the Soviet Union to avoid reaching
any agreement on the other, I regret to say that
this Geneva Conference constitutes the most dis-
couraging exercise in disarmament negotiations
since the close of the war. I enclose with this let-
ter a brief resume of the Geneva negotiations (Tab
A). More comprehensive reports are, of course,
on file with the Secretary of State ; and Mr. Dean
has himself reported from time to time to you at
considerable length on the negotiations.

Other negotiations, in the form of a follow-up
of the conversations begun during the Fifteenth
General Assembly of the United Nations between
Foreign Minister Gromyko and Ambassador
Stevenson on the subject of comprehensive dis-
armament, were likewise impending. These nego-
tiations were resumed during the montlis of Jime,
July, August, and September, in Washington,
Moscow and New York, between Deputy Foreign
Minister Valerian Zorin and myself. The pur-
pose of these negotiations was to develop a state-
ment of principles which would serve as the
framework for resumed negotiations on compre-

Nowember 6, 196?

763

hensive disarmament as well as to agree upon the
forum in which such negotiations could take
place. A statement of agreed principles was
reached containing what I believe to Ije some
highly significant principles on which future
negotiations might proceed. Tliough we were un-
able to agree on the composition of the forum,
prior to the reconvening of the General Assembly
of the United Nations, and we likewise disagreed
on the desirability of including a certain sentence
in the statement of principles which would have
emphasized the necessity of verifying remaining
force levels, the extent of our agreement was, as I
say, impressive. As for the failure to agree on the
composition of the forum, though we jiroffered
four different proposals, I do not despair of our
being able to reach a settlement of this issue in
due course, assuming a real desire on the part of
the Soviet Union to reach a comprehensive dis-
armament agreement.

I also enclose (in Tab B) a summary of my dis-
cussions with Mr. Zorin, as well as the joint state-
ment of agreed principles dated September 20,
1961 filed with the United Nations on the same
day, a letter from me to Mr. Zorin dated Septem-
ber 20, the reply of Mr. Zorin dated September 21,
the United States memorandum dated Septem-
ber 14 setting forth the United States position
with respect to general disarmament, also as filed
with the United Nations on September 20, and the
memorandum of July 29, 1961, setting forth the
position of the United States in respect to the com-
position of the forum for the resmiiption of nego-
tiations likewise filed in the United Nations on
September 20, 1961.

Likewise, during the course of the spring and
summer extensive work was undertaken leading
to the preparation of a plan for general and com-
plete disarmament. Panels of distinguished ex-
perts were convened and they worked industri-
ously to make recommendations in the various
aspects of disarmament and arms control. Nu-
merous consultations with our Allies and the repre-
sentatives of appropriate agencies of the Govern-
ment took place and the result was the plan sub-
mitted to the United Nations on September 25th
of this year. A report covering the development
of this plan, including a copy of the plan itself, is
enclosed herewith (Tab C).

As for the second aspect of my mission, namely,
the matter of the character and position of the

Agency to deal with the problem of disarmament
and arms control within the United States Gov-
ernment, I believe the passage of the Arms Con-
trol and Disarmament Act by both houses of
Congress with such substantial majorities speaks
for itself. I have, however, enclosed herewith a
short summary of the adoption of the legislation
(Tab D) . I feel that you can take deep satisfac-
tion in the seriousness with which the Congress
dealt with this important problem in a very busy
session and I know it must be particularly gratify-
ing to you that the Bill had such wide bipartisan
support. The authoritative position which the
new Agency now holds by Statute in the Govern- j
ment is another earnest of the serious intent of the
United States to seek a sound and constructive
resolution of the tremendous hazards involved in
a modern arms race. l

With the passage of the legislation, the conclu- '
sion of my negotiations with Mr. Zorin, and the
introduction of the United States plan for dis-
armament at the General Assembly, my mission,
I believe, is concluded. I am happy to learn that
you have already designated a man of such experi-
ence and capacity as William C. Foster to direct
the Agency and to become your principal adviser
on Disarmament as the Statute provides. He wUl
be inost effectively assisted by one of the finest
and ablest public servants I have ever known —
Mr. Adrian S. Fisher.

I remain deeply convinced that constructive
steps must be taken in this field of disarmament
and arms control if the World is to avoid disaster
of a cataclysmic nature. I also believe that with
the position which the United States maintained
at the Geneva Conference on nuclear testing, with
the acceptance of an agreed statement of princi-
ples under which negotiations for general and
complete disarmament could be resumed, and,
finally, with the impressive votes on the Arms
Conti-ol and Disarmament Act, that the United
States has shown what must appear to all a thor-
oughly convincing display of its sincerity and
willingness to bring to an end the hazards of an
indiscriminate arms race. If others will demon-
strate a similar will and intent, real assurances
could be felt that constructive progress in this
all important field could now take place.

I have been greatly honored to liave been se-
lected by you for this mission and I am particu-
larly appreciative of the unfailing support I have

764

Department of Stale Bulletin

received from you, the Secretary of State, and the
Secretary of Defense during the course of my
work.

Respectfully yours,

John J. McCloy

TAB A

REPORT ON THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN NEGO-
TIATIONS

held at Geneva, Switzerland
March-September, 19S1

In January and February, 1961, all of the U.S. positions
on the outstanding issues of the nuclear test ban con-
ference were carefully reviewed. In this connection, a
very distinguished panel of scientists and experts were
convened under the Chairmanship of Dr. James B. Fisk,
and the resulting report served as the basis for a recon-
sideration of the entire problem. Consultations with the
Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Direc-
tor of the Atomic Energy Commission, and others, were
conducted and frequent reports and discussions were held
with the Joint Atomic Energy Committee of the Congress.
Soviet statements on the issues on which they considered
it necessary to reach agreement were also earefuUy ex-
amined. This review of U.S. positions resulted in the
drafting of new proposals. Each proposal was designed
to meet, as far as possible, the views of the Soviet Union
on major outstanding issues. Each of the new U.S. posi-
tions was also thoroughly discussed with the United
Kingdom and a joint position was reached.

On March 21, 1961, Ambassador Arthur H. Dean, who
was asked to lead the U.S. Delegation at the Geneva
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon
Tests, presented these new compromise proposals to the
Soviet Union. The Western proposals included pro-
visions :

(1) to reduce the number of control posts on Soviet
territory from 21 to 19 and in the United States from
17 to 16 ;

(2) to extend from 27 months to 3 years the proposed
moratorium on small underground tests and the associated
seismic research program ;

(3) to in.stitute the means to ban aU nuclear weapons
tests in space ;

(4) to ask the Congress for legislative authority to
permit Soviet internal inspection of the nuclear devices
used in the seismic research and peaceful engineering
programs ;

(5) to accept a veto over the total annual budget;

(6) to organize the policy-making Control Commission
so as to give the Soviet Union a voice in guiding the
control system equal to that of the United States and the
United Kingdom combined.

On May 29th, the UK and the US, in a further effort
to induce agreement, also proposed to reduce the number
of on-site inspections in the territory of each of the

negotiating states from 20 to a possible 12, depending on
the number of suspicious seismic events.

The Soviet Union did not accept these attempts to re-
solve the outstanding differences. Instead, on March 21,
1961, it withdrew its previous agreement on a single Ad-
ministrator to over.see the daily executive and admini.'<tra-
tive tasks of the control organization. In place of the
single Administrator, the Soviet Union proposed to sub-
stitute a three-man directorate — the "troika"— with each
member, Soviet, Western, and neutral, possessing a veto
over every action of that body. The "troika" arrangement
would, of course, have made a mockery of effective control
by providing a possibility of completely paralyzing the
executive arm of the control organization.

Subsequently, and throughout the remainder of the
negotiations, the Soviet Union maintained a stance of
unyielding obduracy. The Soviet Union also made clear
in its aide memoirc given to the President at Vienna on
June 4 ■ that the only way agreement could be reached on
the test ban was to merge consideration of it with tlie
broader problem of general and complete disarmament.
Finally, on July 1.5, the United States and the United
Kingdom asked for urgent consideration of the problem
at the Sixteenth Session of the General Assembly."

On August 28, in a last attempt to make progress be-
fore General Assembly consideration of the test ban issue,
and as an indication of our willingness to go even further
in order to induce agreement, Ambassador Dean returned
to Geneva with additional new proposals. These proposals
provided for :

( 1 ) Removal of the single administrator by a decision
of seven members of the Commission ;

(2) Staffing of on-site inspection teams in the USSR,
UK, and US so that up to one-half of the personnel could
come from neutral nations ;

(3) Methods to lower the threshold of the treaty by
extending the control system so that all or practically all
underground tests would be included in the treaty ban
either immediately or at the end of the three-year mora-
torium on small underground weapon tests.

On August 31, 1961, the Soviet Union suddenly an-
nounced the resumption of nuclear weapon tests and on
September 1, exploded its first device in the atmosphere.
In the days immediately following, the President and
Prime Minister Macmillan offered to ban all tests in the
atmosphere without any additional controls. Subsequently,
the Soviet Union stepped up the momentum of its rapid
test program and on September 5, the intention of the
United States to resume nuclear weapon tests underground
was announced.'

The rapid progress of the Soviet Union's test program —
fifteen shots of from small to intermediate yield over a
period of twenty-two days— suggests that extensive secret
preparations for test resumption were undertaken by the
Soviet Union during a major portion of this year's session

" For text, see ibid., July 3, 1961, p. 22.
" Ibid., July 31, 1961, pp. 184 and 190.
' For background, see ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475 ; Sept.
23, 1961, p. 515 ; and Oct. 2, 1961, p. 543.

November 6, 7961

765

of the Geneva Conference. The first Soviet shot came
within hours of the announcement of resumption and on
at least one occasion two weapons were exploded within
the period of a single day.

On September 9, Chairman Khrushchev delivered his re-
jection of the atmospheric test ban proposal to our Am-
bassador at Moscow." The same day, the Geneva
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon
Tests recessed.

It was proposed by the UK and the US that the recess
last until after the completion of General Assembly de-
bate on the nuclear test ban item. The Soviet representa-
tive agreed, but was unwilling to commit himself
specifically to any resumption of the talks.

The United States and the United Kingdom have sub-
mitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations a
resolution urging that an agreement to ban nuclear weapon
tests under effective control be concluded at the earliest
possible time.' This proposal remains the cornerstone of
our policy. The test ban, as pointed out in the President's
speech to the General Assembly on September 25, 19G1,'°
is the logical place to begin on a program of general and
complete disarmament. It is a step which can be taken
now to reverse the dangerous and burdensome syms race,
to inhibit the spread of nuclear weapons and the capa-
bility to manufacture them, to contribute to the reduction
of international tensions and to eliminate any health
hazard associated with nuclear testing. It is to be hoped
that effective and forthright action by the United Nations
General Assembly on the resolution proposed jointly by the
United Kingdom and the United States will ensure that
this first step is taken as soon as possible. However, it
is clear that this objective can be achieved only if the
Soviet Union reverses its present policy and agrees to
participate in further negotiations at Geneva in good faith
and with an intention to reach an accord with a willing-
ness to accept whatever reasonable controls and inspection
mea.sures the situation demands to insure fulfillment of
the objective.

OCTOBEE 2, 1961.

TAB B

REPORT ON THE US/USSR EXCHANGE
VIEWS ON DISARMAMENT

OF

A. Background

As a result of an understanding reached between Am-
bassador Stevenson and Foreign Minister Gromyko during
the second half of the 15th Session of the United Nations
General Assembly, there took place an exchange of views
between the US and the USSR on questions relating to
disarmament and the resumption of negotiations in an
agreed body. At the Secretary of State's request, Mr.

" For text, see ibid., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515.

•D.N. doc. A/C.1/L.280.

" Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

John J. McCloy served as United States spokesman during
that exchange.

The exchange of views took place in Washington, D.C.
from June 19 to June 30 ; in Moscow, from July 17 to
July 29 ; and in New York, from September 6 to Septem-
ber 19, 1961. In the course of the talks, both sides intro-
duced documents setting forth their respective views.

During the entire exchange, an effort was made on the
part of the U.S. representative to reach an understanding
with the Soviet Union on a basis which would permit a
speedy resumption of multilateral disarmament negotia-
tions. The United States took the position that the ob-
jective of the exchange was to reach agreement between
the US and the USSR on the framework for disarmament
negotiations and on the composition of the negotiating
body, such agreement to be submitted as recommendation
to the other States concerned.

The United States set forth its views on what it re-
garded as the basic principles by which any comprehen-
sive disarmament negotiations should be guided. In the
first instance, it endeavored to impress upon the Soviet
Union its conviction that :

(1) The disarmament process should go hand-in-hand
with a gradual development of institutions designed to
settle international disputes by peaceful means and effec-
tively to maintain peace ;

(2) Implementation of all obligations undertaken by
States should be subject to effective verification so as to
give assurance to all parties that all obligations are being
fulfilled ; and

(3) The implementation of any agreement that can
be reached on a specific disarmament measure or group of
measures should not await agreement on a full program
of general and complete disarmament which might well
involve a lengthy period of negotiations. At the same
time, the US emphasized its readiness to negotiate with-
out interruption until a total program of general and com-
plete disarmament has been developed and agreed.

The United States also proposed four alternative
formulae for the composition of the negotiating body,
including a forum comprised of the members of the Ten-
Nation Committee and additional ten States, including
non-committed States, selected on the basis of equitable
geographic distribution.

At the outset of the talks, the Soviet Union took the
position that no disarmament negotiations could take
place unless and until a US/USSR understanding was
reached on the basic provisions of a specific disarmament
plan. In spite of the position taken by the United States
that no specific disarmament plans, which of necessity
affect the interests of many other States, should be dis-
cussed in the absence of such States, the Soviet Union
sought to prove, on the basis of its plan, the merits of
Its own approach. The Soviet Union also refused to
discuss the question of the composition of the negotiating
body until a US-USSR understanding on the basic provi-
sions of a disarmament plan was reached.

The USSR pursued this approach almost until the end
of the Moscow phase of the talks. Two days before the
end of that phase, the USSR altered its position and

766

Department of State Bulletin

agreed to discuss a statement of principles. It also ex-
pressed its views on the question of the negotiating
forum, reiterating its past position which provides for
addition to the membership of the Ten-Nation Committee
of a component of neutral States, thus reflecting the
Soviet concept of a World divided into three distinct
blocs.

The final phase of the talks, which took place in New
Tork, was devoted to efforts to arrive at an agreed state-
ment of principles for future disarmament negotiations.
As a result, on September 19, agreement was reached on
a document that was acceptable to both sides and a
report to that effect was submitted to the United Nations.
The text of the US/USSR report and of the joint US/
USSR statement of agreed principles is attached here as
part of Tab B. The United States also submitted to the
United Nations a memorandum on the principles which
should govern negotiations for general and complete dis-
armament in a peaceful world and a US memorandum
on the composition of the negotiating forum which had
been presented earlier in the course of the discussion.
A text of these documents is also attached hereto as part
of Tab B.

The question of the composition of the negotiating body
remained unresolved.

B. Evaluation

The exchange of views vras useful in the sense that both
sides had an opportunity to expound their respective
positions and thus gain a greater insight into each other's
thinking. Although the main US objective — that of mak-
ing possible the resumption of disarmament negotiations
at an early date — could not be achieved, it is believed that
the joint statement of agreed principles is an important
step in that direction.

It should be recognized that while the joint statement
is not a disarmament plan in Itself, or an agreement as
to specific measures, it does constitute recognition by both
sides of certain fundamental concepts which the US be-
lieves to be essential if any progress in comprehensive
disarmament is to be made.

Thus, both sides have recorded their readiness to nego-
tiate a total program for general and complete disarma-
ment without prejudice to such areas of agreement as
could be reached and implemented, perhaps as part of the
total program, even before such program has been de-
veloped and agreed.

Among the important principles which the Soviet Union
has agreed to include in the statement are those of the
need for a gradual development of international peace-
keeping institutions and for a control system assuring
all parties that the obligations undertaken are being faith-
fully fulfilled. The Soviet Union, however, still refuses
to accept what the US believes to be inherent in this latter
concept ; namely, that there should be verified not only
obligations with respect to reductions of forces or arma-
ments, but also those relating to the maintenance of
agreed levels of forces or armaments. The US under-
standing of this problem was expressed in the letter
which Mr. McCloy sent to Mr. Zorin on September 20.
This letter, together with Mr. Zorin's reply, is attached
hereto as part of Tab B.

U.S.-U.S.S.R. Report to General Assembly, With
Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for Disarma-
ment Negotiations

[For test, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.]

Letter From Mr. McCloy to Mr. Zorin

[For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 595.]

Letter From Mr. Zorire to Mr. McCloy

September 21, 1961

Deab Mr. McCloy : I have received your letter of Sep-
tember 20th in which you make a reservation with regard
to the position which the United States intends to take in
further negotiations on disarmament.

In accordance with the agreement reached between us
during the bilateral exchange of views, the U.S. agreed
not to include in the Joint Statement by the Government
of the USSR and the USA on the principles for disarma-
ment negotiations the clause which is known to you and
the acceptance of which would represent agreement to
the concept of establishing control over armament instead
of control over disarmament. In your letter you indi-
cate that the clause expresses "a key element in the U.S.
position."

In this connection, I must state that, as you well know,
the position of the USSR on the question of control over
general and complete disarmament has been set forth
sutflciently, fully and clearly in statements by the Soviet
Government and its head, N. S. Khrushchev. The Soviet
Union advocates the most thorough, the most strict inter-
national control over measures of general and complete
disarmament. While being for effective control over dis-
armament and desiring to facilitate as much as possible
the reaching of agreement on such control, the Soviet
Union at the same time resolutely opposes establishment
of control over armaments.

It follows from your letter that the U.S. seeks to
establish control over armed forces and armaments which
will be retained by states at the various stages of dis-
armament. However, such control, which in fact means
control over armaments, would become an international
.s.vstem of legalized espionage, which, of course, cannot be
accepted by any state which is interested in its security
and in the maintenance of world peace. The U.S. position
in this matter, if the U.S. continues to insist on the above
mentioned clause, cannot but make more difficult agree-
ment on a program of general and complete disarmament,
the general principles of which have been agreed between
us.

As to the Soviet Union, it will continue to exert every
effort to develop as promptly as possible a treaty on gen-
eral and complete disarmament under effective interna-
tional control.

Sincerely yours,

V. A. Zorin

Permanent Representative

of the USSR to the UN

November 6, 7967

767

U.S. Memorandum on Principles That Should Gov-
ern Negotiations for General and Complete Disarma-
ment in a Peaceful World

[For test, see Bulletin of Oct 9, 1961, p. 591.]

U.S. Memorandum on Composition of the Disarma-
ment Forum

[For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 591.]

TAB C

DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED STATES DISARMA-
MENT PLAN

With the completion in March of the review of the
nuclear test policy, attention was directed next to the
development of a comprehensive United States disarma-
ment plan. The statements of Foreign Minister Gromyko
and Ambassador Stevenson concerning the bilateral dis-
cussions on the forum and framework of a resumed dis-
armament negotiation made it necessary for the United
States to be prepared for the resumption of these nego-
tiations by July 31, 1961. Given the shortness of time to
prepare and then to coordinate within the U.S. Govern-
ment and with the Allies a new, far-reaching disarma-
ment plan, two decisions were made : first, to have the
U.S. Disarmament Administration prepare a draft plan
drawing on new ideas that had emerged from extensive
work on arms control going on in the Universities and
Research Foundations, on new ideas recently submitted
by our Allies, and on a variety of proposals in previous
negotiations ; and, second, to assemble a number of panels
composed of distinguished individuals considered experts
in the various areas of arms control and disarmament to
address themselves to the draft plan.

The following were the panels and their chairmen :

Conventional Arms and Armed Forces: Major Gen. John
B. Hull

Nuclear Armaments: Professor Harvey Brooks, Dean of
Engineering, Harvard University

Delivery Vehicles: Dr. Donald Ling, Bell Telephone Lab-
oratories

Chemical, Biological, Radiological Warfare: Dr. Robert
Cairns, Hercules Powder Company

War hy Accident, Miscalculation, Surprise Attack: Pro-
fessor Thomas C. Schelling, Harvard University

International Legal and Security Arrangements: Profes-
sor Louis Henkin, University of Pennsylvania Law
School

Regional Disarmament: Mr. Gerard Smith, formerly As-
sistant Secretary of State for Policy Planning

Outer Space: Dr. Chalmers Sherwin, Aerospace Corpora-
tion

New Approaches: Mr. Richard Leghorn, President, ITEK
Corporation

Economic Aspects of Disarmament: Dr. Emile Benoit,
Columbia University

The work of these panels was completed by May 13 and
the Policy Staff then prepared a revised draft of the

U.S. disarmament plan, taking into account the reports
of these panels. This draft was circulated on May 31 for
comment within the Government and as a staff draft
given on June 1 to our Western partners for their com-
ment. Agreement had been reached between the US
and USSR to have bilateral disarmament discussions be-
ginning June 19 in Washington with the hope — as the US
understood it — of agreeing on the framework for future
multilateral negotiations. Because the preambular part
of the new draft plan dealing with the goal, the task, and
the principles governing negotiations constituted the US
recommendation for the framework of new negotiations,
clearance on the substance of this part of the draft was
sought and obtained from the Government and the Allies
in time for the beginning of the US-USSR bilaterals on
June 19.

Taking into account Departmental and Allied com-
ment, another revision of the plan was produced and cir-
culated on June 24 in preparation for a meeting of the
heads of Departments and Agencies concerned on July 5.
The principal issue remaining within the U.S. Govern-
ment after this "Meeting of Principals" was the question
of the relationship of the various measures to each other.
After a week of extensive discussion in Washington be-
ginning July 10 with representatives of Canada, France,
Italy, and the United Kingdom (the other Western mem-
bers of the Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee), a final
meeting of the Principals was held on August 3. The
final decision on the substance of the plan was made by
you on August 18 and consultation with NATO was com-
pleted on August 31. Finally, on September 25, the
product of these efforts — entitled "Declaration on Dis-
armament: A Program for General and Complete Dis-
armament in a Peaceful World" — was submitted to the
General Assembly of the United Nations and publicly re-
leased in connection with your address to the General
Assembly."

The proposals contained in this plan represent an im-
aginative yet realistic program to bring the present arms
race to an end. The plan advances in many respects well
beyond what has heretofore been put forward by the
United States in the field of disarmament. The new fea-
tures include a recognition of the fact that progress In
disarmament must be accompanied by measures to
strengthen institutions for maintaining peace and for
settlement of international disputes by peaceful means by
including provisions for the establishment of a permanent
United Nations Peace Force and peacekeeping machinery
strong enough to cope with the threats or use of force
by any nation or grouj) of nations. These new features
also include an increased emphasis on the reduction and
eventual elimination of nuclear weapons and delivery
systems at an early stage in tlie disarmament process,
including measures designed to prevent a proliferation of
nuclear weapons to nations not now owning them. The

" Freedom From War: The United States Program for
Ocnrral and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World
(Department of State publication 7277) : for sale by the
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
OflSce, Washington 25, D.C. ; price 15 cents.

768

Deparfmenf of State Bullefin

plan also includes a commitment to seek and implement
immediately as wide an area of agreement as possible
and to continue this effort without interruption until
general and complete disarmament has been achieved.
The last word, of course, has not been spoken on dis-
armament, and reasonable flexibility is essential if dis-
armament is to be achieved. However, if the Soviet
Union and other Communist states are seriously in-
terested in disarmament, the US proposals can afford
a realistic basis for negotiation of a detailed disarmament
plan.

Declaration oir Disarmament: A Program for Gen-
eral and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful
World

[For text, see Buixetin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.]

TAB D

REPORT ON THE ADOPTION OF THE LEGISLA-
TION KNOWN AS THE "ARMS CONTROL AND
DISARMAMENT ACT"

In the President's letter to Mr. John J. McCloy of
January 27, 1961, the latter was given the task of making
recommendations to the President regarding the organi-
zation of the U.S. Disarmament Administration and re-
lated activities. The U.S. Disarmament Administration,
which was then in existence as a part of the Department
of State, had been established by Departmental order by
Secretary of State Christian A. Herter on September 9,
I960." No Director had been appointed for the organiza-
tion. It was headed by Mr. Edmund A. Gullion, an able
career Foreign Service Ofiicer, who had been designated
as Acting Deputy Director on October 12, 1960.

Because of the pressing and immediate problems in
connection with preparation of the U.S. position of the
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon
Tests, it was not possible to devote a great deal of per-
sonal attention to this problem until the formulation of
the U.S. position for the Geneva discussions and Ambassa-
dor Dean had left for the Geneva Conference on March 15,
19C1. In the spring of this year, as part of the study of
this problem, consultations were conducted with the Sec-
retary of State, the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman
of the Atomic Energy Commission, the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget, as well as a number of other Gov-
ernment officials, including the President of the United
States. Consultations also took place with a number of
private persons whose experience and knowledge in the
field of Government organization was impressive, includ-
ing Professor Richard E. Neustadt of Columbia Univer-
sity, Mr. Robert A. Lovett, Mr. James A. Perkins of the
Carnegie Corporation, and Mr. Don K. Price of the Ford
Foundation.

As a result of these studies, the conclusion was reached
that an Agency should be established by statute at an
authoritative level in the Government with the excep-
tionally broad competence, functions, and resources re-
quired to work on the problems of arms control and
disarmament, including the conduct of the research so
essential to progress in this field. Though there was
considerable support for an entirely independent Agency
reporting only to the President, the conclusion was
reached that those conducting this research should be in
the same organization as those charged with conducting
negotiations in the field, and that the organization should
be subject to the direction of the Secretary of State, al-
though distinct from the Department of State. Since the
Director of the new Agency would have to deal with and
coordinate the activities of many other agencies of Gov-
ernment which have direct access to the President, it was
felt that the Director should serve as the principal ad-
viser to the President as well as to the Secretary of State
in the disarmament field, with direct access to the Presi-
dent upon notification to the Secretary of State.

A draft bill was prepared, which put these conclusions
in the form of a statute. This bill was transmitted to
the President of the United States for formal clearance
throughout the Government on May 9, 1961, together with
an explanatory letter of transmittal and an accompanying
memorandum. As a result of the clearance process, the
draft bill was slightly revised and was transmitted to the
President by letter of June 23, 1961. The President, in
turn, transmitted the draft bill to the Vice President and
the Speaker of the House by letter of June 29, 1961."

In the Senate, it was Introduced as S. 2180 by Senator
Humphrey and eight other Senators. In the House, it
was initially introduced as H.R. 7936 by Congressman
Morgan, and 70 other similar or identical bills were subse-
quently introduced in the House.

Hearings on these bills were held in the latter part of
August and early September before the Committee on
Foreign Relations of the U.S. Senate and the Committee
on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives. At
these hearings, the support for the bill was completely
bipartisan in nature. Witnesses testifying in support of
it included officials impressive in quality and number of
both your Administration and the Administrations of
Presidents Eisenhower and Truman. A letter, which
President Eisenhower had written in support of the prin-
ciples on which the bill was drafted, was introduced into
the record of both Committees. Both Committees re-
ported the bill favorably by unanimous vote.

The bill passed the Senate on September 8, 1961 by a
vote of 73 to 14. A crucial amendment offered by Senator
Goldwater which would have crippled the research pro-
gram was defeated by a vote of 46 to 43. The bill passed
the House of Representatives on September 19, 1961 by a
vote of 290 to 54. A Conference Committee report was
adopted by the House of Representatives on September 23,
1961, by a vote of 250 to 50 and in the Senate by unani-

'^ Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 481.
November 6, 7 96 J

' Ibid., July 17, 1961, p. 99.

769

mous consent. The President was able to report the
passage of the bill to the General Assembly of the United
Nations on September 25, 1061.

As anally passed by the Congress, the Act incorporated
the general principles of the bill originally transmitted
to you on June 29, 1061 ; although, in the process of legis-
lative deliberation, the language was clarified in several
important respects to express more accurately the con-
cepts which underlay the original bill.
October 2, 1961.

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Review
Motion Picture Exchanges

Press release 716 dated October 17
JOINT STATEMENT

The U.S.-U.S.S.R. Standing Committee on Co-
operation in the Field of Cinematography, estab-
lished under the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Agreement on
Scientific, Technical, Educational and Cultural
Exchange of November 21, 1959,' met in Wash-
ington from October 2 until October 17, 1961 to
review progress of exchanges in the field of motion
pictures during the last two years.

The Committee discussed matters which have
arisen in connection with the purchase and sale of
theatrical films; distribution and exhibition of
theatrical films; exchange of documentary films;
exchange of delegations of film specialists; (joint)
co-production of films; and premieres and
publicity in connection with the distribution of
theatrical films. The Committee also discussed in
general terms future cooperation in the field of
motion pictures.

At the end of their discussions, the Committee
issued a Memorandum of Agreement (attached).

The Committee was represented on the United
States side by Turner B. Shelton, Director of the
Motion Picture Service of the U.S. Information
Agency, and Eric Johnston, President of the Mo-
tion Picture Association of America, Inc. Ad-
visers to the U.S. delegation were Ralph A. Jones,
Deputy Director of the Soviet and P^astern Euro-
pean Exchanges Staff of the Department of State;
Harry G. Barnes of the Office of Soviet Union Af-

fairs in the Department of State; Hans N. Tuch,
Policy Officer for Eastern Europe in the U.S. In-
formation Agency; and Kenneth Clark, Vice
President of the Motion Picture Association of
America, Inc. The Soviet Union was represented
by A. N. Davydov, President of Sovexportfilm,
and Boris Krylov, Chief of the American Section
of the State Committee for Cultural Relations
with Foreign Countries. Advisers to the Soviet
delegation were L. O. Arnshtam, Soviet film direc-
tor, and Yuri Volsky, Counselor of the Soviet Em- |,
bassy in Washington.

MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT

October 17, 1061
Memorandum on the Meeting of the Standing Commit-
tee Established Under the Section Dealing With
Cooperation in the Field of Cinematography of the
Scientific, Technical, Educational and Cultural
Exchange Agreement Between the United States
and the USSR.

The Standing Committee on Cooperation in the Field
of Cinematography established under the Scientific. Tech-
nical, Educational and Cultural Exchange Agreements
signed between the United States and the USSR on Jan-
uary 27, 1058 ^ and November 21, 1050, met in Washington
in October, 1061. During the course of the discussions,
consideration was given to the problems which have
arisen In connection with the purchase and sale of
theatrical motion pictures ; the matter of the distribution
of theatrical films including the problem of exhibition;
the exchange of documentary films ; the exchange of dele-
gations of specialists in the motion picture field; (joint)
co-production of films as provided for under the Agree-
ment; the matter of premieres and publicity in connection
with the distribution of films ; and in addition, the Stand-
ing Committee held a general discussion of future coopera-
tion in the field of motion pictures.

The results of these considerations are as follows:

Purchase and Sale, Distriliution and Exhibition of
Theatrical Films

The Committee discussed fully the widest possible dis-
tribution and exhibition of appropriate films purchased
and sold under the Agreement. A review of additional
American and Soviet motion pictures was initiated with
the view of selecting more motion pictures for purchase
and sale under the present Agreement. It is uiiderstood
that Sovexportfilm and American companies will carry
on negotiations for the purchase and sale of films and
conclude arrangements under provisions set forth in Sec-
tion VIII of the present Agreement. The Committee

' For background and text of agreement, see Blt-letin
Of Dec. 7, 1959, p. 848, and Dec. 28, 1959, p. 951.

770

" For text, see ihid., Feb. 17, 1958, p. 243.

Department of State Bulletin

recommends that in using their best efforts to obtain
maximum distribution and exhibition of mutually accept-
able films, both parties shall strive to increase the number
of prints to be distributed, the number of theaters and the
number of communities in which the films are to be shown.
Both parties have agreed to furnish each other with
periodic reports concerning the distribution and exhibi-
tion of these films.

Publicity and Premieres

The Committee agreed that it was desirable to increase
the scope of publicity and to hold appropriate premieres
of the films purchased and sold under the present Agree-
ment. Consideration will be given to inviting actors and
other artistic personnel to the premieres arranged for
these theatrical films.

Exchange of Documentary Films

After a full discussion of matters relating to the ex-
change of documentary films, the Committee agreed that
both parties would use their best efforts to complete the
selection and acceptance by the other side of 15 documen-
tary films respectively which would serve to complete the
exchange of documentary films envisioned for the ex-
change agreement through December 31, 1961.

Exchange of Delegations of Film Specialists

The Committee agreed that an exchange of film spe-
cialists will take place before December 31, 1961, with
the Soviet delegation scheduled to come to the United
States during the last week of November and the U.S.
delegation to go to the Soviet Union after the Soviet
delegation's return to the U.S.S.R.

{Joint) Co-Production of Films

The Committee recognized as desirable that both parties
undertake specific negotiations looking toward the joint
co-production of films provided for under the Agreement,
taking into account the exchange of opinions on this
subject which took place at the Committee meetings.

Prospects for Motion Picture Exchanges in 1962-1963

The Committee discussed in general terms the useful-
ness of cooperation in the field of motion pictures and
took into account the positive experience of such co-
operation in the past. The Committee recognized as
desirable that both parties adopt all appropriate measures
for expanding cooperation in the purchase and sale of
films, distribution and exhibition of films, exchange of
documentary films, exchange of delegations, conducting
\ premieres, etc., with the understanding that this entire
subject win be discussed during the forthcoming nego-
tiations between the United States and the USSR regard-
ing a new Exchange Agreement. The Committee further
recommends that the drafts for a new Exchange Agree-
ment contain provisions for the continued activity of the
Standing Committee on Cooperation in the Field of
Cinematography.

Eric Johnston A. N. Davydov

TUKNER B. Shelton Eoris Ivkylov

November 6, 1961

Clarence B. Randall Heads Mission
To Review Volta River Project

President Kennedy announced on October 20
(White House press release) that Clarence B.
Randall has agreed to serve from time to time as a
consultant to the U.S. Government on special
foreigl^ assistance projects. In this capacity Mr.
Randall will lead a special mission to review U.S.
participation in the Volta River project.

Mr. Randall will depart for Accra on October 24
for an on-the-spot examination and discussion with
officials there regarding the project. While in
Accra, Mr. Randall expects to meet with President
Kwame Nkrumah for extensive conversations
about conditions in Ghana and their relation to the
project. It is expected that Mr. Randall will
return to Washington early in November and re-
port directly to the President.

The Volta River project is a large hydroelectric
project being undertaken at Akosombo, Ghana,
together with a privately owned aluminum smelter
being erected at Tema. It involves financing
through the World Bank, the United Kingdom,
Ghana, and the Development Loan Fund and the
Export-Import Bank of the United States.

In announcing the appointment, the President
stated that he was delighted that Mr. Randall was
willing to undertake this important assignment.
"Mr. Randall," he said, "is a man of great experi-
ence at home and abroad. He has an extensive
knowledge of the African Continent. I know that
his report will be of great assistance to us."

Mr. Randall will be accompanied on his mission
by Abram Chayes, Legal Adviser, Department of
State, and Harry Shooshan, Assistant Deputy
Managing Director for Operations of the Develop-
ment Loan Fund.

AID Projects Announced for Chile,
Nicaragua, and Paraguay

Press release 719 dated October 18

The United States Government, carrying for-
ward President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress
program, announced on October 18 that it is con-
tributing assistance funds for self-help projects in

771

Cliile, Nicaraj^ia, and Paraguay. These funds
will be administered through the new Agency for
International Development (AID), the successor
agency to ICA (International Cooperation
Administration ) .

This now brings the total number of countries
receiving special assistance under the Alliance for
Progress to 13 and the amount of funds earmarked
thus far to approximately $24 million. The idea
of the Alliance for Progress is to foster social
development in Latin America, and all three of the
new projects will further this goal in the field of
educational development.

The funds expended in Chile will be used in the
initial phase of a program designed to strengthen
and expand the Rural Education Institute (REI) ,
an organization which provides the rural popula-
tion with elementary courses in reading and writ-
ing, agriculture, personal hygiene, home industries,
and commmiity development. It also rendei-s as-
sistance to primary rural schools through its radio
school network, which reaches approximately
80,000 pupils. From the original centers estab-
lished by REI, the work now extends to additional
rural communities by means of branch centers
operated by extension workers.

The funds approved for Nicaragua, half as loan
and half as grant, will be used in a self-help school
construction program. This project is designed
to help alleviate the critical shortage of class-
rooms in Nicaragua and is set up in a manner that
will permit the local communities to participate in
accomplishment of this goal by their contributions
of land and labor, while the national Government
of Nicaragua will assume responsibility for the
loan.

In Paraguay the funds will be used to support
two complementary phases of an education im-
provement program. As one part, assistance will
be given to local communities which will make
contributions of their own toward the construction
of rural schools. In the other part, the funds will
be used to help establish three teacher-training
centers in order to meet the demands for a larger
number of qualified teachers as the school con-
struction phase of the program expands the school
facilities.

Allocation of funds to individual countries for
the initial projects will be made upon signing of
the project agreements.

Bolivia Reassured on U.S. Disposal
of Surplus Tin From Stockpile

Following is an exchange of messages between
President Kennedy and President Victor Pa.-:
EstenssoTo of Bolivia.

PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO PRESIDENT PAZ

White House press release dated October 6

October 6, 1961

Excellency : I wish to acknowledge your tele-
gram of September 16, 1961, expressing your seri-
ous concern at the announcement that the United
States Government had requested the Congi-ess to
grant authority to dispose of a part of its stockpile
of tin.

Please be assured that my Government retains
a deep interest and concern in the rapid develop-
ment of the Bolivian nation and the economic and
social progress of the Bolivian people. We are
committed to assist you in carrying forward the
historic aims of the Bolivian revolution; and we
intend to continue to fulfill that conmaitment. I
assure you that we will not take any action- — in
regard to tin or any other matter — which will tend
to frastrate our mutual goal of a better life for
the people of Bolivia.

We fully understand the great importance of
tin to the Bolivian economy. Even now we are
engaged in an effort of unparalleled vigor and
dimension to help modernize your tin mines and
increase their productivity. You can be sure,
therefore, that we will sell no tin from our stock-
pile without first consulting with j'our govern-
ment and the governments of other tin producing
nations. In this way we can help ensure that the
interests of all nations are protected.

The course of action which we have suggested
is the sale of small lots of tin over a period of
several years. This tin would come from the
50,000 tons which we now have in excess of our
strategic requirements. We do not intend to de-
press the price of tin through these sales; they
would be initiated at a time of world-wide
shortage and would have the effect of discouraging
tin consumers from substituting other materials
for their normal tin consumption. In this way we
can protect the long-run stability and continued
prosperity of the tin market.

772

Deporfmenf of S/afe Bulletin

We have consulted continuously with officials
of your govemment concerning this problem and
such consultations will continue. We hope to work
with Bolivia toward a long-term solution to the
problem of tin prices. It is to further this aim
that we are now studying the terms of our acces-
sion to tlie International Tin Agreement to which
Bolivia belongs and which the United States has
not previously joined.

I have taken, from the very beginning of my
Administration, a deep personal interest in the
development of Bolivia and in your own heroic
efforts to raise the standard of living of the Bo-
livian people. It was this interest which led to
our early exchange of letters,^ the sending of a
special economic mission to Bolivia,^ the conclu-
sion of several economic aid agreements including
the triangular operation for the rehabilitation of
COMIBOL,^ and the stationing of a special eco-
nomic representative in your country.* There-
fore, I am certain that our proposal to dispose of
small lots of tin over several years, only after
prior consultation with your government, will not
be counter to the interests of Bolivia or incon-
sistent with the abiding friendship of our two
peoples.

With warmest personal regards,

John F. Kenivtedt

PRESIDENT PAZ TO PRESIDENT KENNEDY

Unofficial translation

September 16, 1961
President Kennedy
White House
Washington, B.C.

I wish to express to you, Mr. President, the deep con-
cern and alarm caused in Bolivia by the announcement of
the American Government that it will sell a part of its
strategic stockpile of tin in the market as a measure to
avoid a rise in its price. On this occasion I must recall
reiterated promises made by your illustrious Government
to bear in mind the interests of Bolivia in the tin prob-
lem. Throwing on the market large tonnages of metal
by the United States will make the price descend to a level
harmful particularly for Bolivia, which is a high-cost
producer, annulling completely the favorable situation
which the international market now presents. This does
not coincide with the aims stated in the documents of

Punta del Este° nor with the plans of the Alliance for
Progress nor with those expressed specifically for Bolivia
in your esteemed letter of May. The leadership exer-
cised by the United States in the Western World makes
it necessary to consider not only the interests of the
great nations consumers of tin but also the position of
small nations which are producers. I trust your Govern-
ment will be able to find a solution which takes into con-
sideration Bolivian interests in harmony with the tradi-
tionally good relations which exist between our peoples.
With my highest consideration.

Victor Paz Estenssoro
President of Bolivia

President EstabBishes Machinery
Implementing Textile Agreement

White House press release dated October 18

The President on October 18 sent the following
memorandum to the Secretary of State, the Secre-
tai'7/ of Commerce, and the Secretary of Labor,
establishing the machinery to imple7nent the Inter-
national Textile Agreement^ reached at Geneva
between the countries of: Australia, Austria,
Canada, India, Japan, Pakistan, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, United Kingdom {also representing
Hong Kong), United States, and fwe member
states of the European Economic Community —
Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, and the Nether-
lands.

In view of the International Textile Agreement
reached ad referendum at Geneva on July 21,
1961, which I signed September 7, 1961 : ^

A.

I am asking the Secretary of Commerce, as
Chairman of the President's Cabinet Textile Ad-
visory Committee, to convene that Committee for
the purpose of creating an Interagency Textile
Administrative Committee to carry out the rights
and obligations of the United States under the
"Short-Term Arrangement" provided for in the
International Textile Agreement of July 21, 1961,
at Geneva. The Interagency Textile Administra-
tive Committee is to be established under the
Chairmanship of a designee of the Secretary of

' For texts, see Bulletin of June 12, 1961, p. 920.
= Ihid., Mar. 27, 1961, p. 454.
' Ihid., Apr. 10, 1961, p. 531.
' lUd., Sept. 11, 1961, p. 449.

' Il)id., p. 459.

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1901, p. 337.

" lUd., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 528.

November 6, 196?

773

Commerce ; will be located, for administrative pur-
poses, in the Department of Commerce; and will
be composed of the Chairman and one representa-
tive each, from the Departments of State, Treas-
ury, Agriculture, and Labor. The President's
Cabinet Textile Advisory Committee will, at the
request of any member of the Interagency Textile
Administrative Committee, consider any question
of policy relating to the administration of the
"Short-Term Arrangement."

B.

I am asking the Secretary of State to undertake,
in accordance with policies established by the
President's Textile Advisory Committee, the ne-
gotiations contemplated by the International Tex-
tile Agreement of July 21, 1961, including
bilateral textile agreements. The Secretary of
State will request the Secretaries of Commerce and
Labor to appoint representatives of these Depart-
ments to the delegation on the Provisional Cotton
Textile Committee of GATT,^ contemplated under
the International Textile Agreement of July 21,
1961, toward the end that the United States I'epre-
sentation on this GATT Committee shall include
designees of the Secretaries of State, Commerce,
and Labor, with the Chairman being the designee
of the Secretary of State.

C.

I am asking the President's Cabinet Textile Ad-
visory Committee to form a Management-Labor
Textile Advisory Committee to provide continuing
advice on textile problems to it, the Interagency
Textile Administrative Committee, the United
States representation on the GATT Committee,
and the United States negotiators on bilateral
agreements.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

Agreement for Cooperation for Mutual Defense Purposes
With the Republic of France. Hearing before the
Joint Committee on Atomic Energy. September 12,
19C1. 27 pp.

* See p. 776.
774

Proposed Agreement for Cooperation Between the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and the Gov-
ernment of the French Republic. Report to accompany
H.J. Res. 569. H. Kept. 1183. September 14, 1961.
15 pp.

Proposed Agreement for Cooperation Between the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and the Gov-
ernment of the French Republic. Report to accompany
S.J. Res. 135. S. Rept. 1035. September 14, 1961.
15 pp.

Paris Convention on Patents and Trademarks. Report
to accompany H.R. 5754. S. Rept 1019. September 14,
1961. 8 pp.

Authorizing the Loan of Naval Vessels to Friendly Foreign
Countries and the Extension of Certain Loans Now in
Existence. Report to accompany H.R. 7726. S. Rept.
1037. September 14, 1961. 7 pp.

Shipment in Interstate or Foreign Commerce of Articles
Imported From Cuba. Report to accompany H.R. 8465.
September 14, 1961. 5 pp.

Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 1961.
Conference report to accompany H.R. 8666. H. Rept.
1197. September 15, 1961. 19 pp.

Amending the Trading With the Enemy Act, as Amended.
Report to accompany S. 495. S. Rept. 1002. Septem-
ber 15. 1961. 21 pp.

Amending the Act of September 2, 1958, as Amended,
Establishing a Commission and Advisory Committee on
International Rules of Judicial Procedure. Report to
accompany H.R. 8490. S. Rept. 1063. September 15,
1961. 5 pp.

Operation of Article VII, NATO Status of Forces Treaty.
Report of the Senate Armed Services Committee re-
viewing for the period December 1, 1959, through No-
vember 30, 1960, the operation of article VII, together
with the other criminal jurisdictional arrangements
throughout the world. S. Rept. 1041. September 15,
1961. 15 pp.

Peace Corps Act. Conference report to accompany H.R.
7500. H. Rept. 12.39. September 19, 1961. 23 pp.

World Economic Progress Assembly and Exposition. Re-
port to accompany S. Con. Res. 41. S. Rept. 1088.
September 20, 1961. 3 pp.

World Economic Progress Exposition. Report to ac-
company H. Con. Res. 389. H. Rept. 1251. September
21. 1961. 4 pp.

Cambodian Port Highway : A Supplemental Report.
Tenth report of the House Government Operations
Committee. H. Rept. 1250. September 21, 1961. 16
pp.

Tariff Commission Studies on Metals. Report to accom-
pany S. Res. 206. S. Rept. 1103. September 21, 1961.
2 pp.

Tariff Classification Description for Lightweight Bicycles.
Report to accompany H.R. 8938. H. Rept. 1255. Sep-
tember 22, 1961. 5 pp.

Arms Control and Disarmament Act. Conference report
to accompany H.R. 9118. H. Rept. 12C3. September
23. 1961. 15 pp.

Import Taxes on Lead and Zinc. Report to accompany
H.R. 5193. H. Rept. 1269. September 26, 1961. 9 pp.

Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appropriation
Bill, 1962. Conference report to accompany H.R. 9033.
H. Rept. 1270. September 26, 1961. 7 pp.

Survival of tlie United Nations. Addre-ss of the President
deliverefl to the U.N. General Assembly on Septem-
ber 25, 19G1. S. Doc. 69. September 2(). 1961. 9 pp.

BadJground Information on the Soviet Union in Inter-
national Relations. An analysis prepared by the De-
partment of State for the House Foreign Affairs
Committee. September 27, 1961. 91 pp. [Committee
print]

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings*

Scheduled November 1, 1961, Through January 31, 1962

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Organization and Operation of Industrial
Estates.

NATO Petroleum Planning Committee

FAO Conference: 11th Session

CENTO Military Committee

ILO Asian Advisory Committee: 11th Session

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commission-
er for Refugees: 6th Session.

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Koad
Transport.

ILO Governing Body: 150th Session (and its committees) ....

GATT Contracting Parties: 19th Session

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Trans-
port Costs.

ICAO Limited European-Mediterranean Frequency Assignment
Planning Meeting.

ICAO South American-South Atlantic Rules of the Air and Air
Traffic Services/Communications Meeting.

NATO Medical Committee

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Inland
Water Transport.

OECD Ministerial Meeting

SEATO Committee of Economic Experts

U.N. ECAFE Regional Training Seminar on Trade Promotion . .

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Trans-
port of Dangerous Goods.

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group.

International Wheat Council: 33d Session

IMCO Expert Working Group on Pollution of the Sea by Oil. . .

U.N. EC.\FE/WMO Interregional Seminar on Hydrology ....

U.N. ECE Consultation of Experts on Problems of Methodology of
Agricultural Production Projection.

2d Inter-Ameriean Meeting on IlUcit TraflHc in Cocaine and Cocoa
Leaves.

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 4th Session . . .

FAO Technical Working Party on Coconut Production, Protection,
and Processing: 1st Session.

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 4th Session

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 13th Session . .

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road
Transport.

U.N. Consiiltative Group on Prevention of Crime and Treatment
of Offenders.

U.N. ECAFE Regional Seminar on Energy Resources and Electric
Pow er Development.

FAO International Rice Commission: 9th Meeting of Working
Party on Rice Production and Protection.

FAO International Rice Commission: 8th Meeting of Working
Party on Rice, Soil, Water, and Fertihzer Practices.

ITU CCITT Study Group XI (1 elephone Switching)

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group.

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources:
Subcommittee on Electric Power.

Madras Nov. 1-

Paris Nov. 2-

Rome Nov. 4-

Washington Nov. 6-

Geneva Nov. &-

Geneva Nov. 6-

Geneva Nov. 6-

Geneva Nov. 13-

Geneva Nov. 13-

Geneva Nov. 13-

Paris Nov. 14-

Lima Nov. 14-

Paris Nov. 14-

Geneva Nov. 15-

Paris Nov. 16-

Bangkok Nov. 20-

New Delhi Nov. 20-

Geneva Nov. 20-

Geneva Nov. 20-

London Nov. 20-

London Nov. 21-

Bangkok Nov. 27-

Geneva Nov. 27-

Rio de Janeiro Nov. 27-

Trivandrum, India Dec. 4-

Trivandrum Dec. 4-

Geneva Dec. 4-

Geneva Dec. 4-

Geneva Dec. 4-

Geneva Dec. 5-

Bangkok Dec. 6-

New Delhi Dec. 11-

New Delhi Dec. 11-

Geneva Dec. 11-

Geneva Dec. U-

Bangkok Dec. 18-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Oct. 21, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations : CCITT,
Comity consultatif international t^l4graphique et t^lophonique; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, Eco-
nomic Commission for Asia and the Far East ; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe ; ECOSOC, Economic and Social
Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency ; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization ; ILO, International Labor Organi-
zation ; IJICO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization ; ITU, International Telecommunication Union ;
NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization ; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development ; SEATO,
Southeast A.sia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World
Meteorological Organization.

November 6, J 96 1

775

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued

Scheduled November 1, 1961, Through January 31, 1962 — Continued

U.N. ECE Coal Trade Subcommittee

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Housing and
Building Statistics.

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 5th Session

NATO Ministerial Council

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session (resumed) ....

CENTO Scientific Council

CENTO Scientific Symposium on the Role of Science in the Devel-
opment of Natural Resources With Particular Reference to
Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey.

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 14th Session of
Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection
of Minorities.

ICAO Communications Division: 7th Session

U.N. ECAFE Intraregional Trade Promotion Talks

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Commercial Arbitration ....

CENTO Economic Experts

IAEA Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (including third-
party liability for nuclear shipping).

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 5th Session

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: Scientific Committee ....

WMO Commission for Instruments and Methods of Observation:
3d Session.

U.N. ECOSOC Regional Seminar on the Participation of Women
in Public Life.

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources:
14th Session.

WHO Executive Board: 29th Session (and Standing Committee
on Administration and Finance).

U.N. Special Fund Governing Council: 7th Session

Geneva Dec. 18-

Geneva Dec. 18-

London December

Paris December

New York December

Lahore Jan. 8-

Lahore Jan. 8-

New York

Jan. 8-

Montreal Jan. 9-

Bangkok Jan. 10-

Bangkok Jan. 11-

.^nkara Jan. 15-

Brussels Jan. 22-

Bangkok Jan. 22-

Ottawa Jan. 29-

New Delhi Jan. 29-

Singapore Jan. 30-

Bangkok Jan. 31-

Geneva January

New York January

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

Provisional Cotton Textile Committee

The Departnicnt of State annoiuiced on October
20 (press release 724) that Warren M. Christopher,
Special Consultant to the Under Secretary of State
for Economic Affairs, will serve as chainnan of
the U.S. delectation to the meeting of the Provi-
sional Cotton Textile Committee, scheduled to con-
vene at Geneva on October 23. W. Michael Blu-
menthal, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs, will serve as deputy chairman.

Other mcmbere of the delegation are:

Delegates

John W. Evans, U.S. Representative to the GATT Council,

Geneva
Daniel P. Moynihan, Special Assistant to the Secretary

of Labor
Hickman Price, Jr., Assistant Secretary of Commerce for

Domestic Affairs

Advisers

Thomas Jefferson Davis, Business and Defense Services
Administration, Department of Commerce

Edelen Fogarty, Office of International Resources, De-
partment of State

Stanley Nehmer, Deputy Director, Office of International
Resources, Department of State

Margaret Potter, Resident U.S. Delegation to Interna-
tional Organizations, Geneva

Jackson Spears, Special Assistant to Assistant Secretary
of Commerce for Domestic Affairs

The meeting is being held in accordance with
the provisions of the Arrangements Regarding In-
ternational Trade in Cotton Textiles.' which were
agreed upon on an ad referetiduin basis at a meet-
ing in Geneva of major textile importing and ex-
porting countries July 17-21, which was called by
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) at the request of the United States. The
request was based on point six of President
Kennedy's seven-point program of assistance to
the textile industry, announced May 2, 1961."

The following 16 countries participated in the
July meeting : Australia, Austria, Canada, India,

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, lOGl, p. 337.
'/6id., May 29, 1961, p. 825.

776

Depar/menf of State Bullefin

Japan, Pakistan, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, United
Kingdom (also representing Hong Kong), United
States, and 5 member states of the European Eco-
nomic Community (Belgium, France, Germany,
Italy, Netherlands). The Provisional Cotton
Textile Committee was created at that time with
the objective of undertaking work toward a long-
term solution to the problems in the field of cotton
textiles. It is anticipated that the forthcoming
meeting will establish a formula for periodic meet-
ings of the committee.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries in
the United States. U.N. printed publications muy be pur-
chased from the Sales Section of the United Nations,
United Nations Plaza, Netv York.

Security Council

Exchange of letters dated September 10, 1961, between
the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo and
the Secretary-General concerning an invitation to the
Secretary-General to visit the Congo. S/4937. Sep-
tember 11, 1961. 2 pp.

Note verbale dated September 13, 1961, from the Belgian
permanent representative to the Secretary-General
transmitting a press communique issued by the Belgian
Government. S/4939. September 13, 1961. 2 pp.

Report of the officer-in-charge of the U.N. operations in
the Congo to the Secretary-General relating to the
implementation of paragraph A-2 of the Security Coun-
cil resolution of February 21, 1961. S/4940, Septem-
ber 14, 1961, 10 pp. ; Add. 1, September 14, 1961, 5 pp. ;
Add. 2, September 14, 1961, 3 pp. ; Add. 4, September 17,
1961, 6 pp. ; Add. 5, September 19, 1961, 5 pp. ; Add. 6,
September 20, 1961, 3 pp.

General Assembly

Report of the International Law Commission covering the
work of its 13th session. May 1-July 7, 1961. A/CN.4/
141. July 13, 1961. 106 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on participation of the
non-self-governing territories in the work of the United
Nations and the specialized agencies. A/4852. Au-
gust 23, 1961. 10 pp.

Letter dated August 23, 1961, from the U.S. permanent
representative to the United Nations addressed to the
Secretary-General on the urgent need for a treaty to
ban nuclear weapons tests under effective international
control. A/48.53. August 23, 1961. 18 pp.

Preparation and training of indigenous civil and technical
cadres in non-self-governing territories. A/4851. Au-
gust 25, 1961. 41 pp.

Report of the Special Commission for Ruanda-Urundi on
the question of the future of Ruanda-Urundi. A/4856.
August 30, 1961. 44 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations
Emergency Force. A/4857. August 30, 1961. 19 pp.

Note verbale dated September 5, 1961, from the perma-
nent mission of Czechoslovakia to the United Nations

concerning Soviet resumption of nuclear weapons test-
ing. A/4858. September 5, 1961. 6 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on offers by member
states of study and training facilities for inhabitants
of non-self-governing territories. A/4862. September
11, 1961. 19 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on dissemination of in-
formation on the United Nations in the non-self-govern-
ing territories. A/4863, September 11, 1961, 17 pp.;
A/4864, September 11, 1961, 5 pp.

Economic and Social Council

Summary records of the 17th session of the Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East, March 8-20,
1961. E/CN.11/566. July 4, 1961. 291 pp.

Note by the Secretary-General on use of volunteer workers
in the operational programs of the United Nations and
related agencies designed to assist in the economic
and social development of the less developed countries.
E/TAC/109. July 12, 1961. 9 pp.

Report of the Social Committee on the world social situa-
tion. E/3542. July 28, 1961. 16 pp.

Report of the Economic Committee on economic develop-
ment of underdeveloped countries and the financing
of economic development. E/3549. August 2, 1961.
3 pp.

First report of the Coordination Committee on the gen-
eral review of the development, coordination, and con-
centration of the economic, social, and human rights
programs and activities of the United Nations and
specialized agencies. E/3551. August 2, 1961. 17 pp.

Report of the Technical Assistance Committee on pro-
grams of technical cooperation. E/3547. August 9,
1961. 63 pp.

Report of the Technical Assistance Committee on the
use of volunteer workers in the operational programs
of the United Nations and related agencies designed to
assist in the economic and social development of the
less developed countries. E/3548. August 3, 1961.
8 pp.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Automotive Traffic

Convention on road traffic, with annexes. Done at Geneva
September 19, 1949. Entered into force March 26, 1952.
TIAS 2487.

Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Niger, August 25, 1961.

Aviation

International air services transit agreement. Signed at
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for the
United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693.
Acceptance deposited: Cyprus, October 12, 1961.

Patents

Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of in-

November 6, 1961

777

ventions relating to defense and for which applications
for patents have been made. Done at Paris Septem-
ber 21, 19G0. Entered into force January 12, 1961.
TIAS 4672.

Ratification deposited: United Kingdom, October 13,
1961.

Slavery

Slavery convention signed at Geneva September 25, 1926,
as amended (TIAS 3532). Entered into force March 9,
1927; for the United States March 21, 1929. 46 Stat.
2183.

Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Niger, August 25, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton
textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into
force October 1, 1961.
Acceptance deposited: Canada, September 22, 1961.

White Slave Traffic

Agreement for the repression of the trade in white women,
as amended (TIAS 2332). Signed at Paris May 18,
1904. Entered into force July 18, 1905 ; for the United
States June 6, 1908. 35 Stat. 1979.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Niger, August 25, 1961.

BILATERAL

France

Agreement relating to the reciprocal issuance of nonim-
migrant visas for treaty traders and treaty investors.
Effected by exchange of notes at Paris September 1 and
21, 1961. Entered into force September 21, 1961.

Israel

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of January 7, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4401 and
4513). Effected by exchange of notes at Tel Aviv Sep-
tember 22 and at Jerusalem October 9, 1961. Entered
into force October 9, 1961.

United Arab Republic

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of September 2, 19C1 (TIAS 4844). Effected by
exchange of notes at Cairo October 7, 1961. Entered
Into force October 7, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Consulate Established at Adana, Turkey

Press release 712 dated October 18

The Department of State announced on October 16 that
effective October 3, 1961, an American consulate was
established at Adana, Turkey. Howard J. Ashford, Jr.,
is the officer in charge.

With the opening of this consulate, the consulate at
Islsenderun, Turliey, was dosed, effective October 6, 1961.
Mr. Ashford had been serving as the officer in charge at
Isljenderun.

Designations

Robert B. Blaclj as Director, American AID Mission,
Senegal, effective October 9. (For biographic details,
see Department of State press release 699 dated Octo-
ber 9.)

William E. F. Conrad as Director, Office of Functional
and External Research, effective October 1.

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: October 16-22

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of

News

, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

No.

Date

Subject

t710

10/16

Coombs : OECD Conference on Eco-
nomic Growth and Investment In
Education.

♦711

10/16

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

712

10/16

Consulate established at Adana,
Turkey.

t713

10/16

Rusk: OECD Conference on Eco-
nomic Growth and Investment in
Education.

*714

10/17

Cultural exchange (Sudan).

715

10/17

Laos credentials (rewrite).

716

10/17

U.S.-Soviet memorandum of agree-
ment on films exchange.

717

10/18

Brazil credentials (rewrite).

t718

10/18

Miller: "Tho Role of the Department
of State in Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs."

719

10/18

Alliance for Progress projects.

720

10/18

Rusk : news conference.

721

10/19

Bowles : Mexican-North American
Cultural Institute.

722

10/19

Liberia credentials (rewrite).

•723

10/20

Cultural exchange (Europe, Near

East, Soviet linion).

724

10/20

Delegation to meeting of Provisional
Cotton Textile Committee (re-
write).

•725

10/20

Cleveland: Broome County (X.Y.)
World Affnirs Council (excerpt.s).

t726

10/20

Chapman: American Federation of
Slate, County, and Municipal Em-
ployees.

727

10/20

Anniversary of Hungarian uprising.

t72S

10/21

Cleveland : St. Loui.-< University,
ed.

•Not print

tHeld for a later issue of the Buixetin.

778

Department of State Bulletin

November 6, 1961

Afghanistan. President's Offer of Good Offices
Accepted by Afghanistan and Pakistan . . .

American Republics

The Alliance for Progress, a Continuing Revolution
(Bowles)

The United Nations and the Western Hemisphere
(Stevenson)

Atomic Energy

Mr. McCloy Resigns as Adviser to President, Re-
ports on U.S. Activities in Field of Disarmament
and Arms Control (Kennedy, McCloy, texts of
documents)

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of October 18 .

U.S. Calls on U.S.S.R. Not To Test 50-Megaton
Nuclear Bomb

Bolivia. Bolivia Reassured on U.S. Disposal of
Surplus Tin From Stockpile (Kennedy, Paz) . .

Brazil. Letters of Credence (De Oliveira) . . .

Chile. AID Projects Announced for Chile, Nica-
ragua, and Paraguay

Congress, The. Congressional Documents Relating
to Foreign Policy

Department and Foreign Service

Consulate Established at Adana, Turkey ....

Designations (Black, Conrad)

Disarmament

Mr. McCloy Resigns as Adviser to President, Re-
ports on U.S. Activities in Field of Disarmament
and Arms Control (Kennedy, McCloy, texts of
documents)

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of October 18 .

Economic Affairs

Bolivia Reassured on U.S. Disposal of Surplus Tin
From Stockpile (Kennedy, Paz)

President Establishes Machinery Implementing
Textile Agreement (text of memorandum) . .

Provisional Cotton Textile Committee (delega-
tion)

Educational and Cultural Affairs. U.S. and
U.S.S.R. Review Motion Picture Exchanges
(texts of joint statement and memorandum of
agreement)

Finland. President Kekkonen of Finland Visits
United States (Kekkonen, Kennedy, text of
joint communique)

Germany. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
October 18

Ghana. Clarence B. Randall Heads Mission To
Review Volta River Project

Hungary. U.S. Commemorates 5th Anniversary of
Hungarian National Uprising

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings

Provisional Cotton Textile Committee (delega-
tion)

Japan. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
October 18

Index Vol. XLV, No. 1167

Laos. Letters of Credence (Khampan) .... 745

761 Liberia. Letters of Credence (Peal) 745

Mutual Security

AID Projects Announced for Chile, Nicaragua,
739 and Paraguay 771

The Alliance for Progress, a Continuing Revolu-
754 tion (Bowles) 739

Black designated AID Mission director, Senegal . 778

Clarence B. Randall Heads Mission To Review

Volta River Project 771

Nicaragua. AID Projects Announced for Chile,

762 Nicaragua, and Paraguay 771

746 Pakistan. President's Offer of Good Offices Ac-

cepted by Afghanistan and Pakistan .... 761

Paraguay. AID Projects Announced for Chile,

Nicaragua, and Paraguay 771

' '^ Presidential Documents

745 Bolivia Reassured on U.S. Disposal of Surplus Tin

From Stockpile 772

771 Mr. McCloy Resigns as Adviser to President, Re-

ports on U.S. Activities in Field of Disarmament

-y^ and Arms Control 762

President Establishes Machinery Implementing

Textile Agreement 773

President Kekkonen of Finland Visits United

States 760

Senegal. Black designated AID Mission director . 778

Treaty Information. Current Actions 777

Turkey. Consulate Established at Adana, Turkey . 778
762 U.S.S.R.

746 Mr. McCloy Resigns as Adviser to President, Re-

ports on U.S. Activities in Field of Disarmament
and Arms Control (Kennedy, McCloy, texts

Y72 of documents) 762

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of October 18 . 746
773 ^'■^- ^^'^ U.S.S.R. Review Motion Picture Ex-

changes (texts of joint statement and memoran-

7r.g dum of agreement) 770

U.S. Calls on U.S.S.R. Not To Test 50-Megaton

Nuclear Bomb 749

United Nations

^jQ Current U.N. Documents 777

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of October 18 . 746
The United Nations and the Western Hemisphere

(Stevenson) 754

760

Name Index

Black, Robert B 778

Bowles, Chester 739

Conrad, William E. F 778

'^'^1 De Oliveira Campos, Roberto 745

Kekkonen, Urho K 760

745 Kennedy, President 760, 762, 772, 773

McCloy, John J 762

Paz Estenssoro, Victor 772

775 Peal, S. Edward 745

Prince Khampan 745

776 Randall, Clarence B 771

Rusk, Secretary 746

746 Stevenson, Adlai E 754

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The present organization and functions of the Foreign Service, its
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Vol. XLV, No. 1168

November 13, 1961

^

THE SIXTEENTH AJVfNIVERSARY OF THE UNITED

NATIONS • by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson .... 783

THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE REAL WORLD •

by Under Secretary Bowles 791

FOUR POPULAR CANARDS ABOUT THE UNITED

NATIONS • by Assistant Secretary Cleveland .... 796

THE ROLE OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE IN
EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL AFFAIRS •

by Francis Pickens Miller 811

ECONOMIC GROWTH AND INVESTMENT IN
EDUCATION

Remarks by Secretary Rusk 820

Address by Assistant Secretary Coombs 822

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1168 • Publication 7300
November 13, 1961

iJoston Public Utorary
Supenntendfijat ot Oocuments

JAN y ' 1962

DEPOSITORY

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

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Washington 26, U.C.

Price:

82 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.26

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Use of funds for printing of this puWlca-
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of the Budget (January 10, 1S61).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
oopyrtghted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Cliuilou of the Dkpartment
or State Bdliktin as the source will be
appreciated. The HntLETiN Is Inde-ied In the
Readers' Qulde to Periodical Literature.

riie Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
tievelopments in the field of foreign
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Publications of the Department,
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The Sixteenth Anniversary of the United Nations

hy Adlai E. Stevenson

U^. Representative to the United Nations ^

In April 1945, toward the end of humanity's
most terrible war, but before any man had seen
the atomic age, the architects of peace met here in
San Francisco to complete the design of a new
dwelling house for the family of man. I was here
during those golden weeks. And no one who was
will ever forget them. It was a beginning. It was
the morning — fresh with the hope of a new day.

In 2 months we finished our work and the
charter of the United Nations was signed, with
suitable pomp, on June 25th in the Opera House.
By October 24th the necessary ratifications by
two-thirds of the signatory states had been re-
ceived. In war-weary London we celebrated — we
who were assigned the job of transforming the
charter of San Francisco into a working organi-
zation— just 16 years ago today !

On this 16th anniversary, what is the report?
The house is crowded: 101 members; every room
is full, and more are coming !

The house is battered. It resoimds endlessly
with family quarrels. There are cracks in the
walls, and inside the cold winds of war and danger
and strife from every quarter of the globe rattle
the doors and windows. And, as is usual in such
cases, quite a number of the tenants are behind on
the rent.

But the house is still standing. Through the
cold war it has stood, and the Korean war ; through
the communizing of mainland China ; through the
revolutionary surges of national independence;

' Address made before the San Francisco chapter of the
American Association for the United Nations at San
Francisco, Calif., on Oct. 24 (U.S./U.N. press release 3810
dated Oct. 23, for release Oct 24).

through the terror of Hungary and the shock of
Suez and the worse shock of the Congo; and
through the ever-momiting perils of the race in
nuclear arms.

Its collapse has been called imminent any num-
ber of times. It "couldn't survive" the Soviet
abuse of the veto — but it did, and learned how to
act by majority rule. It "couldn't survive" the
strains of colonial struggles and the birth of new
nations — but it did, and in the U.N.'s halls the
old rulers and the old subjects sit side by side with
equal privileges.

Then last year people said that Mr. Khru-
shchev's shoe- pounding and his attack on the office
of Secretary-General would surely be the end — but
that has been going on for 13 months, and though
we have lost the brilliant and brave Dag Hammar-
skjold, the United Nations is still there.

And those of us wlio attended the funeral of
Dag Hammarskjold in that ancient cathedral in
Uppsala and walked between the walls of reverent
humanity through the crowded streets of that old
town will never forget him, as we will never forget
the San Francisco conference.

This may be no time for words of triumph, but
it is most certainly a time for words and deeds of
hope.

Recently I saw a news item about a medical
scientist who was on the brink of an important
breakthrough. According to the news story, when
he described his experiments to a gathering of
fellow specialists, "A wave of guarded enthusiasm
swept through the audience." If I can sweep
you with a wave of guarded enthusiasm about the
United Nations, I will have achieved my aim —
exactly I

HovembGT 13, 1961

783

There is no need for me to tell you that the
United Nations has entered a period of severe
strain. The great questions of our time — dis-
armament, the ending of the colonial era, economic
growth, justice for the oppressed — all these are
still liigh on the agenda of the General Assembly.
But time and again these great issues, which the
U.N. was built to deal with, must be laid aside
long enough for the members to cope with the
multiple crises which threaten the very existence
of the Organization. There are fires all over town,
but now there is fire in the firehouse.

This is no time for panic or dismay. It is
a time for seeing with clear eyes what the crises
are, what imderlies them, and what must be done
to meet them.

Choice of Interim Secretary-General

The fix'st crisis of the U.N. is the one most in the
headlines : the choice of a new interim Secretary-
General. The shocking loss of Dag Hammarskjold
seemed to give Moscow a golden opportunity to
cari-y out Mr. Khrushchev's troika scheme, replac-
ing the single executive with a veto-bound com-
mittee of three. This would have been a clear
violation of the United Nations Charter. It would
have paralyzed the Organization's executive arm.
And it would have required the free nations to
yield to that morbid delusion of the totalitarian
mind wliich classifies this world of infinite diver-
sity into three "blocs."

All the members know how much is at stake.
What we do provisionally to fill the office of Sec-
retary-General may well be permanent. Any de-
cisions now which would compromise the efficiency
and integrity of the Secretariat as an operating
agency would be the first step on the slippery path
downhill to a debating society without operational
responsibilities or competence.

Through all the discussions we have been guided
by just one principle: to preserve the integrity of
both the office of Secretary-General and the charter
of the United Nations. The charter prescribes
that the Secretary- General shall be free to select
his principal assistants and that he — not the Se-
curity Comicil or the General Assembly, but he
alone — shall make these appointments first and
foremost on the basis of ability and integrity, with
due regard to geographical considerations.

The Soviet Union soon discovered that it had
virtually no support for its troika proposal. Since

then, I am happy to say, in the discussions in New
York they have shovsTi a growing disposition to
solve this problem witliin the principles of the
charter. They said they would agree to the ap-
pointment of a single man as acting Secretary-
General, but they still wanted him to choose his
principal assistants on a political basis and said
that he was to work vtith them in what they called
a "basis of agreement" — which seemed to be a sort
of troika in disguise.

I believe it is now possible to reach a solution
without compromising our principles, and we are
doing all in our power to bring this about. As
for equitable geographical distribution, we have
suggested a pattern under which the Secretary-
General and five Under-Secretaries would cover
the six main geographic areas of the world. The
Soviets, on their part, seem to have given up their
insistence on any sort of veto, open or disguised,
within the Secretariat. Thus the next occupant of
the office of Secretary-General will carry the full
powers conferred on that office by the charter.
This brings us very close to the moment when the
members can choose the successor to Dag
Hammarskjold.

It is none too soon. The Secretariat has been
without its single head since that tragic day nearly
6 long weeks ago. This is our most acute crisis.
Its solution must be found tliis week, and I believe
it will.

U.N. Financial Crisis

The second crisis is financial — and scarcely less
acute. The Organization is only beginning to face
it. The United Nations military operation to
save the Congo, with all that this means for the
integrity of nations and the peace of the world,
is the biggest and most expensive action in the
U.N.'s history. The cost will add up to about
$160 million by the end of this month.

Of tills total more than $59 million is unpaid.
There is anotlier $33 million unpaid on the bills of
the United Nations Emergency Force, that 5,000-
man international force which still guards the
border between Israel and Egj'pt. That adds up
to $92 million in unpaid bills.

Nor is that the whole story. Neither of these
two operations has reached the point where it can
be reduced with safety. The bills will keep on
coming in during 1962.

^Yl\o nuist pay to save the Congo ? The United

784

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

United Nations Day 1961

Message of Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson
U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^

This is Adlai Stevenson. We are celebrating the
10th birthday of the United Nations. I wonder how
many of you remember as vividly as I do that first
year, 1945, when the Second World War was over at
last and we had just founded this new world organiza-
tion to keep the peace.

In those days of final triumph in the World War the
United States was far and away the world's biggest
military power. If ever there was a time when we
could have imposed our terms of peace on the whole
world by sheer armed power, that would have been
the time.

But of course we never could have done that, not in
1945 or any other time. The peace we value is peace
with freedom — and freedom cannot be imposed by
force. So we chose to promote our national security
not just by frightening off enemies but also by culti-
vating friends. That is where the real security lies,
and that is what the United Nations is all about.

The great majority of nations share with us certain
common purposes: to prevent the domination of the
weak by the strong; to achieve material and social
progress ; and, above all, to prevent war. These were
the aims on which the original 51 members of the
United Nations drew together. The majority remained
faithful to those alms through the shocks of the cold
war, the Korean war, and fighting and violence in
many places.

Then, as the great colonial empires of the West
were dissolved, the U.N. began to grow. From 51 mem-
bers it has grown to 100 — nearly double. Soon it will
be well over 100. Most of the new members are new
nations, former colonies.

' Recorded for broadcast by the Columbia Broad-
casting System on Oct. 22 (U.S./U.N. press release
3788 dated Oct. 9, for release Oct. 21).

Such a thing has never happened before In all his-
tory. For the first time a great imperial system is
coming to an end without major war. For the first
time what takes the place of the old empires is not a
new empire but the joining of the old rulers and the
old subject peoples in a community — whose name is the
United Nations.

For a year now, the United Nations has been under
furious attack by the Soviet Union. The attack began
just as it became clear that Soviet ambitions in the
Congo were being blocked by the U.N. Because of that
the Soviets tried to remove the Secretary-General and
to paralyze the U.N.'s capacity to act for peace.

The United Nations has not given in to these attacks,
and I do not believe it will. The great majority of its
members, possessing no great power of their own, have
understood very well that the U.N. is their shield, and
they have stood up for it. That is a great sign for the
future.

Mr. Khrushchev is fond of claiming that "history"
is on his side. But of course history is many-sided.
It doesn't take orders from one boss. If you want to
know what history is up to these days, study the
United Nations. In it you will find a method for
settling confiicts with some measure of fairness and
without war. And I think you will also find a slow but
potent chemistry for dissolving the false and futile
dogmas of hatred, the suspicion and secrecy, the intol-
erant closed minds, the fantastic fears and enmities
from which war springs.

And finally, you will find in the U.N. a bridge of
community, joining us of the industrial West with a
billion aspiring people around the globe. This bridge
is indispensable to our security, because it helps us to
make and keep friends — and when danger threatens,
there is no better security than a friend. On the 16th
birthday of the United Nations, let's all remember that.

States, by assessment plus voluntary contributions,
has already paid nearly half — much more than its
assessed share. Twenty-nine others have paid
about one-eighth. The Soviet bloc, France, and
South Africa say they will not pay. Others say
they cannot. Others simply do not.

It has been calculated that, if matters continue
as they have gone thus far, the treasury of the
United Nations will be empty and its credit ex-
hausted by the end of March 1962 — just 6 months
from now. How the Soviet bloc, and the pro-
moters of Katanga's secession, and any others who
find in the United Nations an obstacle to their

dreams of empire — how they must be waiting
and hoping for that moment !

Wliat is the answer ?

Shall the members allow their Organization to
die by financial hemorrhage? Veiy few indeed
would be willing to see that happen.

Or shall the United Nations, in the name of
economy, strike its colors in the Congo and the
Middle East and resign those areas to chaos ? To
do that would invite wars which would cost the
community of nations many, many times what
these operations cost.

Or do other nations perhaps tliink that the

November 73, 1967

785

United States, although we do not call the tune
at the United Nations and do not wish to, can
somehow be prevailed on to pay the piper? If
this illusion exists, it will have to be dispelled
as quickly as possible. It would certainly be un-
acceptable to our Congress, and just as certainly it
would be fatal to the character of the United
Nations as a servant of the whole community of
nations.

The stark fact is that if the members will not
pay for the United Nations they will not have it.
TNHien this is fully realized, I believe the crisis will
be solved and the exact shares of the cost will be
worked out.

Great Issues Before General Assembly

Such are the two immediate crises of the United
Nations. There are other great issues which you
have read about — the mounting challenge of the
arms race; a hostile Eed China knocking harder
than ever at the door; the explosive moral and
political issue of South African apartheid; the im-
solved problems of Communist violence against
Hungary and Tibet ; and the urgent need to raise
living standards all over the world.

All these fateful issues, and many others be-
sides, must be dealt with by a General Assembly
grown to 101 members, twice its original size. The
new members, chiefly from Africa, seem more
preoccupied with condemning Western colonial-
ism, which is in its twilight but which they have
known at first hand, than with the much greater
danger of Communist imperialism, which very
few of them have experienced at all.

These attitudes inevitably color the debates and
the votes at the United Nations. They make our
work of persuasion and of finding cormnon ground
with the majority that much more difficult.

I am far from downhearted. We will meet all
these problems, and in time we will solve them in
a way which is tolerable to the community of na-
tions and to our own purposes. But it will be a
slow business, and we are not going to score a
touchdown on every play.

Misapprehensions About the U.N.

But there is another problem about which I am
concerned, and which I would like to share with
you. That is the problem of being sure that,
through all the difficulties which we shall face,

America's essential role of leadership in the United
Nations will have tha indispensable and patient
backing of public opinion.

I am not worried about the voices of all-out
fanaticism in this country. There are always
pitiful little groups of people among us, people
with some inner compulsion to hate. To them the
true meaning of democracy will forever be a closed
book, and in their ears the voice of dissent will
always sound like the voice of the enemy. The
United Nations has nothing to hope from them.

I am thinking rather of the much broader range
of Americans whose instincts are deeply demo-
cratic, who have been proud to help their country
carry its worldwide burdens, but who now, after
16 years of cold war and frustration, are honestly
worried lest the United Nations be turned against
us and even, perhaps, be delivered into the hands
of its Communist enemies.

To these Americans let me say with the greatest
earnestness : I share your frustrations, but I do not
share your fears. I believe we must be prepared
for many troubles. But as long as we of the
United States contmue as active leaders in the
United Nations, and continue to be faithful to
our purposes, I have no fear that the Organiza-
tion will be turned against us.

Still less do I fear that it will ever pass under
the domination of communism, whose philosophy
of power and intolerance is utterly alien to the
United Nations spirit.

I must say it is not surprising that these fears
about the U.N. should arise, considering the
amount of alarming misinformation about what
happens there. I still meet people, for instance,
who insist that the United Nations action in sup-
port of a united, independent Congo fitted neatly
into the plans of Soviet communism. Yet it was
this same United Nations action which roused Sir.
Khrushchev to such fury and caused him to
bang his shoe in the General Assembly and to
launch his all-out attack on the Secretary-General !

Then just recently I remember seeing in a maga-
zine that with the death of Dag Ilammarskjold
the United Nations had passed under the power
of none other than Nikita Khrushchev. When I
see a report like that I must admit I blmk a little.
Can this be the same United Nations where I
work — the same place where, in the past 2 weeks,
the members have stood fast against Mr. Khru-

786

Department of State Bulletin

shchev's troika, have decided that Mr. Khru-
shchev's disarmament plan -will have to wait its
turn for debate, and have cried out in outrage
against Mr. Khrushchev's 50-megaton terror ex-
plosion ? Evidently this Mr. Khrushchev must be
a man who likes to pass resolutions against him-
self!

I must say I admire the skill of those who, al-
most every day, concede anew to Moscow the final
victory in the cold war. Evidently the United
States is completely finished at the close of every
working day, but somehow poor Uncle Sam man-
ages to struggle to his feet by morning so that he
can be finished off again the next day.

This confusion over who is doing what to whom
makes me think of the schoolboy who came home
with his face damaged and his clothes torn, and
when his mother asked him how the fight had
started he said, "It started when the other guy hit
me back."

think, result

The "Illusion of Omnipotence"

Misapprehensions like these,
partly from misinformation. But there is also
something more fundamental which hinders many
of us in our attempts to grasp the true meaning
of the United Nations — and, indeed, the meaning
of our situation in the modern world. I mean
that pleasant illusion of omnipotence to which
we Americans have clung for so long.

We Americans are not the first to have had
this illusion, but I think we will get over it more
safely than some of those who have gone before.

The Mongol Khans who exploded out of central
Asia, all across Siberia and to the gates of Vi-
enna— they certainly thought themselves all-
powerful, but their huge empire, having lived by
the sword, died by the sword even more swiftly
than it rose.

Hitler, Mussolini, Tojo — all those Genghis
Khans in modern dress nourished the same dream
and, even more swiftly, met the same end.

The Russian Bolsheviks were not quite so
foolish. At first, when Lenin took power in
Petrograd in 1917, he thought the workers of the
whole world would rise in flaming revolution to
support him. The fuses sputtered briefly in Ger-
many and Hungary and then went out. The Bol-
sheviks tried to set the world on fire, but it failed
to ignite.

So Lenin, and then Stalin and Khrushchev after
him, settled down to the building of the Soviet
state power and to a long-term strategy of con-
quest by opportunity. Communism changed from
a burning faith into a scavenger of lost revolu-
tions and a camp follower of global war.

Even today that poisonous vision of omnipo-
tence afflicts the Communist rulers. "History is
on our side!" they still shout. And in the bor-
rowed name of "history" they do their best to
scare the defenders of freedom out of Berlin and
every other vulnerable point.

Yet their fanaticism has been tempered by a
canny calculation of the possible. Pray God it
will remain so, until the poison finally works itself
out of their minds !

We Americans, to be sure, had different groimds
for thinking ourselves omnipotent. We forswore
conquest by military force, but we made ourselves
believe that, when the Second World War was
over, our heritage of democratic ideals, by its own
magic, would quickly sweep the world. There is
no doubt that this illusion helped to sustain us in
the war. Certainly it was present at the birth
of the United Nations, for which, some of us
thought, no exploits of peace would be impossible.

The "Myth of Impotence"

From the first Soviet veto in 1946, blow after
blow of reality fell upon this precious illusion.
By now it is gone beyond recall. But the danger
is that we may now swing the other way and that
we may go from disillusion to despair, from an il-
lusion of omnipotence to a myth of impotence.

Let me illustrate from experience at the United
Nations.

It is said that the Soviet Union, by its veto
power in the Security Council and by its bullying
tactics in the General Assemby, can prevent the
United Nations from acting without its consent.
This is not true at all. The fact is that the Soviet
Union has not been an effective particij^ant in a
single one of the major international operations
sponsored by the United Nations in the past 16
years.

They do not belong to the World Bank, the
Monetary Fund, the Food and Agriculture Organ-
ization, or the International Civil Aviation
Organization.

They take no part in the humanitarian work

November 13, 1961

787

which the United Nations does for refugees all
over the world.

For 8 years they stayed away from the World
Health Organization, which grew from strength
to strength during their boycott.

They have contributed little but obstruction to
the International Atomic Energy Agency and are
now threatening to walk out of it altogether.

As for the world-famous United Nations Tech-
nical Assistance Program, and its new partner
called the Special Fimd, the Soviet contributions
have been small, recent, and all in nonconvertible
rubles.

In the field of United Nations peace and security
operations the Soviet performance amounts to a
good deal less than zero.

The United Nations action in Korea was taken
without them, in spite of them, and in fact against
the aggression which they had sponsored.

In the troubled Middle East they have paid
nothing to maintain the Palestine refugees and
nothing to the United Nations Emergency Force.

In the Congo they have paid not a ruble to the
United Nations efforts; instead they financed a
secession movement in Stanleyville which the
United Nations successfully opposed and which
has now collapsed.

All those things, then, have been done by the
United Nations, on behalf of the community of
nations, without the consent or cooperation of the
Soviet Union — and in some cases against its best
efforts.

The U.N. has not teen strangled hy the veto —
and may it never be !

Calling the Soviets' Bluff

It is often said that the Soviet Union is in-
flexible in the United Nations and that once it has
made up its mind all the rest of us have to do the
adjusting. This is a long way from the trutli. The
Soviets do indeed try to convey this illusion of
inflexibility, I suppose in the hope that this wiU
improve their bargaining position. But their bluff
has been called often and successfully.

After the fall of mainland China the Eussians
announced that they would boycott the Security
Council until the seat of China was tumod over
to Peiping. But in August 1950, after the Secur-
ity Council liad acted on Korea without them, they
came back — and they have stayed ever since.

In 1954 the Soviets announced in the U.N. that
the United States proposal for an International
Atomic Energy Agency was an imperialist plot to
manufacture atomic bombs aU over the world and
they would have notliing to do with it. Tliree
years later they joined it.

In 1955 the Soviets said that imless Outer Mon-
golia was admitted to the U.N. they would veto
all 13 of the non-Communist applicants. They
did, too, but the very next day they reversed
themselves and voted to let in 12. A year later
they relented and let in the remaining applicant,
Japan.

Now the U.N. has 101 members, and many of
them are new and, supposedly, "inexperienced."
But they weren't bom yesterday. "Wlien Mr.
Klirushcliev first turned his wrath on Dag Ham-
marskjold a year ago and put forward his troika
scheme, the new African members recognized im-
mediately that this was an attack on the U.N. itself,
their protector.

The Soviets stuck for a solid year to their posi-
tion, but today they have practically no support
for it.

Fulfilling the Aims of the Charter

Finall}', we liear it said that the United Nations
has failed to fulfill the aims of the charter and that
we must look elsewhere for a better vehicle of our
hopes: to regional organizations, to military al-
liances, to an entirely new "concert of free na-
tions," or to our worldwide information program,
to "the war for the minds of men," to foreign aid
and the improvement of the lot of man ; or to the
Peace Corps and people-to-people exchanges; to
the opening of Soviet society through exchanging
people and publications; to our own military de-
fenses ; or to our religious faith, or to higher stand-
ards of ethics here at home.

But to these I say: Wliere is the contradiction?
Does not every one of these things have its neces-
sary place in the strategy of peace and freedom?
The United Nations is not, and has never sought
to be, the sole channel for the pureuit of its own
purposes. Indeed, it asks of all its membere that
they obey the charter in all that they do.

To an open and free society like our own, this
plea is addressed to the people as well as to the
Goveriunent. In the preamble to the United Na-
tions Charter it is "we the peoples of the United

788

Department of State Bulletin

Nations" who pledge ourselves to peace, human
rights, justice, social and economic progress, toler-
ance, and neighborliness. It is "we the peoples"
who have resolved to combine our efforts to accom-
plish these aims.

To no people are these famous words addressed
more than to the American people. You, the cit-
izens, through your voluntary efforts to improve
our life at home and to make life more abundant
abroad and through your taxes and your support
of our Government in all its responsibilities — you
can and must do much to sustain the United Na-
tions and its purposes in the world.

It is written in the Bible that "to whomsoever
much is given, of him shall much be required."
I think this applies to us, the American f)eople.
For surely much is given to us, and much will be
required of us for many years to come.

We must put behind us the illusions bom of
impatience.

It used to be possible to speak of winning a quick
war, but that is out of the question today. We
know that the Soviet Union can inflict such de-
struction on the Atlantic world that survival itself
is in doubt. Equally, the United States possesses
the ability to destroy much, perhaps all, of what
the Russian people have built up with such labor
and sacrifice over the past 40 years.

This is the ugly vision from wlaich humanity
cannot awake because it is not a dream but a real-
ity— a reality into which threats of violence only
plunge us deeper still.

So, since we don't wish to die together, we must
manage to live together. We may have had our fill
of negotiation already, but there is a lot more to
come.

But we must be just as strong to resist the
opposite illusion. We shall not win any quick
peace by negotiation. For nearly a generation
a deep gulf of conflicting aims has split the
political landscape of the earth : a gulf between the
world of the free and the world of the coerced.
It may be many, many years before that gulf is
safely closed.

The stem fact is that we are in this struggle
for life. As Senator Fulbright has so wisely
pointed out, the ones who are "soft" are not those
■who refuse to rush into a suicidal war but those
who lack the courage to face a grim, lifelong
struggle for freedom.

Great Goals, Worthy of Sacrifice

It has been said that in this struggle it is vital
to "know your enemy." So it is — both so that
we may anticipate and frustrate his attacks and
so that, ultimately and gradually, we may leam
how to make him our friend.

But the struggle also lays upon us an even more
difficult duty of knowledge. It is summed up in
the motto of the Greek philosophers : "Know thy-
self." As never before in our history, we must
study ourselves, our values, our institutions, our
national style, and the goals for which we strive.
For the great exertions which we face can only be
justified by great goals.

Too often tliis world struggle has been carelessly
caricatured as a mere battle of the giants — an
agelong duel in which two nuclear colossi test by
threat and comiterthreat which shall dominate
the globe.

It is no such tiling. Power and dominion are
not the aim of this country. If they were, if all
we could offer were the crushing of Soviet tyranny
by a tyranny of our own, then indeed we would
have no title whatever to call for sacrifice from a
single free man or woman.

But our aims are something worthy of sacrifice.

We seek, with all the determination and faith
that repeated frustration demands, a complete and
completely controlled program of world
disarmament.

We seek a multiplication of free and friendly
contacts with the Soviet people, until in the full-
ness of time they and their leaders decide to
open their dangerously closed society and to be-
come full members of the community of nations.

We seek worldwide cooperation, regardless of
political beliefs, for the relief of human misery;
the conquest of the deserts ; the development of the
riches of the oceans; the eradication of famine,
gross poverty, illiteracy; and the peaceful con-
quest of outer space.

We seek the orderly transition of all subject
peoples, whether of old-style colonial masters or
of Communist empires, to full political equality
and self-government.

And, in the disarmed world we strive for, we
seek the logical counterpart of disarmament : the
building of the minimum world institutions
needed to keep peace among disarmed nations, to
settle disputes between them, and to pi-event one

November 13, 7967

789

nation from imposing its will on another by any
weapons, be they rifle, club, or fist.

These are our goals. If they are not great
enough, let us get greater ones; for the exertions
demanded of us in this dark, uncertain time, and
for many a difficult year to come, will be for-
midable. And the greatest will be the self-
restraint, the patience, and the perception — to
perceive and pursue our real interests.

I do not think we dare attempt anything less.
The reality in which we live is much stronger,
much more unpredict<able, much more perilous
than any that our prophets or our idealogues ever
forecast for us. "VVliich of us foresaw the unlock-
ing of the atom? Which of us foresaw what in-
stant communication all over the globe would do
to man and his image of himself ?

All these things are new, and unless they are
faced with a new spirit and a new courage they
lead in only one direction — to the destruction of
humanity itself. Faced with this overriding risk,
we must abandon the inherited fears and suspi-
cions of our past and try to see behind each face
the troubled soul and searching heart of a man
like to ourselves — 7non semblahle ., mon frere.

This may entail an overwhelming effort of
imagination and as overwhelming an act of faith.
But how can we stem the tide of hostility without
great acts? And how can we check our hideous
advance toward planetary suicide without some
mobilization on a planetary scale of human trust
and faith?

T^et me remind you of something, before I close,
about what is happening at the United Nations
right now. In all its 16 years, this is perhaps its
moment of greatest trouble and perplexity.

But at this very moment the United States has
advanced at the United Nations the most compre-
hensive plan for world disarmament, and of world
institutions to keep the peace, that we have ever
presented.-

At this very moment we are pressing in the
United Nations for a worldwide, cooperative ef-

fort, in which Russians and Americans can work
together, for the peaceful exploration of outer
space.

And at this very moment we are advancing a
plan for a United Nations Decade of Develop-
ment— the most massive international attack in
history on human poverty and ignorance, de-
signed, in President Kennedy's words to the Gen-
eral Assembly,^ "to enable all nations, however
diverse in their systems and beliefs, to become in
fact as well as in law free and equal nations."

How soon, or how well, these ideals will prevail,
we do not know. But we have acted in the belief
that, for those who are truly faithful to their
ideals, the darkest hour is the time to light the
brightest light.

I believe the cause of freedom and peace has a
glorious future in this world. And in that future
the United Nations will play a mighty part. Let
none of us mock its weakness, for when we do we
are mocking ourselves. It is tlie hope of the
world, and our country's pride shoidd be that we
stood by the United Nations, the meetinghouse of
the family of man, in its time of hardest trial.

Letters of Credence

Haiti

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Repub-
lic of Haiti, Louis Mars, presented his credentials
to President Kennedy on October 26. For texts of
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of State press release 738
dated October 26.

United Kingdom

The newly appointed Ambassador of the United
Kingdom, Sir David Ormsby Gore, presented his
credentials to President Kennedy on October 26.
For texts of the Ambassadors remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 740 dated October 26.

« Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.

• Ihid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

790

Department of State Bulletin

The United Nations and the Real World

ty Under Secretary Bowles ^

Each year on United Nations Day in late
October we meet together to rededicate ourselves
to the vision of a world at peace, to a brave new
world in which nations great and small will settle
their differences in harmony.

This dream of a united world is an ancient and
honorable one, the product of the best in the moral
and ethical and religious heritage of every great
civilization. This dream will never die. Even-
tually, I am sure, it will come true.

But on United Nations Day 1961, against the
background of Berlin, Laos, the stepped-up arma-
ment race, and the conflicts over the future of the
U.N. itself, cooperation and understanding be-
tween the great powers seem remote and imreal-
istic. The world has never appeared so over-
whelmingly complex, so agonizingly insecure, and
so desperately at odds.

Yet despite its aching conflicts, I believe that
the real world of 1961 is no place for a Cassandra.
Although the future is exceedingly dangerous,
its hopeful possibilities are infinite. If we are to
imderstand the prospects and problems of the
United Nations in this world of conflicting danger
and hope, we must understand the forces at work
in it.

Tides of Conflict and Hope

We are contending with two mighty rival tides,
running at crosscurrent. At times these two tides
seem so contradictory that we are tempted to
conclude that one is the reality and the other an
illusion.

On the one hand, we have the massive tide of
cold- war conflict. This is the world of barbed wire

'Address made at a United Nations Day luncheon at
Washington, D.C., on Oct. 24 (press release 731).

and stone walls, of sneak raids in the jungle and
threats of nuclear destruction, the world of vio-
lence, distrust, and fear, of standoff and fallout.
This rampaging tide of cold-war conflict has dom-
inated the headlines since Stalin first threatened
Greece and Turkey in 1946.

And yet, parallel to the arms race, coexistent
with tension, and largely obscured from public
understanding, another tide has been running to-
ward freedom, toward hope, toward increased un-
derstanding and justice among nations and men.

Wliat are the components of this less dramatic
but perhaps decisive tide of human effort ?

First is the movement toward national inde-
pendence through which 900 million Asians and
Africans have thrown off the rule of the old Eu-
ropean trading empires to create 42 new countries
within 15 years. This wave of liberation may earn
more pages in the history of our time than the cold
war itself.

When World War II broke out in 1939, more
than one-third of all mankind lived in dependent
status under the rule of the European countries.
Today, less than a generation later, the number is
fewer than 2 percent. Moreover, in large measure
this worldwide emancipation has been accom-
plished without bloodshed.

Today this anticolonial revolution is entering
its final and most difficult stages. It would be
folly to assume that the final act of colonial liqui-
dation will be painless. Yet the progress in recent
years has been extraordinary.

The second aspect of this hopeful tide is the
worldwide determination to attack the hunger,
disease, and despair which for centuries have been
the lot of the vast majority of the people of the
underdeveloped world. Although the needs are
appalling, an impressive start has been made in

November 13, 1961

791

providing massive technical and capital aid for
their economic and social development.

Until recently the United States was one of a
handful of noncolonial nations engaged in over-
seas aid. Now some 15 industrialized nations are
offering their capital and technical skills to lielp
speed the progress of economic and social develop-
ment in the less developed areas. Much of this
assistance is now being coordinated through
regional and international institutions.

So here we have more positive evidence that the
count ertide of hope is running strong in. world
affairs.

Emergence of New International Communities

A third hopeful phenomenon has been the rapid
emergence of new international communities of
sovereign states which are learning to work in free
association for conmion purposes. Since the end
of World War II there has been a great reaching
out across national frontiere, a groping for new
forms of international cooperation, and the sudden
appearance of new institutions in what remains an
unplanned and still embryonic world community.

In the confusion and hurly-burly of the cold
war it is easy to forget that Western Europe, the
cockpit of great wars since the days of the
Romans, is now being regionally integrated into a
great common market of 350 million skilled
peoples, with high and rising standards of living,
based on an industrial complex second only to that
of the United States.

Moreover, as the United States and Canada
reach across the North Atlantic to establish close
economic and political cooperation with this vital
new European development, we see the institu-
tional framework of an Atlantic Community
gradually taking shape.

Meanwhile the institutions of our own Western
Hemisphere are expanding in size and becoming
more versatile in purpose. The new Alliance for
Progress • looks forward to hemispheric political,
economic, and social cooperation on a scale that
could scarcely have been imagined before World
War II. In the Act of Bogota ' and the declara-
tion of Punta del Este," 19 Latin American na-
tions have joined in partnership with the United
States in all-out effort to hasten their development.

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.
'For text, see il}id., Oct Z, 1960, p. 537.
* For test, see iUd., Sept. 11, 19C1, p. 462.

Tlie challenge posed by this alliance is an
enormous one. The Act of Bogota declared,

. . . the success of a cooperative program of economic
and social progress will require maximum self-help efforts
on the part of the American republics and, in many
cases, the improvement of existing institutions and prac-
tices, particularly in the fields of taxation, the ownership
and use of land, education and training, health and
housing.

This calls for no less than a political, economic,
and social revolution designed to modernize and
invigorate old societies and to bring new oppor-
tunities and dignity to their people.

Seven of the Latin American nations are also
exploring the possibilities of a common market.
Similar economic integration is moving ahead in
Central America.

In southeast Asia regional planning and regional
projects, including the vast Mekong River devel-
opment program, are also moving through the
planning stages.

Here in the creation of international agencies
and associations we see further evidence of prog-
ress toward human betterment and understanding
which our grandfathers could scarcely have
imagined.

Complexity of the Challenge to the U.N.

Now let us consider the LTnited Nations. How
does it relate to these twin tides of conflict and
hope?

In our frustration with the complex and largely
unfamiliar world aroimd us there is a temptation
even among the most thoughtful and informed
observers to see the possibilities only in terms of
tlie black and white contrasts. The task of dealing
with varying shades of gray is unfamiliar, uncom-
fortable, and unsatisfactory to many Americans.
Our experience in building this great nation has
conditioned us to believe that there are only two
sides to every question, one right and one wrong;
that if there are problems, there must be solutions;
that if there is struggle, there must be total victory
for one and total defeat for the other.

This all-or-nothing attitude is a vital part of the
American character and one which has given us
much of the special energy and determination
which has typified our country since its earliest
days. However, the new world with which we
must deal is one of infinite complexity in which
simple solutions are rarely available. We repre-

792

Deparimeni of Sfofe Bulletin

sent only 6 percent of mankind, and even with all
our great industries and military power there are
strict limitations on what we can do.

It is inevitable that Americans who fail to under-
stand the complexities with which the United
Nations must deal should charge that this great
world organization has failed to do what it was
set up to do.

At the same time, however, another aspect of
the American character is helping to move us
toward the mature understanding of possibilities
and Ihnitations which is basic to an effective for-
eign policy. I refer to our traditional apprecia-
tion of variety, to our acceptance of the give-and-
take of honest differences, to our belief that a
healthy society thrives not on conformity but on
diversity.

This is the spirit which we must bring to all we
attempt to accomplish in our troubled world. To
behave otherwise by creating our own rigid doc-
trinaire orthodoxy, as do the apostles of modern-
day Marxism, would be gravely to weaken our
capacity to bring our great influence effectively to
bear on the agonizmg questions which confront us
aU.

As President Kennedy said a month ago in his
speech to the United Nations General Assembly,^

We cannot expect that all nations will adopt like
systems, for conformity is the jailer of freedom and the
enemy of growth.

An added dimension to the sheer complexity of
the challenge is the often overlooked fact that
there are not one but many threats to the peace.
In the Middle East, in south Asia, in the Carib-
bean, even in Africa, there are stubborn and dan-
gerous conflicts and belligerent confrontations
which have nothing to do with the cold war.

If the superpowers were by some magic to settle
their differences tomorrow, some half-dozen con-
flicts would remain which could produce a very
sizable war at any moment. And while missiles
which carry thermonuclear warheads are incredi-
bly more destructive than World War II field
artillery, their aggressive use to promote national
ambitions is no easier to justify.

The new nations of Africa and Asia are properly
alarmed by the dangerous implications of the big-
power nuclear arms race. But they should not
forget that they, too, may have contributions to

'Ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.
November 13, 1961

make to the peace of the world in their own
backyards.

Some Accomplishments of the United Nations

Now what is the record of the United Nations
judged against this complex and difficult back-
ground? Certainly its development has not
followed the lines laid down in 1945. The hopes
for unity among the world's great powers, so
tenuously constructed during World War II,
failed even to survive the first years of the postwar
world.

But in considering the changes of fimction and
emphasis which grew out of the cold-war situa-
tion, let us be frank.

If it had not been assumed that the United Na-
tions would be dominated by the Security Council,
in which we have the veto, the United States
Senate never would have voted to join. Yet with-
in a few years the United States and a majority
of the members found ways around this veto
power; and it was this that made it possible for
the United Nations to develop its capacity for
executive action.

The Soviet response to this movement to trans-
form the United Nations into a functioning world
organization, capable of united action in an emer-
gency, is recorded in its 95 vetoes, in its efforts to
cripple the Secretariat, and in Mr. Khrushchev's
belligerent statement of last spring in which he
said he would use armed force to prevent the U.N.
from carrying out any decision with which the
Soviet Union did not agree.

Under these circumstances it is not surprising
that much of what the U.N. has accomplished
has been accomplished without the participation
and frequently over the opposition of the Soviet
Union. And yet in spite of the determined opposi-
tion of one of its most powerful members, the U.N.,
and its family of specialized agencies, has acted
with increasing vigor and imagination. Let us
briefly consider the remarkable accomplishments
of some of these new agencies.

The World Health Organization, for example,
is now conducting a worldwide campaign to
eliminate malaria, a disease which has caused more
deaths and more loss of work than any other in
history. It also has launched a campaign to help
bring clean water to every village on the globe.

Last year the United Nations Children's Fund,
with 98 governments participating, brought better

793

care to 55 million expectant and nursing mothers.
It also examined 75 million children for yaws, at
an average cost of 15 cents a head.

The World Meteorological Organization is plan-
ning a worldwide weather reporting system. The
International Telecommunication Union now allo-
cates radio frequencies for the whole world.

In addition there is the equally effective work
of the other specialized agencies, of the technical
assistance program, of the Special Fund, and the
new and promising program for recruiting expert
personnel for the developing countries. Each of
these U.N. agencies is handling tasks which were
barely conceivable a generation ago.

Moreover, in every field the regional economic
and social cooperation through the binational and
multinational agreements of which I spoke earlier
is matched by the development of vigorously
creative U.N. regional agencies such as
ECAFE — the Economic Commission for Asia
and the Far East — and ECLA — the Economic
Commission for Latin America.

U.N.'s Capacity To Act

The capacity of the United Nations itself for
positive political and economic action was bril-
liantly demonstrated in the Congo during the past
year. Although the final record has not been
written and much remains to be done, let us briefly
review the progress so far.

Wlien the Congo threatened to fall apart in the
summer of 1960, many of the 9,000 European ex-
perts who had been managing the productive fa-
cilities, the public services, and the teclinical
branches of the economy packed up and went
home. A tiny corps of some 200 United Nations
experts, most of them drawn hurriedly from the
U.N. Secretariat and the specialized agencies, was
organized to fill the gap. These international
public servants faced a situation in which starva-
tion was claiming scores of people every day, un-
employment was rampant, government revenues
and exports and reserves were falling, inflation
was mounting, and public services were disrupted.

By late 1960 a semblance of order had begun
to emerge from the chaos ; epidemics were checked,
and starvation ended. Somehow, under incred-
ibly difficult circumstances, this United Nations
team of technicians and advisers managed to get
the wheels turning again.

Then began an even more important task: the

long-range job of helping the Congolese to train
their own administrative and technical personnel
and to create their own institutions. Although
this process is in its beginning stages, the results
appear promising.

Thus the entire Congo performance has been an
extraordinary tribute to the U.N.'s capacity for
direct executive action in the complex field of
economic and social development.

The Congo also illustrates the U.N. capacity to
act politically to create a more solid base for peace
and security. There is no need to remind this
audience of the remarkable performance of the
United Nations in throwing together, imder the
most difficult and urgent circumstances, an emer-
gency force of nearly 20,000 men drawn from 28
countries. The ability of this organization to
mobilize, transport, supply, and command a major
peacekeeping force on short notice exceeded al-
most everyone's expectations.

The challenge in the Congo is the latest and
severest test of the U.N. as peacemaker. In ad-
dition there is the record of the U.N. peacekeeping
roles in Iran, Greece, Palestine, Suez, and Korea.

Finally, in addition to promoting economic and
social progress and to keeping the peace, the
United Nations has served with considerable ef-
fectiveness as an international forum for the air-
ing of disputes. Although its detractors refer to
this function as a debating society, the debates
which take place there, in spite of the bitterness
and demagoguery with which they are often con-
ducted, are of the utmost importance.

The issues that come before the United Nations
are the oldest and most intractable issues of his-
tory, which cannot be effectively aired in any other
arena. The annual agenda therefore is no less
than the agenda of mankind's most pressing prob-
lems in the second half of the 20th century. To
mention only a few :

How can we create machinery for keeping the
peace?

How can we strengthen the concept of inter-
national law ?

How can we secure outer space for peaceful
use?

How can we wipe out the poverty that breeds
hatred and upheaval ?

How can we better protect human rights and
promote a greater measure of justice ?

794

Department of State Bulletin

It is true that answers so far have been few
and far between. But isn't it a long step toward
international sanity to be able to debate them in
a worldwide forum in which every viewpoint is
represented and where world opinion can be
brought to bear ?

Cynics deny even the existence of world opinion,
and cynical nations do not hesitate to flout it. Yet
whatever leader or nation consistently disregards
the opinion of mankind will eventually pay, and,
as time goes on, I believe that the price he pays will
become higher.

And here I cannot refrain from replying to the
one question which ranks above all othere on the
agenda of mankind: the question of world dis-
armament.

If I correctly recall the gospel according to Karl
Marx, capitalist societies are kept economically
afloat only by war or tlae prospect of war. If this
is the Commimist doctrine, and no good Marxist
will deny it, why does the Kremlin not agree to a
program of honest disarmament with suitable con-
trols agreeable to all of us ?

According to their monolithic creed, would
not a sharp reduction of defense spending in the
United States bring about the collapse of our
economy? Would not millions of imemployed
roam the land and grass grow in our streets ? And,
in due course, would this not result in the Com-
munists' inheriting the earth without a shot being
fired?

If this is what the Commimists believe to be true,
why does the Kremlin refuse to act in accordance
with their doctrine ? Why do they refuse to accept
our challenge to a peaceful competition between
their economic, political, and social system and our
own?

The answer, I believe, lies in the fact that they
know that our economy would not collapse and
that in such a competition they would be the loser.

An Assessment of the United Nations

How then can we assess the United Nations in
the real world of 1961?

Clearly we cannot say that it has abolished the
threat of war or even that it has narrowed the gap
of disagreement among the world's gi-eat powers.

Yet the record is in many ways extraordinary.
Although sorely hampered by the vast ideological
struggle which commands the unflagging energies
of free men everywhere, the United Nations has

somehow grown and developed by associating it-
self ever more effectively with the powerfid cur-
rents of hope.

Wliere great issues of justice have been raised,
it has served as a meetinghouse for the opinion
of all humanity.

Wliere violence has threatened, it has time and
again proved its growing capacity to divert the
pressures and to presei-ve the peace.

Where peoples have been striving for an end to
the tyranny of poverty, it has opened new paths
for the indispensable cooperation in the battle
against human misery.

Measured Optimism About U.N.'s Future

We live in a raucous, restless, ill-mannered
world in which a community of hope exists side
by side with a community of fear. The cold-war
conflict is paralleled by a growing partnership
between the United States, the peoples of Asia,
Africa, and Latin America. It is this evolving
world which helps shape the United Nations and
which, increasingly, may be shaped by it. Indeed,
I believe there is solid basis for a measured opti-
mism about the future of this great world organ-
ization.

The new and growing nations, which now form
the majority of the United Nations, most urgently
need its protection and its help. Why should
these nations act to weaken or destroy the inter-
national institutional arrangements which are
providing them security, economic aid, and the
opportunity to make their views heard ? For them
the United Nations Charter is the best guarantee
of their right to develop their own nations in their
own way.

No, the United Nations is not likely to be de-
stroyed by the majority of its members, however
recklessly determined they may sometimes appear
to do precisely that. Nor are we likely to destroy
or weaken it by our failure to provide the neces-
sary support and the leadership.

President Kennedy put it very simply and di-
rectly when he declared to the General Assembly :
"Today of all days our dedication to the charter
must be maintained."

One final word. I cannot close without paying
tribute to the man who more than any other of our
generation has helped to make the United Nations
what we all know it must become.

In his final report to the organization whose

November 13, 7967

795

voice and conscience he became, Dag Hammar-
skjold issued this quiet warning :

The effort through the Organization to find a way by
which the world eommtinity might, step by step, grow into
organized international co-operation within the Charter,
must either progress or recede. Those whose reactions
to the work of the Organization hamper its development,
or reduce its possibilities of effective action, may have to
shoulder the responsibility for a return to a state of
affairs which Governments had already found too danger-
ous after the First World War.

In Dag Hammarskjold was combined an in-
spiring idealism with the hard common sense of

the practical politician. The real world of 1961
was precisely the world with which he was con-
cerned, and it was in that world that he enabled the
United Nations to operate with growing effec-
tiveness.

We who carry on can do no better than to follow
in the course which he charted. We must continue
to maintain the vision to which the United Nations
has always aspired. Only by so doing can we
make the United Nations the instrument of the
worldwide commimity of hope wliich its founders
intended it to be.

Four PopularlCanards About the United Nations

hy Harlan Cleveland

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs ^

In tliis curious, endlessly fascinating business
called U.N. affairs, or parliamentary diplomacy,
you find yourself constantly listening to flat state-
ments by highly educated people who ought to
know better. Sometimes it's hard to reply to them
right away. The maker of flat and erroneous
statements may be so sure of himself that a direct
contradiction would be impolite; and in the State
Department we are not supposed to be impolite,
except on purpose, with malice aforethought, and
after proper clearance. Also the flat statements
sometimes come from Congi-essmen and — in my
special bailiwick — from U.N. delegates of other
countries of the U.N., two kinds of people to whom
one is supposed to be especially polite.

You may well imagine that all this mandatory
politeness induces a certain frustration. Nerves
get on edge; pain mounts up; and even Anacin
doesn't help a bit. So, finding myself here in

' Address made at St. Louis University, St. Louis, Mo.,
on Oct. 22 (press release 728 dated Oct. 21).

Missouri, where it is a matter of faith to doubt all
flat statements, I am emboldened to say some of
the things that occasionally have to be choked
down at diplomatic receptions in New York and
Government hearings in Washington.

Four things are being said about U.N. affairs
that most particularly grate on my bureaucratic
nerves these days. Two of them are general-pur-
pose canards with a long and apparently inex-
tinguishable history :

"Democracies are at a disadvantage in dealing
with dictatorships."
"There is no such thing as 'world opinion.' "

The other two are special canards about the
United Nations and its future; it's my present
business to be especially sensitive to these:

"The United Nations," it is said, "can't do any-
thing significant unless the great powers are in
agreement."

Or again : "The goals of the United Nations are
hopelessly abstract and Utopian."

796

Department of Sfofe Bulletin

Since joining the Kennedy administration I
have heard each of these at least 25 times, from
persons or publications generally regarded as ei-
ther responsible or respectable — or occasionally
both. Usually the moment doesn't call for a long
debate; so my reaction has to be a fast swallow
and an internalized Bronx cheer. But here at St.
Louis University, warmed by this homecoming to
academia, confident that if I am not among friends
I am at least among strangers, I would like to try
to explain why the hackles rise and the saliva
flows.

These statements are all, I suppose, a product of
skepticism about what we Americans have accom-
plished, and have it in us to accomplish, by con-
ducting a foreign policy that reaches into every
corner of the earth — and into space as well. The
fact is, we're doing better than we think and we're
capable of doing better than we know.

The First: "Democracies at a Disadvantage"

The first of these self-doubts, that a democracy
is somehow unequal to the cruel world around it,
traces back to arguments among the ancient Greeks.
But in its American version we best remember the
way it was put by Alexis de Tocqueville, who
wrote so much so well a century and a quarter ago
that only the very best speechwriters, like Adlai
Stevenson, manage to fashion speeches without
some quote from de Tocqueville's Democracy in
America.

"Foreign politics," said de Tocqueville, "de-
mands scarcely any of those qualifications which
are peculiar to a Democracy. They require, on
the contrary, the perfect use of almost all those in
which it is deficient."

"A Democracy," he added, "can only with great
difficulty regulate the details of an important
undertaking, persevere in a fixed design and work
out its execution in spite of serious obstacles. It
cannot combine its measures with secrecy or await
their consequences with patience."

De Tocqueville's famous foresight failed him
here. "Who is to say that the United States, which
is without any doubt a democracy, has not been
able to regulate the details of important under-
takings, persevere in fixed designs, and work out
their execution in spite of serious obstacles ?

It is true that it is hard "to combine [our]
measures with secrecy."

The curiosity of the American people and of

November 13, 1967

617714—61 S

their surrogates in the press, radio, and TV has
seen to that. Yet in most aspects of foreign policy
we don't need secrecy nearly as badly as we need
an understanding public. The best answer to the
stealthy Soviet practice of indirect aggression is
often not reciprocal stealth but rather the klieg
light of publicity. A dozen major U.N. "pres-
ences" have shown that, when an international
organization is trjdng to prevent its own members
from subverting the political independence of a
weak country, its greatest ally is not an unattain-
able secrecy but the unrelenting attention of an
international public.

De Tocqueville's most difficult challenge is the
last one. Can we await the consequences of our
measures with patience? There is no doubt that
this is hard work and requires rigorous training.
But I suggest to you two recent examples of the
fact that we are learning.

In Geneva we outwaited the Soviets for 3 long
years, patiently negotiating in good faith well past
the time when they started planning to resume
testing at the convenience of their military scien-
tists. This monumental ordeal by conference
might in easier times have been regarded as suffi-
cient evidence of our patience. But when the
Soviets resumed their atmospheric tests, both
President Kennedy and the bulk of American
opinion were content to wait for several days, in
spite of the pressure to announce the resumption of
our own tests, to let the big lesson sink in — that the
Soviets broke the moratorium on tests without ad-
vance notice and are conducting the kinds of tests
holding the greatest potential danger to the future
of mankind.

I draw your attention to another example, the
foreign aid bill, in this year's Congress. Ever
since the war, the United States Government has
been justly criticized for tackling 20-year develop-
ment problems with 5-year plans manned by 2-
year personnel working with 1-year appropria-
tions. But this year, in a noble action obscured by
a complicated legislative history. Congress has
recognized that we should plan at least 5 years
ahead and has authorized an aid program with
even more long-range planning in it than we ever
had in the Marshall plan.

So we are learning. But the problem of keep-
ing our shirts on is serious. As the Berlin crisis
develops, we will need to make defense prepara-
tions without succumbing to war fear. We will

797

need to approach the Berlin peace talks without
the kind of impatience that wants to reveal the
whole Western negotiating position publicly in
advance, before private exploratory talks can find
out what the Soviets will settle for.

In international operations like the Congo, we
will Ikivo to learn not to flinch at the first bullet
or tlie first criticism. We will even need to hold
our patience and sometimes our tongue when neu-
trals say they don't like American policy. Each
of you knows from your own experience how easy
it is to be decisive when a matter is not yours to
decide. As a nation we have only recently over-
come our own desire to sit out every other dance
in the ceaseless quadrille of international politics.
It should not surprise us too much if some nations,
with less excuse for taking leadership than we
have, should go through a period of wanting to
sit out every dance.

The Second: "No Such Thing as World Opinion"

A leading American theologian has just been
quoted as saying, "World opinion doesn't really
exist."

There is, as we all know, a mischievous and per-
sistent myth in our folklore that portrays Ameri-
cans as goodheartcd dullards when it comes to
world afTairs and our diplomats as incompetents
or worse. In the latest rerun of this myth, our
international naivete results in a foolish and hope-
less effort to please a will-o'-the-wisp of world
opinion.

The relevance of public opinion to world affairs
is rejected by "realists" who contend that the poli-
cies of certain nations are not hampered by any
such sentimental considerations. By the same
logic it can be argued that a man dying of thirst
is not hampered by any sentimental interest in
water. The policies of the Soviet Union are inimi-
cal to the interests of other nations. The U.S.S.R.
can cow public opinion — briefly and at a price; it
can confuse opinion and even seduce it. But even
for those "realists" in the Kremlin public opinion
is distinctly something not to ignore, something
that has to be neutralized or overcome.

Without public support, as distinct from popu-
larity, United States foreign policy would fall flat
on its face. Western Europe is today being uni-
fied by '^ public opinion which is insisting on
European institutions in spite of all the para-
doxes of ancient national rivalries. It was world

opinion, mobilized in the General Assembly, that
prevented the Soviet Union from destroying the
United Nations Operation in the Congo. Public
opinion is not always measurable, but it is always
relevant.

You will remember that our own Foundincr
Fathers put into this nation's first state paper
that phrase about "a decent respect to the opinions
of mankind." They surely held no illusions that
a poll of the world at the time (if they could have
imagined such a thing) would have resulted in a
landslide for revolution and republicanism. Their
commitment was not to abide by a poll or even to
flatter the world. Their commitment was self-
generated, inner-directed. It was part and parcel
of the universal values stressed in that first Decla-
ration of Independence.

This is the kind of commitment contained in the
United Nations Charter. If enough nations really
accept that commitment for their own reasons,
world opinion is readily plugged into power.

The United Nations is a machine designed pre-
cisely to transmute opinion into power. Because
we think the opinion of mankind by and large
coincides with our values, we want that alchemy
performed.

Without "world opinion," even so eloquent a
document as the charter is merely a noble aspira-
tion, not a working peace system. What makes
the United Nations work is the fact that most of
the articulate people in the world want it to work.
This is the mystery in the United Nations — a mys-
tery that defies dialectics. No delegate can enter
the halls of the United Nations without feeling
the presence of this mystery. So long as it is pres-
ent, those who believe the United Nations is no
more than a forum for the powerful will continue
to be mistaken — and surprised by how resilient,
how tough, the U.N. turns out to be.

The Third: "Great Powers Must Agree"

We often hear it said, around the U.N. building
in Manhattan, that the United Nations cannot ac-
complish anything unless the great powers are in
agreement. It is a dangerous doctrine. If it were
true, the United Nations would not have lasted
more than a few months. But it has in fact en-
dured for 16 years, enhancing year by year its
capacity to take important executive actions.

When wo speak of the United Nations' capacity
to act, we are talking about an executive capability

798

Department of State BuHetin

that has grown in spite of great-power disagree-
ments. The fact is that the Soviet Union has not
been an effective participant in any of the major
international operations sponsored by the United
Nations in the last 16 years.

In the field of economic and social development,
for example, the Soviets have not even joined some
of the major international organizations that serve
the less developed countries with technical help
and investment capital. They do not belong to or
contribute to the International Bank for Recon-
struction and Development, the International
Monetary Fund, the Food and Agriculture Or-
ganization, the International Civil Aviation Or-
ganization. They are not helping in the
humanitarian work of the U.N. High Commis-
sioner for Refugees. All of these U.N. organiza-
tions have been thriving in their absence. For 8
years the Soviets stayed away from all meetings
of the World Health Organization ; it grew from
strength to strength during their boycott. The
Soviets have not been notably cooperative members
of the International Atomic Energy Agency and
are currently threatening to walk out of it
altogether. They have been reluctant and foot-
dragging members of the other specialized agen-
cies, contributing little and complaining much.

At the United Nations itself, the Soviets boy-
cotted the Expanded Technical Assistance Pro-
gram for a number of years. Tliey have only re-
cently put up any money at all for technical aid
through the United Nations. They have provided
only a niggling share of the Special Fund, in
rubles so thoroughly blocked that the United Na-
tions has not yet found a way to use the Soviet
contribution.

Wlien it comes to peace and security operations,
the record of Soviet participation is a story of
absenteeism, boycott, and unwillingness to con-
tribute— combined, of course, with the carping and
ineffectual criticism of an embittered outsider,
complaining about his own decision to stay out in
the cold. They were boycotting the Security
Council when the Korean operation got under
way and opposed all efforts by the United Nations
to reunify Korea. Their contribution to the
United Nations' magnificent peacekeeping record
in the Middle East has been less than nil ; they do
not contribute to the care and feeding of the
Palestine refugees. They consistently fail to con-

tribute to the costs of the United Nations Emer-
gency Force stationed on the Gaza Strip, along
the Israeli-Egyptian border, and at the entrance
to the Gulf of Aqaba. The Soviet contribution to
tlie crisis in Lebanon was not a helping hand to
United Nations efforts to keep the peace but an
audible rattling of rockets just offstage.

When the Congo began to slip into the whirl-
pool of political chaos, the Soviet contribution
was not to help finance the U.N. Operation in
the Congo but to contribute instead to a secession-
ist regime in Stanleyville, trying to break it away
from the unified Congo. They have yet to pay a
penny toward the Congo operation ; but they have
made possible contributions of cash and of arms
to the Stanleyville separatists — actions just as
reprehensible as those of the outside elements that
are contributing to those other secessionists in the
Katanga.

In all these United Nations operations, most
of the other major powers have done their part.
The French, to be sure, have been unwilling to
contribute to the Congo operation; but even with
that exception, those operations have grown
strong and useful.

In the face of this record, how can anyone say
that our world organization requires unanimous
consent among the great powers before it can take
significant actions ?

The Fourth: "U.N. Goals Hopelessly Hopeful"

Let us, finally, take a look at the fourth canard,
the one about the goals of the United Nations
Charter being hopelessly hopeful. (A "canard,"
by the way, is not a duck, as you students of
French might suppose; Webster's calls it an ex-
travagant or absurd report or story set afloat to
delude the public.) It is a public delusion to
mistake our goals — which are indeed such useful
and compelling abstractions as "peace" and
"freedom" — for the very practical actions we can
take through the United Nations to bring these
goals a little nearer.

Our goals are the eloquent ideals of the United
Nations Charter: to save succeeding generations
from the scourge of war; to reaffirm faith in
fundamental hiunan rights, in the dignity and
worth of the human person; to maintain justice
and respect for international law ; to promote so-
cial progress and better standards of life in larger

November 73, 1961

799

freedom. For these purposes we have what is
described in the charter as "a center for harmoniz-
ing the actions of nations in the attainment of
these common ends." But this center, and the
institutions of peace that have been laboriously
built up around it, are far from abstractions; nor
are they pious wishes. They are practical organ-
izations, applying pragmatic techniques to con-
crete tasks. And in this fall's General Assembly
we are quite deliberately and purposefully engaged
in building these institutions stronger, enlarging
their scope and their power.

Our goal, for example, is a world without arms.
But the concrete method President Kennedy has
proposed ^ is a program which would proceed
through balanced, safeguarded stages with respon-
sibility for verification and control vested in an
international organization within the framework
of the U.N. itself.

Our goal is the peaceful settlement of disputes
between nations. But the concrete method we
are proposing is an expanded international police
force system, with units of national forces spe-
cifically earmarked for service with the United
Nations, especially trained for defined tasks, with
practical logistical support available for prompt
use and with known means of financial support.

Our goal is to prevent disputes from reaching
the crisis stage that makes police action necessary.
But the concrete method is the physical presence
of the United Nations on the spot — to observe, to
find facts, to conciliate, to mediate, to judge, and to
publicize transgressions of international agree-
ments and international law.

Our goal is to preserve peace in outer space and
extend to all nations the benefits of exploring it.
We will in this Assembly propose concrete meth-
ods to this end :

• explicit confirmation that the U.N. Charter
applies to the outer limits of space exploration;

• a declaration that outer space and celestial
bodies are not subject to claims of national sover-
eignty ;

• an international system for registering of all
objects launched into space;

• a specialized outer-space unit in the Secre-
tariat of the United Nations;

' For text of a Declaration on Dls^armament submitted
to the tJ.N. General Assembly by the United States on
Sept 25, 1961, see Bttlletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.

800

• a world weather watch using satellites and
other advanced techniques ;

• a cooperative search for ways by which man
can start modifying the weather;

• a global system of communications satellites
to link the whole world by telegraph, telephone,
radio, and television.

As the President said in the General Assembly
3 weeks ago,^ the time should not be far off when
the proceedings of the U.N. itself might be carried
instantaneously wherever men have the urge to i
learn, the wisdom to listen, and the wit to criticize.

Our abstract goal is economic and social prog-
ress. But the concrete methods which we have
proposed are :

• designation of the decade of the 1960's as a
U.N. Development Decade;

• research and demonstration projects looking ■
toward the desalting of water, cheap power
sources, and better foods from land and sea;

• expanded aid to developing nations to plan i
their growth, survey their own resources, and train i
their own people; '

• reorganization of the U.N. family of agencies
to handle larger aid and focus it better on the pri-
ority needs of national development programs ;

• and new U.N. services to help developing na-
tions to plan and arrange for all kinds of external
assistance.

Proposals in all these fields — peace and security,
outer space, and economic development — are being
presented in detail by Ambassador Adlai Steven-
son and his delegation in their daily dealings with
100 delegations from other lands.

All of our proposals are designed to build up
the machinery of peace while dismantling the
machinery of war. And all are fashioned to deal
with specific subjects in concrete ways through
operating organizations in which practical men
apply known techniques to real problems. Hope-
ful, yes. But impractical, no.

In this first adolescent phase of what I hope
will be its long life, the United Nations has done
two main things : First, it has been building use-
ful and important executive operations in spite .
of the lack of great-power agreement, and second,
it has provided a forum for mobilizing world

• For text, see iMd., p. 619.

Department of State BuUelin

opinion to moderate the great conflict itself and
to provide a means for all powers, great
or small, to settle their disputes under interna-
tionally agreed rules. At present nations can
take this or leave it alone, but its very existence
helps establish the mle that in foreign affairs
each country is responsible to all others. Ques-
tions like Berlin, nuclear testing, and even dis-
armament must essentially be worked out by those
who have the power to do something about them.
That these great-power discussions on apocalyptic
questions are carried on under the watchful eye
of smaller, weaker nations is very good — but the
watchful eye should not be mistaken for what is
watched.

We all hope that the time will come, eventually
if not sooner, that we can entrust the destiny of
Americans as well as Russians to a world security
organization under conditions of general and com-
plete disarmament. To reach this objective clearly
does require agreement among the great powers
as well as the consensus of the rest of mankind.
But meanwhile let us not get into the mood of
believing nothing useful can be done along these
lines because democracy is weak, world opinion
feeble, the great powers are squabbling, and the
goal is still far distant. A great deal that is use-
ful has been done. More and larger operations —
for economic development, for peace and security,
perhaps in new fields like outer space — can be
set in train by action of the overwhelming ma-
jority of United Nations members, backed by those
larger nations who believe in making the world
community operational.

But in order to develop the United Nations'
capacity to act there is one priceless and essential
ingredient — the United Nations executive must
be run by a single, competent, and independent-
minded official, heading a Secretariat dedicated
to serving the charter, a Secretariat whose staff
members are international civil servants and do
not report daily to the foreign offices of the coun-
tries from which they come.

Dag Hammarskjold said to Nikita Khrushchev,
when he visited him by the Black Sea just after
Sputnik I, that any Secretary-General must be
launched from the nation of his birth but, once
elected, was as free of his nationality as a sputnik
in orbit is free of its laimching pad. It is high
time for the United Nations to get a Secretary-
General into orbit asrain.

Secretary Rusk Interviewed
on "Issues and Answers"

Following is the transcript of an interview of
Secretary Rusk on an American Broadcasting
Company television program, ''''Issues and Anr
swers" on October 22.

Press release 730 dated October 23

Announcer: From Washington, D.C., the
American Broadcasting Company brings you
"Issues and Answers." Today, with the answers
to the critical international issues facing the
United States, the Secretary of State, the Hon-
orable Dean Eusk.

Secretary Rusk, here are the issues.

Mr. Scali: Are the allies ready to negotiate with
Moscow on Berlin ?

Mr. Rolf son: Does the Communist congress in
Moscow mean new trouble for the West ?

Mr. Scali: How long will we wait for Russian
agreement on a Secretary -General ?

Mr. Rolf son: Will world opinion keep Khru-
shchev from exploding his big bomb?

Announcer: You have heard the issues, and
now for the answers from Secretary of State
Dean Rusk.

To explore the issues are ABC Washington com-
mentator John Rolfson and, with the first ques-
tion, ABC State Department correspondent John
Scali.

U.S. Military Strength

BIr. Scali: Roswell Gilpatric, the Deputy Sec-
retary of Defense, said in his speech last night that
our nuclear weapons are now numbered in the
tens of thousands and that we are now powerful
enough to crush the Soviet Union even if the
Soviets were to be rash enough to strike the first
blow. Do you agree with this ?

Secretary Rusk: Yes indeed, Mr. Scali. Mr.
Gilpatric was making an official statement ; it was
a well-considered statement, and it was based upon
the facts. These are the facts in the present sit-
uation. We are not dealing in the world these
days from a position of weakness.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, did you know in ad-

November 13, 1961

801

Vance about this speech ? I say this because the
Pentagon stressed yesterday that this speech had
been cleared at the highest level.

Secretary Rusk: Yes, I went over the speech
with Mr. Gilpatric, and he and I discussed it
before he made it.

Mr. Scali: Does it represent a new military
estimate of our strength and capacity as compared
to that of the Soviet Union ?

Secretary Rusk: I don't think the emphasis
should be on the new estimate. I think that it is
important for our public and the rest of the world
to know the essential facts in this situation, and
I think from that point of view the speech served
a very useful purpose.

Mr. Rolf son: Mr. Secretary, you are saying
then that there is not either an increase in the esti-
mate of American military strength or a decrease
in the estimate of Soviet military strength?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I wouldn't want to spec-
ify it as exactly as that. We are, of course, making
estimates all the time of these and other related
matters. I think the essence of the situation is
that stated by Mr. Gilpatric.

Mr. Rolf son: This does not then represent a
change in power but is an estimate of the situation
that has existed all along ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, when I say "all along"
I wouldn't want to follow that back too far, but
this is the statement of the situation as we see it
today.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, what makes it pos-
sible for the administration now to speak out so
confidently and positively on this very critical
issue?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think this is a point
about which there ought to be more general pub-
lic understanding, because when you are in prob-
lems of negotiation, the question inevitably comes
up from time to time whether you are negotiating
from a position of strength or of weakness or
whether you have cause to be nervous or confident.
The point is that the United States and its allies
are strong. Mr. Khrushchev must know that
we are strong, and he does know that we are
strong and that, when we talk about exploratory

talks or we talk about contacts with the Soviet
Government on one or another point, this is no
problem that turns on whether we feel that we are
weak or not. We are not weak.

Mr. Scali: Well, Mr. Secretary, has this esti-
mate of our military advantage been made known
to the Soviets in crystal-clear terms so that there
would be no temptation for a miscalculation or
a terrible mistake ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think Mr. Gilpatric's
speech made this known publicly, but I have no
doubt that the Soviet Government knows a good
deal about our strength and has a very accurate
assessment of it.

Mr. Rolf son: In his speech before the Commu-
nist Party congress in Moscow this week Mr.
Khrushchev quoted American leaders as acknowl-
edging that American and Russian military power
were equal. Does tliis new statement then mean
that we consider Mr. Khrushchev very much mis-
taken in that ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think when we use this
word "equal" what is meant there is that in this
confrontation of two great power blocs each side
has a capacity to inflict very great damage upon
the other. Therefore in terms of handling the
relationships between the two power blocs, all
responsible governments need to take that into
account and not act irresponsibly or frivolously
or not suppose that they can press in upon the vital
interests of the other side without incurring very
great risks. So there is an ability to inflict very
great damage on both sides, but that does not nec-
essarily mean that in the total situation the two
situations are equal.

Mr. Rolf son: Do you see any reflection of our
military strength in Mr. Khrushchev's withdraw-
ing the deadline on a German treaty publicly
this week ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think that any desire
or effort or indication that he is ready to sit down
and have some serious talks about a matter of
this sort cannot help but be tied into his estimate
of comparative strengths. Again, I don't believe
that Mr. Klirushchev is under any illusion about
the strength of the West, nor are we under any
illusion about the strength of the Sino-Soviet bloc.

In that situation responsible governments must.

802

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

regardless of their views or their attitudes — I
think must if they want to be responsible — find out
whether their vital interests can be protected
through peaceful means.

U.S. and Soviet Positions on Berlin and U.N.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, in the past several
days there have been reports that the Kennedy
administration has hardened its diplomatic policy
specifically on Berlin and the United Nations. Is
this true, and could this be tied in at all to an addi-
tional appreciation of our military advantage?

Secretary Rusk: Mr. Scali, I don't believe it
would be accurate to speak of the change in mood
on a week-by-week basis on matters of this sort.
You will recall that maybe 2 or 3 weeks ago there
was reported a mood of optimism and then a mood
of pessimism and this sort of tiling. This is partly
because the conversations that are going on are
private conversations among governments in the
West and with the Soviet Union, and in the ab-
sence of public news more importance is attached
to some of these questions of mood than they de-
serve. I do not myself believe that our line has
hardened, because if you go back to the July 25
speech of President Kennedy,' he made it very
clear that we would do what was necessary to de-
fend our vital interests in Berlin and in Germany
and that has been their position straight along. So
I would not tliink there has been any change in the
basic position of the United States or of the West
in these last few days.

Mr. Rolf son: And what of the Soviet position?
From your study of the 13 hours of Mr. Khru-
shchev's speech at the party congress, do you see
in his speech overall any more reasonable attitude
on any of the major issues — Berlin, the United
Nations?

Secretary Rusk: Well, a 13-hour speech takes a
good deal of study, Mr. Rolfson. I would think
that in some of the detailed questions to which he
alluded, such as Berlin, or southeast Asia, or the
Congo, or whatever it is, we should not attach too
much importance to what was said about those
questions because they were rather broad remarks
and did not themselves attempt to go into detail,
but I think his public indication that they did not
consider that there was a necessary date by which

'■ For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267.
November 13, 7967

they would sign their peace treaty with the East
Germans was plus rather than minus from the
point of view of the possibilities of a peaceful set-
tlement. But underlying his 13-hour speech was
still the basic notion which is central and critical
to the history of our times, and that is that he ex-
pects the world to embrace his brand of the world
i-evolution. This has been said last December, it
was said again in January, it has been repeated
again now in the last few days. This means that
there is a very great struggle of a climactic sort
going on in the world between those who want to
build that kind of world that he is talking about
and those who are trying to build the kind of world
that is set forth in the United Nations Charter.

Now this is not just a case of two blocs with a
great many neutrals cauglit in between. This is
an issue between those wlio are trying to build a
world in which independent states can determine
their own domestic affairs and work out their co-
operation across national frontiers on an agreed
basis. That is the U.N., the basic U.N. concept.
The other notion, that the Communist world revo-
lution is historically inevitable and that the Com-
munist states will back it in action with the re-
sources at their command, that sets the crisis of
our times.

Mr. Scali: Well, Mr. Secretary, then from what
has been said in Moscow by the Communist Party
chiefs, you see no sign at this stage that the Soviets
will be any less aggressive in exporting this com-
munism to other countries ?

Secretary Rusk: I could not myself read into the
speech made to the party congress any relaxation
or any decrease of interest in their brand of the
world revolution. And this is something which we
shall have with us for some time to come.

Mr. Rolfson: Taking the Khrushchev speech
aside, the whole congress together, as much as is
known of it now, do you see any signs of encour-
agement for the West in this ? Communist weak-
nesses as demonstrated by the denunciations of
Albania and of the antiparty group ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think there are signs
that things are not as prosperous, not as unified,
within the Communist empire as some of them
would hope, but I would not myself believe that
these problems are of great importance as far as
we are concerned. I mean, for example, there has
been discussion in recent weeks about some sort of

803

disagreement within the West about the problem
of Germany and Berlin. It would be a great mis-
take for Mr. Khrushchev to believe that these dif-
ferences have any bearing upon the vital issues
between the West and the Soviet Union. Similarly
I suppose that we must assume that there are some
differences within the Communist bloc, but as far
as our interests are concerned and as far as this
great underlying struggle is concerned, I am not
sure that these differences are very fundamental.
And I am not inclined myself to speculate about
the relationships between, say, Peiping and Mos-
cow because I am not sure that Peiping or Moscow
imderstands just what these relationships are.

Mr. Scali : Mr. Secretary, in that connection
General de Gaulle is represented as believing in
Paris, today, that the continuing evidence of the
Sino-Soviet split as illustrated by what is happen-
ing in Moscow today is all the more reason why
the West should not negotiate with the Soviets at
this time on Berlin. Would you agree with this?

Secretary Rusk : Well, I saw those press reports,
and I believe they were attributed to French
sources wlio in turn attributed those views to Gen-
eral de Giuille; so I don't feel I am replying to
General de Gaulle at this point.

AVe do not see the prospect of immediate nego-
tiations in the usual sense of that word with the
Soviet Union over Germany and Berlin. What
has been happening has been some exploratory
talks, trying to find out whether there was in fact
a satisfactory basis for negotiation. This means
making clear your own position, tliat means
clarifying the position of the other side, in order
to see where any possible points of discussion
might arise and which points are matters of direct
confrontation upon which a little negotiation is
possible.

I would not suppose that the public discussion
of problems now going on in Moscow would throw
too much light on the possibilities of discussions
between the Soviet Union and the West.

Consultations Among Western Allies

Mr. Rolf son: What of the Allied differences
that you mentioned. Do you foresee the need of
a very high-level conference — Allied conference —
to resolve them soon ?

Secretary Riisk: Well, I would doubt that an
Allied summit would be required for that purpose.

In the first place there is basic agreement on the es-
sentials in the question of Germany and Berlin,
and we are in daily consultation with them through
the ambassadorial group here in Washington. It
may be that meetings of one sort or another might
in fact develop, but there are no present plans for
such meetings; and this would not be necessary
in order to get the four governments in very close
touch with each other and indeed to get the NATO
alliance unified through consultation in the North
Atlantic Council in Paris.

Mr. Scali: Well, Mr. Secretary, how about a
possible visit by Chancellor Adenauer of Ger-
many ? There have been reports that he is anxious
to come to talk with President Kennedy and with
you, to go into the whole business of what the next
stage should be and how far we should go and what
we should ask in return.

Secretary Rush: I believe there have been press
reports if I am not mistaken, out of Bonn, which
attribute to the Chancellor's office the information
that there are no such plans in mind at the present
time and that we will just have to see. Tiiese are
not things that you can talk about very much in
advance one way or the other because these are for
the future to decide.

Mr. Rolf son: Mr. Secretary, 2 weeks ago on
this program West Germany's Ambassador, Mr.
[Wilhelm G.] Grewe, said he considered tlie talks
you and President Kennedy had with Mr.
Gromyko as a step backward. Do you subscribe to
this?

Secretary Rusk: I don't know from what point
these talks were a step backward. I think myself
that they did serve to clarify certain issues. I do
not suggest that they resolved or settled issues,
but I would not myself characterize them as a
step backward and I don't think, if you look at the
full text of what the Ambassador said — I wouldn't
think that was the context in which he made that
remark.

Mr. Scali: Well, I think he meant, Mr. Sec-
retary, that in terms of the Soviet position as
outlined by Mr. Gromyko there seemed to be a
hardening over what had been said previously to
you in New York. Would that fit in with an
accurate appraisal ?

Secretary Rusk: I think you can't really judge
a question of that sort until you actually get into

804

Department of State Bulletin

negotiations. In exploratory talks what fre-
quently happens is that you touch upon a variety
of questions, you see what the general attitude of
the other side is. But simply because you are not
in specific negotiations you don't follow those
points right down to the end, because that in fact
would then be negotiation, in which all of your
allies would become directly involved. So these
talks were tentative and exploratory and did not
really go to the end of the trail on very many
specific issues.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, in that area there have
been reports that Mr. Gromyko sought to impose
upon West Berlin in any new arrangement an
understanding that it would have no more con-
nection with the Bonn government than, for ex-
ample, Switzerland would have with it, and that it
would in effect become a little international
island in a Communist sea. Is this the position
approximately that the Soviets are seeking to
impose ?

Secretary Rush: Well, that has not been com-
pletely clarified at this point, as to their own
position. Certainly from our point of view we
believe that this is a matter for the West Germans
and for the West. After all, the Soviet Union
brought the state of war with the East Germans to
an end in 1955. We brought the state of war
with the West Germans to an end I think in 1954.

Now when they talk these days about bringing
a state of war to an end, it can only be targeted
directly at the position of the AVest in West Ber-
lin. Meanwhile they have absorbed East Berlin
into East Germany. They say that is not negoti-
able, that is not discussible. What is mine is
mine, and what is yours in West Berlin is
negotiable.

This could only be, so far, an attempt to intrude
upon basic rights of ours and the West and the
West Berliners which is just not on — this is one of
the vital interests we cannot make concessions
about and which we cannot yield on.

The relations between West Berlin and the rest
of the world from our point of view will be
up to the West Berliners and the rest of the world.

Understanding Concept of Cold War

Mr. Rolf son: Mr. Secretary, one of your Assist-
ant Secretaries, Harlan Cleveland, on Friday
night made a speech expressing concern for what

he called the danger of a rising mood of national
frustration which he said could lead only to de-
featism or belligerence. Do you detect that mood ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think there has been
some temptation here and there — one reads occa-
sional articles about it — to try to draw up some
sort of scoreboard in this thing called the cold
war. I think this tends to misinterpret just what
this cold war is all about.

The cold war arose because of the pressures that
came out of the Sino-Soviet bloc with respect to
this historically inevitable world revolution of
communism about which they talk so much. Any-
one who resists or opposes the extension of that
world revolution is caught up in something that is
now called "the cold war."

The way to measure the cold war is to recognize
it as being a contest between — again between those
who are involved with the Communist revolution-
ary movement on the one side and those who are
trying to build the kind of world set forth in the
charter of the U.N. on the other. Wlierever you
see a country that is independent, secure, relaxed
about managing its own affairs, there is a victory in
the cold war. And I think that when you look
around the world these days and you see the great
constructive forces that are at work, there is plenty
of room for confidence about this long-range fu-
ture, because the effort of the Sino-Soviet bloc to
impose their system upon other peoples is not going
to be accepted by the peoples of the world.

Mr. Scali : Do you think at the moment they are
having more trouble in pursuing their objectives
than we are, Mr. Secretary ?

Secretary Rusk: I think they are running into
a good deal of trouble, and I think part of it is that
they are inheriting — they are discovering that such
techniques as economic assistance don't produce the
political miracles that they thought. We could
have told them of the limitations upon the political
impact of economic assistance programs because we
have had a lot of experience at such programs and
have never supposed that you can buy people's
policies with economic aid.

They are discovering they are not achieving the
miracles they might have thought possible some
years ago. They started the economic assistance
programs about 1954, and you will find a number
of countries where they have invested very substan-

November 13, 1961

805

tial amounts of money where their political in-
fluence now is not significantly stronger than it was
5 or 6 years ago.

Selecting a Secretary-General

Mr. Rolf son: If we could turn for a moment to
the United Nations, Mr. Secretary, you have been
negotiating patiently with the Russians now for
4 weeks on finding a successor to Secretary-Gen-
eral Hammarskjold. How long do you intend to
wait before taking action without the Russian
agreement ?

Secretary Rush: Well, I think you perhaps put
too much of a finger on the United States in your
question, Mr. Rolfson. What is happening in tlie
United Nations is that the great majority of the
U.N. have determined that troika is not on — that
troika cannot be accepted, that there must be a
Secretary-General with full authority and with
the full confidence of the entire U.N., and that his
function should not be restricted by any kind of
veto or compulsory advice from his own subordi-
nates or anything of that sort.

Now obviously there would be some advantages
if a Secretary-General could be elected with the
consent of all the permanent members of the Secur-
ity Council, including the Soviet Union. So it
has been worth taking some time to find out
whether the Soviets would not meet the rest of
the United Nations on this point.

We believe that this has gone on just about as
long as it can go on in terms of the interests of tlie
United Nations and that this matter ouglit to be
bronglit to a head now very promptly. But this
is not a deal between Moscow and Washington ;
this is a matter between Moscow and all the rest of
the U.N., almost literally, who just aren't willing
to take a troika in any form.

Mr. Rolfson: Wlien you say it should be brought
to a head very promptly, could you specify how
soon and what you would intend to do ?

Secretary Rusk: If the Soviet Union would
agree to the election of a Secretary-General as pro-
vided in the charter, they might go to the Security
Council and then to the General Assembly. But if
the Soviet Union blocks that and threatens to use
a veto in the Security Council on this matter,
then we feel, and most members of the U.N. feel,
that the General Assembly has full authority, if

necessary, to make interim arrangements for our
Secretary-General and that the Assembly could
proceed then to make those arrangements.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, when do you think
this problem will be handed to the United Nations
Assembly ? Next week, perhaps ?

Secretary Rusk: I think it is entirely possible
this may come to a head during next week.

Mr. Rolfson: And can the Secretary-General
selected by tlie Assembly over Russian opposition
function effectively ?

Secretary Rusk: Of course no Secretary-General
can function fully effectively if he does not have
at least a reasonable cooperation from all of the
permanent members. But you will remember that
Mr. Trygve Lie served out, I think, 2 years of a
term beyond his normal term by action of the
General Assembly, and it is possible for the Secre-
tariat to function, even though one or another
great power stands aside and doesn't participate in
the decision of the Assembly on the election of a
Secretary-General. But, Mr. Rolfson, if you
were to go back to 1945 and review the history of
the U.N. and ask where the U.N. would be if it
only acted in those situations where the Soviet
Union was in agreement, you would have a far
different organization than you have today. I
mean the U.N. could not have grown had it been
held back by the readiness or the unreadiness of
the Soviet Union to go along.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, most of the candi-
dates that have been mentioned for the job of
interim Secretary-General have said or implied
that they would not accept if it meant going
through the Assembly with the opposition of the
Soviet Union. Do we think that we can find a
ciindidate who, in the event we have to go to the
Assembly, will accept the job and who will be
effective and acceptable to most people?

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think any candidate
with whom this matter would be discussed would
certainly much prefer to take office with the agree-
ment of the great powers. But what their attitude
would be if it becomes clear that the Soviet Union
will not or cannot agree with the rest of the As-
sembly I think is another matter. But I do think
that suitable candidates could be found who could
serve.

806

Department of State Bulletin

Mr. Rolf son: Do you expect the Assembly to
pass some kind of resolution urging the Russians
not to set off their big bomb ? If the Assembly
does, do you think it will have any effect on
Khrushchev ?

Secretary Rusk: Such a resolution has, as you
know, been introduced by six of the countries who
are close neighbors to the Soviet Union.^ I
wouldn't want to predict exactly what the vote
might be on that resolution, but I would suppose
that it reflects an overwhelming majority of at
least the views of the peoples of the world and
perhaps also of the governments of the world.

Now what effect that would have on Mr. Khru-
shchev is for anyone to guess. We ourselves hope
very much that he won't go ahead with it. It is
a senseless kind of explosion. It isn't necessary
from the scientific or technical point of view. It
■ doesn't add anything to his knowledge about how
you do these things if for any reason you ever
wanted to do it. It is one of that pointless kind
of demonstrations that I think would have — that
he could well give up. Whether he will or not is
of course for him to say.

Communism and Cuba

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, if we can turn to our
own hemisphere for a moment, Peru, as you know,
has requested a special meeting of the foreign
ministers of the Western Hemisphere to consider
common action against Cuba and its efforts to ex-
port its brand of communism. Do you think such
a meeting would serve a useful purpose ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, we think the Peruvian
proposal ought to have the most urgent and seri-
ous attention of the inter- American governments.
The problem of Cuba is a problem for the hemi-
sphere. We have been greatly encouraged in the
last several weeks to see that the governments
throughout the hemisphere themselves are getting
more and more concerned about the nature of this
', problem and its impact upon the hemisphere, so
that we believe that the Organization of American
States must give its concentrated attention to this
problem and decide what to do. Whether in fact
they will take the specific sort of action that is
proposed by Peru is something for the various
member governments to work out, but we think

' See p. 81T.
November 13, 1 96 J

this question deserves the immediate and urgent
attention of the entire inter- American community.

Mr. Rolf son: The Castro regime has been pro-
claiming for the last several weeks that the United
States is secretly training a new invasion army.
Is the United States in any way involved in aiding
or abetting —

Secretary Rusk: That has been repeatedly de-
nied. This is not the case.

Mr. Scali: He keeps repeating this charge.
Why do you think he just keeps bringing it up ?

Secretary Rusk: Well, he probably wants to
make some propaganda out of this and to keep us
on edge, or perhaps he is contributing to a debate
which may come up in a little while in the United
Nations. But there is nothing to it.

Mr. Scali: Mr. Secretary, we wish to thank you
very much for appearing with us on "Issues and
Answers." Your answers have been most illumi-
nating, and we deeply appreciate it.

Secretary Rusk: Thank you very much, Mr.
Scali.

Announcer: You have seen another in ABC's
headline-making series in which leading authori-
ties bring you answers to the issues of today. Our
guest was the Honorable Dean Rusk, Secretary of
State.

President Approves Project Gnome
Nuclear Test; Observers Welcomed

White House press release dated October 25

The President announced on October 25 that he
had approved the conduct of a nuclear experiment
known as Project Gnome, which is a part of the
Atomic Energy Commission's Plowshare Program
to develop peaceful uses for nuclear explosives.
Preparations for this project, the first nuclear ex-
plosion in the Plowshare Program, have been un-
der way since March 1960. This is a further ex-
ample of this country's desire to turn the power of
the atom to man's welfare rather than his
destruction.

The project involves the detonation of a nuclear
device about 1,200 feet underground in a salt for-
mation near Carlsbad, N. Mex. The date for the
experiment will be fixed by the Commission at

807

a later time; however, it now appears that it will
occur in about 60 days.

The project is a multiple-purpose experiment
designed to provide scientific and technical in-
formation on: (1) the possibility of recovering
useful power from the heat generated by a nuclear
explosion; (2) the feasibility of recovering com-
mercially or scientifically valuable isotopes pro-
duced by such explosions; (3) neutron physics and
other scientific theory ; (4) effects of a nuclear ex-
plosion in salt; and (5) design principles useful in
developing nuclear explosive devices specifically
for peaceful purposes.

The United States will welcome observers from
interested United Nations countries as well as
news media and the scientific community.

President Tubman off Liberia
Visits United States

President William V. S. Tubman of the Repub-
lic of Liberia made an official visit to the United
States October IT-'Bl^. Following is an exchange
of greetings between President Kennedy and
President Tubman upon Mr. Tubman's arrival at
Washington on October 19 and the text of a joint
communique based upon talks they held at the
White House that day.

EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS

White House press release dated October 19
President Kennedy

Mr. President, it is a great honor to welcome you
and tlie members of your Government here on a
visit to Washington and the United States.

You have occupied a position of the highest re-
sponsibility in your country since 1943, a record
unprecedented at this time any place in the world.
You are tlie only surviving political leader of those
days long ago during the days of the Second World
War.

You have come on many occasions to the United
States, and you have come again on this occasion
at a time of great change in Africa, a time of great
progress within your own country. You, Mr.
President, are a symbol of stability and also of
change, and it is a particular pleasure to welcome
to this country the leader of a country with which

the United States has enjoyed the closest and most
intimate relations stretching back over a century,
who has been identified in his own life and in his
own country with the great causes of freedom and
progress and the well-being of his people. And
therefore, Mr. President, I welcome you to the
United States once again. I express particular
pleasure in having j'ou here at this time and in
having an opportunity to discuss with you the
great changes which are occurring in Africa and
throughout the world. With your long view, your
long experience, you are a most welcome guest.

Mr. President, the people of the United States
once again wish to join in welcoming you to our
country.

President Tubman

Mr. President, the fact that you have extended
us an invitation to visit you and your great country
at a time like tliis, a time of crisis, a time of tension,
is reassuring and another manifestation of a cen-
tury-old friendship and intimacy that has existed
between our two countries from the time of our
incipiency as a nation until the present.

Through the years we have identified ourselves
with your system of government. Our own Con-
stitution was patterned after that of the United
States of America, and that immortal document
was written and prepared by one of your fellow
countrymen, Mr. Greenleaf, and I could go on for
many hours showing the cordial and very friendly
close ties that have existed between our countries.

I am very happy to be here. As you well said,
I have come here on several occasions, and particu-
larly now that I know the burdens and responsi-
bilities that you carry, it is a great expression of
affection, not for me so much as for my country,
of which I am particularly proud and grateful.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 21

At the invitation of President Kennedy, Presi-
dent Tubman paid a visit to Washington begin-
ning October 19th. The two Presidents exchanged
views on the present international situation and
on relations between the United States and Li-
her'ui. This visit afforded a timely opportunity
for the two Presidents to establish a personal
acquaintance.

I

808

Department of State Bulletin

The two Presidents reaiSrmed the strong ties
of friendship and heritage which bind the two
countries.

They reviewed the international situation with
emphasis on developments in the United Nations.
The two leaders agreed African representation in
the United Nations should be given greater op-
portunity of participation. The two Presidents
are opposed to any proposal which would com-
])romise the integrity and effectiveness of the
United Nations Organization.

The two leaders reviewed recent developments
in Africa. The President congratulated President
Tubman and his delegation on their leadership
i and contribution to the success of the meetings
of African and Malagasy States held in Monrovia
last May.' The President expressed tlie hope that
the second meeting to be convened in Lagos in
January would be equally harmonious and
productive.

On the subject of economic aid to Liberia, the
President reiterated the desire of the United States
government to assist Liberia in its social and
economic development, pointing out that it was
this sincere desire that prompted the sending of
a special economic mission to Liberia earlier in
October to consult with the Liberian government
on its development program. The President ex-
pressed his gratification that the consultations in
Monrovia revealed a determination on the part of
the Liberian government to pursue a program for
an accelerated expansion of the Liberian economy.
It was agreed that top priority in United States
assistance would be given to establishment of a
strong central planning agency as the basis for
more extensive assistance in all development areas.

The United States government will give serious
consideration to participation in a long-term loan
for the Mount Coffee hydro-electric project should
further site engineering studies provided for in
a pending Export-Import Bank loan confirm the
project's feasibility.

The President also assured President Tubman
that the United States government is prepared to
give immediate increased assistance in the expan-
sion of Liberia's educational program and the pro-
vision of additional health facilities with special
reference to para-medical training facilities. The
United States government will further give

' BuixETiN of May 29, 1961, p. 802.
November 73, 1 961

prompt consideration to means for participating
in Liberia's plan to build a new hospital and medi-
cal training center in the city of Monrovia.

The conversation confirmed to the two leaders
the profound and intimate relations between the
two countries and their common aspirations to
maintain peace and security and freedom in the
promotion of the welfare of the peoples of the
world.

Premier of British Guiana
Visits Washington

CheddiJagan, Premier of British Guiana, talked
with President Kennedy and other U.S. Govern-
ment officials at Washinffton during the period
October 23-26. Following is the text of a Depart-
ment statement released, at the conclusion of the
talks.

Press release 746 dated October 28

During talks with the President and other
United States Government officials Dr. Cheddi
Jagan, Premier of British Guiana, and his col-
leagues described at length his country's program
and aspirations for economic and social develop-
ment. These talks resulted in a fuller under-
standing of British Guiana's problems.

United States representatives expressed sym-
pathy with the desire of the people of British
Guiana to develop their economy and looked for-
ward to closer association between a free and
democratic British Guiana and the nations and
organizations of the hemisphere. Premier Jagan
reiterated his determination to uphold the jjolit-
ical freedoms and defend the parliamentary
democracy which is his country's fundamental
heritage.

In response to Premier Jagan's request for aid,
the United States undertook to take the following
steps :

1. To provide as early as possible, in consul-
tation with the British Guiana Government, and
unilaterally or in cooperation with hemisphere
organizations, economists, and other experts to
assist the Government of British Guiana to brinsr
the most modern economic experience to bear upon
the reappraisal of its development program.

2. To provide technical assistance for feasibil-

809

ity, engineering, and other studies concerning
specific development projects.

3. To determine as soon as possible, after the
steps mentioned in paragraphs one and two and on
the submission of suitable projects within the con-
text of the British Guiana development plan, what
assistance the U.S. can give in financing such proj-
ects, taking into account other United States
commitments, available financial resources, and
the criteria established by applicable legislation.

4. To expand its existing technical assistance
program.

President Sends Anniversary Greetings
to Republic of Viet-Nam

White House press release dated October 26

Folloxomg is the text of a letter from President
Kennedy to President Ngo Dinh Diem of the Re-
public of Viet-Nam.

October 24, 1961

Dear Mr. President: On the sixth anniversary
of the Republic of Viet-Nam, the United States of
America is proud to pay tribute to the courage of
the Vietnamese people. We have seen and marked
well the anguish — and the glory — of a nation that
refuses to submit to Communist terror. From the
people that twice defeated the hordes of Kublai
Khan, we could expect no less. America, and
indeed all free men, must be grateful for the ex-
ample you have set.

Mr. President, in 1955 we observed the dangers
and difficulties that surrounded the birth of your
Eepublic. In the years that followed, we saw the
dedication and vigor of your people rapidly over-
coming those dangers and difficulties. We rejoiced
with you in the new rice springing again from
fields long abandoned, in the new hosjiitals and
roads and schools that were built, and in the new
hopes of a people who had found peace after a long
and bitter war. The record you established in
providing new hope, shelter and security to nearly
a million fleeing from Communism in the North
stands out as one of the most laudable and best
administered efforts in modern times.

Your brave people scarcely tasted peace before
they were forced again into war. The Communist
response to the growing strength and prosperity
of your people was to send terror into your villages,
to burn your new schools and to make ambushes
of your new roads. On this October 26, we in
America can still rejoice in the courage of the
Vietnamese people, but we must also sorrow for the
suffering, destruction and death which Commu-
nism has brought to Viet-Nam, so tragically repre-
sented in the recent assassination of Colonel Hoang
Thuy Nam, one of your outstanding patriots.

Mr. President, America is well aware of the in-
creased intensity which in recent months has
marked the war against your people, and of the
expanding scale and frequency of the Communist
attacks. I have read your speech to the Vietnam-
ese National Assembly in which you outline so
clearly the threat of Communism to Viet-Nam.
And I have taken note of the stream of threats and
vituperation, directed at your government and
mine, that flows day and night from Hanoi. Let
me assure you again that the United States is de-
termined to help Viet-Nam preserve its independ-
ence, protect its people against Communist assas-
sins, and build a better life through economic
growth.

I am awaiting with great interest the report of
General Maxwell Taylor based on his recent talks
and observations in Viet-Nam, sup]ilementing
reports I have received from our Embassy there
over many months. I will then be in a better posi-
tion to consider with you additional measures that
we might take to assist the Republic of Viet-Nam
in its struggle against the Communist aggressors.

Mr. President, we look forward in these perilous
days to a future October 20, when Viet-Nam will
again know freedom and peace. We know that
day is coming, and we pray that it may be soon.
I speak for the American people when I say that
we are confident of the success of the Vietnamese
nation, that we have faith in its strength and valor,
and that we know that the future of the Vietnamese
people is not Communist slavery but the freedom
and prosperity which they have defended and
pursued throughout their history.

Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

810

Department of State Bulletin

The Role of the Department of State in Educational and Cultural Affairs

by Francis Pickens Miller ^

I want you to know how very much indeed I
appreciate your invitation to meet witli you today
to discuss the role of the Department of State in
educational and cultural affairs. I am particu-
larly glad to liave the opportunity to meet with
men and women who are directing the policies of
our colleges responsible for training teachers. If
in America we malce any genuine progress during
the next few years in the fields of general educa-
tion and culture, you are the people who will be
mainly responsible for that progress.

As all of you know, the current administration
attaches immense importance to the educational
and cultural contribution which we as a nation
can make to the rest of the world and also to the
educational and cultural contribution that the rest
of the world can make to us. On February 27
last, the President said : "

As our own history demonstrates so well, education
is in the long run the chief means by which a young
nation can develop its economy, its political and social
institutions, and individual freedom and opportunity.
There is no better way of helping the new nations of
Latin America, Africa, and Asia in their present pursuit
of freedom and better living conditions than by assisting

' Address made at the Fourth International Relations
Conference of the American Association of Colleges for
Teacher Education at Lincoln, Nebr., on Oct. 19 (press
release 718 dated Oct. 18, as corrected). Mr. Miller is
Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary for Educa-
tional and Cultural Affairs.

' For an announcement of a meeting of President Ken-
nedy with the Board of Foreign Scholarships and the
U.S. Advisory Committee on Educational Exchange, see
White House press release dated Feb. 27.

them to develop their human resources through education.
Likewise there is no better way to strengthen our bonds
of understanding and friendship with older nations than
through educational and cultural interchange.

But as recent task force reports have empha.slzed, this
whole tield is urgently in need of imaginative policy de-
velopment, unification, and vigorous direction. These
activities are presently scattered among many agencies
of the Federal Government. Only by centering responsi-
bility for leadership and direction at an appropriate place
in the governmental structure can we hope to achieve the
reipiired results. I shall therefore look to the Secretary
of State to exercise primary responsibility for policy guid-
ance and program direction of governmental activities in
this tield.

I am pleased that in carrying these responsibilities the
Secretary of State will have the assistance of Philip H.
Coombs [Assistant Secretary for Educational and Cul-
tural Affairs]. His experience in education, government,
and philanthropy at home and overseas qualifies him well
for the position to which he is being appointed.

I have quoted the President at length because
the role of the State Department in educational
and cultural matters during the years ahead has
been defined in general terms by this statement.
We Imow what he expects from us, and we know
the criteria by which we will be judged.

Barbarism vs. Civilization

However, in order to understand what the role
of the State Department should be in days to
come in the field of educational and cultural af-
fairs, that role must be seen against the broad
background of the world crisis through which we
are passing. This crisis is unlike any previous
crisis in the history of the human race because in
previous times only a portion of the world and a

November 73, 7 96 J

811

portion of the human race were involved in any
one war or any one catastrophe. Now the entire
human race is involved, and its fate is at stake.
Terrible as the danger is, there is one great advan-
tage in the nature of the crisis. The advantage is
that some of us are forced for the first time to
face the ultimate basic realities and values of
human existence.

As I face these realities, I have become increas-
ingly convinced that many current slogans tend
to obscure for us the real nature of the crisis.
Because of our proper and natural abhorrence of
communism, we tend to think of the main issue
before us as being that between the system of
society envisioned by Karl Marx and the system
which we call "the American way of life." Ob-
viously that is one of the principal issues. But
there is a more profound issue with which men
have been struggling through the centuries and
out of which struggle our way of life has devel-
oped. This more profound issue is between the
rule of barbarians and the rule of civilized men.
A barbarian is any man who uses coercion, force,
and terror as the normal means of making his
views prevail. A civilized man, on the contrary,
is one who trusts primarily in reason and per-
suasion as the means of attaining his goals. He
prefers to appeal to the better instincts in people
rather than to the worse, and he believes tliat gov-
ernment based on the consent of free men should
be the goal of all peoples in every part of the
world.

At this point I should like to mention in pass-
ing that there is great confusion in our thinking
about the connection between scientific knowledge
and civilized living. There is no necessary cor-
relation between the two. A great scientist may
have the instincts of a barbarian or at any rate
may be willing to put his services at the disposal
of barbarians. And a great scientist may also be
a thoroughly civilized person dedicated to the
service of civilized society. Science is good or bad
depending upon the uses to which it is put.

Barbarians are not confined to any one nation.
If my definition were adopted, it would appear
that we even have some of them in the United
States. But fortunately they constitute, for the
time being at any rate, a tiny minority in this
country, and at present they exercise no political
power. The tragedy of the present hour is that
there are countries composed of civilized people

where the men who have gained control of gov-
ernment use the methods of barbarians.

The struggle between civilized men and bar-
barians is being waged on every continent, in every
nation, and in every aspect of life. Private citi-
zens are engaged in this warfare as well as
governments, private industry as well as govern-
ment-controlled economies, private institutions of
education and culture as well as government-con-
trolled institutions of education and culture.

Increasing the Number of Civilized Men

As I envisage the role of the State Department
in this field, it is to help create conditions con- '
ducive to increasing the number of civilized men
in every land where we have any influence. As
the number increases we would also hope that there
would be a corresponding increase in their political
influence.

The Assistant Secretary for Educational and |
Cultural Affairs is the officer responsible for see-
ing that the role of the State Department is well
planned and well executed. He has two major
responsibilities. First, he has an overall rcspon- ■
sibility for providing policy guidance and coordi-
nation for Government-wide activities in the field
of international educational and cultural affairs.
Where, for instance, two different Government
agencies are providing competing classes in the i
English language in the same African village, it
is his business to see that the competing agencies
use their resources more wisely.

The other major responsibility of the Assistant
Secretary is for the activities of the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs in its planning
and direction of exchange programs, including
programs for professors and students as well as
for leaders and specialists in many different fields
of creative activity.

The role of any organization is of course limited
to some extent by finances available to it and the
personnel at its disposal, and this is true of the
bureau. In spite of these limitations, one of the
things that has impressed me most, as a relative
newcomer to the State Department, is the infinite
variety in types of exchanges which are currently
taking place. It would require a whole morning
to describe fully the Government-sponsored flow
of people between the United States and other
nations. If we were to stand on tlie bank and
watch the flow, we would see Helen Hayes and her

812

Departmenf of State Bulletin

repertory company, Indian and Midwest farmers,
a University of Michigan band, industrial and
financial leaders, representatives of International
Farm Youth organized by 4-II Clubs, women's
groups from Latin America, youth and social
workers from 30 different lands, and countless
others. As far as those who come to the United
States are concerned, some stay only a few weeks,
some stay a full year, some several years. They
visit every part of the country ; they are received
as guests in our homes; they meet Americans of
all walks of life. Surely out of tliis intercourse
much good will come. It is essential for us to
become intimately acquainted with the people of
other cultures, and let us hope that it will be
equally beneficial for them to get to know us and
our way of life.

"What an opportunity is ours, for example, in
the number of foreign students who are now com-
ing to this country ! There are more than 55,000
students from other lands at work this winter in
our colleges and universities. Regardless of what
some of their political leaders may think about us
or say about us, young men and women in increas-
ing numbers want to come to the United States
from every other continent to secure an education.
The other day in one of the African countries it
was announced on the radio that two Americans
would be at a certain place the following morning
to interview students who might want to come to
America. Between 700 and 800 young men turned
up, some of them having walked all night to get
there.

This passion for education is rising like a tide
througliout the newly developing nations of Af-
rica. Edi;cation in the United States is now more
or less taken for granted. But we can understand
and sympathize with the growing desire of Afri-
can youth to laiow, because it is like a page out
of our own past history. This rising tide is a
force which we have to take into account and
guide into constructive channels as best we can.
You know from your own experience that, if a
boy comes to this coimtry unprepared and without
fimds, he may meet tragedy during his stay here
and return to his own country a bitter enemy
rather than a trusted friend. On the other hand,
these thousands of students could function as a
peace corps in reveree, if we give them here the
educational experience they seek.

Coordination of Work With Foreign Students

In view of the steadily growing number of stu-
dents from other lands who have come here to
complete their university work, it has become in-
creasingly apparent that the role of the State De-
partment in relation to foreign students had to be
reconsidered. Until last month there was no office
in the Government of the United States concerned
with the welfare of all foreign students. The re-
sponsibility of the Student Division of our Bureau
of Educational and Cultural Affairs Avas limited
to students who came here on Government pro-
grams. The welfare of other students was the
concern of the colleges where they were studying,
of the communities in which they resided, and of a
large number of voluntary agencies working both
nationally and locally. However, it had become
clear that there was need for some central policy
guidance and coordination of effort. There was
need, for example, for more careful screening in
the field to insure that those who came were
properly qualified and had sufficient means.
There was need for more imaginative placement.
Further, it seemed desirable for some Government
agency to encourage the organization of more
complete counseling services in the colleges and
also to enlist the support of citizens generally in
providing the kind of hospitality which would
insure a more normal life for these young men and
women far from their homes in other lands. With
all this in mind the State Department annoimced
last Augiist the appointment of a Director of
Foreign Student Affairs, responsible for organiz-
ing an office in the biu-eau to develop the Govern-
ment's proper role m relation to all foreign stu-
dents resident in this coimtry. I am sure you will
agree with me that this is an encouraging step
forward.

Among other heartening things wliich have re-
cently happened was also the passage by the Con-
gress of the new Fulbright-Hays Act,' which at
one and the same time is a compilation of existing
legislation and also broadens the scope of our
program.

T\niile many of the fimdamental features of the
act are reenactments of existing authority, there
are several important innovations. All foreigii
students in the United States, for example, are
eligible for the first time to receive orientation

' H.R. 8666.

November 13, 1961

813

and counseling services supported by the Federal
Government, whether or not they are receiving any
other form of assistance. The Federal Govern-
ment is authorized for the first time to cooperate
with other countries by contributing to the cost
of sending their artistic performers and athletes
here on nonprofit tours. An authority to support
participation by foreigners in international com-
petitions, festivals, and similar assemblies in the
United States is also provided.

The authority to support research and develop-
ment pertaining to international educational and
cultural affairs is amplified. Greater flexibility is
permitted in malring use of either dollars or
foreign currencies to provide funds for the pro-
gram. The authority is enlarged to use commis-
sions abroad made up of Americans and
representatives of other countries in connection
with all aspects of the program, and this authority
is extended to the establishment of such commis-
sions on a regional basis. Finally, there is some
liberalization of tax and immigration provisions
for the benefit of exchange visitors.

With the authority provided by this new legis-
lation, we are confident that we can move forward
effectively to meet the opportunities that await
us in Latin America and Africa. At the special
meeting of the Inter-American Economic and
Social Council in Punta del Este, Uruguay, on
August 17, 1961, the delegates expressed their
purpose : *

To wipe out illiteracy ; to extend, as quickly as pos-
sible, the benefits of primary education to all Latin
Americans ; and to provide broader facilities, on a vast
scale, for secondary and technical training and for higher
education. . . .

This declaration expresses the conviction of the nations
of Latin America that these profound economic, social,
and cultural changes can come about only through the
self-help efforts of each country.

The Challenge and Opportunities

We dare not let this challenge go unmet. If we
do, we will prove ourselves unworthy of our herit-
age. One of the most exciting suggestions which
have come to my attention recently has been the
proposal that 250 teachers of Spanish in American
schools spend a year in Latin America teaching
English, while 250 teachers of English whom they

* BtnxETiN of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.
814

replace there come to the United States and teach
Spanish in their posts here. This kind of ex-
change would cost very little and would accom-
plish many different tilings at the same time. Our
teachers of Spanish would bring back with them
greater speaking skill and also deeper understand-
ing of our neighbors to the south. And while the
Latin American teachers were perfecting their
American English as teachers of Spanish in our
schools, they would also have an opportunity to
get to know that Yankees have some good qualities,
too.

The door is open in Latin America.

It is wide open in Africa for anything and
everything that we have to give in the educational
field. Speaking in Addis Ababa on May the 23d,
1961, the Assistant Secretary said :

President Kennedy's new foreign assistance program
will place even greater stress upon the development of
human resources as a prerequisite for national develop-
ment. It will embrace a concept of development broad
enough to include the whole process of nation-building,
not simply economic growth but social and educational
development as well.

The opportunities in Africa for developing
human resources are simply unlimited. Our help
is wanted everywhere, whether it be in finding a
vice chancellor for a new university, or in provid-
ing financial support for universities that are re-
questing millions, or in taking care of students
who have no university to attend in their own
country. One of the most interesting things we
have done recently is to encourage the organiza-
tion at Lincoln University near Philadelphia of a
Center for African Students from countries where
opportunities for educational advancement are
currently limited.

You may well ask, "How am I related to the
State Department's role?" The answer is that
every one of you is related to the extent of your
interest and ability. Your relationship may con-
sist in offering hospitality in your home to a for-
eign student. Your relationship, on the other
hand, may consist in participating in one of the
exchange programs or in offering your services
to one of the new educational institutions being
organized in the newer nations. Even if you never
participate yourself in one of the Government's
programs, you can make a direct contribution to
the struggle that is going on for the control of the

Department of Stale Bulletin

world between civilized men and barbarians. You
can do this through the kind of teachers you
train — teachers dedicated to excellence m every
walk of life; teachers dedicated to freedom and
who understand what freedom means; teacliers
dedicated to government based on the consent of
the governed and who are aware as citizens of a
free society what is involved in securing the con-
sent of the people. You may not yourself be able
to participate in building the civilization of the
future, but you can make the men and women who
are going to make the new civilization.

There is another contribution of very great im-
portance which you can make. This is a contribu-
tion which could be made through your American
Association of Colleges for Teacher Education.
Tlie State Department is anxious to work out with
your association some special exchange projects
under the P.L. 480 program. I was amazed to be
told that no such exchange projects exist at pres-
ent. With your unique relationship with nearly
600 schools and colleges of education, it would ap-
pear that you are ideally constituted to engage in
a program of this kind, and I sincerely trust that
before many weeks have passed we may be able to
work out a mutually acceptable plan with you.

As we face the future, we can go forward with
confidence because we know that the moral forces
of the universe are on the side of free men. The
wall in Berlin is an admission that a system which
has to rely on a wall to keep its people in is con-
trary to human nature. How else can you explain
it ? If the rulers of a nation have to prevent their
people from leaving by barbed wire, machinegun
nests, and walls, they must feel rather insecure
about the future. They would not build walls
imless they were afraid. And the thing that they
fear most is that the human beings who are sup-
posed to benefit by their system will just walk out
on them. It has been well said that the thousands
who rushed over the border this summer voted
with their feet, and there are no doubt many thou-
sands left behind who would get out if they could.

The wall in Berlin is a symbol of tremendous
significance. It is a symbol of immense tragedy,
but it is also a symbol of hope. The barbarians
can destroy the world with their nuclear weapons,
but they cannot quench the free spirit of man. It
is our responsibility to encourage that spirit
wherever we find it.

Two U.S. Research Firms To Study
International Aviation Problems

N. E. Halaby, chairman of a committee ap-
pointed last month by President Kennedy to re-
view U.S. international aviation policy, announced
on October 25 (Wliite House press release) that
Robert R. Nathan Associates, Inc., and Systems
Analysis and Research Corp. have been jointly
awarded a contract to conduct a broad study of
international aviation problems. The study is
designed to aid the committee in developing new
U.S. international air transport policies.^

The two economic research firms, both with
offices in Washington, have selected Franz B.
Wolf of the Nathan organization to be project
director of the study. Key figures from the two
firms working on the study will include Robert
R. Nathan, and Nat S. Simat and Sam I. Aldock,
president and vice president of SARC.

Among the items the two firms will consider is
the present system of granting international routes
by bilateral agreements between the two countries
whose airlines are involved. Whether these agree-
ments have operated, or will continue to operate, to
the best interest of the United States will be one
of the major questions investigated.

The committee conducting the study was ap-
pomted by the President in response to a recom-
mendation in the recent Project Horizon report.^
It is composed of :

N. E. Halaby, Administrator, Federal Aviation Agency

Kenneth R. Hansen, Assistant Director of the Bureau of
the Budget

Alan S. Boyd, Chairman, Civil Aeronautics Board

C. Daniel Martin, Jr., Under Secretary of Commerce for
Transportation

Edwin M. Martin, Assistant Secretary of State for Eco-
nomic Affairs

F. Haydn Williams, Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Defense

James P. Grant, Deputy Director for Program and
Planning, Agency for International Development

' For a statement made on Sept. 22 before the Senate
Commerce Committee by Assistant Secretary Martin con-
cerning a resolution authorizing an investigation of inter-
national air transportation matters, see Bulletin of
Oct. 23, 1961, p. 684.

'Report of the Task Force on National Aviation Goals,
Federal Aviation Agency 1961 ; for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D.C. ; price $1.50.

November 13, 7 96 J

815

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Committee I Considers Items
on Nuclear Testing

Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

This committee is now beginning the substantive
discussion of the two agenda items on nuclear
testing.

The United States delegation has asked to speak
at this time in order to make a preliminary special
statement. During the debate to foUow, Ambas-
sador [Arthur H.] Dean will present the United
States position on the urgent need for a treaty to
ban nuclear weapons testing, and he will explain
the United States views on this matter in full de-
tail. He will make clear the purposes and objec-
tives we have in mind.

But the preliminary special statement which my
Government wishes to make at the very outset of
this discussion concerns the emergency confronting
this committee and the world. The Soviet Union
is now nearing the conclusion of a massive series
of nuclear weapon tests. Unless something is done
quickly, the Soviet testing will necessarily result
in further testing by my country and perhaps by
others.

There is still time to halt this drift toward the
further refinement and multiplication of these
weapons. Perhaps this will be the last clear chance
to reverse this tragic trend. For if testing is
stopped, the terrible pace of technological progress
will be decisively retarded. A ban on tests is, of
course, only the first step ; and the control and de-
struction of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons
is the ultimate goal. But it is an indispensable
first step.

'Made In Committee I (Political and Security) on Oct
19 (U.S. delegation press release 3807) during debate on
agenda item 72 — "The urgent need for a treaty to ban
nuclear weapons tests under effective international con-
trol"— and item 73 — "Continuation of suspension of nu-
clear and thermo-nuclear tests and obligations of States
to refrain from their renewal." For a U.S.-U.K. draft res-
olution on item 72, see U.N. doe. A/C.1/L.280; for an
Indian draft resolution on item 73. see U.N. doc. A/O.l/Ii.-
283/Rev. 2 and Rev. 2/Add. 1.

Accordingly, Mr. Chairman, I must inform the
conmiittee that the United States is obliged in self -
protection to reserve the right to make prepara-
tions to test in the atmosphere, as well as under-
ground. But the United States stands ready to
resmne negotiations for a treaty tomorrow. We
will devote all our energies to the quickest possible
conclusion of these negotiations, either here or in
Geneva. If the Soviet Union will do the same and
stop its tests, there is no reason why a treaty with
effective controls cannot be signed in 30 days and
this suicidal business ended before it ends us.

But, I repeat, unless a treaty can be signed and
signed promptly, the United States has no choice
but to prepare and take the action necessary to
protect its own security and that of the world
commmiity.

I trust that this expression of hope for the tri-
umph of reason will convey some measui-e of the
depth of our feeling about the subject and of our
desire to do our share to save the human race from
a greater menace than the plagues wliich once
ravaged Europe. We believe we have done our
share and more, ever since the United States pro-
posals of 1946. I remind you that, if those pro-
posals had been accepted by the Soviet Union, no
state woidd now have nuclear weapons and we
would now not be engaged in such a perilous crisis.

I have claimed the privilege of making this
declaration for tlie United States because few
delegates, I dare say, feel more deeply about this
matter than I do, in part, perhaps, because I pro-
posed that nuclear tests be stopped almost 6 years
ago — and lost a great many votes in the 1956 presi-
dential election as a result. Had the nuclear pow-
ers agreed even then, think how much safer and
healthier the world would be today.

I pray we do not lose still another chance to meet
the challenge of our time and stop this death dance.

Immensity of the Problems

I confess a feeling of futility when I consider
tlie immensity of the problems which confront us
and the feebleness of our efforts to deal properly
with them. We have lived for 16 years in the
atomic age. During these years we have in-

816

Deparfment of State Bulletin

geniously and steadily improved man's capacity to
blow up the planet. But we have done little to
improve man's control over the means of his own
destruction. Instead we have worried and
wrangled and talked and trifled while time trickles
away and the hands of the clock creep toward
midnight.

I would not imply that the problems of control
are easy. Just as the nuclear bomb itself lays
open the inner mysteries of science, so the attempt
to control the nuclear bomb cuts to the core of our
political ideas and mechanisms. As the bomb it-
self represented a revohition in science, so the con-
trol of the bomb may in the end mean a revolution
in politics.

But we must not let the very inunensity of the
problem dwarf our minds and our calculations.
We must act, and we must take hold of the prob-
lem where we can. One obvious way is to tackle
the question of nuclear testing. No one would
argue that the abolition of testing would itself
solve all our problems. It would mean only a
small beginning in the assault on the institution
of war. But, in a world of no beginnings, a small
beginning shines forth like the morning sim on
the distant horizon. We have talked long enough
about the horror which hangs over us. Now is the
time for us to get down to business — to fight this
horror, not with soft words and wistful hopes but
with tlie hard weapon of effective international
arrangements.

This view shapes our attitude toward the Indian
resolution. As I have said, we share the hatred of
the sponsors of this resolution for the whole
wretched business of nuclear testing. We are just
as determined to stop the proliferation of nuclear
weapons, the spread of such weapons to countries
not now possessing them, the contamination of
the atmosphere, and the bellowing threat of nu-
clear war. We want to stop these tilings dead —
before they stop us dead.

Geneva Conference on Discontinuance of Tests

The world now knows from bitter experience
that an uninspected moratorium wUl not secure
the results which the sponsors of the resolution
seek. For almost 3 years, representatives of the
Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the
United States met at Geneva to work out a plan to
bring nuclear testing to a definitive end. Signifi-

General Assembly Urges Soviet Union
Not To Test 50-Megaton Bomb

Text of Eight-Power Resolution '■

The General Assemily,

Seized with the question of halting nuclear weap-
ons tests,

Solemnly appeals to the Government of the Soviet
Union to refrain from carrying out their intention
to explode in the atmosphere a 50 megaton bomb
before the end of this month.

■U.N. doc. A/RE S/1632( XVI )(A/C.l/L.288/Rev.
1) ; adopted in plenary session on Oct. 27 by a vote of
87-11 ( Soviet bloc, Cuba, and Outer Mongolia) , with
1 abstention (Mali).

cant progress was made. The conference adopted
a preamble, 17 articles, and 2 annexes of a draft
treaty.^

I have here a document wliich is a history and
analysis of the conference, which my Government
is issuing today as a white paper .^ This document
will be distributed by the United States to all
delegations.

When President Kennedy took office, he ordered
an immediate review of United States policy in
order to overcome the remaining obstacles to a final
agreement. Wlien Ambassador Dean went to
Geneva in JMarch, he brought with him a set of
proposals designed to meet all the legitimate Soviet
reservations. At Geneva, the United States and
the United Kingdom submitted comprehensive
treaty proposals * aimed at enduig the fear of
nuclear tests and radioactive fallout through a
pledge by all signatory nations to cease all tests of
nuclear weapons — a pledge backed and secured by
effective international inspection.

But the representatives of the Soviet Union re-

' For tests, see Documents on Disarmament, 1960 (De-
partment of State publication 7172), pp. 376- 387 ; for sale
by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C., price $1.25.

'Geneva Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear
Weapon Tests: History and Analysis of Negotiations
(Department of State publication 72.58) ; limited supply
available upon request from the Office of Public Services,
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

* For text, see Buixetin of Jvme 5, 1961, p. 870.

November 13, 1961

817

acted very oddly to this generous and determined
attempt to reach an agreement last spring. They
rejected positions they had already taken. They
renounced agreements they had already made.

Soviet Resumption of Testing

The whole world familiar with this subject
wondered at this Soviet performance. Expeits
pondered their tea leaves and produced laborious
speculation to explain the Soviet change of heart.
Alas, we understand today the brutal simplicity of
the reasoning behind the Soviet reversal. We now
know that the Soviet representatives at Geneva
had long since ceased to negotiate in good faith.
We now know that, while Mr. [Semyon K.]
Tsarapkin was fighting his delaying action at
Geneva, the Soviet scientists and engineers and
generals were secretly laying plans for the resump-
tion of nuclear testing — and worse than that, for
the resumption of testing in the atmosphere.

Let us make no mistake about it. You cannot
decide to resume testing on Monday and resume in
effect on Tuesday. A sequence of tests of the sort
with which the Soviet Union is currently edifying
the world requires many, many months of prepa-
ration. In an open society, like that of the United
States, such preparation simply could not be
undertaken in secrecy. But in a closed society
almost anything can be done without publicity or
disclosure.

And so, while the Soviet representatives con-
demned nuclear testing at Greneva, the Soviet
Government prepared for nuclear tests in Russia.
Then they announced their decision to resume test-
ing just 2 days before the unalined nations gath-
ered at Belgrade. With no apparent motives ex-
cept intimidation and terror, Chairman ffiiru-
shchev boasted of 100-megaton bombs.

Today, 7 weeks after the Soviet Union began to
test nuclear weapons again, and after it has tested
more than a score, the Soviet Union has finally told
its people that its nuclear explosions are actually
under way. Cushioning the shock to its people,
the Soviet leaders announced the end of the current
series instead of the beginning. And Mr. Khru-
shchev has decided to bring the Soviet program to
a crashing conclusion with a 50-megaton bomb.

Are we supposed to be grateful that Chairman
Khrushchev has decided not to reach at a single

leap his announced goal of the 100-megaton
weapon ?

As everyone knows there is no military purpose
whatever in such gigantic weapons. For years the
United States has been able to build such weapons.
But we are not interested in the business of intimi-
dation or bigger blasts.

Now, in a single instant, the Soviet Union in-
tends to poison the atmosphere by creating more
radioactivity than that produced by any series
since 1945. It may interest the members of this
committee to know that from this one test the 30-60
degree north latitude band of the world, where 80
percent of all of the people of the world live, can
expect to receive two-thirds as much new fallout
as was produced by all of the fallout produced by
all of the tests since 1945. Wliy must they insist
on exploding a 50-megaton bomb ? It is not a mili-
tary necessity.

What an Uninspected Moratorium Means

And no doubt, when the present sequence of
tests reaches its cataclysmic conclusion, the Soviet
Union will piously join in the movement for an
uninspected moratorium. Let us be absolutely
clear what an uninspected moratorium means. A
moratorium serves the cause neither of peace nor
of international collaboration, nor of confidence
among nations. We were all in this trap before.
We cannot afford to enter it again. The United
States will not do so.

We do not believe that nuclear testing vrill ever
be abolished by exorcism. It will be abolished only
by action. I would plead with the members of
this Assembly, which has been called the conscience
of the world, to demand not more words but more
deeds.

Standing alone, a treaty banning nuclear weap-
ons would be an immense leap forward toward
sanity. It would bring about a number of tangible
gains for humanity. It would slow down the
arms race. It would eliminate all danger from
poisonous materials cast off by nuclear explosions
in the atmosphere. It would check the multiplica-
tion of new types of nuclear weapons and discour-
age their spread to additional nations, thereby
reducing tlie hazard of accidental war. Above all,
it would mark a great adventure in international
collaboration for peace.

818

Deparfment of State Bulletin

Out of our experience with a test ban treaty can
come a mutual confidence, the tested procedures,
and the concerted policies which will enable the
world to moimt a wider and deeper attack on war
itself. If nations can set up a collective system
which abolishes nuclear tests, surely they can hope
to set up a collective system which abolishes all
the diverse and manifold weapons of lnunan
self-destruction.

The world is asking for bread. Another mora-
torium resolution would offer it not even a stone.
The United States stands ready today, as we have
stood ready for many months, to sign a treaty out-
lawing nuclear tests. As I have said, until such a
treaty is signed, we have no choice, as a responsible
nation, but to reserve our freedom of action.

U.S. Eager To Resume Test Ban Negotiations

So, at the risk of repetition, let me state again
the position of the United States. The Soviet
nuclear test series which began September 1 is
approaching its announced conclusion. While
thorough analysis of the Soviet tests will require
some time, it is already completely clear that the
Soviet tests will intensify competition in the de-
velopment of more and more deadly nuclear
weapons. Thus these tests have increased the pos-
sibility of ultimate disaster for all of mankind.

There is only one safe and sure way to stop
nuclear weapons tests and to stop them quickly.
That is to conclude a treaty prohibiting all nuclear
weapons tests under effective controls.

In the last 3 years the negotiations at Geneva
made significant progress toward such a treaty.
The United States is still willing and eager to re-
sume these negotiations. If in this fateful moment
all three countries involved will really devote their
skills and ingenuity to achieve agreement, not
evasion, deceit, and equivocation, there is, I say, no
reason why a nuclear test ban treaty with effective
controls cannot be signed within 30 days.

United States negotiators are ready to sit down
at tlie table with Soviet and British representa-
tives for this purpose. But until there is a treaty
and tests can be stopped, the United States, as a

responsible nation, must prepare to take all steps
necessary to protect its own security.

Mr. Chairman, an uninspected moratorium will
only lead the world once again into the morass of
confusion and deceit. A test ban treaty is the
path to peace.

If the Soviet Union really wants to stop nuclear
testing, we challenge it to join us now in signing
a test ban treaty."

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

Mimeographed or processed- documents (such as those
listed below) may he consulted at depository libraries in
the United States. U.N. printed publications may be
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations,
United Nations Plaza, N.T.

General Assembly

Letter dated September 9, 1961, from the Soviet perma-
nent representative to tlie United Nations on tlie ques-
tion of the future of Ruanda-Urundi. A/4S65 and Corr.
1. September 11, 1961. 4 pp.

Letter dated September 9, 1961, from the Netherlands
permanent representative to the United Nations ad-
dressed to the Secretary-General on the election of the
members of the International Law Commission.
A/4866. September 13, 1961. 3 pp.

Letter dated September 12, 1961, from the permanent
representatives of the Commonv^ealth nations to the
United Nations concerning disarmament A/4868.
September 14, 1961. 3 pp.

Letter dated September 14, 1961, from the Soviet perma-
nent representative to the United Nations transmitting
a Soviet Government statement of August 31 and a
statement bv Premier Khrushchev of September 9.
A/4S69. September 14, 1961. 25 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on supplementary esti-
mates for the financial year 1961. A/4870. September
16, 1961. 36 pp.

Report by the Secretary-General on offers by member
states of study and training facilities for Inhabitants
of trust territories. A/4876. September 18, 1961. 22
pp.

Report of the committee on arrangements for a confer-
ence for the purpose of reviewing the charter. A/4877.
September 18, 1961. 3 pp.

" On Oct. 2.5 Committee I adopted a motion to adjourn
temporarily the general debate on items 72 and 73 in
order to undertake immediate consideration of the eight-
power draft resolution (U.N. doc. A/C.l/L.288/Rev.l)
appealing to the Soviet Union not to explode a 50-megaton
bomb in the atmosphere.

November 13, 7967

819

Economic Growth and Investment in Education

TJie Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Developinent held a Policy Conference on
Economic Orowth and Inve8t?nent in Education
at Washington, B.C., October 16-W. Following
are texts of remarks made by Secretary Rush and
an address made by Assistant Secretary for Edu-
cational and Cultural Affairs Philip H. Coombs
before the opening session on October 16.

REMARKS BY SECRETARY RUSK

Press release 713 dated October 16

It's a very great pleasure for me to take a few
moments this morning to welcome you to this
OECD Conference on Economic Growth and In-
vestment in Education. I regi'et very much that
after a vei-y few minutes of remarks I must absent
myself and not remain for the rest of the program.
One of the prerequisites of my office is to appear
at airports to receive distinguished guests
(laughter), and I must go thither right away.

The combination of an interest in economic
growth and education is something which strikes
a particular responsive chord here in the United
States. We are delighted that you come here as
the first OECD-sponsored conference in the
United States, one of your newest members. We
hope it will not be the last.

We in this country have very great expectations
about the possibilities of OECD. And we pledge
that we shall give it our veiy strongest active sup-
port in these crucial years ahead.

It is somewhat encouraging at a time when
there are so many crises, large and small, on the
agenda to be with a group which is settling down
to get some of the world's work done, despite these
crises of the particular day.

The United States, the American people, have
had from the beginning what some people have
called an inordinate national interest in education.

From the very beginning we emphasized on these
shores a strong attachment to the educational
process. First it was to educate ministers and our
other professional manpower. But something
very important happened in the middle of the
19th century, which is directly related to our topic
today. Because we then were a rapidly develop-
ing coimtiy, we had great potential of resources,
great shortages of trained manpower. We had a
continent to open up and develop.

Next year we shall be celebrating the hundredth
anniversary of what we call our land-grant col-
lege system. Those land-grant colleges and uni-
versities were invented in essence to assist in the
process of development. They did not phrase it
that way at the time, but that in fact was the pur-
pose which underlay our interest in agricultural,
mechanical colleges, and that indeed has been the
role played by these great institutions.

Alongside of them have been hundreds of pri-
vate institutions and indeed tax-supported collat-
eral-type universities, which have played more
traditional roles. But for us in this country edu-
cation is not something which is a luxury which
can be afforded after development has occurred;
it is an integral part, an inescapable and essential
part of the developmental process itself.

U.S. Experience in Development

!Many of you come from countries which reached
a degree of economic and social development long
before you were bom. One thing you might bear
in mind, as you think of some of the exuberance,
some of the enthusiasm, some of the naivete, if you
like, which you might find here in this country
about the possibilities of development, is that the
more spectacular development of the United States
has occurred literally within the generation of
people now living ; that is, many Americans com-
ing from different parts of the country grew up

820

Department of State BuHetin

in a predevelopment community or environment,
on prescientific farms, in communities where there
was no medical care, where doctors were relatively
imknown, where science and teclinology had not
beg:iui to make their contribution to development.

So that whether you are talking about the Vice
President of the United States or many of our
citizens in the ordinary walks of life, you will be
in touch with people who remember in their own
experience what development can mean — and de-
velopment under free institutions.

We are not ourselves willing to concede special
advantages to totalitarian systems in this field of
rapid development, because we believe that we have
experienced personally and directly the transfor-
mation of the lives of people within one genera-
tion by the processes of economic growth imder
free institutions. And in that process education
has played a most vital role. Indeed, I suspect
that the Soviet Union today is getting a dividend
of a lot of morale out of an aspect which has
little to do with communism as such. For the
first time in Russian history the sons of peasants,
the sons of lowly workers, and their daughters,
have an opportunity to study medicine, to study
law, to turn to science, to teach in universities, to
take hold of opportunities which their fathers
could never have dreamed about.

We had some of this experience ourselves in the
first half of this century in many parts of the
country. And that produces a surge, an interest,
a liveliness, a morale which is of very great im-
portance in this process of development, because
development depends upon people, their attitudes,
their aspirations, their energies, and their willing-
ness to do something about it directly themselves.

One of our problems today in this country is
that so many of these things are just now begin-
ning to bo taken for granted. In families where
the grandfather might have been the only one of
12 children who went to college, all of his grand-
children will go to college, because of the change
in the educational opportunities that we find here
in this country.

"People Are the Bottleneck"

I would suggest that the bottleneck in develop-
ment today right around the world is not exclu-
sively money or capital resources ; a crucial bottle-
neck continues to be people.

During the years when I was working for the

Rockefeller Foundation, more often than you will
imagine, funds were marking time because there
was not the qualified manpower either on the
giving side or on the receiving side to make those
funds profitable on the other end.

I think if we look at the problems of develop-
ment in country after country outside the West we
shall find that people are the bottleneck, and tliis
means that education has a crucial role to play.
And this I suspect is the great difference between
the possibilities of a program like the Marshall
plan and the problems of the developmental pro-
grams in the non-Western parts of the world which
we see at the present time.

So today in this country we recognize that edu-
cation has a variety of roles to play. The demo-
cratic institutions cannot exist without education,
for democracy fvmctions only when the people are
informed and are aware, thirsting for knowledge,
and are exchanging ideas.

Education makes possible the economic democ-
racy that raises a social mobility, for it is education
that insures that classes are not frozen and that an
elite of whatever kind does not perpetuate itself.

And in the underdeveloped economies education
itself stimulates development by diplomatically
demonstrating that tomorrow need not be the same
as yesterday, that change can take place, that the
outlook is hopeful.

Even in developed economies, education is a key
to more rapid and more meaningful economic
growth. The old adage has never been more true
than today that there is plenty of room at the
top. Advanced education is the base on which
research and development rests, and the founda-
tion of teclmological progress.

But it is through mass education that the dis-
coveries of the laboratory are applied in the pro-
duction process, insuring more rapid growth than
could occur merely through interest in the acres
of land or the number of machines and the total
number of man-hours worked.

Knowledge can be foimd by the few, but it
must be applied and distributed by the many.
This conference will speak of education as in-
vestment rather than as expenditure. For educa-
tion is an investment and a good one. It yields
a high rate of return.

It is no secret that this administration believes
in education in this country, and in our aid pro-
grams we shall devote increasing proportions to

November 13, 7967

821

educational development, not merely because edu-
cation is a vitally important social service, as it is,
but because education is a good investment, as it is.

Tliis administration believes that educational
systems and institutions make possible such in-
creases in productivity that they merit support
through loans and credits as a form of investment,
not only through grants as a form of expenditure.
We see clearly that a country's richest assets are
not its factories, its roads, its bridges, but its
people. We "will do our share in aiding the de-
velopment of this human capital, for this is the
richest natural resource of all. And it is indeed
fortunate that education, desirable in and of it-
self, makes sense in economic terms as well.

And so I extend to you my greetings and the
■welcome of my Government. As you enter your
deliberations, you will be discussing that most
important of subjects, the people. History in-
deed shows us that it is people, not things, that
ultimately count. And it is only through educa-
tional development and the exchange of ideas that
man will achieve and fulfill his finest purpose and
that the fundamental of peace will be established.

I do hope that you have an excellent and pro-
ductive meeting. Thank you very much.

ADDRESS BY MR. COOMBS>

Press release 710 dated October 16

We are joined this week — guided by learned
papers instead of crisis headlines — to look beyond
today's great unresolved conflicts to a brighter
set of goals for mankind a decade or more ahead.

Our business, briefly stated, is to seek ways to
pursue these goals rapidly and effectively. Our
primary focus is on education, viewed as a potent
means available to society for promoting eco-
nomic growth and social development, in both
highly developed and less developed countries.
Our aim is not simply to have stimulating talk
but to clarify ideas which can shape policy and
action, ideas with tlie power to make a beneficial
difference in the course of human events.

A meeting on this subject would not have been
held a generation ago. Only lately have signifi-

' Mr. Coombs was chairman of the U.S. delegation and
also served as chairman of the conference. For an an-
nouncement of the meeting, see Buixetin of Oct. 23, 1961,
p. 691.

cant numbers of able economists and educators
turned their attention to probing the vital links
between a nation's educational effort and its eco-
nomic and social advancement. Such relation-
ships have long been assumed to exist, but often
the assumption was insufficiently compelling to
override more "practical" considerations, sucli as
money.

It is perhaps not unfair to say that in all our
countries we have tended to be schizophrenic
about education. We praise education's virtues
and count on it to help the new generation solve
great problems which the older generation has
failed to solve. But when it comes to spending
more money for education, our deeds often fail
to match our words. As a result, our rapidly
expanding educational needs — quantitatively and
qualitatively — have outstripped our national edu-
cational efforts, leaving a serious educational gap
which novr urgently requires closing.

Educators themselves, though chronically in
need of funds and rarely reluctant to admit it, have
shied away from stressing the practical contribu-
tions of education to economic growth because they
feared, perhaps with good reason, that the em-
phasis on materialistic values in Western society
had already become too dominant.

It is an encouraging sign that we can today talk
candidly and openly about the practical economic
contributions of education without seeming to be-
tray, belittle, or ignore its other vital purposes.
We can agree without difficulty at the outset of this
conference, I feel sure, that the high importance
of education lies in the very fact that it serves a
variety of major purposes. It is both a means and
an end. It satisfies consumer wants and national
investment needs. It serves both material and non-
material values. It profits individuals and at the
same time all society. It is simultaneously a con-
servator and transmitter of past values and a
powerful force for social change and improvement.

Joint Venture of Educators and Economists

It is surely an evidence of progress and a cause
for rejoicing that educators and economists —
long mutually mysterious and at times even hostile
to one another — have lately embarked on the joint
venture of discovering new insights into the eco-
nomic aspects of education, external and internal.
The progress they have made, though still limited,
is sufficient to bring us together today.

822

Deparfment of State Bulletin

That progress is symbolized, for example, by
the fact that economists, who long treated educa-
tion simply as a "consumer good" — a very fine
one, to be sure, if you could afford it — have now
begun to view educational expenditures as an "in-
vestment"' as well. Not only is this a nobler term
in the economists' lexicon, but strategically it is a
far more effective term for getting increased budg-
ets. Labeling education an "investment indus-
tiy" implies that the development of people is as
impoi'tant as the development of things — which
the educators have been hinting at all along. It
helps place education in its quest for funds on a
competitive parity with highways, steel mills, and
fertilizer factories. We can now assert unblush-
ingly and with good economic sense that the ac-
cumulation of intellectual capital is comparable in
importance — and in the long run perhaps much

, more important — than the accumulation of physi-
cal capital, so long as we recognize that there is
much more to education than this term alone im-
plies. And even now we begin to hear bankers —
the more daring, at least — speak of education and
the development of hiunan resources as a proper
area for productive loans.

The educators have also come a long way. They
now readily concede that resources are, after all,
limited. Wliere this is the case, as every economics

I student knows, the relationship of output to

' available resource input depends on the state of
technology and the efficiency of resource use. It

' follows logically that all of the ills and needs of
education cannot be met simply by spending more
money to do on a larger scale what our schools

I and universities are already doing. Along with
much greater financial support from the outside,
which unquestionably is required, education also
needs far-reaching improvements on the inside,
improvements in curriculum, in organization, and
in techniques.

Many educators and economists are today agreed
not only that organized education must make more
effective use of its available resources but, to do

' so, educational developments must be well planned.
Such educational development plans, moreover,
must be rationally integrated with plans for gen-
eral economic and social development. We shall
give consideration in this conference, I hope, to
the need for action to remedy the serious shortage
of persons competent to advise less developed na-
tions on the vital matter of educational develop-

ment planning. In the absence of well -conceived
educational development plans, external assistance
to imderdeveloped countries cannot be as efficiently
used.

The foregoing propositions are applicable to any
kind of society which accepts progress and change
as goals, whatever else may be its ideology. But
these propositions are peculiarly applicable and
urgent at this point in history for those nations,
whether less developed or highly developed, whose
concept of progress includes greater social justice
and greater freedom, opportunity, and choice for
each individual. The threats to human justice
and freedom are obviously great, and the hour is
late. The economists and educationalists of the
free world have joined their endeavors none too
soon.

It is unportant that their findings, incomplete
as they yet are, be translated promptly into na-
tional policy and action. For what we do in the
coming decade about education and the develop-
ment of human resources, in all our lands and in
helping the less developed countries, is sure to have
a profound influence upon the future course of
history.

Some "Plausible Assumptions"

In coming to grips with the important policy
issues before this conference, we will have to make
some assumptions about the economic, political,
and social forces to which education must respond
during the next 10 years and beyond. Recogniz-
ing the hazards of speculation and the differing
application of any general proposition to the pecu-
liar circumstances of each country, I venture to
suggest a few "plausible assumptions" as a start-
ing point for our discussions. Braver and wiser
ones among us, I feel sure, can improve upon these
initial propositions. With respect to the more
developed countries of Europe and the Western
Hemisphere, I suggest the following :

First, we may assume that national output, both
in the aggregate and per capita, will continue to
grow, though not necessarily at a steady pace.
Likewise there will be continued and even ac-
celerated advancement of scientific knowledge and
applied technology m virtually all fields, which
will spur economic growth. Given this assump-
tion, it will be well within the financial means of
Western European nations, Canada, and the
United States to expand greatly their expenditures

November 13, 1961

823

on education without serious pain. If the com-
bined national product of the OEEC countries of
Europe rises to sonietliing lili:e $450 billion by
1970, as suggested in one of the expert papers
before this conference, educational expenditures
could be doubled in a decade with no greater
sacrifice than diverting less than 6 percent of the
increment in GNP into education. This is indeed
a modest goal.

Second, the requirements for educated and
trained manpower will rise more rapidly than
total manpower requirements. In other words,
the "mix" of manpower requirements will shift
steadily toward greater emphasis upon higher
skills and specialized knowledge in virtually all
fields and levels, with unskilled labor shrinking in
proportion. Accordingly members of the younger
generation must, on the average, have considerably
more education than any previous generation.
Each nation's investment in education must there-
fore rise, per person and as a proportion of the
gross national product, if it is to keep pace with
its changing manpower requirements.

Third, the demand for highly specialized man-
power, especially in the sciences and engineering
but elsewhere as well, will rise with tlie greatest
speed, and shortages of high talent will spread
from one field to another rather unpredictably.
Increasingly the market for high talent will be-
come internationalized. Concerted efforts will be
made to break these bottlenecks of specialized
manpower as they appear, but basically they will
be the product of an overall shortage of highly
developed manpower which can only be relieved
in the long run by a total expansion of the edu-
cational system aimed at developing more fully
the human potential of the whole population,
much of which now is wasted.

Fourth, the economic necessity to develop each
nation's human resources will in most countries
be reinforced by strong political pressures in the
same direction. Educational opportunity is the
halhnark of a democi-atic society, and people will
insist upon it quite apart from its contributions
to national growth. There will be mounting in-
sistence that educational avenues of advancement
be opened wide to all young people, regardless of
their social and economic origins. Popular gov-
ernments will ignore these demands at their peril
and at the peril of free societies.

Fifth, despite the fact that the formal educa-
tional system, as we now know it, will have to
provide each individual with more years of edu-
cation, it will provide him with a smaller pro-
portion of liis total lifetime learning. This is
because the rapid development of new knowledge
and technology will quickly render obsolete and
inadequate the education and training which many
persons receive in their youth. Increasing pro-
vision will have to be made for people in a wide
range of professions and occupations, not least of
all teachers, to continue learning new knowledge
and skills long after they have "completed"' their
formal education. Moreover, as personal incomes
rise and working hours decrease, there will be
more leisure time, and, if our schools and univer-
sities have succeeded in their work, much of tliis
leisure will be used for learning as a means of
individual self-fulfillment and pleasure. In short,
education, to borrow a well-known British phrase,
is fast becoming a cradle-to-grave proposition.
This will require an even greater investment in
education than our conference papers have fore-
cast, along with radically new techniques of teach-
ing and learning. If we are to become nations of
teachers and learners, as seems essential, the old
forms and rituals of education will not suffice.
Nor will old concepts of educational finance.

Sixth, there will be no serious danger of "over-
educating" the population; the greatest risks will
lie m the opposite direction. Today's projections
of future requirements for well-educated man-
power are likely to prove low 10 years from now.
If national economies maintain a relatively high
level of employment and stabilitj', the increased
availability of well-educated manpower will stim-
ulate the rate of economic growth and teclmolog-
ical advance, thus enlarghig more rapidly the
capacity of these economies to absorb well-quali-
fied manpower.

Seventh, the role of women, in education and
in the whole economy, will increase in importance
(and at the same time, no doubt, their politiail
importance!). The undereducation and under-
utilization of women in the professions, in indus-
try, and in government, constitutes the greatest
untapped i)otential of human brainpower and
energy in most of our nations. Educational in-
stitutions, if they will, can play a major role in
breaking down the traditional barriere to a fidler
and more productive life for women.

824

Department of State Bulletin

The Stake in Advancement of Less Developed Nations

The final premise in tliis list — and one of the
most important — concerns the stake which devel-
oped countries have in the advancement of less
developed nations. In addition to their heavy
domestic obligations, the educational mstitutions
of the more developed nations must assist the less
developed ones in their crucial efforts to build
their own educational systems and to develop
their human resources as an essential ingredient
•of overall economic, social, and political develop-
ment. Large and imaginative effoi-ts in this di-
rection can brmg great benefits to education, not
only in the nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America but in the more developed coimtries as
well, for educational assistance is a two-way
street. To a considerable extent, and with im-
portant local variations, the fundamental prob-
lems of education in underdeveloped countries
are the same as those confronting the more de-
veloped ones, but presented in bold relief. Cases
in point are the problems of teacher shortage, the
need for curriculum reform, the problem of fi-
nance, and the need for technological innovation.

Educational assistance to less developed coun-
tries, as the expert conference papers emphasize,
is no mere matter of exporting a carbon copy of
one's own curriculum, methods, and organization
to nations with very different needs and cultures.
Nor is it a simple matter of expanding by a factor
of X the educational status quo which the under-
developed country already happens to have, in-
herited usually from some other land. It is clear
that such a strategy of educational expansion
would fit neither their needs nor their pocket-
books.

The same daring and ingenuity — the same re-
search and development approach — which our ed-
ucational institutions have helped to create and
apply so fruitfully to such other fields as agricul-
ture, industi-y, and communications, must now be
applied to education itself, at home and abroad.
The need for such an approach is perhaps most ob-
vious in less developed countries, but it is perhaps
equally needed in the more developed ones. If
this need for imaginative change in education is
viewed not with alarm but as an exciting chal-
lenge, it can be a rewarding decade for all
concerned.

Within this framework of propositions — some

November 13, 7967

perhaps generally agreeable and others no doubt
open to vigorous debate — and, more importantly,
with a series of brilliant papers before us, we are
ready to engage in a serious and enjoyable
discussion.

In one final prognostication I offer with con-
fidence the view that we will all take home from
this conference new insights, new ideas for action,
and new conviction which can profit our respec-
tive nations in future years and which can, beyond
this, provide all mankind a larger measure of free-
dom and a greater opportunity to profit from such
freedom.

TREATY INFORMATION

U.S. and Sweden Conclude
Extradition Convention

Press release 732 dated October 24

An extradition convention and protocol be-
tween the United States and Sweden was con-
cluded on October 24 at the Department of State.
The convention was signed for the United States
by Secretary Rusk and for Sweden by Ambassa-
dor Gimnar Jarring.

The convention, which contains 16 articles, gen-
erally follows the pattern of other extradition con-
ventions to which the United States is a party.
Article II contains a list of common crimes een-
erally subject to extradition. Other articles spec-
ify the conditions which must be satisfied and the
procedures which must be followed in order
to obtain the extradition of a fugitive from justice.

The convention will enter into force upon ex-
change of ratifications by the two Governments.

Current Actions

iVIULTILATERAL

Patents

Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of in-
ventions relating to defense and for which applications
for patents have been made. Done at Paris September

825

21, lOCO. Entered Into force January 12, 1961. TIAS

4072.

Ratification deposited: Belgium, October 20, 1961.

Property

Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial prop-
erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels December
14,' 1900; at Washington June 2, 1911; at The Hague
November 6, 1925 ; at London June 2, 1934 ; and at Lis-
bon October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958.'
Ratification deposited: United States, October 26, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton
textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into
force October 1, 1961.

Acceptances deposited: Belgium, France, Federal Re-
public of Germany, India, Italy, Japan (with under-
standing and statement), Luxembourg, and Nether-
lands, October 13, 1961 ; Spain, October 16, 1961.

BILATERAL

Austria

Agreement concerning the utilization, for permanent refu-
gee housing construction, of counterpart generated from
a grant of corn to Austria under title II of the Agri-
cultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
19.-.4, as amended (68 Stat. 454; 7 U.S.C. 1721-1724).
Effected by exchange of notes at Vienna August 9 and
October 3, 1961. Entered into force October 3, 1961.

Iceland

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of May 3, 1958, as supplemented (TIAS 4027 and
4065). Effected by exchange of notes at Reykjavik Oc-
tober 3, 1961. Entered into force October 3, 1961.

Japan

Arrangement concerning the export of cotton textiles from
Japan to the United States. Effected by exchange of
notes at Tokyo October 16, 1961. Enters into force
January 1, 1962.

Philippines

Agreement relating to the loan of a floating drydock to
the Republic of the Philippines. Effected by exchange
of notes at Manila September 28 and October 4, 1961.
Entered into force October 4, 1961.

Sweden

Convention on extradition, and protocol. Signed at Wash-
ington October 24, 1961. Enters into force upon the ex-
change of ratifications.

Turkey

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of July 29, 1961 (TIAS 4819). Effected by ex-
change of notes at Ankara September 6, 1961. Entered
into force September 6, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Designations

Robert W. Herder as Director, American AID Mission,
El Salvador, effective September 22. (For biographic do-
tails, see Department of State press release 702 datedi
October 11.)

Not In force.

Checit List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 23-29

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce of
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin
which were issued prior to October 23 are Nos. 710
and 713 of October 16 ; 718 of October 18 ; and 728 of
October 21.

Subject

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

Busk : interview on "Issues and
Answers."

Bowles : "The United Nations and the
Real World."

U.S.-Sweden extradition convention.

Bowles: YWCA World Fellowship
Meeting, Baltimore (excerpts).

Visit of Indian Prime Minister.

Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade
and Economic Affairs.

Bowles : regional foreign policy brief-
ing conference, Kansas City.

Williams : U.S. National Commission
for UNESCO.

Haiti credentials (rewrite).

NATO research fellowship program
1962-63.

U.K. credentials (rewrite).

Bowles : regional foreign policy brief-
ing conference, Dallas.

U.S. aid to sub-Sahara African
students.

Ball : interview on "At the Source."

AID investment guaranty program.

Rusk : interview on "Problems and
Policies."

U.S.-British Guiana talks.

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

•729

10/23

730

10/23

731

10/24

732
*733

10/24
10/24

*734
t735

10/25
10/26

t736

10/26

t737

10/26

738
t739

10/26
10/26

740
t741

10/26
10/27

t742

10/27

t743

t744
t745

10/27
10/27
10/28

746

♦747

10/28
10/28

826

Department of State Bulletin

I

NovemLer 13, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1168

Atomic Energy

Committee I Considers Items on Nuclear Testing

(Stevenson) 816

General Assembly Urges Soviet Union Not To Test
50-Megaton Bomb (text of resolution) .... 817

President Approves Project Gnome Nuclear Test;
Observers Welcomed 807

Aviation. Two U.S. Research Firms To Study In-
ternational Aviation Problems 815

British Guiana. Premier of British Guiana Visits
Washington 809

Communism. Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Is-
sues and Answers" 801

Cuba. Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Issues and
Answers" 801

Department and Foreign Service. Designations

(Herder) 826

Economic Affairs. Economic Growth and Invest-
ment in Education (Coombs, Rusk) 820

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Economic Growth and Investment in Education

(Coombs, Rusk) 820

The Role of tlie Department of State in Educa-
tional and Cultural Affairs (Miller) .... 811

El Salvador. Herder designated AID Mission
director 826

Germany. Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Issues
and Answers" 801

Haiti. Letters of Credence (Mars) 790

International Organizations and Conferences. Eco-
nomic Growth and Investment in Education
(Coombs, Rusk) 820

Liberia. President Tubman of Liberia Visits
United States (Kennedy, Tubman, text of joint
communique) 808

Mutual Security. Premier of British Guiana Visits
Washington 809

Presidential Documents

President Sends Anniversary Greetings to Republic

of Viet-Nam 810

President Tubman of Liberia Visits United States . 808

Sweden. U.S. and Sweden Conclude Extradition

Convention 825

Treaty Information

Current Actions 825

U.S. and Sweden Conclude Extradition Conven-
tion 825

U.S.S.R.

Committee I Considers Items on Nuclear Testing

(Stevenson) 816

General Assembly Urges Soviet Union Not To Test

50-Megaton Bomb ( text of resolution ) . . . . 817

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Issues and
Answers" 801

United Kingdom. Letters of Credence (Ormsby

Gore) 790

United Nations

Committee I Considers Items on Nuclear Testing

(Stevenson) 816

Current U.N. Documents 819

Four Popular Canards About the United Nations

(Cleveland) 796

General Assembly Urges Soviet Union Not To Test

50-Megaton Bomb (text of resolution) .... 817
Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Issues and

Answers" 801

The Sixteenth Anniversary of the United Nations

(Stevenson) 783

The United Nations and the Real World (Bowles) . 791
United Nations Day 1961 (Stevenson) .... 785

Viet-Nam. President Sends Anniversary Greetings

to RepubUc of Viet-Nam 810

Name Index

Bowles, Chester 791

Cleveland, Harlan 796

Coombs, Philip H 822

Herder, Robert W 826

Jagan, Cheddi 809

Kennedy, President 808,810

Mars, Louis 790

Miller, Francis Pickens 811

Ormsby Gore, David 790

Rolfson, John 801

Rusk, Secretary 801,820

Scali, John 801

Stevenson, Adlal B 783, 785, 816

Tubman, William V. S 808

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The book describes the gradual growth of the Foreign Service in
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interwar period, and its reorganization and expansion in the period
since World War II to meet its greatly increased tasks and responsi-
bilities resulting from the present total involvement of the United
States in world affairs.

The present organization and fimctions of the Foreign Service, its
role in the day-to-day conduct of foreign affairs and in the execution
of American foreign policy, the career opportunities which it offers
to young Americans, and the conditions under which its 8,500 Ameri-
can officers and employees live and work are treated in detail. Data
on the development, organization, and functions of the Servdce are
presented in extensive appendixes containing liistorical notes, statis-
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Vol. XLV, No. 1169

November 20, WSl "

THRESHOLD OF A NEW TRADING WORLD • by

Under Secretary Ball 831

UNDER SECRETARY BOWLES ADDRESSES REGION-
AL FOREIGN POLICY BRIEFING CONFERENCES . 850

■fSwHj

FFiClAL I

'EEKLY RECORD

NITED STATES
OREIGN POLICY

TASKS AND OPPORTUNITIES IN AFRICA • by

Assistant Secretary Williams

861

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1169 • Pdblication 7303
November 20, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington 25, D.O.

Price:

S2 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign {12.25

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Depabtment
or State BtTi-LETiN as the source wlU be
appreciated. The Bulletin Is indexed in the
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the publit
and interested agencies of C/u-
Govemment icith information ••r-
developments in the field of fore
relations and on the work of
Department of State and the Fo
Service. The BULLETIN inclut
lected press releases on foreign
issued by the White House
Department, and statement;
dresses made by the Preside.,
the Secretary of State an<i ot/
officers of the Departmen
special articles on vario
international affairs at
tions of the Departnu t-

tion is included coni ies

and international to

which the United .' may

become a party an gen-

eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relationm are listed etwrently.

Threshold of a New Trading World

hy Under Secretary Ball '

I approach this gathering of foreign trade
practitioners with a considerable diffidence. I
learned many years ago that when any two experts
in the field of foreign trade get together they
will produce three opinions as to the proper course
of our commercial policy. But lately I have been
aware of a measure of agreement rarely found in
these esoteric circles — agreement on the fact that
we are coming to the close of a familiar era in our
world trading relations and entering another that
is not familiar at all.

Some see this new phase as filled with oppor-
tunity and challenge. Some, on the other hand,
are apprehensive. But few question the proposi-
tion that pervasive change will be the dominant
characteristic of the years that lie ahead.

The Sweep of History

To understand the forces of change at work
in the world, it may be profitable to look back-
ward a little — to examine the terrain over which
we have marched to gain a better view of the di-
rection in which we are headed.

From the Civil War to the Great Depression
industrial America concentrated its energies on
transforming the United States into a great con-
tinental power. The big challenges and the glit-
tering opportunities lay within our own bound-
aries, between the Atlantic and the Pacific. We
had vast national resources to develop, new
ground to be broken, virgin forests to fell. Im-
migration provided us with a swiftly growing
population to supply the labor force for this Gar-

^ Address made before the 48th National Foreign Trade
Convention at New York, N.T., on Nov. 1 (press release
755).

gantuan task. It supplied us as well with cus-
tomers for the products that came pouring from
our fields and factories.

As our self-confident forefathers moved west-
ward, forging their own early version of a com-
mon market, men and money followed in the wake
of their wagons. Capital from England and the
Atlantic seaboard flowed to the Midwest, then
later to the Pacific coast. Railroads were built,
settlements established. Old trading patterns
were destroyed and new ones — richer ones —
created.

Mobility was the order of the day — mobility not
merely of manpower and finance but also mobility
of thought. The challenge of the times pro-
duced a rugged group of free spirits: inventors,
robber barons, empire builders — men who were
not afraid of new ideas and who moved in an en-
vironment uncluttered by obsolete institutions.

It was only natural that the pioneer American
industrialist was protectionist in his commercial
policy, as he was isolationist in his international
politics. He had a continent in which to spend
his energies, a burgeoning population as his
customers. He had little need for foreign mar-
kets; that need was confined largely to the
farmers and the miners. The industrialist had
his hands full with opportimities nearer home.

The First World War marked the first great
change in all of tlus. It irrevocably altered
America's world position. Yet we continued
during the 1920's to pursue the course we had set.
We adopted, in fact, an increasingly protectionist
posture until, in the Great Depression, came a
great awakening. We learned through painful
experience that we could not insulate ourselves
from economic forces elsewhere in the world.

November 20, 196/

831

By that time the United States had begun to
gather its foodstuffs and minerals from distant
places. We had begun to sell our manufactured
products throughout the world. We were finding
that we could compete effectively in foreign
markets. We had discovered, to the surprise of
the pessimists, that our rising wages were not a
handicap to our international trading position
but the contrary — the consequence of the great
productive strength that formed the basis of our
developing position in the markets of the world.

I do not need to remind you gentlemen that it
was during the soul-searching that went on in the
depths of the depression that we Americans made
an abrupt about-face in our commercial policy.
We put aside the strangling restrictionism of the
Smoot-Hawley tariff for the trade agreements
program of Cordell Hull. With that decisive act
the United States achieved for the first time a
trade policy appropriate to the times and to its
new position in the world. In the next quarter
century, with the aid of that policy, we played
the role of leader in building a trade and pay-
ments system capable of supporting an imprece-
dented volume of international exchanges.

The great vindication of our liberal trade poli-
cies did not come, however, until the end of the
Second World War. During the early postwar
years we were the woi-kshop of the world. The
factories of Europe were in ruins and rubble.
Japan's economy was a shambles. The world
needed goods both to sustain itself and to begin
the staggering task of reconstruction — goods that
the United States alone could produce. Except
for the general shortage of dollars — ameliorated
in part by the Marshall plan — there was no serious
problem of foreign competition, either in our own
domestic market or abroad.

Using the powers provided by a succession of
trade agreements acts, the Government negotiated
for the reduction of tariffs and the dismantling
of import license systems. As the barriers to trade
between nations gradually moved lower, the
United States expanded its exports in markets all
over the world. For a decade — imtil 1957, in
fact — as many of you will recall with nostalgia,
we had an easy time of it. Except for a handful
of products — the weak sisters of the American

economy — few economists and fewer businessnuu
worried much about the competitive position ol
our exports abroad. Almost no one foresaw tlie
possibility of a balance-of-payments problem for
the United States. Our brooding preoccupation
was the dollar shortage. The fear was frequently
heard that the American teclinological lead was
so great that we might as well accept the dollar
shortage as a permanent feature of the world
economy.

A New Era

Those of us who thought about the economic
future tended to underestimate one element and
to overlook another. We did not appreciate the
vitality of the forces latent in European industry.
Nor did we comprehend the energy wliich these
forces might acliieve once they were let loose in
the arena of a great new mass market.

We knew, when we thought about it, that the
European nations were making hard choices.
They were maintaining extraordinarily high in-
vestment rates at the price of a considerable self-
denial. They were driving hard toward economi:
and political unification. But there were iew,
even among the enthusiastic and optimistic E' 'v
pean advocates of an integrated Europe, who !'• 'le-
saw the spectacular consequences that ■■' i
result as these two developments began t
act on one another.

By the 1960's the situation was cler '

The Marshall plan had been wholly
A resurgent European industry had f 'a

new concept of opportunity in the it

of a Common Market.

The record of these developn . in-

structive for us. European ind^ y and

large, had not been eager for a jst had

resisted the early proposals f Europe,

and they had been skept^ Common

Market when it was first co c once they

had accepted the Common an inescap-

able fact they were forced to ma^ neir plans on
the basis that it would continue. And in the
process they discovered untapped resources of
strength and energy.

Europe's businessmen took various steps to
adapt their enterprises to the requirements and

832

Department of State Bufletin

Message From President Kennedy '

The National Foreign Trade Convention brings to-
gether a group of American leaders who have a clear
understanding of the current struggle between free
civilization and regimented civilization, and who also
have a unique appreciation of the relationship of Inter-
national trade to the total strength and unity of the
free world — economic, political, and military.

The struggle between civilizations is not primarily
economic, but the economic factors loom large. The
Soviet bloc is dedicated to a rigid view of how an
economic system must organize the use of human and
material resources. The Western World, by contrast,
is tolerant of wide variations among individual states
around a central principle of the free flow of economic
resources in response to individual initiative and indi-
vidual desires, subject to government responsibilities
to assure that this flow is not restricted or allowed
to run to waste and to channel it to meet common
social purposes.

In recent months Americans have been pressed
heavily by headlines announcing daily crises. In this
circumstance it is possible for us to ignore both the
magnitude of our economic strength and the chal-
lenges and opportunities which are before us.

Preoccupation with our balance of payments, for
example, has caused some Americans to overlook the
extraordinary strength of our export business as proven
by our $.5-billion merchandise surplus. This is cer-
tainly not a sign of weaknei5s nor a sign of our
inability to compete in world markets. Moreover, our
own strength is augmented by the political and eco-
nomic dynamism of Western Europe, and particularly
by the constnictive implications of an enlarged com-
mon market for ourselves and the entire free world.

' Read to the convention by Under Secretary Ball.

Our supreme economic challenge at this moment in
our history does not arise from the Sino-Soviet bloc
itself. Our greatest immediate challenge is the task
of achieving maximum interaction and cooperation be-
tween the expanding industrial societies of North
America and Western Europe — for the purpose of
assuring our mutual prosperity, of accelerating our
rates of economic growth, in order that we may to-
gether promote the stability and progress of the less
developed nations of the world. Our ability to meet
this challenge depends in large measure upon the
manner in which these two great industrial systems
of the Atlantic develop and utilize their vast resources
and upon the policies and practices which guide their
trade with each and with the rest of the world.

We are determined that the United States shall
adopt policies which will enable us to meet this chal-
lenge, and thereby to resume our proper role of leader-
ship in the development of a dynamic and prosperous
free-world economy. We first assumed this role of
leadership under the inspiration of Cordell Hull. The
ideas and techniques developed at that time have
clearly served the interests of the United States. Our
goals remain the same, but the world that Cordell
Hull knew has changed beyond recognition.

It is essential that we have new tools to deal with
the problems of international trade in a new and chal-
lenging world. The forging of these tools is a task
that must be shared by all segments of American
society — business, industry, agriculture, and labor, as
well as the Government itself. I can assure you that
we are prepared to take whatever steps may be nec-
essary to protect and promote our national interests.

I extend to each of you my greetings and best wishes
for a most successful convention.

the opportunities of a new mass market. They
gained structural strength through mergers.
They improved their operations through the
rationalization of product lines, through invest-
ment, through modernization. And, having taken
these difficult steps, many found to their great
relief that the dreaded competition from other
' European producers was not so formidable after
all.

To many of us it has come as a surprise that
after an initial period of resistance the industrial
leaders of Western Europe have become the
strongest advocates for accelerating the Common
Market schedule toward full integration. With

new-foimd self-confidence they are laying plans
for expansion, for additional specialization and
market penetration on a scale that has no prece-
dents in European history.

Quite obviously the transformation of six na-
tions of Europe into a Common Market has had
a major effect on world trading patterns. Already
this is clear enough in trade statistics. But that
change is only a partial foreshadowing of what
is yet to come if Great Britain succeeds in the
negotiations she has now midertaken to become a
member of the European Commimity.

Those negotiations will necessarily be complex.
Wliat is involved is not merely the extension of

November 20, J96I

833

the geographical scope of the present Common
Market to include the United IGngdom. What
is involved is a reconsideration of a complex net-
work of trading relationships involving a con-
siderable part of the free world.

Even as presently constituted, the European
Common Market is more than a European ar-
rangement; it is the center of a trading system
whose ramifications spread into Africa and other
continents. It has associated with it some 16 inde-
pendent countries and a number of areas in vary-
ing degrees of dependency which constitute what
is now known as the Associated Overseas States.
These states have free access to the Common
Market.

The United Kingdom, for its part, is the hub
of another world trading system of more than
60 coimtries and territories with the total popu-
lation of three-quarters of a billion people, a sys-
tem built upon the tariff preferences in the sterling
area.

Any arrangements that may result from the
current negotiations will necessarily involve some
modification and redefinition of the relationships
involved in both the European and the British
systems.

The British initiative is not the only proposal
to extend the scope of the Common Market. The
British application for membership has been fol-
lowed by similar applications on the part of Den-
mark and Ireland, and it is possible that Norway
will also apply. Sweden, Austria, and Switzer-
land have also announced that they intend to
seek "association" with the Common Market,
though on a basis less than full membership.
And any arrangements that are ultimately
worked out may also need to take account of Fin-
land's trading requirements.

It would be unwise and quite improper for me
to make any predictions as to the final outcome
of these negotiations. But it is clear enough that
the form and substance of the solutions ultimately
arrived at will affect the vital interests not only
of the United States but of other nations of the
free world. Naturally enough the United States
Government is following the course of the cur-
rent discussions with great care. At the appro-
priate times and in appropriate ways we shall
take steps to insure that the United States' posi-
tion on various aspects of this negotiation is fully
made known.

Two Great Trading Areas

I shall not attempt tonight to discuss the com-
plex issues involved in these negotiations, but one
needs no special insight to know that their success-
ful outcome will necessarily bring about funda-
mental changes in world trading patterns and in
the existing world political order.

Stated in its simplest terms, what we may well
see emerge is the concentration of nearly 90 per-
cent of total free-world exports of industrial
products in two great common markets — the
Common Market of Europe consisting of over 300
million people and an as yet undetermined number
of states, and the common market of the United
States consisting of 180 million people and 50
States. In each of these areas goods, labor, capi-
tal, and services will have something approaching
complete mobility. And each of these areas will
be surrounded by a common external tariff.

The manner in wloich American industry re-
sponds to the reality of this new trading worV)
will, it seems to me, be a test not only of our bu^-
ness leadership but of the sincerity of our commj --
ment to the economic principles which we aie
constantly advocating. After all, we have b -a
the evangelists of the virtues of free competi u
We have preached this gospel incessantly to our
European friends. If they now practice w'
preach, we should be neither surprised r
mayed.

It seems to me a little odd, therefore, t
should be so much talk in business ci'
days with overtones of defeatism. I ^
again and again that we have priced r
of the world markets ; that our wage' n

and our capital plant obsolete; tha* Ji-

petitors can offer more liberal ere lan

American manufacturers ; that f o cers,

having learned the lessons of ' tech-

nology, can now use their lower ^ ■ v -> drive

us out of world markets.

I shall not continue this ref - ill know

both the words and the music well .. gh. Not
only do these apprehensive citizens see no future
in our exports, but they also see doom and menace
in our imports. The very foreign competitors
who are defeating us in world markets are, they
say, beginning to invade our home markets.
There is hardly a day when a representative of
industry does not assert emphatically to us in
Washington that his industry needs a system of

834

Departmenf of State Bulletin

rigid quotas to keep out foreign imports or it will
perish. At the very least it needs the protection
of higher tariffs or some other restrictive
arrangements.

No one can doubt that the need to keep United
States goods competitive in world markets is cru-
cial. To achieve that purpose we shall have to
use every measure at hand to dampen inflationary
forces and reduce the threat of a wage-price spiral. ^
One of the most effective measures, as the Euro-
peans have already learned, is to repudiate pro-
tectionism, to open the doors and windows of our
economy to the competition we must face in world
markets. This is one method of controlling in-
flation that is fully consistent with the ideals of
free enterprise we all embrace.

An open competitive trading system in com-
petitive goods will serve our interests in other
ways as well. W' th all our present concern about
the balance-of-payments position of the United
States, it is easy to forget that the United States
has a surplus, not a deficit, on merchandise ac-
count. That surplus amounted last year to $4.9
billion, or $2.8 billion if the foreign aid com-
ponent is subtracted. If we look at industrial
products alone, the relative strength of the surplus
is even more striking, since our total exports of
such goods last year were just about double our
imports.

This surplus must be preserved and enlarged.
Spent on overseas military installations and troop
pay, it supports a critical part of the burden of
financin"^ the defense of the free world. But to
strengthti this surplus we shall have to avoid any
line of policy that calls for United States import
restrictions. For in the wave of reaction that
would follow the United States would stand to
lose more than it could possibly gain in balance-
of-payments terms.

In considering what moves the United States
should now make in the field of trade policy, there
is one other objective to which we would all sub-
scribe. Tliis is the aim of increasing American
wages and expanding American living standards
as speedily as our growing productivity will per-
mit. Fortunately for us, America's most success-
ful export industries are those in which wage
rates are highest. It is fortunate, too, that the
industries that claim to suffer most from import
competition tend, on the whole, to pay low wages.

As far as wages are concerned, therefore, the

problem is to find a way of shifting American
manpower, as swiftly and painlessly as possible,
out of the industries which cannot stand up to
foreign competition into those which have stood
the test. If the United States can achieve that
shift, it will have a labor force more fully de-
voted to pursuits with a future — pursuits on the
forefront of the technological revolution which
the United States must continue to lead.

In blunt terms, we dare not turn our backs on
the logic of our own economic position. For al-
most 30 years we have led the world toward freer
trade. If at this late date we should yield to
the importunings of those who would shelter the
low-wage industries in our economy and penalize
the most efficient, let us be quite clear about the
consequences. We would set off a chain reaction
of retaliation and counterretaliation that would
do irreparable harm to the whole free world but
would hurt us most of all. We would give up any
claim to a role of leadership in the free world.
We would deny the strength and vitality of the
economic system for which we stand.

The Road Ahead

But I am not content tonight merely to point
out the roads we cannot take. We must lay a
positive course that will lead to a stronger and
more secure position at home and abroad. To me
the general direction of this course seems evident.

As I pointed out earlier this evening, we have
reached the end of an era in which the United
States was the one dominant country of the trading
world. In the next years the free-world com-
merce will depend to a very large degree upon
two great trading areas — Europe and the United
States.

So far the new Europe is exhibiting a rate of
economic growth more than twice our own. Faced
with the prospect of competing with local pro-
ducers who will have free access to all Common
Market customers, many American industrialists
have concluded that, if they are to participate in
the development of this new great trading area,
they must develop sources of production within
the encircling walls of the common external tariff.

It is, I think, only natural that American in-
dustry should seek to establish factories near their
customers, just as they once built factories and
assembly plants on the Pacific coast as the center
of population moved westward. I expect, also.

UwGmheT 20, 1961

835

that as European industry generates surplus capi-
tal it will find occasion to invest an increasing
amount of it in the United States. But it would
be wholly wrong if, by failing to pursue the proper
commercial policies, we were to put our producers
at such a disadvantage that they had no option in
the matter, that they were compelled to invest
their capital in Europe because their exports could
not compete over a European tariff wall. We
would be doing our own producers a disservice.
We would be doing an even greater disservice to
United States labor. And we would deprive our
own economy of the good of competition, which is
the incentive to innovation, to technological ad-
vance, to economic health and strength.

Yet if we are to bring about the kind of open
trading world in which our most efficient export
industries can share the potential of this new mar-
ket, we shall need tools adapted to the task. I do
not propose tonight to outline in any detail the
kinds of tools that will be required. I can, how-
ever, suggest certain minimum specifications which
seem to us quite clear.

1. The concept that we miist protect every
American industry against the adjustments re-
quired by competition is alien to the spirit of our
economy. The genius of a dynamic industrial
economy is after all its adaptability. Our econ-
omy has adjustments forced upon it every day by
changes in public taste, by population shifts, by
the application of new technology, by the refine-
ment of automation techniques. Compared with
these normal adjustments, those brought about by
tariff reductions are marginal. The adjustments
that would be required even if we were to eliminate
industrial tariffs entirely would, in fact, be rela-
tively small for the economy as a whole, althougli
admittedly they would fall heavily on certain
industries.

If we are to meet the demands of the new tradmg
world, it seems to me imperative that we recog-
nize that the process of tariff reduction involves
the acceptance of some degree of structural ad-
justment by individual industries. European in-
dustry has already recognized this concept with
startling effects upon investment and innovation.
European companies have discovered that the ad-
justments required have, in fact, been far less
painful than wore anticipated. They have taken
the form, for the most part, of a shift of resources
from one type of production to another, of design
changes, of the substitution of materials, of the

836

elimination of noncompetitive produce lines.
Most of all, they have required managerial imagi-
nation and initiative.

Up to a certain limit of tolerance, individual in-
dustries and companies should, I think, be ex-
pected to assume the burden of such adjustments
for the good of the economy as the whole. This is
an assumption that rims through our whole body
of legislation — taxes, regulatory arrangements,
and safety standards.

There are always a limited number of excep-
tional cases which demand exceptional treatment
in any general program such as we are now obliged
to undertake. But our guiding principle should
not be to spare American management or Ameri-
can labor from the need to meet the requirements
of change. Instead it should be the concept that,
when the impact of adjustment is so great as to
create a temporary idling of American productive
facilities, the Federal Government will provide
assistance to speed the transfer of the labor an'
capital into the more productive channels whi*
the American economy constantly provides.

For that purpose, as President Kennedy f
gested several years ago, the Federal Govern
should be empowered to provide assistance t
tain and facilitate this transfer. Undr
heading would come such aids as ace
amortization of obsolescent machinery," t' 1-

ability of credits for modernization, anr
vision of funds and facilities for the
and relocating of labor,

2. The President's authority to r -v

reductions in tariffs and other trac" is

must be sufficiently broad in scope t ,p-

portunity and the challenge of ean

Economic Community. This m .lini-

mum that we can no longer af t our

negotiators to trading on an ' i basis

and must authorize them to s' jroader

and more ambitious bargains l United

States industry.

There are various reason' eed exists.

First of all, the structural changes i.. the Euro-
pean economy generated by the Common Market
are likely to be so vast that no one can gage
precisely where United States export, opportimi-
ties may emerge. Familiar guides such as his-
torical trade data and principal supplier rules will
not be of much help in choosing the areas of future

* For background, see Bulletin of Oct. 30, 1961. p. 730.
Department of State Bulletin

opportunity in Europe. Wliat we must seek is a
broadside opening of tlie European market to our
producers; and this is what we shall have to pro-
vide them in turn.

Apart from our own interests, however, there
is also the compelling fact that the Common
Market countries cannot conduct their negotia-
tions on any basis other than across-the-board
cuts. This negotiating method has been adopted
not merely for convenience but also from neces-
sity. There is no other practicable way in which
agreement can be achieved by the six member gov-
ernments on a common commercial policy.

3. In concentrating upon the paramount prob-
lem— the problem of the European Common
Market — I do not wish to overlook the fact that
our new legislation must also establish a basis for
continuing an open trading world with other na-
tions. Of course, to the extent that the United
States and the Common Market lower their trade
barriers as a result of the negotiations between
them, they will also be expanding the opportun-
ities of others. For any such reductions in trade
barriers must, of course, be on a nondiscriminatory
basis. Yet authority to negotiate directly with
other countries also will be needed, to increase
tlie mutual opportunities of all nations and to
weld a close-knit trading system in the free world.

But I shall not attempt tonight to spell out in
any more detail the form and substance of the
autliority which the President will require. I can
only say that the program will represent a set of
new proposals tailored to the unprecedented re-
quirements of a radically altered trading world.

The Political Need

I have spoken so far this evening almost ex-
clusively of economic and commercial prol)lems
and opportunities. But that is, of course, only
part of the stoiy and perhaps the less important
part.

TVe ai'e engaged at the moment, as all of us are
constantly aware, in a struggle that can determine
the future of mankind — or, indeed, if mankind has
any future at all. In that struggle we must make
certain not only that we are economically and in-
dustrially strong but that the fi-ee world is united
as closely as possible in pursuit of our common
purpose.

In his speech earlier this month at the 22d party
congress Mr. Khrushchev again threw down the

gaimtlet to our Western system of free capitalism.
He did not say this time that he intended to bury
us, but he did boast that the Soviet Union would
surpass us industrially and even in the provision
of consumer goods for the people.

This boastful challenge is one more reminder
that in this turbulent world we must employ the
resources of the free world with maximum effi-
ciency if we are to survive. It is essential, I be-
lieve, not only that we say we have confidence in
our system but that we deeply feel that confidence.
If we earnestly believe in the efficacy of a competi-
tive society, then we must not shrink from the con-
sequences of competition. For the United States
to do so, for us Americans to shut ourselves off
in our own continent and give up the competitive
struggle, would be slow stagnation.

In a world where we must all unite or perish
there is no place for an inward-looking economic
nationalism. We can no more retire into an eco-
nomic Fortress America than we can retire into
a political Fortress America. In the economic
struggle that lies ahead, it would not even preserve
us from fallout, much less a direct attack.

If the goals I have suggested seem ambitious,
let me confess that they are ambitious indeed.
They cannot be achieved without new policies that
will give the Government substantially broader
and more flexible bargaining power. Nor can
they be achieved without enormous energy and
imagination on the part of our private producers
and traders.

But nothing less will suffice.

The essential question before us is whether or
not we really believe in the vitality of a free com-
petitive economy. The real challenge comes not
from the Sino-Soviet bloc, not from the revolution
in the lesser developed world, not from the inte-
gration of the industrial West, but from ourselves.

President Announces Two New
Programs To Aid U.S. Exporters

Statement hy President Kennedy

White House press release dated October 27

In my message to the Congress on balance of
payments and gold earlier this year,^ I directed
the President of the Export-Import Bank to ini-

' For text, see BTn,LETiN of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 2S7.

Nowember 20, J 96 7

837

tiate measures designed to give American ex-
porters full equality with their competitors in
other countries in order to help boost the total
volume of United States exports. I also asked
the Secretary of the Treasury to undertake a
study of methods through which private financial
institutions could participate more broadly in
providing export credit facilities.

These two studies have been closely coordinated
and carried out under the immediate supervision
of the Export-Import Bank, with policy guidance
from the Secretary of the Treasury and the Na-
tional Advisory Coimcil. I am pleased to an-
nounce two fundamental and complementary
steps to achieve the objectives of stimulating
American exports, strengthening the balance of
payments of our country, and enlisting maximum
cooperation of private credit facilities.

The new programs are intended to be fully
comparable with those offered abroad, particu-
larly with respect to small and medium-sized ex-
port concerns and with respect to assistance in the
financing of consumer goods exports.

The first new program consists of a system of
export credit insurance to exporters. This will be
operated through the newly organized Foreign
Credit Insurance Association — a voluntary, unin-
corporated group of major United States insur-
ance companies. The FCIA has entered into an
agreement with the Export-Import Bank to issue
coverage against commercial foreign credit risks
in partnership with Eximbank, which will cover
political risks.

The second program consists of a new system
of guarantees to be issued by Eximbank directly
to commercial banks and affiliated financial insti-
tutions undertaking the financing of exports. It
is designed to encourage these banks to provide
nonrecourse financing of medium-term credits and
to speed up these transactions by permitting the
exporter to deal with his bank rather than with
Eximbank in Washington.

The objective of both programs is to assure that
U.S. exporters will not lose sales because of a lack
of credit facilities where the extension of credit
is appropriate. I believe that American ex-
porters will be more disposed to extend credit to
their customers if they hold an export credit in-
surance policy issued through the FCIA and that
commercial banks will be prepared to discount
such insured paper. Accordingly, our exporters,

through use of the insurance and bank guarantee
programs, will be better able to compete success-
fully with exporters in other countries on sales
where credit is required by the customers overseas.
I am deeply appreciative of the splendid re-
sponse of private industry in furthering the na-
tional interest in this area. Both the participat-
ing insurance companies and the commercial
banks have rendered a public service through
their cooperation in making these export credit
facilities available as part of the national effort
to improve the balance of payments of the United
States.

Under Secretary Ball Interviewed
on ''At the Source" Program

Following is the transcript of an interview of
Under Secretary Ball on a Columbia Broadcasting
System television program, "At the Source,'^ on
October 26.

Press release 743 dated October 27

Annoimcer: You are "At the Source."
Appointed by President Kennedy shortly after
his inauguration, veteran international lawyer
George Ball is primarily responsible for the de-
velopment and conduct of U-S. foreign economic
policy. Yesterday, however, it was reported that
Under Secretary Ball has risen to become the num-
ber-two man in the State Department. To obtain
a comprehensive understanding of the critical
problems and objectives faced by Under Secretary
of State Ball, he was interviewed by CBS News
correspondents Howard K. Smith, Stuart Novins,
and Bill Downs.

Mr. Smith: Mr. Ball, a columnist wrote about
you and said, "George Ball, whose gift for deci-
sion and dispatch long ago commended him to
President Kennedy, has become the number-two
man in the State Department in all but name." Is
that so?

Mr. Ball: Well, I'll tell you, Mr. Smith, I nor-
mally believe what I read in the newspapers, and I
particularly believe what columnists write; but
this story doesn't happen to be true. Mr. [Chester]
Bowles is the number-two man in the State De-
partment. He is the Under Secretary of State. I
am the niunber-thrce man ; I am the Under Secre-
tary of State for Economic Affairs.

838

Department of State Bulletin

Now I think, to the extent that there may have
been some misconception of this, it arises from the
fact that Mr. Bowles has been away a great deal.
I am away from time to time. Wlien one of us is
away, the other pitches in. We all have so much
work to do in the Department these days that,
with the Secretary, Mr. Bowles and I consider
oui-selves as available for whatever task may come
along. The result is that I haven't confined my-
self strictly to economic matters and he hasn't con-
fined himself strictly to political matters.

Mr. Downs : Well, as Under Secretary for Eco-
nomic Affairs, Mr. Ball, you are in charge of the
New Frontier's revolution of rising expectations.
That has almost become a cliche in this administra-
tion. Just what does the phrase mean, "revolu-
tion of rising expectations"?

Mr. Ball: Well, it is a rather vivid phrase, isn't
it ? It is a phrase that suggests a situation which
is a very complex anatomy, I would suppose.
After all, there are about 3 billion people in the
world. One billion of those people live in coun-
tries that have per capita — where the per capita
annual income is fifty to a hundred dollars, really
fantastically low. Now in the last few years, as a
result of the wars which have broken the old social
and political fabrics, as a result of the increase in
technology and communications, these people are
breaking free from the old systems. Whether they
have lived under colonial arrangements which
have been shattered by events, whether they have
lived in countries which have simply been dormant
for hundreds of years, they are now beginning to
want and to feel that they are entitled to enjoy the
kind of rich life which the people in the industrial-
ized, economically advanced countries enjoy, and
they are going to get it. If we help them, they are
going to get it faster and probably are going to get
it in a way which will insure their freedom and
independence. If we don't help them, they may
get it in ways which will insure that the frustra-
tion of some of their expectations, their delivery
into systems which will mean tyranny and oppres-
sion, and possibly that they will be swept into the
vortex of the Communist orbit.

Commitment to U.N. Aid Programs

Mr. Novins: Mr. Ball, in that coimection, you
made a speech recently before the Foreign Press
Association, and in it you emphasized our commit-

November 20, 7967

ment to the United Nations and our commitment
to this revolution of rising expectations. Why is
it that we don't use more than we do — the U.N.
channels — for our assistance ? Wliy don't we —

Mr. Ball: Well, to some extent it's done through
the Special Fund, which Mr. Paul Hoffman ad-
ministers, which does a great deal of predevelop-
ment survey work, the technical assistance pro-
grams under the specialized agencies of the United
Nations. It's a mixed arrangement which we have
for the administration of aid. The great part of
it goes directly on a bilateral basis from the United
States, but there is also the World Bank, to which
we subscribe, the International Development As-
sociation, the Inter-American Development
Bank — all kinds of different administration.

Mr. Novins: Well, are we concerned, Mr. Ball,
that we are not going to be able to put strings on
our aid if we do it through international bodies ?

Mr. Ball: Oh, no, that's not the problem. Actu-
ally, in some ways international bodies can take
tougher lines than when aid is provided bilaterally.

But it's simply a matter of the requirements of
a given situation. In some countries, for political
or other reasons it's much more desirable to pro-
vide aid on a bilateral basis. In some countries
the multilateral provision of aid becomes more
effective.

Mr. Smith: Mr. Ball, could you interpret for us
the President's famous statement^ to the effect
that we will give attention and consideration to
the needs of coimtries that share our view of the
world crisis ? Is that a new principle ?

Mr. Ball: No, I think that that has been some-
what misinterpreted. Actually the President, I
think, in liis last press conference [October 11]
clarified that phrase to a considerable extent.

What the President said in his last press confer-
ence, and what he said repeatedly, and what we've
all said, because this is the view of the administra-
tion, is that we are interested in providing assist-
ance to these countries and exporting capital to
help them. Our interest is in seeing that they are
able to reach a point of economic development in
an atmosphere of freedom which will assure both
their political and economic independence.

Now this doesn't mean that they have to copy

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 18, 1961, p. 492.

839

our pattern of organization of their society or that
they have to share our views. Wliat we want them
to do is to be independent, because we are con-
vinced that a viable independent society will be a
society which will resist the pressures from the —

Mr. Smith: Still, we are not happy about Mr.
Tito's speech at that Belgrade conference of neu-
trals, are we ?

Mr. Ball: We have always known that Mr. Tito
was a Communist ; there has never been any ques-
tion about it. The only difference between Mr.
Tito and some of the other satellite countries is
that Yugoslavia is not a member of the bloc, that
it pursues different means to the long Communist
objective. But, at the same time, it maintains its
independence, and this is the important thing.

Mr. Downs: Well, Mr. Secretary, you have also
said that the free world and America are not pro-
viding enough of this aid. How much is enough ?

Mr. Ball: There is no measure that is enough.
I mean, this task that we face is a fantastically
great task. Obviously the resources of any coun-
try, even a great country like ours, are finite. We
can only provide a certain quantum of aid which
we hope will enable countries, by self-help, by
mobilizing their own energies and resources, to
make ultimately a breakthrough to the point where
they can be independent and self-sustaining.

Mr. Doions: Are you saying that this is a great
big international gamble for civilization, or some-
thing like that?

Mr. Ball: It's a great gamble in which not only
the United States but all the Western Powers are
engaged. Actually this is a cooperative effort now,
and we have made great strides in bringing this
about.

Mr. Smith: Is it sufficiently cooperative ? Your
predecessor in this, in your job, who is now the
Secretary of the Treasury [Douglas Dillon] —

Mr. Ball: I just had lunch with him.

Mr. Smith: — tried to get the other allies to share
in —

Mr. Ball: We have been continuing this effort
with some considerable success.

Mr. Smith: And you are satisfied with what
they are doing?

Mr. Ball: We are never satisfied, Mr. Smith.
But we are certainly aware of the fact that they
are making a much larger effort, many of them —
that we are now enabled to tie together the things
we are doing in a cooperative effort and to elimi-
nate duplication and to insure maximum effective
use of resources in a way that we haven't done
before.

Berlin

Mr. Novins: Mr. Secretary, let me take advan-
tage of the fact that sometimes in the absence of
others you slip into the political field. On August
13th the East Germans started to build a wall.
Why didn't we knock it down then ?

Mr. Ball: Well, you know, the wall in many
ways, Mr. Novins, was the great symbol of the
defeat of Soviet policy. If the Soviet policy had
been successful, they wouldn't have needed a wall,
they wouldn't have needed to engage in all these
exercises which they are engaging in over the
whole Berlin situation. But they haven't been
successful. They couldn't stand the outpouring
of thousands of people a month away from their
system, escaping from it; so they had to build a
wall. Now they built a wall in East Berlin. You
can see the difficulties of trying to break the wall
down. It stands a symbol of the defeat of their
policies.

Mr. Novins: Well, we are told that in West
Germany there is more concern about the fact
that we did not break it down than there is about
the fact that the East Germans built it.

Mr. Ball: Well, we have developed, with our
allies — we are in the process of developing a whole
strategy of meeting the problem of what we might
call the kind of Berlin offensive which the Soviet
Union has mounted. The wall is one aspect of
that. This policy is an elaborate policy; it calls
for response to particular moves. These are all
well worked out.

Now, when the wall was built — this was some-
thing where you have to make a judgment — is
this — do you want to move tanks through this
wall and smash it down at the risk of a war which
would be immediately exploited? We had to de-
termine the point where we make the ultimate
stand. And this was a case where in the long
run I think the construction of the wall is going

840

Department of State Bulletin

to cost the Soviet Union a very great deal in
terms of showing to the world —

Mr. Smith: Now, many people consider that the
building of the wall was a blow to us. You con-
sider in fact that it is a blow to the Kussians?

Mr. Ball: Well, I tliink it has both effects. I
mean it has certainly caused a good deal of con-
cern and dismay. At the same time it symbolizes
their defeat.

Soviet Aid Program

Mr. Downs: Well, George, doesn't this bring up
the whole problem of — is aid the answer? When
the Eussians started testing and started throwing
around these superbombs, inmiediately our neutral
friends sort of allied us with raw power, although
we have not used power as such in that way.
Maybe if we took all of this foreign aid and put
it into superbombs perhaps we could achieve our
goals more rapidly. Do you think that that —

Mr. Ball: No, no. You know the policy of aid
which we follow has been extremely successful.
The fact is that the Soviet Union has made almost
no gains in the past few years in the form of bring-
ing within their orbit new nations. They have
invested a great deal of money, they have spent a
great deal of effort —

Mr. Downs : Cuba ?

Mr. Ball: Cuba is one of the few exceptions I
would think.

Mr. Downs : Laos ?

Mr. Ball : Laos is undetermined as of now. But
if you think of the magnitude of the effort they've
made, they've also engaged in great foreign aid
programs, many of which have been quite frustrat-
ing to them. But the significant thing that we
have succeeded in doing is in giving these coun-
tries the ability to be independent.

Now, when they are independent they may
adopt a course of neutralism, of being disengaged
from the cold- war struggle itself; they are con-
cerned with their development; they may say
things which we don't wish them to say which —
views that are unpopular with us; but they stay
independent, which is the significant thing in the
sense that they are not — do not become simple tools
of the Soviet Union.

U.S. and European Common Mari<et

Mr. Doions: We have been fostering and sup-
porting the idea of a Common Market, which now
is going to become a major competitor of the
United States. Isn't our policy in this sense self-
defeating ?

Mr. Ball: Well, actually I think that the de-
velopment of the European Common Market is
one of the great successes of our policy, just
as some of the things that the Soviet Union is
doing now are symbols of the defeat of theirs.

After all, if you think of Western Europe as
it existed for hundreds of years, states which were
engaged in warfare, in always being at one an-
other's throats — three times in 75 years France and
Germany were at war. Now we have something
which is a very old dream which has been brought
into practical reality, the beginnings of a kind
of United States of Europe. This is the way that
many of the Europeans think about it. I think it
is about to be enlarged if the present negotiations
are carried on into a stage of modern dimen-
sions. Now you say it will be competitive with
us, it will be a great market for us. Of course we
are not afraid of competition. If Western Europe
becomes healthy, economically healthy, then the
Western World is healthy and we will prosper by
it.

Mr. Novins: Mr. Secretary, could we take that
one step more. The NATO alliance as a military
alliance is from an economic point of view nega-
tive. I mean it doesn't produce.

Mr. Ball: Well, it's not intended to be —

Mr. Novins: No, of course not. On the other
hand the Common Market is something that is a
positive factor. We belong to NATO. We don't
belong to the Common Market. Wliat would be
the United States' attitude toward an expansion of
the NATO alliance into sometliing more like an
Atlantic Commimity that would involve economic
activities ? Would we be part of that ?

Mr. Ball: Well, the NATO alliance is specifi-
cally a defense alliance, is directed at defending —

Mr. Novins: But it's there.

Mr. Ball: — against exterior menace. The
Common Market is not by definition a defensive
arrangement. This is an arrangement where
people living next to one another are joining to-
gether, pooling their economy, so to speak, in

November 20, 796T

841

order to become economically stronger. At the
same time they are building a structure of institu-
tions which gives them the beginning of a kind of
political integration. Just as in our country we
gathered together 50 States in a common market —
if you think of the United States as a common
market of 50 States, then you could think of
Europe as a common market of what may become
15 or 16 or 17 states.

Mr. Novins: What I am reaching for, Mr. Sec-
retary, is what the United States' attitude is, or is
likely to be, toward something similar to what
Senator Fulbright talked about, a concert of free
nations, and I mention NATO only as something
which exists and which —

Mr. Ball: Well, I think politically that we can
go very far in strengthening the bonds that tie us
to the nations on the other side of the Atlantic.

Mr. Novins : In what direction ?

Mr. Ball: We can, and I think we must — we
have already, through the OECD, the Organiza-
tion for Economic Cooperation and Development,
which has just come into being. It's an extension
of the old Organization for European Economic
Cooperation. We are a member of that, as Canada
is, and we are working with the Europeans on
developing common economic policies and on
working together toward providing aid toward
underdeveloped countries and working together to
help solve some of the difficult market problems in
the world.

Now this is practical cooperation in the Atlantic
Commimity of a kind we haven't had before in the
economic field.

Mr. Smith: In this connection, the Congres-
sional Quarterly, which is much read in this Capi-
tal, had a piece recently which said that the Berlin
crisis is hiding the fact that there is going to be
a crisis over America's foreign trade policy. The
powers wanting protectionism are getting so pow-
erful in Congress that we are going to face a fight
over whether we can continue the liberal trade
policies of the past.

Mr. Ball: I have perfect confidence that in the
face of the new trading world which is emerging,
which is a world of marvelous opportunities for
an America which is willing to seize them, while
there may be the appearance of a great deal of
protectionist sentiment, once the dimensions and
the opportunities and the possibilities of tliis new

emerging world are understood, we will adopt a
liberal policy, a liberal trading policy, as we must.
After all, our country has a very large favorable
trading balance in the world, and even though our
total balance of accounts may be adverse, our trad-
ing balance, our merchandise balance, is favorable.
It would be the height of folly for us to turn in
on ourselves and be fearful of trading with the
world and become protectionist, and I don't think
we ever wUl.

Aid to Latin America

Mr. Downs: Mr. Secretary, if we could look
south of the border again, there is the Alliance for
Progress, which is the Kennedy administration's
most ambitious thing that they have initiated.
Will this alliance, do you think, be able to meet
the challenge of Castroism ? It hasn't, so far.

You were talking about reforming not only
economies but reforming governments, so that one
junta or one dictatorship of a small family or
group of companies does not run a nation. Is this
the United States' business? Can we do anything
about it ? It's been the pattern there for centuries.

Mr. Ball: It's a very big concept, Mr. Downs,
the Alliance for Progress, and it includes many
different kinds of activities. But what it chiefly
provides for is arrangements whereby we will help
these countries to try to bring about the sort of
reforms which are very long overdue, reforms
which mean the breaking down of old rigid caste
systems and their society, social structures, where
a decent distribution of their resources can be ob-
tained, where there could be such things as farm
cooperatives developed, or there can be credit pro-
vided for self-help housing, where the poor worker
in these countries can have a chance for the first
time in his life.

Now there is bound to be a good deal of re-
sistance to this, because we are undertaking some-
thing of very, very great importance.

Mr. Doicns: A very touching thing, because
this is exactly what Khrushchev is trying to do to
the United States.

Mr. Ball: Well, this I would hardly admit I
mean, what we are trying to do in Latin America
is with the great consent of the Latin American
people, and this is the significant thing. There is
enormous enthusiasm for the Alliance for Progress
in Latin America, because the people feel that this

842

Department of Slafe Bulletin

provides them with the opportunity that they have
needed over the years, and wliat we are doing is
providing them the chance, through their own
efforts. The emphasis here is on self-help, as it is
in the other efforts that we are making in that
direction.

Mr. Downs : Well, what becomes of companies
like the United Fruit Company, the banana re-
publics, dollar diplomacy, the old oil cartels ?

Mr. Ball: There will be no difficulty about a
place for American private enterprise in the new
Latin America. In fact there will be far more
security in societies which themselves are secure
than under dictatorship arrangements, where a
few dominate the many and can be overthrown
every other night.

Mr. NoviTis: Mr. Ball, if — assuming that you
had an ideal economic regional plan for South
America and assiuning that it could be imple-
mented under ideal circumstances, as an expert on
economics how long would it take before we would
see any results?

Mr. Ball: Well, you'd see some results from
any kind of effort in a short time. E ff orts are all —

Mr. NoviTis: Reckoning points — breakthrough
points.

Mr. Ball: A breakthrough may take quite a
long time in Latin America.

Mr. Novins: Is there that much time ?

Mr. Ball: And it must be done on a monolithic
basis ; it will be done. One coimtry after another
will begin to emerge, to develop, to change its own
structure toward a democratic tradition, to develop
its institutions, to develop the base of a strong
economy. We will have successes some places ; we
will have failures others. When I say "we," I'm
not thinking just of the United States.

Mr. Novins: Oh, no.

Mr. Ball : I'm thinking of this working together
of the United States and the Latin American
states.

Mr. Novins : Is there time for that, Mr. Ball, in
view of the threat of conmiunism, the threat of
Castroism, if that is separated from commtmism —
is there time for this? Are we doing long-range
planning that there is no time for ?

Mr. Ball: The long range is always upon you

sooner or later, you know, and actually this is a
situation which you don't solve by short-term meas-
ures. If you try to solve it by short-term measures
you will defeat yourself. We have to work here
over a period of time. We have to build soundly ;
we can't improvise. This can't be a jerry-built
business. We throw our money away and nothing
will come of it if we do, so that what we have to
do is to work on the assmnption that, with the un-
derstanding and new spirit of many of the Latin
American people, we will be able to achieve these —

Mr. Novins : Are you satisfied that they are mov-
ing fast enough in the reforms you are talking
about ?

Mr. Ball: I'm never satisfied, Mr. Novins.

Mr. Downs: Well, you brought up at one point
in one of your speeches, Mr. Secretary, the fact
that one of the problems of instituting those re-
forms is that you have things like a population
explosion where you barely keep even, that you
don't achieve a revolution, or it's very difficult to.
Now, it brought to my mind — is it possible and is
this job really too big for us without regimenting
whole societies, whole nations, down to the point of
their breeding, how many children they can have.

Mr. Smith: I am sorry to have to inteiTupt.
I'm afraid we have almost run out of time. I
wonder if we can save your answer on that and
cover that area in just a moment.

Mr. Downs : Mr. Ball, can you achieve these re-
forms without absolute regimentation of every-
thmg?

Mr. Ball: Well, if we were to regiment anything
we would defeat our own ends, wouldn't we ? The
whole point of what we are attempting to do is to
bring about a development and a transition or
transformation, in effect, of the societies of many
of these countries by their efforts. So we assist
this, to bring this about in the conditions of free-
dom without regimentation.

Mr. Novins : What will we do with a country like
Paraguay ?

Mr. Ball: Well, Paraguay is an example of a
coimtry with very minimal resources, which is
located rather disadvantageously, which suffers a
great many problems.

Mr. Novins : Also a dictatorship.

Mr. Bail : At the moment it has a dictatorship.

Noy/ember 20, I96J

843

Mr. Smith : Tell me, is it possible that Castro is
a help rather than a hindrance in this, that his ex-
istence will frighten some conservative govern-
ments into reforms ?

Mr. Ball: I would suppose that to some extent
this is true, that certainly many of the govern-
ments are aware and disturbed— aware of the
potential of Castroism and disturbed by it — and
tliat they may be prepared to take actions which
otherwise they would be reluctant to take.

Mr. Novins: I wonder, Mr. Secretary, if you
would feel that it's not entirely cynical, the com-
ment that is made by some of the Latin Amer-
icans, that much of the foreign aid they are getting
now they can thank Castro for.

Mr. Ball : No, I don't think that's a fair state-
ment. As a matter of fact the attention that the
United States is now giving to Latin America was
overdue. And I am certain that, Castro or no
Castro, when this administration came in we would
have turned our attention and concentrated a great
deal of it on Latin America.

Mr. Smith: Thank you very much, Mr. Ball.

Soviet Nuclear Test Called Political
Act; President States U.S. Test Policy

Following is a White House statement of
October 30 concerning the explosion of a nuelear
device by the Soviet Union on that day and a
statement made by President Kennedy on Novem-
ber 2 concerning the United States position on
nuclear testing.

WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT

balance of nuclear power. Any such weapon
would be primarily a mass killer of people in war,
and the testing of this device primarily an incite-
ment to fright and panic in the cold war.

In undertaking this test the Soviet Union has
deliberately overridden the expressed hope of the
world as stated in the resolution adopted by the
General Assembly of the United Nations on Octo-
ber 27.^ It has done so because it intends through
this display to spread such fear across the world
that peaceloving men will accept any Soviet de-
mand. Fear is the oldest weapon in liistory.
Throughout the life of mankind it has been the
resort of those who could not hope to prevail by
reason and persuasion. It will be repelled today,
as it has been repelled in the past, not only by the
steadfastness of free men but by the power of the
arms which men will use to defend their freedom.

There is no mystery about producing a 50-
megaton bomb. Nor is there any teclmical need
for testing such a weapon at full-scale detonation
in order to confirm the basic design. The United
States Government considered this matter care-
fully several years ago and concluded that such
weapons would not provide an essential military
capability. The existing United States nuclear
arsenal is superior in quantity and quality to that
of any other nation. Tlie United States today
has ample military power to destroy any nation
which would unleash thermonuclear war.

We have no wish ever to use this military power.
We are ready, now as ever, to sign the test ban
treaty proposed at Geneva.^ We are ready, now
as ever, to negotiate a treaty for general and com-
plete disarmament.^ In the meantime we will con-
tinue to take whatever measures are necessary to
preserve the security of our country and of others
who count on us.

White House press release dated October 30

At 3:30 this morning the Soviet Union deto-
nated a very large nuclear device. Preliminary
evidence indicates that its magnitude is on the
order of 50 megaton-s. The explosion took place
in the atmosphere. It will produce more radio-
active fallout than any previous explosion.

The Soviet explosion was a political rather than
a military act. The device exploded does not add
in effectiveness against military targets to nuclear
weapons now available both to the Soviet Union
and the United States. It does not affect the basic

STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY

White Ilnuse press release dated November 2

The LTnited States is carefully assessing the cur-
rent series of nuclear tests being conducted by
the Soviet Union. I do not have to dwell on the
irresponsible nature of these Soviet actions. The
Soviet Union has shown its complete disregard

' For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 13. 1901, p. 817.
' For text, see ihid., June 5, 1961, p. 870.
•For text of a U.S. proposal, see ibid., Oct. 16, 1961,
p. 050.

844

Department of State BvUetin

for the welfare of mankind, first, by breaking off
the nuclear test cessation negotiations at Geneva,
■which had been under way since October 31, 1958,
and second, by contemptuously exploding in the
atmosphere a large number of nuclear weapons
ranging into many megatons, including a device
which, by their own admission, exceeded 50
megatons.

I do not suggest that we can dismiss these
Soviet nuclear tests as mere bluff and bluster.
To a certain extent this does enter into the Soviet
campaign of fear, but these tests, are, no doubt,
of importance to Soviet leaders and scientists in
developing and improving nuclear weapons.

This much can be said with certainty now :

1. In terms of total military strength the
United States would not trade places with any
nation on earth. We have taken major steps in
the past year to maintain our lead — and we do not
propose to lose it.

2. The United States does not find it necessary
to explode 50-megaton nuclear devices to confirm
that we have many times more nuclear power than
any other nation on earth and that these capabili-
ties are deployed so as to survive any sneak attack
and thus enable us to devastate any nation which
initiates a nuclear attack on the United States or
its allies. It is essential to the defense of the free
world that we maintain this relative position.

In view of the Soviet action it will be the policy
of the United States to proceed in developing nu-
clear weapons to maintain this superior capability
for the defense of the free world against any ag-
gressor. No nuclear test in the atmosphere will be
imdertaken, as the Soviet Union has done, for so-
called psychological or political reasons. But
should such tests be deemed necessary to maintain
our responsibilities for free-world security, in the
light of our evaluation of Soviet tests, they will be
undertaken only to the degree that the orderly and
essential scientific development of new weapons has
reached a point where effective progress is not
possible without such tests — and only within limits
that restrict the fallout from such tests to an ab-
solute minimum.

In the meantime, as a matter of prudence, we
shall make necessary preparations for such tests
so as to be ready in case it becomes necessary to
conduct them.

In spite of the evidence which shows very clearly
that the Soviet Union was preparing its own tests

November 20, 1967

618497—61 3

while pretending to negotiate their cessation at
Geneva, the United States maintains its determina-
tion to achieve a world free from the fear of nu-
clear tests and a nuclear war. We will continue to
be ready to sign the nuclear test treaty which pro-
vides for adequate inspection and control. The
facts necessary for such a treaty are all evident, the
arguments on both sides have all been made, a
draft is on the table, and our negotiators are
ready to meet.

Secretary Rusk Interviewed
on Voice of America

Press release 745 dated October 28

Following is the transcript of an interview of
Secretary Rush with Ronald Dunlavey of the
Voice of America^ taped on October 21^. for iroad-
cast October 29.

Mr. Dunlavey: Mr. Secretary, I would like to
welcome you first of all to our program "Problems
and Policies." This is our first broadcast, and we
are very happy to have you initiating the program.
I have been broadcasting news analyses for the
Voice of America for something like 7 years now
to our friends overseas, and from time to time I
get letters or postcards asking about this or that
aspect of United States policy. Very often what
these people want is clarification of some point or
other which perhaps we ourselves might take for
granted. Now, on this series of programs I am
asking responsible American officials to explain,
or perhaps "reexplain" would be a better term,
some of these points.

I know that you are probably sick and tired of
talking about Berlin by now ; you are being inter-
viewed on television programs and by newspapers
and so forth about it all the time. But I would
like to take a chance and ask you some questions
about Berlin because it is a subject of concern,
certainly in Europe, a bit of a puzzle, perhaps, in
some of the countries of Asia and Africa. And
it would be well, I think, if we could perhaps go
back and talk about some of the fundamental is-
sues involved.

Secretary Rush: Mr. Dunlavey, I am very
happy to be here on the first of your series on this
new program, and I wish you well with it. It is
true that I have had to talk a good deal about

845

Berlin in recent weeks and montlis and un-
doubtedly shall have to talk a great deal about it
in the future. It is true that at the present time
■we are in the process of private discussions among
governments and there is some limit on what can
be said, but nevertheless I am at your disposal and
I shall do my best to answer your questions.

Mr. Dunlavey: Well, first of all, Mr. Secretary,

1 would like to pose a question that we hear in
one form or another from our friends abroad
sometimes and sometimes even in this country.
We hear doubts expressed about America's willing-
ness to risk a possible nuclear war over the fate of

2 million Germans and part of a city. Now, what
is your feeling on this subject?

Secretary Rush: Well, the freedom and the fate
of 2 million people are not themselves an insignifi-
cant matter. There are a number of independent
nations now in the United Nations who have fewer
people than that in their entire populations. The
future of the people of West Berlin and their
ability to determine that future by their own free
choices are matters of the greatest possible con-
cern to us here in the United States. But apart
from their own particular position, we have — we,
the United States, the United Kingdom, France —
very fundamental commitments to the people of
West Berlin. They arose at the end of the war.
NATO has important commitments to those peo-
ple. This issue is one which arises as a part of
a total worldwide issue between the Sino-Soviet
bloc on the one side and those who are trying to
build a world such as that set forth in the charter
of the United Nations. It is not just that the 2 mil-
lion people of Berlin are important. It is that
their importance is a part of a historical crisis of
which that is only one example.

Mr. Dunlavey : Mr. Secretary, I wonder if you
could enlarge on that just a little bit. I mean, why
should the Berlin crisis be a matter of importance
to a person in, say, Indonesia or Sierra Leone or
Japan? I know that the Berlin issue is not an
isolated problem; it cannot be separated from the
German question. But do you think that this
crisis provoked by the Soviets in Berlin is part
of a larger plan to provoke a succession of crises
wherever it seems possible ?

Secretary Rusk : Well, it is not my purpose, Mr.
Dunlavey, to present these matters in contentious
terms. But when you sit back quietly and look at

the situation, there is an underlying struggle going
on between two concepts of the world. The one
is that which, as I indicated earlier, is set forth in
the charter of the United Nations, whose members
have committed themselves to a world in which
independent nations can live peacefully with each
other, respecting each other's rights and cooperat-
ing across national frontiers to get common tasks
done by the most effective means. The other kind
of world is the sort of world pictured last Decem-
ber at the time of the so-called Communist summit
in Mr. Khrushchev's January 6 speech and more
recently at the party congress in Moscow — a
world of Communist countries under rigorous,
monolithic leadership. They believe that that
kind of world is historically inevitable. We do
not. They apparently are prepared to use their
energies and their resources to bring their kind of
world into existence. We do not believe that the
peoples of the world will accept that, or will want
it, because we believe that the United Nations
Charter represents the aspirations of the great
majorities of the world's peoples.

Mr. Dunlavey: Well, Mr. Rusk, it has been said
that in considering the Berlin problem we should
look at it from Mr. Khrushchev's viewpoint, his
public reputation, and possible problems that he
faces at home and within the party. It has been
said that the Soviet Union and Mr. Khrushchev
simply cannot permit an island of freedom to exist
behind the Iron Curtain. Now, what do you think
of this argimient ?

Secretary Rusk : I don't believe that there is any
basis there for making concessions to the Soviet
Union at the expense of the people of West Berlin
or at the expense of basic Western commitments.
In the first place, the Iron Curtain is not supposed
to be where it is. It was the imderstanding at the
end of the war that Germany would be reunited,
that there would come into being a single German
state representing the freely expressed wishes of
the German people, and that a peace treaty would
finally settle that situation on that basis. It may
be that some of the Soviet leaders have problems
at home within their own political system. I am
not so sure of that. Or that in public discussions
of these problems, they have built up problems of
prestige for themselves which would make adjust-
ments of their points of view difficult. But most
of these problems are self-made, and they are not

846

Department of State Bvlletin

the basis for any surrender of the vital interests
of the peoples most directly concerned or of those
of us who have those people under our protection.

Legal Rights of Western Powers in Berlin

Mr. Dunlavey : Mr. Secretary, you referred, I
think, a few moments ago to the rights of the West-
em Powers in Berlin. These, perhaps, are the
legal rights that we hear spoken of, and there may
be some confusion perhaps in some minds about
what these legal rights are. Could you tell us
what is the basis for the legal rights of the Western
Powers in Berlin ?

Secretary Rusk : The most fundamental of these
legal rights are those which derived directly from
the surrender of Nazi Germany. Those were
rights which we, as victorious powers, obtained
directly from the defeated Germany. They came
directly from that surrender to us and not through
any intermediary along the way. But these rights
have been acknowledged, planned for, by the Four
Powers, including the Soviet Union, in other
ways — for example, in the 1944 agreements with
respect to the arrangements which would follow
German surrender. And they have been confirmed
in a variety of ways, some in written agreements
such as those that were reached at the time of the
first Berlin blockade and others by practice estab-
lished over a period of 16 years. There is no ques-
tion whatever about the legality of these rights.
If anyone wishes to raise a question about legality,
there are legal means for resolving such problems.

But I would not suppose that these legal rights
are the only justification for the Western Powers'
being in West Berlin. One of the best ways to
answer troublesome political questions from the
American point of view and our great tradition is
to ask, what do the people concerned themselves
think about it? And we believe that one of the
reasons that we are in West Berlin is that the West
Berliners want very much for us to be there in
order that their freedoms and their choices can be
freely safeguarded.

Mr. Dunlavey: Sir, it has been said that Berlin,
from the military standpoint, is strategically un-
tenable. And it might be argued that if a stand is
going to be taken in Europe against Soviet terri-
torial aggrandizement, wouldn't it be better to
wait to take it perhaps later on at a different,
stronger position than Berlin, and — who knows —
perhaps this would never become necessary ?

Secretary Rusk: I think President Kennedy
answered that in one of his statements at the end
of the summer.' Actually, the fact that West
Berlin is physically separated from West Germany
or from the NATO countries does not make it
untenable or vulnerable in the usual sense. And
it may be that this physical separation has led the
other side into an illusion on this point. The very
fact that the United States is there, as the Presi-
dent put it, the United Kingdom is there, that
France is there, that the West Berliners are
tliere — all these things mean that West Berlin is
not a vulnerable city.

Idea of "Disengagement"

Mr. Dunlavey: Well, sir, there have been sug-
gestions made from time to time of one kind or
another that not only Germany but perhaps other
parts of Europe, Poland, Czechoslovakia, be made
into a neutral zone and that the Soviet Union and
the United States would draw their troops back
several hundred miles. A buffer zone, so to speak,
would be set up, and there would be a general
easing of tensions leading, perhaps, to peace in our
times. Now, in general, does the United States —
is it our policy to find — not our policy, but do we
find fault with proposals of this sort, and, if so,
why?

Secretary Rusk: Well, there are both technical
and broad political issues involved here on the
straight military side, the security side. For the
Soviet forces to withdraw to the boundaries of the
Soviet Union and for United States forces to with-
draw across the Atlantic is not an evenly balanced
military arrangement. But quite apart from that,
we are very doubtful about the idea of a buffer
zone, about disengagement, about a neutralized
zone, because these long-range commitments which
the Communist world has publicly announced
mean that neutral zones or buffer zones are for
them areas of future exploitation, exploration,
penetration. So that so long as the policy of the
Sino-Soviet bloc is to press its notion of a world
revolution, then the notion of long-term neutral-
ized and buffer zones would become extremely
difficult to accept or to bring to reality.

No, I think the better approach in this, Mr. Dun-
lavey, is not to talk in such terms but to give direct

'For text of a report to the Nation by President
Kennedy on July 25, see Bulletin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267.

November 20, 1967

847

attention to the broader problems of disarmament,
general disarmament, involving broad commit-
ments on the part of all nations having substantial
arms to bring those arms under effective control
and to open the way for their progressive reduc-
tion. This would, in effect, move us toward a more
peaceful structure and would deal with the ques-
tion of tlie direct confrontation of important
military forces not only in Western Europe but
perhaps in other parts of the world.

Mr. Dunlavey: Mr. Eusk, getting away from
central Europe and the Berlin problem just for a
moment, Mr. Khrushchev seems confident in his
recent speeches, as he has all along, that commu-
nism is the wave of the future. He says — I believe
he said it when he was in this country a couple of
years ago — that our grandchildren will be Com-
munists. Now, the impression does exist, perliaps,
in the minds of people in various parts of the world
that commimism is on the march, so to speak.
After all, the Communists are forcing a crisis over
Berlin, they are attempting to undermine the
United Nations, they are causing trouble in Laos,
threatening the established government in south
Viet-Nam, and there is communism in Cuba al-
though we are not sure how widely it is accepted
there. But what do you think of the view that
some people hold that the Communist movement
seems to be going ahead, seems to be winning ?

Secretary Rusk: I think that any large move-
ment of this sort which is committed to, in effect,
an aggressive policy, a policy which I have
already been talking about, would leave the im-
pression that it is energetic and active. But I
don't believe that our grandchildren or any grand-
children will be Communists if they themselves
have anything to say about it, because we have
not yet seen an example of a country which has
embraced communism by the free choice of its
peoples at the polls. This is not the history of
communism.

We in the United States are deeply committed
to a very simple notion and that is that govern-
ments derive their just powers from the consent
of the governed. Now, this may be debatable
philosophically, but in terms of the practical,
political arrangements which make it possible for
people to live out their lives in freedom and with
some assurance about what is going to happen to
them, to give an opportunity for their grandchil-

dren to grow up with some prospective content-
ment. We believe that this notion is fundamental.
It is one that affects us in our instinctive relations
to such questions as the colonial questions; it is
why we are so disturbed about the situation in
Eastern Europe ; it is why we prefer democracies
to dictatorships; and it is why we are genuinely
concerned about some of our own failures within
the United States to live up in every respect to
our own principles. And we believe this notion,
this basic notion of freedom, is deeply rooted in
the nature of man himself. We just don't believe
that people like to be pushed around too much.
We believe, therefore, that freedom is the winning
revolution. And may I point out, Mr. Dunlavey,
that it is the revolution of freedom that still is
the most powerful force at work in the world even
here in the latter part of the 20th century.

Long-Range Design of U.S. Foreign Policy

Mr. Dunlavey: Mr. Eusk, you have been in the
position of Secretary of State for almost a year
now, and I want to ask you a question that deals,
perhaps, rather broadly and philosophically with
American foreign policy. It has been said that it
is difficult to rally support in this country or in
other countries for a policy which is presented to
the general public in bits and pieces which do not
appear to fit into any previously announced larger
scheme. Now, Communist strategy, or at least
Soviet strategy, does appear to have — to be operat-
ing according to some sort of large master plan.
Does the United States foreign policy have any
similar large design, or do you think a democratic
country ought to have such a design? In other
words, do we have long-range objectives, do we
have a large scheme ?

Secretary Rush: We do, Mr. Dunlavey, but I
think there is a difference between what you have
called our long-range design and what the Com-
munists might call a master plan. Of course the
American people have some very important views
as to the kind of world we should like to see and
in which we should like to live. Tliese are set
forth in many of our own basic, public declara-
tions and statutes. But I would suppose that the
most convenient and the most succinct statement
of these larger designs are to be found in the pre-
amble and in articles 1 and 2 of the United Nations
Charter. This does not mean that this is our plan

848

Department of State Bulletin

from a strictly national American point of view.
But this is an agreed plan among most of the na-
tions of the world who designed this kind of world
at the end of World War II, when we were tii'ed of
war and chastened by the experience and when we
were hopeful for the future. We met under those
conditions and said, now this is the kind of world
toward which we ought to work. And I think
these long-range purposes of the American people,
to which you referred, are wliolly congenial with
the long-range purposes of the world community
as set forth in that United Nations Charter. I
don't pretend that we or any other single gov-
ernment or people would live up to each one of
those principles in every detail in everything that
we do. But it is a powerful influence on our policy,
and it correctly expresses our hopes and
aspirations.

I do think, Mr. Dunlavey, if this does not sound
too presumptuous, that it is fair to point out that
at the end of World War II the American people
were in a position of unprecedented power. They
cut their military forces down to the most extraor-
dinary extent. They offered to put the atomic
bomb, which they then had solely in their posses-
sion, mider international control because they
knew that if international control could not be
achieved there would be an atomic arms race. But
the American people turned away from the possi-
bilities of exploiting that unparalleled power
which they had at the end of World War II and
committed themselves, I think quite genuinely, to
the purposes of the United Nations Charter. I
think this is a matter of some historical impor-
tance. We have not abandoned that hope ; we are
not abandoning that effort, because we believe that
it is along this trail that the future of man can
best be worked out.

U.S. Disappointed at Failure of Geneva Tail<s

Mr. Dunlavey: Mr. Secretary, I have been ask-
ing questions of you which are more or less de-
signed to reflect the attitudes of some of our friends
abroad. I would like to ask a question now which
I think perhaps expresses certain concern which
we have here, which at least some of us have here
in America, about the attitude of some other
countries. There has been considerable — perhaps
"frustration" is the word— among some Ameri-
cans about the fact that there has not been much

criticism by most of the governments represented
at the Belgrade conference ^- — not much criticism
by these countries of the recent Soviet nuclear
testing in the atmosphere. I wonder if you would
care to comment on this. Wliy do you think there
hasn't been much criticism by most of these
govermnents ?

Secretary Rusk: I think that it would be im-
portant to recall that the Belgrade conference was
made up of two dozen governments who differed
among themselves on many important questions
and that the official declaration that came out of
that conference tended to represent only those
things on which there could be agreement. So that,
on a particular question such as the one you men-
tion, I think you would have to look at the attitude
of those goverimients one by one.

Of course, we ourselves would have been glad
to see a stronger stand taken on the resumption of
atmospheric testing because we have been very
anxious — we and the United Kingdom have been
very anxious — to achieve an agreement with the
Soviet Union which would ban nuclear tests of all
types under conditions which would make it safe
for all to eliminate nuclear testing and the further
spread of nuclear weapons. We were disap-
pointed, and I may say that puts it mildly, that,
after several months of the most intensive nego-
tiation, during which we and the United Kingdom
tried in every possible way to meet the Soviet po-
sition as we had understood it, the negotiations in
Geneva failed and a very large series of atmos-
pheric tests were then conducted.

We hope that the neutrals, indeed all coimtries,
will reflect upon their own obligations, their own
commitments to their own national interests and
to the United Nations Charter, and find a way to
take the first steps toward disarmament under con-
ditions which will leave no one, as Aristide Briand
once put it, as dupes or victims in the process. We
feel that the arms race itself is dangerous and
creates its own tensions. We do not underestimate
the difficulty of moving ahead with realistic dis-
armament arrangements. But we think it is of the
utmost importance — and President Kennedy has
emphasized tliis over and over again — we think it
is of the utmost importance that we diligently
work in that direction. This is one of the reasons

' For background, see iUd., Oct. 2, 1961, p. 539.

November 20, 1967

849

why the United States in these past few months
has established by act of Congress a disarmament
group in our own Government working full time
on this difficult, highly complicated, but most ur-
gent and vital problem.'

Mr. Diunlavey: Well, many thanks, Mr. Secre-

tary, for giving us your time in answering these
questions not only about Berlin but two or three
other topics as well. I am sure that our friends
overseas join me in wishing you the best of luck
in your search for solutions to these very difficult
problems. Thank you, sir.

Under Secretary Bowles Addresses Regional
Foreign Policy Briefing Conferences

Following are texts of addresses made hy Under
Secretary Bowles at regional foreign policy irief-
ing conferences held at Kansas City, Mo., on Octo-
ber 26 and at Dallas, Tex., on October ^.'

KANSAS CITY, OCTOBER 26

Press release 736 dated October 26

It is a pleasure and privilege to meet with you
here today in the heartland of America. In the
past 3 months I have visited a great many foreign
countries, containing a wide variety of peoples,
cultures, and political institutions. In five
regional conferences I have met with our Ameri-
can ambassadors and their chief assistants from all
the nations of Africa, the Middle East, South
Asia, and Latin America.

I have returned from these travels and meetings
with a sharpened sense of the problems confront-
ing the people of these lands, their living condi-
tions, their aspirations, and their anxieties. I
have felt to the depth of my being the atmospliere
of dynamic, drastic, and rapid change which todaj'
permeates three-fourths of the world, and I have
surveyed the strengths and weaknesses of the
economic and political instruments with which we
are responding to the unprecedented problems that
such change produces.

•For background, see ibid., Oct. 16, 1901, p. 640, and
Nov. 6, 1901, 1). 762.

' For an announcement of the conferences, see Buixetin
of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 611.

The direction which the forces of change will
ultimately take in other lands, the destiny of these
hundreds of millions of people, depends only in
part upon their own attitudes and actions. In
large measure, their future depends upon the
policies and actions of the United States.

It is not easy for the American people to grasp
the full dimensions of this challenge. During
much of the century between the War of 1812 and
World War I, we were cut off from world affairs
and we were not only proponents of isolationism
but also froducts of isolationism. Behind the pro-
tective shield of the great oceans, we were able to
throw our energies into the development of our
vast continent, the construction of communications,
the creation of industries, the production of
national power — untroubled and largely uncon-
scious of the outside world.

We were able to do this not only because of the
blessings of geography in the age liefore the
emergence of air power but because of the crucial
role played by Great Britain on the European
Continent. Through the century between Na-
poleon and World War I, it was British diplomacy
tliat maintained a troubled but still effective
balance of power in Europe. At the same time it
was the British Fleet that actually gave substance
to our Monroe Doctrine and prevented European
adventurers from penetrating Latin America.

Not that we Americans gave Britain much credit
for playing this essential role of power balancer.
Indeed many of our most successful politicians
campaigned for elective office by promising, if

850

Depar/menf of Sfafe Bulletin

elected, to keep British influence out of Illinois,
or Missouri, or Connecticut. Nor in all fairness
did the British seek our gratitude. They were
protecting their interest, not our own, and it was
our good fortune that our interests largely
coincided.

The First World War brought a rude awakening
from our century of isolationism. Yet even then
it took us 3 years before we decided that British
power was no longer adequate to assure world
stability and that our direct participation in that
war was essential to our interests.

After World War I many Americans realized
that the old European balance of power had
collapsed and that continued American participa-
tion in the outside world was now a necessity if we
were to remain secure.

Yet our old habits of isolationism died hard,
and again we decided to withdraw behind our
oceans. Tragically, we refused to join the League
of Nations in the face of the prophetic warning
of Woodrow Wilson that, "There will come some-
time, in the vengeful providence of God, another
struggle in which not a few hundred thousand
fine men from America will have to die, but as
many millions as are necessary to accomplish the
final freedom of the peoples of the world."

Our years between the two wars were an uneasy
continuation of our isolationist tradition. We
watched the breakup of the old world order and
the rise of expansionist, totalitarian dictatorships.
Yet we still hoped against hope that somehow we
could remain aloof, and in terms of our national
history these hopes were understandable.

When Hitler marched against Poland, our first
reaction was to cut off exports to Great Britain.
Although we soon reversed ourselves to provide
substantial economic support to the British, we
did not become participants until the Japanese
attacked Pearl Harbor.

In an international sense we came of age in
late 1941. Yet even to this day many of us find
it difficult to accept the crucial importance of our
global role to our own prosperity, freedom, and
security.

Revolutionary Changes in World Relationships

Our world is plagued with agonizing problems
and the most explosive dangers. These problems
are dramatized for us by such crises as Cuba,
Laos, the Congo, Viet-Nam, Bizerte, and now Ber-

lin. Yet behind these crises lie enormous revolu-
tionary changes in the whole fabric of world
relationships which are too easily overlooked by
the headline readers.

The first change is the political, social, economic,
and cultural upheaval that is sweeping Asia,
Africa, and Latin America. Today millions of
people who once knew life only as an endless cycle
of poverty, oppression, ignorance, and disease
have become aware that better lives are possible ;
and today they are pressing hard for teachers,
doctors, schools, jobs, and above all a greater
measure of justice and dignity.

The second of these changes is the rise of the
Soviet Union to a position of enormous power as
a highly industrialized Communist state seeking
by every possible means to bring other states with-
in its sphere of tight totalitarian control.

The third revolutionary change is the emergence
of Communist China as the paramount power of
east Asia, a dynamic, land-hungry, resource-
hungry nation of exploding population with clear
expansionist aims.

Finally, these three great revolutions have been
compounded in their effect by a revolution in
science and technology that has brought the
destruction of civilization into the realm of real
possibility.

Traditional American Impatience

Any one of these challenges would tax the
wisdom and endurance power of any people. Yet
we find ourselves heir to world leadership at a
time when all four of them are surging at floodtide.

These clear facts help to clarify President Ken-
nedy's recent statement ^ that most Americans of
this generation are destined to live out their lives
in a state of uncertainty, challenge, and peril. It
would be an understatement to say that such a
situation is uncomfortable. The convergence of
the four great changes I have described presents
the American people with an unprecedented
challenge. It has also created considerable con-
fusion as to our national objectives and has caused
exasperation, frustration, and bitterness.

Most dangerous of all, perhaps, is the fact that
it has induced many Americans to search for an
"easy way out." We Americans are an impatient,
energetic, and optimistic people. We regard prob-

' Ibid., Oct. 30, 1961, p. 699.

November 20, ?96T

851

lems as things to be solved, not things to be hved
with. Such qualities are a rich and invaluable
heritage from our frontier tradition. They are
a direct result, moreover, of a long series of suc-
cesses in dealing with diiEcult domestic problems.

We achieved our independence. We opened up
the West. We successfully converted ourselves
from an agricultural society to a primarily indus-
trial society. We preserved the Union in a bloody
Civil War. We fought and won the two major
international wars. And we coped with a severe
depression and emerged from it with new economic
vigor and new concepts of social justice.

In other words, throughout our national history
we have not only expected to find answers to our
problems ; in most instances we have succeeded in
finding them.

But today's world is infinitely more complicated
and more dangerous than the one with which our
grandfathers had to cope. Some of the more
complex questions on the international agenda can
be answered only through costly, long, and patient
effort, and others, at least in our time, cannot be
answered at all.

The frustration that many Americans feel is
increased by the fact that the dramatic successes
that we scored in Europe immediately following
the war were achieved in an abnonnal and
inevitably temporary situation. In those early
postwar years our industrial and military power
was dominant. Until 1949 we held a total nuclear
monopoly, and our H-bomb monopoly continued
imtil 1953. At the same time, our economy alone
was undamaged and our industries expanding.

In contrast, Europe from the Atlantic to the
Urals was in a state of collapse and slow, painful
rehabilitation. Tlie Soviet Union itself had
suffered 25 million casualties. In Asia and Africa
many peoples were entering the early and least
explosive stages of their struggle for national
independence.

Against tliis background the problems of the
world, although complicated, at least appeared
subject to our control.

This period left us psychologically ill prepared
for the inevitable recovery of Europe, the rapid
development of the Soviet Union, and the balanc-
ing of military power as Soviet scientists pre-
dictably cracked the secret of the atom. Our
present impatience with difficulties and obstacles
is a natural result.

In one sense, however, this built-in, typically
American impatience can be an asset in foreign
policy. If we had been less determined to find
answers to problems, there would have been no
Marshall plan, there would have been no NATO,
and there would not even have been a United
Nations Organization. Equally important, there
would be no foreign assistance programs, which
today are our most essential task in creating the
conditions for orderly political growth in Africa,
Asia, and Latin America.

In brief, let's recognize the value of our natural
impatience; but let's not let it get out of hand.
Most of all, we must avoid the temptation to escape
from reality, to seek a single easy solution to a
complex variety of problems, or to take an "all or
notliing" attitude toward our relations with the
rest of the world.

Military Power of Free World Vital to Peace

Frustration and bafflement hold great danger
for us. Today they manifest themselves in at
least four types of thinking among some of our
most impatient citizens.

A first category includes those who believe that
a nuclear war is inevitable. Indeed, a few j'ears
ago an occasional American was heard to urge
in private that we move into a war at once and
"get it over with." Such reckless and unrealistic
thinking reflects the fact that we Americans never
felt the full impact of modern war and, in partic-
ular, the fact that many of us do not comprehend
the catastrophic destructiveness of nuclear
weapons.

In the past, war for most Americans involved
some domestic restrictions and, for a few, deep
sacrifices. But with the exception of our civil
strife, war has never yet been a truly national
disaster for America.

Today the earth has shriveled in size and the
destructive power of weapons has been multiplied
fantastically. A nuclear war under present con-
ditions would mean the total destruction of great
cities and thousands of towns and villages. Its
casualties would not be primarily the soldiers in
uniform but millions of civilians, including women
and children, "\^'^len we consider both the blast
and the fallout, it is impossible to estimate what
the ultimate effects on human life would be.

Our response, of course, would devastate the
aggressor, and there is every reason to believe

852

Department of State Bulletin

that the damage to the Communist empire would
be even greater than in our own country. Yet
this is hardly a contest which any thoughtful man
would enter lightheartedly or in ignorance of the
implications to mankind.

Of course we cannot achieve peace by miming
away from the very prospect of war. That pros-
pect must be boldly and courageously faced. It
is therefore totally essential that we possess not
only the means but also the will to fight if there
is no other way to check aggression against our
vital interests.

Until there evolves some kind of world society
which can assure controlled disarmament, the
peaceful settlement of disputes, and international
justice under law, the military power of the free
world is vital to the peace of the whole world.

But being prepared to fight is an entirely differ-
ent thing from provoking a fight. It would be
folly to ignore this vital difference.

Isolation an Absurdity

A second category of escapist thinking is that
of those people who would have us withdraw
from the world in which we are living on the
assumption that we can somehow return to partial
or total isolationism.

This escapism expresses itself in many forms.

If we have a disagreement with our allies, there
are those who demand that we abandon our
alliances.

If we are outvoted on a particular issue in the
United Nations, there are those who urge that we
withdraw from membership.

If a friendly nation is threatened with aggres-
sion, there are those who believe we sliould let that
nation sink or swim for itself and not risk the life
of a single American soldier.

If some of our factories are running into difficul-
ties, there are those who say that foreign imports
should be banned.

If a foreign nation expresses criticism of the
United States, there are those who insist that we
should call off our assistance.

Although these expressions of our frustration
are understandable, they must be recognized and
labeled as dangerously shortsighted and self-
defeating in terms of our interests. Let us look at
a few examples.

The idea that we sliould abandon alliances when-
ever we disagree with our allies ignores the fact

that these alliances are as essential to the United
States as they are to the other members. NATO
does not exist to protect Europe alone; it also
exists to protect North America by discouraging a
Soviet attack. We not only add our strength to
theirs ; they also add their strength to ours. What
today's neoisolationists are demanding, in effect, is
that we cut ourselves off from all sources of
support.

The same shortsightedness is found in the argu-
ment that we should cut off or cut down our im-
ports in order to protect American industry from
foreign competition.

Most free nations depend upon the sale of their
goods overseas to secure the income they need to
pay for essential imports and to maintain their
economic freedom. If they cannot survive as free
and independent states, whether allied or neutral,
they become easy targets for Communist subver-
sion or aggression. If this occurs, their popula-
tion and resources will be added to the strength
of the Communist empire and used against us, and
the strength of the free world will accordingly be
diminished.

But even if we put aside all political considera-
tions, the demand that we shut off foreign imports
makes little economic sense. The United States
exports a great deal more than it imports. Other
nations must sell to us in order to buy from us.
Cutting down our imports inevitably means a
corresponding decline in our exports, with the
loss of profits and hundreds of thousands of jobs
both here and abroad. If the United States and
the non-Communist world are to be strong and
prosperous, trade among the free nations must be
expanded, not cut.

Or let us consider the argument of those who
insist that we apply punitive measures whenever a
nation criticizes American policies or our Ameri-
can way of life.

We do not maintain diplomatic contacts with
other nations, nor do we provide them assistance,
simply to win their friendship and attract their
support. Our primary purpose is to help these
nations become strong and healthy, so that they
may be permitted freedom of choice as free and
independent societies.

As long as we support free nations, we are un-
derwriting free speech, and as long as they enjoy
free speech, we will suffer some criticism. Noth-
ing would please Moscow and Peiping more than

November 20, J96/

853

a policy of tossing to the wolves any nation which
criticizes or disagrees with the United States.

In brief, any policy of isolationism, partial or
total, is an absurdity in the modern world. We
could not become isolationist without becoming a
garrison state, in which our military expenditures
would be far greater, in which our economic well-
being would be diminished, and in which our
fundamental liberties would be impaired.

Our incomes would be lower, and our taxes
would be higher. The threat from the outside
would be greater, and our means of resisting this
threat would be weaker. We would not gain free-
dom of action but would suffer a paralysis of
action — peering over our parapets at a hostile
world entirely beyond our influence.

And where would we get the necessary iron ore,
manganese, tin, rubber, and other essential com-
modities which are essential to keep our factories
going and our nation strong ?

For many years one of the major purposes of
Soviet strategy has been to isolate the United
States from the rest of the world, politically,
economically, and militarily. Those who by one
means or another encourage such a withdrawal
are unwittingly contributing to this objective.

Fighting Shadow Rather Than Substance

A third category of escapist thinking is illus-
trated by those who claim to recognize the perils
which our nation faces but who insist upon fight-
ing the shadow of the peril rather than the
substance.

People who fall prey to this temptation seem less
concerned about the power of modem weapons,
about the vast implications of the social and
economic revolution in Asia, Africa, and Latin
America, or about the threat posed by Sino-Soviet
imperialism. Instead they would have us con-
centrate fixedly on what they call the "internal
Communist danger."

Every thoughtful man knows that an inter-
national Communist conspiracy exists and that the
Sino-Soviet empire has agents in almost every
nation on earth, including the United States. It is
also true that these agents are dangerous and that
we must be everlastingly on guard against their
efforts to undercut or subvert our national efforts.
However, we do our cause a disservice when we
allow our concern for our domestic Communists

to divert us from the tremendous problems we face
in our relations with the outside world.

We may also hope that all Americans will some-
day learn to distinguish between the concepts of
communism as advocated by the Kremlin and the
democratic faith as outlined by Jefferson and
Lincoln.

Some of our more frustrated citizens, baffled by
the problems of our fast-changing age, seem to
believe that social security comes perilously close
to communism and that the same holds for public
education and the TVA. This stems from the
illusion that communism arises from socialism,
which in turn stems from liberalism, which in turn
comes from the democratic ideas established in our
Declaration of Independence. This notion is as
ridiculous in fact as it is in theory.

The answer to the Communist challenge is more
democracy and progressivism, not less.

Of the many nations now imder Communist rule,
is it possible to name one in which the triumph of
communism was preceded by a transitional period
of stable and liberal democracy ? With the excep-
tion of Czechoslovakia, where the Communists
seized power through a coup backed up by the Red
Army, the answer is a resounding "No."

Communism has never succeeded in those na-
tions which have achieved a large measure of
political democracy, economic well-being, and
social justice. It has come to power only in
societies which were already reactionary and op-
pressive, where people were illiterate and hungry,
and where they had abandoned all hope that their
problems could be solved by any other alternative.

A final category of escapist thinking borders
on utopianism.

There are some among us who recognize the
dangers of Communist imperialism, who are fully
aware of the horror of nuclear war, and who know
that we cannot escape by turning away from the
real world in an effort to survive in a garrison
state, but who nevertheless direct their hopes and
efforts toward some kind of miraculous solution.

Some suggest that all problems, regardless of
their character, be dumped into the United Na-
tions. Others express confidence that since the
Sino-Soviet leaders are "only human," their poli-
cies and ambitions can be suddenly reversed by the
pressure of world opinion, with some generous
concessions thrown in for good measure. They

854

Deparfment of State Bulletin

suggest that the source of the great conflict be-
tween civilizations results largely from misunder-
standing and distrust and that, like other
problems, it can be solved by better contact and
communication among people. To assure a favor-
able response from our opponents, they suggest
that we follow a course of acconunodation,
whether the issues at stake involve minor tactics or
fundamental principles.

Because their impulses are generous and human-
itarian, these people inevitably command a meas-
ure of sympathy. And because many of them
are hard as granite in asserting and defending
their beliefs, they cannot be lightly dismissed as
"soft on communism."

They nevertheless fail, in my opinion, to under-
stand the full nature of the world crisis. In their
own way they too are demanding the "easy
answer." And like the others, they are subcon-
sciously twisting facts to fit their theories, rather
than facing the facts squarely.

Unhappily, there are some problems which can-
not be solved merely by exposure to public debate
in a world assembly of nations. Nor are the
Soviet rulers likely to change their basic purposes
so long as they believe that these purposes will
eventually be realized.

Human nature contains elements of evil as well
as elements of goodness — and unhappily, violent
passions cannot always be controlled by the appli-
cation of reason; nor do governments necessarily
behave as individual humans behave.

America's Basic Strength

These categories of escapist thought are danger-
ous, each in its own way. There is no shortcut.
We have no alternative but to deal with the world
as it is and to address ourselves to the problems
that actually confront us.

The challenge of our perilous environment can
only be met by positive, realistic policies. "We
cannot escape the world ; we must face it boldly,
and with confidence in our basic strength.

This strength is not confined to military power,
essential though we know it to be. It is rooted
deep in the moral faith on which our country was
based. It is expressed in what may be called our
national purpose.

We Americans want peace, freedom, justice,

prosperity, and well-being for ourselves and for
all other people. We want to assure freedom of
choice to all nations and societies.

No people is our enemy, although some peoples
are controlled by governments which may be
antagonistic to the United States for many years
to come. Our ultimate aim is not only to preserve
and strengthen our way of life here at home but
to help all other peoples attain a way of life that
is a natural reflection of their history and culture.
For freedom in today's world is indivisible.

To achieve these purposes we must simultane-
ously pursue a variety of policies aimed at a
variety of specific results.

At home, we must maintain a strong and
prosperous America. We must have adequate
military power, and this power must be based upon
a foundation of spiritual strength. We must not
permit any private or sectional interest to take
precedence over the interests of the Nation as a
whole.

We must seek maximum unity among the na-
tions of the free world. We must maintam and
strengthen our alliances.

With regard to those nations that have chosen
a course of neutrality, we must respect their
neutrality and must help them to develop the
stability and strength required for the mainte-
nance of their own independence.

And these purposes must be pursued tlirough
a variety of means — aid programs, teclinical as-
sistance, liberal trade policies, closer cultural con-
tacts, and patient diplomacy.

With respect to that portion of the world already
engulfed by the Communist empire, there are
several things we must do.

We must stand firm against Sino-Soviet aggres-
sion, whether direct or indirect. We must resist
the imtiring campaign of the Sino-Soviet rulers
to expand their influence and domination to other
nations.

At the same time we must always be ready to
negotiate with the Communist rulers to settle
specific problems. We must make a continued
effort to prevent the cold war they have launched
against us from turning into a suicidal "hot war."

We must offer the Soviet leaders reasonable
mcentives to abandon their dangerous ambitions,
to change their policies, to relax their oppression

November 20, J 96 1

855

of the peoples they rule, and eventually to co-
operate in building a world in which all nations
can be free from fear.

Finally, we must continue to expand our con-
tacts with the peoples imder Soviet rule, to estab-
lish closer communication with them, to achieve a
better understanding of their problems and aspi-
rations, and to give them a true image of America
to replace the distorted image drawn by their own
propagandists.

The pursuit of all these policies will require a
great deal of time, a great deal of effort, a great
deal of patience, and a great deal of imagination
and intelligence.

We have no desire to remake the world in the
image of America. We could not do so even if we
wished. Nor do we desire to dictate to our allies
or to any other nation. We do not wish to estab-
lish a system of American imperialism and
colonialism. The world is too big for us to run,
and we would not want to run it even if we could.

Our real task is to protect and promote our own
basic interests, with full realization of the fact
that these interests correspond with the basic in-
terests of other human beings in all lands.

"The Task Will Not Be Easy"

In concluding I would like to repeat what I said
in the beginning. The task will not be easy, nor
is it likely to be completed within any foreseeable
period of time.

Peace and freedom have never been cheap. As
Thomas Paine once said. Heaven knows how to
put a price upon its treasures and it would have
been strange indeed had it failed to attach great
value to so precious a commodity as liberty.

Twenty years ago, in the midst of another great
world crisis, Winston Churchill had the courage
to tell the bitter truth to the people of the United
Kingdom, and this truth made possible their sur-
vival. He told them he had nothing to offer except
"blood, toil, tears and sweat."

Although we are not now engaged in a shooting
war, the world situation is no less critical and the
need for honesty is no less imperative. For many
years to come the Government of the United States
must offer its people sweat and toil. Only if the
American people are ready to accept this chal-
lenge, only if they are willing to rise to the un-
precedented crisis of our era, are we likely to be
spared the blood and tears.

DALLAS, OCTOBER 27

PresB release 741 dated October 27

I am very glad to have this opportunity to talk
about our foreign policy here in Dallas. I also
welcome this opportunity to get away from the
tensions and turmoil of our National Capital and
to secure a fresh perspective through this visit to
our great Southwest.

These are times of crucial significance for
America's future. The supreme test of a nation's
maturity is its ability to keep its head in moments
of tension and danger. The greater the nation's
power, the greater the test.

We in the United States are now passing
through such a time of ultimate testing. Today
we are confronted with an adversary which chal-
lenges the concepts on which every free society
is based and which seeks to subject every nation
and every people to totalitarian domination.

This adversary is communism.

Yet communism is only part of the challenge
which we face. If every Communist handed in
his card tomorrow, ours would stUl be a dangerous
and uncertain world.

Since the end of the war more than one-third of
mankind has broken its ties with the old colonial
nations of Europe. In the most remote villages
of Asia, Africa, and Latin America old ways are
being challenged, new pressures for progress are
being generated. Although in most cases their
cultures are old, their desires are new and urgent :
to move speedily into a 20th-century world that
promises equal opportunity and a greater measure
of dignity and justice for each individual.

Only two decades ago the major decisions which
affected the people of Asia and Africa were made
in London or Paris or The Hague. All this has
been changed. Now these decisions are made in
New Delhi, in Kangoon, in Djakarta, Lagos, and
Dakar.

This upheaval in old colonial relationships has
been matched by equally explosive changes in
science and teclinology. We scarcely have time to
adjust to one unprecedented innovation before
another crowds it from the center of our attention.
In weapons development these changes have pro-
duced a revolution that has already provided the
power which could bring about the extinction of
most of the human race.

Placed in the context of the cold-war struggle

856

Deparfment of State Bulletin

between the Soviet Union and ourselves, this ex-
traordinary pace of political, economic, and social
change has created unparalleled problems for
American policy. Never has there been such com-
plexity in the relations among nations, and never
has any generation been more deeply challenged.

In these agonizingly difficult times, simple black
and wliite answers are rarely available. More
often than not, our policymakers are called upon to
choose among several undesirable courses of
action, seeking to determine the least undesirable
of these courses.

We command by all odds the strongest in-
dividual force on earth, and we are the match for
any military adversary. Yet our world is not
only complex but vast, and we constitute only 6
percent of mankind. By wise and courageous
policies we can strongly influence the future; but
we cannot control it.

Such limitations are not easy for any of us to
accept; they are particularly difficult for Texans.
Texan confidence and Texan energy have become
bywords throughout the world. Texas is a place
where anything and everything has always been
possible, a place where able people have always
been able to overcome all obstacles and get things
done.

Yet the harsh realities of our today's world are
staring us in the face. Through skilled diplo-
macy, sensitivity to the attitudes and objectives of
others, and on occasion the bold use of power, much
can be accomplished in diverting dangerous
threats, in preparing the ground for broader un-
derstanding, and in encouraging favorable trends.

Keeping a Proper Perspective

Indeed, our record since the war has in most
ways been a good record. Although the challenge
was vast and there was little in our past experience
to prepare us for it, I believe that the history of
our times will give us high marks in many fields.

In the last 15 years Europe has been stabilized;
our relations with much of the new world of Asia,
Africa, and Latin America have been improved;
our industrial capacity has more than doubled;
and our military power has enormously expanded.

Our record since the war also includes many
failures, some waste of resources, miscalculations,
and on occasion outright stupidity.

However, if we are to maintain our national
strength and essential unity, it is important that

we keep our perspective on what has happened and
what is likely to happen overseas. Although our
problems are great, I believe that those our adver-
saries face are considerably greater.

It would be folly, of course, to minimize the mil-
itary, scientific, and industrial achievements of the
Soviets. In two generations they have become the
second greatest industrial power in the world.

They graduate twice as many engineers as we do.
They have made exceptional progress in the ex-
ploration of space. Their scientists are among the
ablest in the world. And their conventional mil-
itary power is second to none.

In Berlin, southeast Asia, Cuba, and elsewhere
today the Communist movement poses an luire-
mitting challenge to our strength of will, our
firmness of purpose, and our intelligence. A
national policy that fails to take account of Soviet
power and determination would be more than
dangerous — it would be suicidal.

Yet let us keep our sense of proportion. Not all
Russians are 10 feet tall. And Texans should be
the last people on earth to contribute to what
among some commentators sounds suspiciously
like the beginnings of an inferiority complex in
regard to our capacity to do what we clearly must
do if we are to survive as a great nation.

Every thoughtful citizen is concerned about the
pressures which we face in Laos and in Berlin,
about the intrusion of Communist power into
Cuba, Soviet space exploits, and the development
of Soviet industry and education. Yet what we
often overlook, particularly in dealing with the
new nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America,
is the clear fact that in the political and economic
field, the Kremlin's mistakes have been both fre-
quent and serious and their own fnistration cor-
respondingly great.

A Review of Soviet Setbacks

To get the situation into focus let us therefore
review the last 15 years as members of the Kremlin
must see them in moments of cold, realistic per-
spective. Such a review may help to clarify our
own strengths and to place the worldwide situa-
tions into better balance.

Following World War II a political and
economic vacuum existed in Europe. Most indus-
tries lay in ruins, and each nation's economy was
scarred by inflation and vast unemployment. In
the United States, meanwhile, there was a mad

November 20, 7967

857

scramble stimulated by thoughtless political lead-
ers in both parties to disband our victorious armies
and to draw back into our sliell. With most of
Eastern Europe already overrun by the Red
Armies and. nearly 200 battle-tested Soviet divi-
sions still under arms, Stalin was convinced that
communism would quickly fill the entire European
vacuum. His tecluiiques to achieve a Communist-
dominated Europe combined the threat of military
strength, Communist-controlled strikes, divisive
propaganda, and in Greece and elsewhere even
guerrilla operation.

Yet what was the result ?

Soviet pressure toward the Mediterranean
through Greece and Turkey in the classic tradi-
tion of the czars was forestaUed by the prompt
counteraction of massive American militaiy and
economic assistance under the Truman doctrine.
Within months, Marshall plan aid was provided to
rebuild the M-ar-torn economies of Western
Europe, followed by NATO, which erected an
effective military shield between our allies and the
Communist world.

It is easy to forget that only 15 years ago many
Americans were grimly predicting that Western
Europe would soon be in Communist hands. Yet
with the exception of Czechoslovakia, Soviet
power has been unable to move beyond the areas
conquered and seized by the Red Armies.

By prompt, bold, united action, Europe's free-
dom was assured, and today it is stronger and more
prosperous than at any time in its long history.

In 1948 the Soviet Union launched another cold-
war maneuver: to seal off and suffocate Berlin.
But here again American and British enterprise
and ingenuity met this test. Through the fan-
tastic Berlin airlift the Russian thrust was again
curtailed, and the net result was an aroused West-
em awareness of the Communist threat.

It was also in 1948 that the Yugoslavs broke
loose from the Soviet bloc; and 13 years of Soviet
threats and blandishments have failed to bring
them back into the fold. This marked the first
important rift in the presumably monolithic
Soviet empire. Although they still call themselves
Commimists, the Yugoslavs are today building a
relatively prosperous economy independent of
Soviet control.

Most Americans were disturbed and critical of
President Tito's recent speech at Belgrade in
which he appeared to endorse the Khrushchev

position on several key issues. Yet when the
Soviets consider the divisive effect of Yugoslavia's
independent development on Poland, Hungary,
and the other East European nations, their own
irritations undoubtedly surpass our own. Indeed
this irritation was reflected in the recent Soviet
denunciations of Yugoslavia's errors at the ilos-
cow Conmiunist Congress.

1948 was indeed a busy year for Stalin and his
overconfident supporters. In that same year in
Asia six new Communist revolutions were
launched by order of the Kremlin : in the Philip-
pines, Indonesia, French Indochina, Malaya,
Burma, and India.

Five of these six nations were newly freed,
relatively disorganized, and presumably weak and
divided. In the Kremlin's eyes they must have
appeared to be easy targets for carefully organ-
ized, well-financed, indigenously led Communist
revolutions. Yet in all five the result was a re-
sounding failure. In the sixth area, Indochina,
the Communists were able to focus their propa-
ganda and their pressure against France, a white
colonial power, and it was here alone that their
forces were partially successful.

Now let us continue our review of the Soviet
record of setbacks.

Only a few years ago all thoughtful observers
were clearly concerned about Soviet penetration
into the Middle East. Many thought that Egypt,
for example, was on the road to Soviet control.
Yet today Nasser's nationalism fiercely combats
internal communism and his relations with the
U.S.S.R. gi'ow increasingly cool. Although the
situation in the Middle East remains unstable and
unpredictable, the Soviet gains here run far be-
hind their expectations.

In 1955 the Soviets launched a new Khrushchev-
type political-economic program in India and
Japan. AH sorts of overtures and promises were
made. Yet again their efforts have fallen far
short of their goals. India today with all its
problems is a rapidly developing, increasingly con-
fident, democratic nation. And postwar Japan
appears gradually to be overcoming her internal
conflicts and to be establishing an extraordinary
record of economic and political success under a
democratic government.

Now let us consider Africa — one of the highest
priority targets for Soviet ambitions and one on
which they have set high hopes.

858

Department of State Bulletin

In the past 10 years, 24 newly independent coun-
tries have emerged in Africa. As the Communists
stepped up their efforts on that vast and chaotic
continent' there was much talk of the inevitability
of African Soviet "satellites."

Yet granted that there have been some irritating
speeches from African capitals and some disturb-
ingly wobbly relationships, African nationalism
has thus far resisted Soviet blandishments. "We
worked for two generations to throw off the
colonial rule of the European powers," say African
leaders. "Wliy, now that our freedom has been
won, should we become a satellite of the Soviet
Union?"

The Soviet suffered a particularly dramatic set-
back in the Congo with the United Nations itself
as its principal adversary. This setback led
directly to the Kremlin's effort to destroy the
effectiveness of the U.N. through the troika pro-
posal for a three-headed administrative unit to
replace the single Secretary-General.

Not one nation outside the Soviet bloc has sup-
ported this proposal, and this constitutes another
setback.

I do not suggest that everything is going our
way in the United Nations. Yet the Soviet
attempt to destroy or undermine this Organization
has thus far failed.

Even in Communist China, where the Soviets
congratulated themselves on a startling victory
for communism, the Kremlin faces baffling pres-
sures and unpredictable dangers. As a result of
the Chinese revolution, we see today what appears
on the surface to be a bitter rivalry for the leader-
ship of the world Communist movement, a rivalry
expressed in the recurrent ideological disputes be-
tween Peiping and Moscow.

But the primary source of tension runs far
deeper than ideology. Let us consider the full
implications as the Kremlin must see them.

An overriding need of Communist China is for
more arable land. With less than two arable acres
available for each farm family, with almost no
commercial fertilizer, and with a population that
is increasing by 16 million every year, the Chinese
Communists face mounting difficulties in feeding
their own people. Indeed, it may be argued that
this economic and political time-bomb is the single
most explosive factor in all of east Asia.

Although it represents a serious challenge to the
food-surplus nations of southeast Asia, it presents

a particularly difficult problem for the Soviet
Union. It is the Soviets, after all, who have a vast
expanse of fertile underpopulated land adjacent
to China. And there are times when relatives can
be more troublesome than enemies.

A horde of 650 million hungry ideological rela-
tives is struggling for a bare existence along the
Soviet's 4,500-mile border. If I were a member of
the Politburo, I would have somebody up nights
checking that back door. Or else I would, be pre-
pared to wake up one morning and find that my
ideological relatives had moved in to stay.

Results of "Peaceful Competition"

Now let us consider one more dimension of the
economic and political difficulties wliich the Krem-
lin must take into account.

For several years now the Kremlin has been
talking about "peaceful competition between the
two kinds of systems." Yet haven't they ex-
perienced precisely such a competition on their
very doorstep ? For 15 years West Germany has
been developing under one system. East Germany
under another. And what has been the result?
Today in West Germany we have one of the great
economic, social, and political success stories of
modern times — a free, prosperous, dynamic society
of enormous vigor and promise.

By contrast. East Germany stands as a shoddy
failure, economically depressed, intellectually
sterile, and viewed with outspoken contempt by
its own citizens. Indeed the Soviet's failure in
East Germany has been so great that the Com-
munists have had to build a wall backed by ma-
cMneguns and tanks to keep the East Germans
from moving en masse from the so-called "Com-
munist Utopia" of East Germany to the "capitalist
cesspool" of West Germany.

In this act of desperation the Communist lead-
ers have made it clear to the world that the one
way they can keep their people in is to lock them
in. Although East Berlin creates new problems
for the West, it stands as a monumental symbol
of the utter bankruptcy of Soviet policy in Europe.

The Communist failure to win support of their
own people extends not only to East Germany but
to Poland and Hungary and indeed to all the rest
of their unhappy satellite states. And this despite
15 years of calculated, high-pressured, relentless
indoctrination of the whole postwar generation

November 20, I96T

859

through Communist schools, Communist radio,
and Communist books and newspapers.

The depth of the Soviet failure is dramatized by
the urge for individual freedom and for national
independence that has not hesitated to resist Soviet
totalitarianism. Twenty-five thousand young
Hungarians proved it by giving their lives in the
struggle against Soviet tanks in the streets of
Budapest 5 years ago. Nearly 4 million East
Germans, most of them under 30 years of age,
have proved it by leaving their homes to seek
security and freedom in the West.

Need for Confidence, Perspective, Courage

Now this brief tour of the ups and dovms of
Soviet policy since the war should not blind us to
the very real material strength of the Soviet
Union. Yet the fact remains that in the past
decade the Soviet political and economic offensive
has failed in Europe, failed in the Far East, failed
in the Middle East, and failed in Africa. With
the single exception of Cuba, it has also failed in
Latin America.

I submit that the Soviets have not been winning
the cold war. They have been losing it.

Yet this does not make the danger any less. On
the contrary, the veiy failure of much of the Soviet
economic and political effort in Asia and Africa
may partly explain the Kremlin's reckless military
pressure in central Europe.

For the short haul, the frustration born out of
these setbacks may make the Soviet Union much
more difficult and dangerous to deal with. Over
the long run, however, the outlook may be some-
what brighter.

Blocked in their attempt to overrun Asia and
Africa by economic and social maneuvers, and
blocked from Berlin by NATO power and will, is
it not possible that sober-minded members of the
Kremlin may feel the time has come for some
adjustment? Although no one knows, we should
never close the door against this possibility.

Until that time comes, our task is vigorously to
pursue our objectives of orderly, peaceful growth
in Asia, Africa, and Latin America— and to hold

our ground in regard to Berlin. For contrary to
the belief of many, I am convinced that time is on
our side.

Wliat men and women everywhere want is free-
dom to speak and think as they feel, an oppor-
tunity to work and to create and to achieve, and
justice to enjoy the fruits of their efforts. And
more and more it will become clear to these people
that what commimism has to offer — after the pa-
rades, the purges, and tlie "great leaps forwards-
is bleakness, conformity, and forced allegiance to
the whims of a foreign power centered in Moscow.
Let me put it in the simplest terms : Our primary
asset as a nation in the difficult years ahead is the
fact that what we want for the people of the world
is precisely what they want for themselves— free-
dom of choice, opportunity for development, and
an increasing measure of individual dignity.

In other words, our goal is not regimentation but
diversity. And therein lies our strength.

There are times, to be sure, when other nations
do not see things as we do; and such differences
can create deep frustration. Yet our objective
is not to create dutiful satellites but rather inde-
pendent peoples, free to choose their own futures
within the framework of their own culture,
history, and way of life.

We have made mistakes, and there will be more
mistakes to come as we attempt to adapt our
policies to new problems and changing situations.
Yet we have the means and the will. Equally
important, our national purpose is the purpose of
the vast majority of mankind regardless of na-
tionality, religion, color, or creed : the creation of
just societies in which men can work out their own
destiny.

With such assets, what we need right now is
greater confidence in ourselves and our ideas, a
clear perspective on the scope and nature of the
challenge, a wise set of priorities, and the courage
to do what is required of us.

This is a mighty challenge, and I know of no
people better qualified to lead the way than the
people of Texas and the Southwest, who have never
lacked conscience or courage, who have so much
to give and so much to gain.

860

Department of State Bulletin

Tasks and Opportunities in Africa

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^

It is tremendously encouraging to return from
Africa to this conference, whicli offers such con-
crete evidence of awakening American interest in
African problems.

In recent days I have been talking to African
leaders and others in all walks of life in nine
coimtries of that great continent, conveying to
them the gi-eetings of President Kennedy and
reaffirming our Government's deep interest in
building with them a bridge of real miderstand-
ing and cooperation. We seek to build in this way
directly and also by contributing to the joint en-
deavors which can be developed through such
instruments as UNESCO [United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization].
Your meeting here, bringing together distui-
guished Africans and Americans, is pertinent to
these objectives and will, I am sure, generate
continuing and accelerated interest in the cause
of progress in Africa.

America needs to know Africa better. Our in-
terest, on a broad, national scale, is relatively new
compared with some other nations. That interest
must emphatically expand.

Conversely, Africa — the many Africas — will,
we trust, come to know the United States better.
Contact and acquaintanceship between Africans
and Americans are only just begun on any real
scale. I believe they can be mutually most bene-
ficial. Learning to understand and appreciate our
differences, we can derive strength from them, as
we can from the many things we have in com-
mon. We cannot, in fact, do without each other
in today's perilous and promising world. To-

' Address made before a UNESCO conference on
Africa and the United States, sponsored by the U.S. Na-
tional Commission for UNESCO, at Boston, Mass., on
Oct. 26 (press release 737).

gether we can hope to build for our children and
our children's children a world of peace, justice,
and dynamic progress.

My own impressions of Africa have been gleaned
in very extensive travel, over a relatively short
period of time, in most areas of the continent.
The conditions of this travel have been favorable
to intensive observation and to profiting from
the knowledge of trained colleagues, so that the
many flashes of sight and insight form kaleido-
scopic images that have discernible patterns.

It is one tiling to read that there is considerable
good will toward America among Africans every-
where—and another to recall the friendship in the
eyes of thousands who gathered in the streets of
Marrakech or around the main square of Timbuktu
or at the airport of Niamey to bid welcome to a
visiting American official. It is one thing to hear
there's vigor and will and promise for the future
in Africa — and another to recall thousands of
bright-eyed schoolchildren, lining the road from
the airport to Fort Archambault in the southern
Chad, who represent that future. It is one thing
to know that Africa has health problems— and
another to have seen terminal cases in African
hospitals, cases of men, women, and children who
could have been saved if their illnesses had been
discovered sooner.

If one general impression must be given, it is
that the tasks to be faced in Africa are of extraor-
dinary magnitude. And I believe that the
challenge to us Americans is far greater than most
of us realize. It is great because the stakes are
high, the problems too overwhelming to be
neglected.

The challenge is not at all simply a question
of lending material assistance, though that we
must do. It confronts us with important moral

November 20, 7961

861

and political issues. Our purposes will not be
understood, our aid will fall sliort, if they do not
involve a wholehearted commitment to the burn-
ing desires of African peoples for self-determina-
tion and independence, for dignity and equality.
Africa has begun to move. Hope has been
liberated. The stored-up dynamism of the Afri-
can peoples points to a great potential for growth,
a distinctively African contribution to the world.
What we can and must assist in Africa is the reali-
zation of an unprecedented opportunity to enrich
the future we all will share.

What Is at Stake

Too much public discussion, too many news re-
ports, I'm afraid, register on the negative factors
at work in Africa. The danger of Soviet penetra-
tion is a category under which every possible item
is faithfully entered, usually without much back-
ground or perspective. Some commentators
would apparently feel comfortable about Africa
only if the new nations there pretended never to
have heard of the Soviet Union and invariably
crossed the street to avoid ever striking up an
acquaintance. But is it fair to expect African
states to forgo diplomatic relations, trade, and
other contacts with the Communists when even
their former colonial mentors engage in such
activities ?

It is better to be realistic. We welcome Af-
rica's new independence. We think it is a posi-
tive force. We do not wish to control or direct it.

We can indeed legitimately express our concern
over certain Soviet activities— inflammatory, dis-
ruptive, subversive. We are not blind or passive
to the interventionist design which the Commu-
nists are working at — scholarships for political
training, subsidies for opportunists and propa-
gandists, promissory notes to front-group agita-
tors. This is the old black bag of Communist
tricks, familiar around the world. I^t us not
underestimate it. But let us avoid a fixation
about it. Our scrutiny, our labors, must be di-
rected to the primary subjects— the realities of
African political, economic, social, and cultural
life in today's interactive world.

Our purpose and policy is plain : We want for
Africa what the Africans want for themselves.
We want an Africa in which independent nations
grow in vigor and prosperity, because Africans
are determined to assert all the pride and seek all

862

the promise that independence means for them, as
for peoples everywhere.

This American point of view is born directly out i
of our sense of African aspirations and our his-
toric interest in the enlargement of freedom in
the world. It does not depend on the stimulus of |
some outside danger. Our aim now is a fuller i
understanding of these aspirations, which seek to
throw off the burdens of poverty, ignorance, and
disease and to assert the dignity and worth of
new millions who are now citizens of the gi-eater
world. And our aim is to help where we can,
where our help is wanted and needed, in bringing
the fruits of scientific, technological progress to
the task of uplift which is the basic program of
every African leader. Our criterion is not
whether the Communists are interested in country
X but whether country x needs assistance to work
toward legitimate goals. As President Kennedy
said in his inaugural address,^ our pledge is made
not out of a concern with votes or with commu-
nism "but because it is right" that we help.

Wlierever I have visited in Africa, I have found
a general appreciation of American motives. But
millions of Africans are asking themselves: Is
the United States really committed to the neces-
sary actions to fulfill its obligations and attain
Its goals ? We must earnestly ask this question of
ourselves, too.

We cannot as a nation be indifferent, because we
have learned on the level of personal, human re-
lationships that "no man is an island" and that
any abridgment of human dignity anywhere
limits and threatens our own integrity. Tradi-
tionally we have been opposed to the colonial con-
trol of other peoples, and, of course, Woodrow
Wilson gave self-determination its modem dyna-
mism. But until recently our sense of direct re-
sponsibility was not very consistently engaged in
Africa.

There have been important exceptions to thi?.
Americans who have been very much concerned.
Among these are the missionaries. Americans
have reason to be proud of a missionary school in
Timbuktu where Malians are taught the repair of
outboard motors which are being brought into use
in Niger Kiver traffic. The good works of an
American doctor, the son of missionaries, have won
the grateful admiration of the people in the south
of the Republic of Chad; unfortunately, his busy,

• Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.

Department of State Bulletin

efficient hospital was completely isolated by flood
waters when I was in the area, and it was im-
possible to visit him.

Often men like these have anticipated colonial
administrators and our own national policies of
building for African independence and social ad-
vancement. As a nation we must catch up with
them in lending assistance to African countries
that are making honest efforts to become and to
remain genuinely independent and to help them-
selves. The necessary contributions are not only
in economic aid but also in a "human investment"
of our own, of trained manpower qualified to pass
their skills on to Africans.

Some Problems Identified

From my latest trip I have become more con-
scious than ever of the "many Africas" truism.
There are vivid contrasts, not only between major
regions but within single countries which, as in
the Sudan, may range from Saharan to tropical
forest landscapes. More complex still is the
infinite variety of cultures. For example, it is
easy to refer to the Moslems of the northern Chad
as "Arabs," and this is common parlance. But it
would be a mistake to assume that these people are
essentially identical with, say, the Timisians.

There are vast differences, also, in the degree
of economic development one encounters. A few
countries — Nigeria and Tunisia, for example — are
within reach of what economists sometimes call
the takeoff point leading to self-sustaining eco-
nomic growth. A nimiber of others have reason-
able wealth potential but are still lacking
professional cadres and skilled technicians or are
missing key elements of capital investment. There
are countries like Libya, where discovery of oil or
other mineral wealth may suddenly alter the whole
economic prospect. Finally, there are coimtries
which are a long way relatively from the promise
of rapid development, where even strenuous self-
help measures would not open the way ahead at a
satisfactory pace.

One becomes conscious also, flying over vast
desert areas and semiarid regions, of the problems
posed by the low population density of most
African countries and the remoteness of great
areas out of reach of the seas. These conditions
make communications and the transportation of
goods and passengers exorbitantly expensive and
place almost insuperable difficulties in the way of

Correction

The text of an address by Assistant Secretary
G. Mennen Williams, which appeared on pages 638-
642 of the BtTLLEXiN of October 16, 1961, stated on
page 641 that Portuguese law requires qualified
Portuguese citizens, including those in Portuguese
Africa, to "pass a literacy test and comply with a
tax proviso" in order to vote. The Portuguese
Embassy in Washington has brought to the Depart-
ment's attention the fact that under Portuguese
law an otherwise qualified adult need only meet
one of these two requirements rather than both.
The Embassy has pointed out further that, in cer-
tain classes of certain local elections, no other
qualification is required than that a voter be the
head of a family, and has indicated that the voting
qualifications are now identical in metropolitan
Portugal and the overseas territories.

providing educational, health, and social services
to nomadic or isolated populations. Equally im-
portant are the problems, under such conditions,
of achieving a sense of national unity and par-
ticipation in national development.

The problem of economic development involves
to a greater extent than most African coimtries
recognize the task of creating a favorable climate
for individual initiative and private enterprise.
Such recognition is made difficult by at least two
factors. First, private capital is often viewed as
being associated with colonialism, and in the minds
of some is hence unwelcome. The amomits of do-
mestic private capital available in many develop-
ing nations is small, and in those cases foreigners
are inevitably involved in new investment, so that
private enterprise seems almost an alien phe-
nomenon. Sometimes, too, in countries that
genuinely desire injections of capital, witting or
unwitting pronouncements or actions occur which
are hostile to private capital investment. In places
where an inflow from all possible sources of capital
investment should be carefully encouraged to sup-
port national development, such sentiments are
twice costly.

All governments, of course, intervene more or
less in national economic life. The government
role in Africa will often be central, but the most
hopeful situations are those in which policy pro-
vides for the fullest play of initiative and individ-
ual enterprise. Hundreds and thousands of "new
starts" on productive enterprise are necessary,

November 20, 7967

863

opening the way to employment and advancement
for young people who now, too often, find few
career opportunities outside of government.

"VVliile African countries want individual dig-
nity and self-expression, it is sobering to find quite
a few among them in which there are relatively
few signs of the development of a broad political
democracy. The alternative tends to be a mono-
lithic political system. In some cases there is con-
siderable room for discussion within the party, but
there is also the tendency for simple "strong man"
leadership. Clearly, the United States cannot help
but believe that the fullest participation in govern-
ment, with the individual expressing freely his
voice as to what course is to be taken, is funda-
mental to a just and stable political system.

The United States must, it seems to me, do all in
its power to encourage, in Africa and elsewhere,
assurances by every government of the political
rights of the minority, even if full democracy is
not an immediate prospect. Realism requires,
however, that we take into account with detach-
ment the problems of establishing political democ-
racy where trained leaders are few, literacy is
limited, and too many of the citizenry are under-
nourished. Such conditions obviously affect a
people's ability and willingness to look beyond the
most basic problems of personal survival to the as-
sumption of citizenship and leadership responsi-
bilities.

Some key problems in Africa are simply beyond
solution by normal measures. Illiteracy, which is
a constant on the UNESCO agenda, is one of these.
Wliat measures will be "enough" to raise rapidly
the educational level in a country where some 95
percent of the people do not read or write — in
which only one student last year completed the
country's accepted college entrance requirement?
And what will suffice to raise the health standards
of another coimtry in which there is one European
doctor — and none of local origin — per 80,000
widely dispersed potential patients?

Wliat must be done to improve the economy of
a country where economic survival depends on a
cash crop so uneconomically produced that the
former colonial power must pay a 30 percent sub-
sidy to permit its marketing at the world market
price? Agriculture is the main occupation in most
of Africa, yet even the art of plowing with an
animal is a recent development in some areas we
have visited. In other areas, of course, animal

diseases have made such a prospect impossible.

One must, in many instances, admire the efforts
of the former colonial administrators to help these
young countries in the poorest category and the
devotion of many of the European teclmicians who
try to face these formidable tasks. Yet, all told,
not enough has been done, and too little has been
tried in developing unusual techniques that might
cope with these higlily unusual situations.

We are lending support to some exciting new
experiments in Africa. One example is the train-
ing of male nurses who then go out into the bush
to spot victims of endemic diseases, bring them to
health centers for diagnosis, and administer treat-
ment in the field. This is part of a new approach
to health problems and the forerunner of a broad
program of health education. Another example is
the use of surplus agricultural commodities under
the Food-for-Peace Program, in which the food in
effect makes up part of the real wages of workers
engaged in vital public-works projects.

The Tasks We Face

These are some of my broad impressions and
some of the ideas and forces I have seen at work
in Africa. Time forbids speaking at length of
the measures I think we can and must take over the
next few years to help meet the problems outlined.

The relations of African states with leading
"Western nations are still in a state of transition,
and distinctions often are not very clearly drawn.
Too often "the "West," which is not a monolith, is
equated with "the East," which is an absolutely
rigid bloc except in doctrinal squabbles. Because
of one colonial experience, a number of African
countries are likely to include all "Western Pow-
ers— including the U.S. — in their sense of griev-
ance over such unresolved problems as Algeria,
Angola, or apartheid.

At the same time that African feelings are
caught up in these effects of historical change and
historical hangover, the "West is greatly preoc-
cupied with Berlin, which to many Africans seems,
by and large, a remote problem. With all of the
good will in the world, we cannot, from our van-
tage point, help but consider certain African na-
tions somewhat imsympathetic in a matter of such
profound significance for the future of freedom
and self-determination as Berlin so obviously is.
My experience, too, is that a good many Africans
feel that the United States does not show suffi-

864

Department of State Bulletin

ciently, in a practical way, our concern with the
problems which to them seem the really critical
ones.

So I believe you may agree that greater mutual
understanding, by us, by our allies, and by the
Africans, is a vital need. Let me, in tliis regard,
assure my African friends that our commitment
to freedom and self-determination is not an ex-
pediency but is central to our international policy.
We could not otherwise expect to rouse their con-
cern on the same issue when it is at stake elsewhere.

To my American listeners I can only outline a
very sizable obligation that America must find the
means to meet.

1. Clearly, United States aid to Africa will have
to be substantial and widespread; it will have to
be increased from all sources, Govermnent and
private. It is too little realized that we lag far
behind Europe in assistance to African nations.
The historical basis for this imbalance has radi-
cally altered with the emergence of African states
to independence. Yet French aid to Africa last
year was much larger than our own.

2. The Peace Corps and similar human-resource
and human-commitment programs must be per-
fected and expanded. We are going to catch an
unfavorable headline here and there, out of human
fallibility, but such programs are directed at very
serious needs and have every prospect of general
success.

3. We must devise new methods of cooperating
with developed nations who are motivated by a
philosophy similar to our own, to continue or to
begin to play a part in meeting what is perhaps the
greatest challenge of our time — the rising expecta-
tions of the peoples of Africa.

4. We must in policy and in action make mani-
fest our commitment to freedom and independence.
There is no question as to what the American peo-
ple in their hearts want for the people of Africa.
But sometimes we are slow in acting, sometimes
cautious in moving to overcome obstacles. It will
be our challenge to measure up in action to the
dynamism of the times and the inspiration of our
own ideals.

5. We must be understanding and vigorous in
our pursuit of the ideal of human dignity. We
must banish aU vestiges of discrimination from
our own national life, and we must be imaginative
and faithful in building brotherhood throughout
the world.

Under our system I have to do with only part
of the machinery that can bring these things
about. But I will do my best to assist the Presi-
dent and the Secretary of State, whose dedication
to these aims has been unequivocally stated.

You assembled here can contribute mightily to
reaching these objectives. Many of you un-
doubtedly will be called upon to testify before
the Congress and before many a forum through-
out the year on issues affecting African develop-
ment. Many of you are well situated to foster and
diffuse that increased understanding of Africa
that we — ^Africans and Americans — sorely need.

After feeling the purpose, ability, and dedica-
tion of this conference, I know I can count you in
the vanguard of those who will briiag about that
human commitment among Americans wliich must
precede all our other efforts — personal, institu-
tional, governmental — to bring us successfully to
grips with the tremendous tasks and opportunities
that await us in working with the nations and
peoples of Africa.

U.S. Supports U.N. in Efforts
To Restore Peace in Katanga

Department Statement

Press release 759 dated November 1

Although the situation on the border between
the Katanga and Kasai Provinces of the Congo
is far from clear, it would appear that the re-
newal of hostilities there was provoked by bomb-
ing attacks on the part of aircraft from Katanga.

The United States deplores the actions of those
who initiated these hostilities in violation of
United Nations resolutions and of U.N. efforts
to restore peace in the area as a prelude to effective
negotiations.

In order to halt the spread of violence in the
Congo Ave understand the United Nations is act-
ing in accordance with its clear mandate, includ-
ing, if necessary, military action against any of-
fending Katanga aircraft. The United States
fully supports this position of the U.N. in its
effort to restore the peace.

The United States hopes that the hostilities
will be stopped and that the territorial integ-
rity of the Congo will be restored through
reconciliation.

November 20, 1967

865

U.S. Comments on Soviet Note
to Finland

Department Statement

Press release 753 dated October 31

The U.S.S.R. note to Finland made public on
October 30 by TASS is a typical effort by the
Soviet Union to sow confusion and divert atten-
tion from its own activities. Tlie explosion of the
50-megaton bomb in contempt of world opinion
as expressed in the United Nations^ and the
Soviet posture toward Germany and Berlin have
made it abundantly clear that the Soviet Union is
the source of present world tension. In the face
of these acts the Soviet Union has good reason to
try to cover its own aggressive policies by false
accusations.

The old charges against the Republic of Ger-
many and the NATO defensive alliance have been
repeatedly exposed as false. The present allega-
tions regarding Finland's Scandinavian neigh-
bors are equally absurd.

We find it repugnant that the Soviet Union
should seek to involve Finland in its diversionary
propaganda activities, especially in view of Fin-
land's chosen policy of neutrality.

President Kennedy Reaffirms
Turltish-American Unity

White Honse presB release dated October 28, for release October 29

Following is the text of a m,essage from, Presi-
dent Kennedy to Cemal Giirsel, President of the
Republic of Turkey.

October 26, 1961
Dear ISIr. President: I congratulate you on
your election as President of tlie Republic of Tur-
key. T also wish to congratulate, in the name of
the United States Government and its people, the
Turkish Government and people for their success
in promulgating a new constitution and in estab-
lisliing a freely-elected Grand National Assembly.
As you assume your Presidential responsibili-
ties, let me assure you of my country's dedication
to the firm friendship and cooperation which have
consistently characterized Turco-American re-
lations. We are united in our aims of preserving

the security of our homelands and creating a world
where mankind can live in peace and freedom.
In these cherished causes, we are proud to work
side by side with the Government and people of
Turkey.

Please accept my wannest greetings and best
vrishes.

Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy
The Honorable Cemal Gursel

President

The Republic of Turkey

Ankara, Turkey

U.S., Viet-Nam Exchange Ratifications
on New Economic Treaty

Press release 754 dated November 1

The instruments of ratification of the treaty of
amity and economic relations between the United
States and Viet-Nam were exchanged in Saigon
on October 31. This action completes the formal
procedures for bringing the treaty into force. By
its terms it will become effective on November 30,
1961, one month after the exchange of ratifications.

The treaty was signed at Saigon on April 3,
1961.^ It was approved by the National Assembly
of Viet-Nam on June 15, 1961, and by the U.S.
Senate on September 11, 1961. It was ratified by
President Kennedy on September 26, 1961.

The treaty is comparable with a number of
treaties of friendship, commerce, and navigation
that the United States has concluded within re-
cent years. It is the first of its type, however, be-
tween the United States and Viet-Nam. Its 15
articles include provisions on basic personal free-
doms, the status and treatment of persons and
corporations, the protection of persons and prop-
erty, treatment of imports and exports, exchange
regulations, shipping, and other matters affecting
the status and activities of the citizens and enter-
prises of either country within the territories of
the other.

The new treaty is regarded as a significant testa-
ment to the close friendship of the two countries
and as constituting an effective means for promot-
ing mutually beneficial economic relations be-
tween them.

* Bulletin of Nov. 13, 1901, p. 817.
866

' Bulletin of May 1, 1961, p. 652 ; for text, see S. Ex.
L, 87th Cong., 1st sess.

Departmenf of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Adjourned During October 1961

4th ICAO North Atlantic Regional Air Navigation Meeting . . .

WMO Commission for Aerology: 3d Session

ILO Joint Maritime Commission: 19th Session

GATT Council of Representatives to the Contracting Parties . .

IAEA General Conference: 5th Regular Session

TJ.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Economic Planners

North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on High Seas
Salmon Distribution of the Committee on Biology and Re-
search.

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: Working Party on Rural
Electrification.

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: Group of Experts for the
Study of Hydroelectric Resources in Europe.

U.N. ECE Timber Committee: 19th Session

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 49th Statu-
tory Meeting.

UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies: Management
Council.

ICAO Informal Caribbean Regional Meeting

GATT Meeting of Experts on the Measurement of Agricultural
Protection.

PAHO Directing Council: 13th Meeting; Regional Committee of
WHO for the Americas: 13th Meeting.

ILO Technical Meeting on Small-Scale and Handicraft Industries .

OECD Maritime Transport Committee

PAHO Executive Committee: 44th Meeting

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: 20th Session

OECD Development Assistance Committee

FAO Near East Forestry Commission: 3d Session

Inter-American Indian Institute: Governing Board

IAEA Board of Governors

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Rail
Transport.

FAO/ECE Meeting on Food Consumption Surveys

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law: Standing Committee. .

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade . . .

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Highway Transport

ITU CCITT Study Group A on Data Transmission

OECD Agriculture and Food Committee

UNESCO Diplomatic Conference on the International Protection
of Performers, Producers of Phonograms, and Broadcasters.

Red Sea Lights Conference

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on
Tariffs.

Inter- American Commission of Women: Executive Board ....

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 2d Session of Special
Working Group.

South Pacific Commission: 22d Session

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Statistical Committee .

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Con-
struction of Vehicles.

Paris Sept. 14-Oct. 11

Rome Sept. 18-Oct. 2

Geneva Sept. 25-Oct. 6

Geneva Sept. 25-Oct. 6

Vienna Sept. 25-Oct. 6

New Delhi Sept. 26-Oct. 3

Tokyo Oct. 1-20

Geneva Oct. 2-3

Geneva Oct. 2-6

Geneva Oct. 2-6

Copenhagen Oct. 2-11

Tokyo Oct. 2-21

Caracas Oct. 3-7

Geneva Oct. 3-7

Washington Oct. 3-13

New Delhi Oct. 3-15

Paris Oct. 4 (1 day)

Washington Oct. 4 (1 day)

Geneva Oct. 4-6

Paris Oct. 5-7

Iraq Oct. 7-12

Washington Oct. 9-12

Vienna Oct. 9 (1 day)

Geneva Oct. 9-11

Geneva Oct. 9-13

Vienna Oct. 9-13

Geneva Oct. 9-13

Madras Oct. 9-13

Geneva Oct. 9-21

Paris Oct. 10-11

Rome Oct. 10-26

London Oct. 11-13

Geneva Oct. 11-13

Washington Oct. 11-15

Geneva Oct. 12-13

Noumea Oct. 12-25

Geneva Oct. 16-17

Geneva Oct. 16-20

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Nov. 6, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations : CCITT,
Comit6 consultatlt international t616graphique et t616phonique ; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; PAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil Aviation
Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organiza-
tion; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organi-
zation for Economic Cooperation and Development; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; SEATO, South-
east Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization ; UPU, Universal Postal Union ; WHO, World Health Organization ; WMO, World Meteorological
Organization.

November 20, J96I

867

Calendar off International Conferences and Meetings — Continued

Adjourned During October 1961 — Continued

IAEA Symposium on the Programing and Utilization of Research Vienna Oct. 16-20

Reactors.

Inter-American Children's Institute: 42d Meeting of Directing Washington Oct. 16-20

Council.

ICEM Executive Committee: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 16-20

SEATO Committee on Information, Cultural, Education, and Bangkok Oct. 16-20

Labor Activities.

OECD Conference on Economic Growth and Investment in Edu- Washington Oct. 16-21

cation.

FAO Meeting on Regional Development Planning in the Mediter- Madrid Oct. 16-21

ranean Basin.

ILO/ECE Seminar on Family Living Studies Vienna Oct. 16-27

FAO Cocoa Study Group: 8th Session of Committee on Statistics . Rome Oct. 17 (1 day)

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Standing Committee . Geneva Oct. 17 (1 day)

United Nations Pledging Conference New York Oct. 17 (1 day)

U.N. ECAFE Committee for Coordination of Investigations of Bangkok Oct. 18-20

Lower Mekong Basin: 15th Special Session.

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 4th Session Geneva Oct. 18-24

International Union of Official Travel Organizations: 16th General Munich Oct. 18-25

Assembly.

FAO Cocoa Study Group: Executive Committee Rome Oct. 18-25

NATO Science Committee Paris Oct. 19-20

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 1st Paris Oct. 19-27

Session.

ICEM Council: 15th Session Geneva Oct. 23-27

GATT Provisional Cotton Textile Committee Geneva Oct. 23-27

ILO Meeting of Experts on Electrical Accidents and Related Geneva Oct. 23-31

Matters.

OECD Economic Policy Committee and Related Working Party Paris Oct. 24-26

on Policies for the Promotion of Better Payments Equilibrium.

OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris Oct. 26-27

OECD Trade Committee Paris Oct. 30-31

NATO Senior Civil Emergency Planning Committee Paris Oct. 30-31

In Session as of October 31, 1961

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotian Question Geneva May 16-

United Nations General Assembly: 16th Session New York Sept. 19-

International North Pacifio Fisheries Commission: 8th Meeting. . Tokyo Oct. 23-

UNESCO Executive Board: 60th Session Paris Oct. 25-

New Delhi Oct. 27-

Bangkok Oct. 27-

Kuala Lumpur Oct. 30-

2d International Film Festival of India

U.N. ECAFE Regional Cartographic Conference for Asia and the

Far East: 3d Session.
Consultative Committee for Cooperative Economic Development

in South and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : 13th Meeting.

FAO Council: 36th Session Rome

ILO Meeting of Consultants on the Problems of Young Workers Genev

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions Geneva Oct. 30-

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Working Party on Geneva Oct. 30-

Conditions of Sale for Cereals.
U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on River Geneva Oct. 30-

Law.

Oct.
Oct.

30-
30-

NATO Research Fellowship Program
for 1962-63 Announced

Press release 739 dated October 20

A limited number of advanced research fellow-
ships is offered by the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization for 1962-63 to candidates from member
states (Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, Greece, Iceland, Italy,
Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal,
Turkey, United Kingdom, United States). A can-

didate must be a national of a member state and
must undertake his research in one or more mem-
ber countries. Since NATO in its cultural pro-
gram is especially concerned with strengthening
transatlantic relationships, in general preference
will be given to U.S. candidates planning to work
in one or more European NATO countries.

Grants are intended for scholars of established
reputation. Candidates will be selected on the
basis of their special aptitude for and experience
in carrying through a major project of research.

868

Department of State Bulletin

In making selections, such factors as academic
qualifications (generally, the doctoral degree or its
equivalent), professional experience, and publica-
tions will be taken into accomat. Awards will be
limited to fellows working on projects of direct
interest to NATO or to the Atlantic Community
as a whole. Projects should pertain to historical,
political, economic, and social problems rather
than to scientific questions. Preliminary screen-
ing of American candidates will be by the Com-
mittee on International Exchange of Persons of
the Conference Board of Associated Research
Councils, which will recommend candidates to the
Department of State and the President's Board
of Foreign Scholarsliips. The Board in turn will
nominate a small panel of scholars for considera-
tion, along with similar panels from the above-
named countries, by the NATO Selection Commit-
tee in Paris. The awards will be made from this
total list of candidates from all the member coun-
tries. Final selection of candidates will be an-
nounced by the Paris committee April 4, 1962. It
is expected that only one or two grants will be
available to candidates from the United States.

The amount of each advanced research award
will be 2,300 new French francs per month (or
the equivalent in the currency of any other mem-
ber state in which the research project is imder-
taken). Grants will normally be for a period of
2 to 4 months but may, in special cases, be ex-
tended to 6 months. NATO will pay the cost of
travel by air for such journeys as may be approved
for the successful completion of the project.

Application forms and additional information
on NATO advanced research fellowships may be
obtained from: Conference Board of Associated
Research Councils, Committee on International
Exchange of Persons, 2101 Constitution Ave.,
NW., Washington 25, D.C.

Applications should be submitted no later than
December 15, 1961.

George C. Starlund Named Member
of Salmon Fisheries Commission

The Wliite House announced on October 31 that
President Kennedy had on that day appointed
George C. Starlund to be a member, on the part
of the United States, of the International Pacific
Salmon Fisheries Commission, vice Milo Moore,
resigned.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e), and 61 of the
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 1591)
by providing that sessions of the Assembly of the Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization shall be held not
less than once in 3 years instead of annually. Done
at Montreal June 14, 19.54. Entered into force Decem-
ber 12, 1956, TIAS 3756.

Ratifications deposited: Ghana, August 15, 1961; Yugo-
slavia, June 20, 1961.

Copyright

Universal copyright convention. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955.
TIAS 3324.
Application to: Ruanda-Urundi, January 24, 1961.

Protocol 1 to the universal copyright convention concern-
ing the application of that convention to the works of
stateless persons and refugees. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955.
TIAS 3324.
Application to: Ruanda-Urundi, January 24, 1961.

Protocol 2 to the universal copyright convention concern-
ing the application of that convention to the works of
certain international organizations. Done at Geneva
September 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16,
1955. TIAS 3324.
Application to: Ruanda-Urundi, January 24, 1961.

Protocol 3 to the universal copyright convention concern-
ing the effective date of instruments of ratification or
acceptance to that convention. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force August 19, 1954 ; for
the United States December 6, 1954. TIAS 3324.
Application to: Ruanda-Urundi, January 24, 1961.

Law of the Sea

Convention on the territorial sea and contiguous zone.
Done at Geneva April 29, 1958.'
Ratifications deposited: Czechoslovakia, August 31,

1961 ; ' Israel, September 6, 1961 ; ' Venezuela, August

15, 1961.'
Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29,
1958.'
Ratifications deposited: Czechoslovakia, August 31,

1961 ; ' Indonesia, August 10, 1961 ; ° Israel, September

6, 1961 ; ' Venezuela, August 15, 1961.
Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva
April 29, 1958.'
Ratifications deposited: Czechoslovakia, August 31,

1961 ; Israel, September 6, 1961 ; ' Venezuela, August

15, 1961.'

' Not in force.

^ With reservations and declaration made at time of

signing.
° With a statement.
' With reservations.
° With a reservation.

November 20, 1967

869

Property

Convenaon of Paris for the protection of Industrial prop-
erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels December
14, 1900, at Washington June 2, 1911, at The Hague
November 6, 1925, at London June 2, 1934, and at Lis-
bon October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958.'
Ratifications deposited: Cfeechoslovaltia, August 12,
1961 ; Monaco, September 2, 1961.

Slavery

Protocol amending the slavery convention signed at
Geneva September 25, 1926 (46 Stat. 2183), and annex.
Done at New York December 7, 1953. Entered into
force for the United States March 7, 1956. TIAS 3532.
Acceptance deposited: Ireland, August 31, 1961.

Trade and Commerce

Declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to the

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at

Geneva November 18, I960.'

Signature: Pakistan, September 12, 1961.
Declaration on extension of standstill provisions of article

XVI :4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.

Done at Geneva November 19, I960.'

Signature: Italy, August 29, 1961.
Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton

textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into

force October 1, 1961.

Acceptances deposited: Denmark, Portugal, and
Sweden, October 23, 1961.

BILATERAL

Bolivia

Agreement relating to radio communications between
amateur stations on behalf of third parties. Effected
by exchange of notes at La Paz October 23, 1961.
Enters into force November 22, 1961.

Canada

Agreement relating to channel Improvement work in
Pelee Passage area of Lake Erie. Effected by exchange
of notes at Ottawa June 8, 1959, and October 17, 1961.
Entered into force October 17, 1961.

Agreement relating to the dredging of Wolfe Island Cut
in the St. Lawrence River. Effected by exchange of
notes at Ottawa October 17, 1961. Entered Into force
October 17, 1961.

Greece

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with related note. Signed at Athens October 18, 1961.
Entered Into force October 18, 1961.

New Zealand

Arrangement relating to importation into New Zealand
of aircraft and aircraft components manufactured In
the United States. EflEected by exchange of notes at
Wellington January 30 and February 28, 1940. Entered
into force February 28, 1940. 54 Stat. 2203.
Terminated: November 8, 1961."

Pakistan

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of

1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at Karachi October
14, 1961. Entered into force October 14, 1961.

Switzerland

Agreement concerning the reciprocal acceptance of certif-
icates of airworthiness for Imported aircraft. Effected
by exchange of notes at Bern October 13, 1961. Enters
Into force provisionally October 13, 1961, and definitively
on date of notification to the United States that it has
been ratified by the Swiss Government

Viet-Nam

Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at
Saigon April 3, 1961.

Ratifications exchanged: October 31, 1961.
Enters into force: November 30, 1961.

' Not in force.

• Notice of Intention to terminate given by New Zealand
May 8, 1961.

No.

Date

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 30-November 5

Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin
which were issued prior to October 30 are Nos. 736,
737, and 739 of October 26 ; 741 and 743 of October
27 ; and 745 of October 28.

Sabject

Rusk : departure for Japan.

Visit of President of Senegal.

Meeting concerning foreign students
in U.S. (rewrite).

Williams : Overseas Press Club.

Cleveland : "This House of Politics."

Statement on Soviet note to Finland.

Ratifications exchanged on treaty of
amit.v and economic relations with
Viet-Nam.

Ball: "Threshold of a New Trading
World."

Chenery named director, AID Pro-
gram Review and Coordination
Staff (biographic details).

Report to AID of advisory committee
on cooperatives.

Visit of President of Senegal.

Hostilities in Katanga.

Cofl5n sworn in as AID Deputy Ad-
ministrator (biographic details).

Visit of Prime Minister of India.

Williams : "United States Policy and
Africa."

Rubin sworn in as AID General
Counsel (biographic details).

Delegation to 13th Colombo Plan
meeting (rewrite).

Magellas appointed to AID (bio-
graphic details).

Visit of Prime Minister of India.

Delegation to 11th session of FAO
Conference (rewrite).

Bowles : Adult Education Conferences
of U.S.A.

• Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

t748 10/30

♦749 10/30

t750 10/30

t751 10/31

t752 10/31

753 10/31

754 11/1

755 11/1
•756 11/1

t757 11/1

♦758

759

•760

11/1
11/1
11/2

•761
t762

11/2
11/2

•763

11/3

t7G4

11/3

•765

11/3

•766

t767

11/3
11/4

t768

n/4

870

Department of State Bulletin

November 20, 1961

Ind

ex

Vol. XLV, No. 1169

Africa. Tasks and Opportunities in Africa (Wil-
liams) 861

American Principles. Under Secretary Bowles Ad-
dresses Regional Foreign Policy Briefing Con-
ferences ..... 850

American Republics. Under Secretary Ball Inter-
viewed on "At the Source" Program 838

Atomic Energy. Soviet Nuclear Test Called Politi-
cal Act ; President States U.S. Test Policy ... 844

Canada. George C. Starlund Named Member of

Salmon Fisheries Commission 869

Communism. Under Secretary Bowles Addresses
Regional Foreign Policy Briefing Conferences . . 850

Congo (Leopoldville). U.S. Supports U.N. in Ef-
forts To Restore Peace in Katanga ....... 865

Economic Affairs

George C. Starlund Named Member of Salmon
Fisheries Commission 869

President Announces Two New Programs To Aid
U.S. Exporters 837

Threshold of a New Trading World (Ball) ... 831

Under Secretary Ball Interviewed on "At the
Source" Program 838

U.S., Viet-Nam Exchange Ratifications on New
Economic Treaty 866

Educational and Cultural Affairs. NATO Re-
search Fellowship Program for 1962-63 An-
nounced 868

Europe. Threshold of a New Trading World
(Ball) 831

Finland. U.S. Comments on Soviet Note to Fin-
land 866

Germany

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on Voice of America . 845

Under Secretary Ball Interviewed on "At the
Source" Program 838

International Organizations and Conferences.
Calender of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 867

Mutual Security

Tasks and Opportunities in Africa (Williams) . . 861

Under Secretary BaU Interviewed on "At the

Source" Program 838

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO Re-
search Fellowship Program for 1962-63 An-
nounced 868

Presidential Documents

President Announces Two New Programs To Aid

U.S. Exporters 837

President Kennedy Reaffirms Turkish-American
Unity 866

Soviet Nuclear Test Called Political Act ; President
States U.S. Test Policy 844

Treaty Information

Current Actions 869

U.S., Viet-Nam Exchange Ratifications on New

Economic Treaty 866

Turkey. President Kennedy ReaflSrms Turkish-
American Unity 866

U.S.S.R.

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on Voice of America . 845

Soviet Nuclear Test CaUed Political Act ; President

States U.S. Test Policy 844

Under Secretary Bowles Addresses Regional For-
eign Policy Briefing Conferences 850

U.S. Comments on Soviet Note to Finland .... 866

United Nations. U.S. Supports U.N. in Efforts To
Restore Peace in Katanga 865

Viet-Nam. U.S., Viet-Nam Exchange Ratifications
on New Economic Treaty 866

Name Index

Ball, George W 831,838

Bowles, Chester 850

Downs, Bill 839

Dunlavey, Ronald 845

Kennedy, President 837,844,866

Novlns, Stuart 839

Rusk, Secretary 845

Smith, Howard K 838

Starlund, George C 869

Williams, G. Mermen 861

U.S. COVERHIIENT PRINTINO OPPICEi Ifll

PUBLIC LIBRARY _^
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS

THE THREAT OF SOVIET ECONOMIC POLICY

the

Department

of

State

The Communist bloc since 1954 has extended credits and grants to
the less developed coimtries amounting to about $5.2 billion by June
1961. In the last half of 1960 nearly 7,900 (and probably more in
1961) bloc teclinicians were occupied in 23 less developed countries
on various assignments lasting a month or longer. Bloc trade with
these countries has grown from a level of $860 million in 1954 to
about $2.7 billion in 1960, an increase of more than 210 percent.
Arms assistance has played a key role in the Communist economic
offensive in the less developed areas. In particular, it has offered
a means for increasing tension in already tense situations.

These various aspects of Communist economic diplomacy are
described in a new 25-page booklet, which discusses :

Soviet Tactic of Economic Diplomacy in Less Developed Areas
Problems of Less Developed Covmtries Exploited by the Bloc
Communist-Bloc Credits and Teclinical Assistance
Communist-Bloc Trade With Less Developed Areas
Eecent Developments in Bloc Economic Diplomacy
Moscow's Goal : Prestige, Influence, and Power

Publication 7234

15 cents

ro:

Order Form

Snpt. of Docaments
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.

Enclosed find:

(_ca8h, check, or money
order payable to
Supt. of Docs.)

^

Please send me copies of:

_The Threat of Soviet Economic Policy

Name:

Street Address:

City, Zone, and State:

HE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

/4<^^ A-

Bec'd
Vol. XLV, No. 1170 / \ November 27, 1961

DEC 4 19*^^

B. P- ^•
IT IS TIME TO REAFFtRJVIjgjJR^NATIONAL PUR-
POSE • Address by Acting Secretary Bowles 875

CABINET MEMBERS ATTEND ECONOMIC MEETING

IN JAPAN O Department Announcement, Statement by
Secretary Rusk, and Text of Joint Communique 890

"THIS HOUSE OF POLITICS" • by Assistant Secretary

Cleveland 881

THE THREE "A'S" OF AFRICA: ALGERIA, ANGOLA,

AND APARTHEID • by Assistant Secretary Williams . . 885

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1170 • Pubucatio.n 7306
November 27, 1961

For sale by tbe Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing OQlce

Washington 25, D.O.

Pbice:

62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.29

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of tbe Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
oopyrigbted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Dkpaetmeni
or State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed In the
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature.

Tlie Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government tcith information on
developments in the fieUl of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BL'LLETHS' includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the IT'hite House and tlie
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as tcell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

It Is Time To Reaffirm Our National Purpose

Address hy Acting Secretary Bowles ^

The theme of this conference reminds us that
foreign affairs is the business of the people.
Wliether we hold public oiBce or not, each of us
carries his share of public responsibility, and each
is deeply involved in the quest for peace at a par-
ticularly dangerous moment in history.

Tlie headlines move from Cuba to Laos, from
the Congo to Viet-Nam, from Bizerte to Berlin.
Each crisis demands hard decisions and threatens
new terrors.

These individual crises and the dangers which
flow from them are a reflection of the broad global
crisis that in one way or another troubles all man-
kind. The new world wliich is rapidly taking
shape is the product of forces which are unprec-
edented in the long history of man. If we are
to deal with them effectively and creatively, we
must be sure that we understand them.

First, and for the long haul perhaps the most
important, is the political, social, economic, and
cultural upheaval that is sweeping Asia, Afi-ica,
and Latin America. Hundreds of millions of peo-
ple who once knew life only as an endless cycle of
poverty, oppression, ignorance, and disease have
suddenly become aware that their misery can be
eased, that doctors and teachers can be trained,
that schools and roads and dams can be built, and
that all men can know an increased measure of
dignity and justice.

Second is the development of the Soviet Union
within two generations as a highly industrialized,
heavily armed Commimist state whose clearly
stated objective is to bring other states within its
sphere of tight totalitarian control.

' Made before the Adult Education Conferences of the
U.S.A. at Washington, D.C., on Nov. 5 (press release 768
dated Nov. 4).

Third is the emergence of Communist China as
a paramount power of east Asia, a dynamic, land-
hungry, oil-hungry nation with an exploding
population of 650 million people and an imperial-
istic, expansionist tradition stretching back for
2,000 years.

Fourth, the impact of these three great revolu-
tions has been compounded by advances in mili-
tary technology that have provided some modern
states with weapons of almost infinite destructive
power.

America's Entry Into World Affairs

We Americans entered this awesome era in world
affairs largely unconscious of its dangers and op-
portunities, ill-prepared to play our essential role,
and uncertain of ourselves.

In large measure our lack of world experience
stemmed from the unique nature of our own politi-
cal and economic development. During much of
the century between the War of 1812 and World
War I, we had been generally cut off' from inter-
national problems and pressures. Behind the pro-
tective shield of the great oceans we had thrown
our energies into the settlement of our vast con-
tinent, into the construction of railways, roads,
and industries, into the building of a new nation
in a new world that we hoped could remain for-
ever aloof from the conflicts of Europe.

Although the natural barriers of geography
largely explain our traditional isolationism, it was
the existence of British power in Europe that al-
lowed us to practice it, untroubled by foreign in-
terference. In the century between Napoleon and
World War I, British diplomacy had maintained
an effective balance of power in Europe. At the
same time the British fleet in the Atlantic gave

November 27, 7967

875

substance to our Monroe Doctrine and prevented
imperialistic adventurers from interfering with
us and our Latin American neighboi-s to the south.

Needless to say, it never occurred to our fore-
bears to thank our British cousins for playing
this essential role of world power balancer. On
the contrary, officeseekers in most eastern cities
considered it not only shrewd but mandatory to
twist the tail of the British lion at every
opportunity.

Nor did the worldly-wise British expect our
gratitude. Their policies were created to serve
their national interest, not our own. It was our
good fortune that their interests and ours hap-
pened largely to coincide.

A Growing Feeling of Frustration and Uncertainty

The two great wars changed the old 19th-cen-
tury world beyond recognition. Now ours is the
responsibility and the opportunity, and because
this requires us to play a substantially unfamiliar
role, many Americans feel frustrated and unsure.
Their frustration is compounded by the fact that,
in the long years in which we were isolated from
world affairs, we were able to handle a vast num-
ber of domestic questions in our stride. We had
come to regard problems as situations to be solved,
not situations to be lived with.

We achieved our independence.

We opened up the West.

We successfully converted ourselves from an
agricultural society to a primarily industrial
society.

We preserved the Union in a bloody Civil War.

We fought and won the two major international
wars.

We coped with a severe depression and emerged
from it with new economic vigor and new concepts
of social justice.

Now, as our national focus switches to largely
imfamiliar glohal problems which often appear
so complex as to defy solution, it is understand-
able that our impatience should multiply.

The material advantages which we bring to this
new challenge are great indeed. We have mus-
tered by all odds the strongest industrial capacity
on earth, and we are more than a match for any
military adversary.

Yet the new world which is emerging is not only
intricate but vast, and we constitute only 6 per-

cent of mankind. Although wise and courageous
policies will enable us strongly to influence the
shape of world affairs, we are beginning to see that
we cannot control them, and for many Americans
this is a new experience.

Is it any wonder that many of our countrymen
should attempt to escape from this dilemma? Is
it surprising that frustration and exasperation
with new problems and new forces should lead
some of our most respected fellow citizens to seek
shortcuts ?

Reflections of Frustration

There are at least three types of thinking in
the United States today which reflect such
frustration.

First there are those who have come to believe
that sooner or later war is probably inevitable.
This is defeatism of the most dangerous kind. Let
us consider some of the consequences.

A nuclear war under present conditions would
mean the total destruction of most of our great
cities and thousands of our towns and villages.
"Wlien we take into account both the blast and the
fallout, it is impossible to estimate what the ulti-
mate effects on human life would be. Our own
nuclear response would devastate the aggressor.
Indeed the damage to him and to his country
would be substantially greater than to our own.
Yet this is hardly a contest which thoughtful
men would enter lightheartedly or in ignorance
of its implications to mankind.

We cannot, of course, achieve peace by running
away from the prospect of war. Any failure to
live up to our commitments in Berlin would be
followed by mounting pressure to retreat from
Paris, from London, and ultimately from New
York, Kansas City, and Seattle. Until controlled
disarmament and international justice under law
are fully agreed to, our military power remains
essential not only to our own national security but
to the vast majority of mankind who have no de-
sire to live in a Communist world.

The present strengthening of our defensive
capacity does not suggest the inevitability of war;
on the contrary, it provides the essential barrier
behind which creative forces may work to lay the
foundation for a rational world society.

A second reflection of present-day isolationist
thinking is the concentration of many patriotic

876

Department of Stale Bulletin

Americans on the activities of our small minority
of domestic Communists to the exclusion of the
far greater challenge abroad.

Every intelligent man knows that a worldwide
Communist conspiracy exists and that the Soviet
empire has agents in almost every nation on earth,
including the United States. It is also true that
these agents are dangerous and that we must be
everlastingly on guard against their attempts to
undercut or subvert our national efforts.

In our concern over internal subversion, how-
ever, let us be careful not to hit the wrong target.
Some frustrated citizens, for instance, seem to be
saying that communism arises from socialism,
which in turn stems from liberalism, which in turn
emerges from the democratic ideas written into our
Declaration of Independence by Thomas Jefferson.
This notion will not hold water.

Can they name a single nation which had
achieved a reasonable measure of economic well-
being and social justice that has been overturned
by the Communists?

With the exception of those nations where the
Soviet Army has imposed Soviet regimes, com-
munism has moved toward power only in societies
which were reactionary and oppressive, where peo-
ple were illiterate and hungry, and where they had
abandoned all hope that their problems could be
solved by any other alternative.

The only realistic answer to the Communist
challenge is more democracy and progressivism,
not less — not only here in America but everywhere
in the world.

The third group of isolationists, and perhaps
the most unhappy, are those who in effect seem to
be saying, "Stop the world, I want to get off."
If they had their way, we would retire from world
affairs and leave the future to others on the as-
sumption that somehow we can isolate ourselves
from the ebb and flow of human events.

Instead of strengthening our alliances they pro-
pose that we abandon our conamitment to any
nation which is reluctant to accept in full our
interpretation of world affairs.

Instead of strengthening the United Nations
so that it can act more effectively, they propose
that we withdraw from this international body
unless its members agree to become a subservient
arm of American foreign policy.

Instead of seeking adjustments within our own
economy which will help expand international

trade, they would have us raise our tariffs to shut
out those foreign goods which compete with Amer-
ican products no matter how costly and inefficient
our domestic production may be.

Instead of working positively through our Fed-
eral Government to strengthen our national de-
fense, to improve our schools and our highways,
to help create greater opportunities for all of
our people, they would have us slash our Federal
budget to the bone.

Instead of seeking through a sensitive balance
of military firmness and patient negotiations to
reduce cold-war tensions and to find some honor-
able basis of avoiding war, they would have us
break relations with every nation that opposes us.

Instead of applying our surplus foods and a
tiny fraction of our great wealth to help the under-
developed non-Communist nations secure the same
freedom of choice which allowed us to build our
own great country, they would have us cut off
foreign assistance.

The Price of Isolation

This course of action runs counter to all that
we have learned by the painful process of trial
and error over the last 50 years. It represents
total abdication of our responsibility as a world
power. It rejects our revolutionary tradition and
turns its back on the teachings of Jefferson, Wil-
son, Lincoln, and Franklin Eoosevelt. Instead of
protecting the American way of life, it is a re-
pudiation of the American way of life.

Can any thoughtful man question the ultimate
result of such a policy ? Indeed is this not almost
precisely the line of action that we followed with
disastrous results following World War I?

Wlien war came in April 1917, President Wilson
recognized the need for a clear set of national
objectives that were understandable in human
terms, attainable through practical action, and
worthy of our greatest efforts. Over and over
again he stressed that, if lasting peace were to
become a reality, a way must be found gradually
to unite mankind. To this end he proposed the
creation of a League of Nations to provide both
a forum in which world leaders could debate
their differences and a political instrument to rally
world power and influence against an aggressor.

Wilson carried his fight for a new world organ-
ization into every corner of America. He stressed

November 27, J 967

877

that if the isolationists should persuade a ma-
jority of Americans to reject tlie League, we would
break the heart of the world.

Prophetically he warned that, if we Americans
refused to work with other peoples in pursuit of
peace, "There will come sometime, in the venge-
ful providence of God, another struggle in which
not a few hundred thousand fine men from Amer-
ica will have to die, but as many millions as are
necessary to accomplish the final freedom of the
peoples of the world."

In 1919 the United States Senate rejected the
League of Nations. The isolationist had won.
The Wilsonian dream was rejected. The rest is
history.

In Europe during the next few years the forces
of communism, nazism, and fascism grew rapidly.
The United Kingdom and France, grievously
weakened by the war and working through an en-
feebled League of Nations which lacked the es-
sential participation of the United States, were
increasingly unable to cope with the challenge.

In 1930, following the stock market crash of
1929, we took a second tragic misstep, this time
in the economic field, that further fed the grow-
ing forces of world chaos. By adopting the in-
credible Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, we made it im-
possible for many nations to sell their goods in
the United States and thereby deprived them of
the funds with which to buy the products of our
American factories. So more factories were shut
down, unemployment grew still faster, and we
stimibled deeper and deeper into the Great De-
pression.

The price we paid for this period of isolationism
was a heavy one: first, a searing depression that
left one-third of our work force without jobs, and
then in 1941, almost precisely as Woodrow Wilson
had prophesied, "another struggle in which not
a few hundred thousand fine men from America"
had to die.

Has the Lesson Been Learned?

What troubles me tonight is the nagging ques-
tion : Has the lesson been fully and finally learned ?

Again we hear the voices of earnest but mis-
guided men who assume that we can ignore the
lessons of history, disregard the vital importance
of the United Nations, recklessly raise our tariffs,
cut of}' foreign aid, abandon our allies, and some-
how escape the consequences.

I respect their sincerity and understand their
honest desire for simpler answers. But would
their undoubted patriotism and good intentions
lessen by one iota the catastrophe that would surely
occur if we accepted their advice ?

The economic interdependence of our modern
world continues to grow steadily. Already the
United States is importing almost 50 percent of its
industrial raw materials. This includes all of our
tin, all of our rubber, 97 pei'cent of our manganese,
89 percent of our nickel, 84 percent of our alumi-
num, and large percentages of other minerals.

If we should commit the folly of abandoning our
relations with the world, we would lose both
the strength and resources which we now draw
from the world. We would be left alone, and
gravely weakened, to face Conmiunist pressures
which had been compounded by our own reck-
lessness.

The imprecedented world challenge that con-
fronts us now stems not from foreign aid, not
from international trade, not from the ups and
downs of U.N. debate, not from the views of our
neighbors with whom we may disagree, but from
the unprecedented revolutionary forces of today's
world.

Although the Communists did not create these
forces, it is inevitable that they should seek to cap-
tui'e and control them. In Berlin, southeast Asia,
Cuba, and elsewhere, the Communist movement
poses an unremitting challenge to our strength
of will, our firmness of purpose, and our intelli-
gence.

Yet the Russians are not all 10 feet tall, nor have
they demonstrated any particular skill in dealing
with the complex forces which have been gen-
erated in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In-
deed, in the political and economic field it may be
said that the Kremlin's mistakes have been both
frequent and serious.

Nor are the Kremlin's frustrations confined to
the developing continents. A^Hiat, for instance,
about their often repeated demands for a contest
between the Communist way and the democratic
way ? Haven't we had precisely such a contest in
Germany for the last 15 j-ears? Wliile West Ger-
many has been developing under a democi*atic sys-
tem. East Germany has adhered rigidly to the
Soviet political and economic philosophy. And
what has been the result ?

878

Department of State Bulletin

Today in West Germany we have one of the
great economic, social, and political success stories
of modern times — a free, prosperous, dynamic
society of enormous vigor and promise. By con-
trast East Germany stands as a shoddy failure,
economically depressed, intellectually sterile, and
scorned by most of its own citizens.

Indeed the Soviet failure in East Germany has
been so great that the Communists have had to
build a wall backed by machineguns and tanks to
keep the East Germans from moving en masse
from the so-called "Communist utopia" of East
Grermany to the "capitalist cesspool" of West Ger-
many. In this single act of desperation the Com-
munist leaders have made it clear to the world that
the one way they can keep their people in is to lock
them in.

Admittedly, the Berlin wall creates new prob-
lems for the West. But let us not forget that it
stands as a monumental symbol of the utter bank-
ruptcy of Soviet policy in Europe.

I do not suggest that these Communist setbacks
and frustrations lessen the present danger. On
the contrary, the very failure of much of the
Soviet economic and political effort in Europe,
Asia, and Africa may help explain the Kremlin's
reckless military pressure in central Europe.

For the short haul the frustration born out of
these setbacks, coupled with an uncertain China
on their back doorstep, may make the Soviet Union
much more difficult and dangerous to deal with.
Over the long run, however, the outlook may be
somewhat brighter.

Blocked in their attempt to overrun Asia and
Africa by economic and political maneuvers, and
blocked from West Berlin by NATO power and
will, is it not possible that sober-minded members
of the Kremlin may ultimately feel that the time
has come for a rational adjustment that will hu-
miliate no one, and thereby open the door to mean-
ingful negotiations ? Although I can see no par-
ticularly hopeful signs on the immediate horizon,
we must never close the door to this possibility.

Until that time comes, however, our task is
vigorously to pursue our objectives of orderly,
peaceful growth in Asia, Africa, Latin America,
and Europe, while firmly holding our ground in
regard to such questions as Berlin.

Let me add that, in spite of our daily dose of
crises and conflict, I am deeply convinced that
time is on the side of freedom.

Two Opposing World Tides

There are two great tides in the world today.
One is the tide of Communist-instigated cold-war
conflict. Tliis is the world of barbed wire and
stone waUs, of night raids in the jungle and threats
of nuclear destruction, of violence, distrust, and
fear, of standoff and fallout.

Yet side by side with this current of fear and
destruction runs a countercurrent, a tide of hope
and opportunity, running strong toward freedom,
toward increasing understanding, and toward jus-
tice among nations and men.

It will take great energy, patience, and wisdom
to deal effectively with the powerful forces which
are shaping our new world. It will take all the
rich variety of tools which our pluralistic society
can provide : the art of diplomacy, the warmth of
person-to-person relationships, the helping hand
of economic and technical aid, and the protective
shield of military strength.

Yet with one essential proviso I remain confi-
dent of our capacity successfully to meet the chal-
lenge. This proviso can be simply stated : Do we
clearly understand the nature of the struggle?
At this crucial moment in history, what precisely
do we Americans seek? In other words, what is
our national purpose?

Some will answer that our national purpose is
self-evident : to preserve the American way of life.
But in today's tightly interrelated world, is this
answer still adequate ?

Imagine yourself for a moment talking to a
young Assamese schoolteacher on the banks of the
great Brahmaputra Eiver in northeastern India.
"Wliy," he might ask, "should we Indians associate
ourselves with you Americans in the struggle
against commimism?" And suppose you should
answer, "Because we need your help in protecting
the American way of life."

Could you expect anything less than total
bewilderment ?

Why should Mohan Chandri, a simple Indian
schoolteacher, agree to risk his life to assure the
continued comfort of the richest people in the
world 12,000 miles away ?

Others may suggest that America's national
purpose should be expressed in broader terms.
"Is it not our true objective," they may ask, "to
capture the minds of men and, through economic
aid and skilled diplomacy, to bring them into line
behind American leadership?"

November 27, 7967

879

This interpretation of America's national pur-
pose would appear to Mohan Chandri and to most
people abroad as even more arrogant and insensi-
tive than the first. "What right has any nation,"
they would ask, "to set out to capture the minds
of men? Didn't Jefferson say that America's
task was to free men's minds and not to enslave
them ? And does even the most cynical among you
seriously believe that your government can pur-
chase the loyalties of whole nations ?"

Such arguments have a hollow ring in the ears
of most of mankind because they are so totally
unworthy of us.

Making Known America's True Purposes

Wliat then are America's true purposes, and
how can we present them to the world in imder-
standable terms ?

Although the obstacles to the kind of world
which we seek are formidable, our goals, at least,
are clear.

Since the beginning of time, men of all races
and creeds have worked slowly and tortuously to
establish certain universal values. In one form or
another these values have provided the dynamic
core of every major civilization. They are re-
flected in the world's great religions, each of which
in its own way expresses the Golden Rule.

Today these values are threatened by a Com-
munist movement which denies the importance of
the individual and which would deprive him of
his dignity and justice.

The present challenge, therefore, is not simply
to the privileged minority of mankind who have
the most to lose in a material sense. It is a
challenge to all men who cherish freedom and the
right to work out their destiny in their own way
within the framework of their own history and
culture.

So again let us imagine ourselves in the village
on the Brahmaputra as Mohan Chandri again
puts the crucial question, "Wliy should we Indians
associate ourselves with you Americans in the
struggle against communism ?"

And suppose you should answer :

"Although you and we are thousands of miles
apart in a physical sense, we share certain uni-
versal beliefs for which generations of our fore-

bears have fought, which we are prepared to
defend today, and for which your own great
Gandhi died.

"Although we Americans do not always live
up to these principles, they are the clearly stated
objectives which spur us to improve our own
society and to work with others toward a peaceful
world.

"Here in India you have your own deeply rooted
prejudices and limitations which you are earnestly
seeking to remove. You, too, are reaching for the
perfectibility which may never come but which
will remain the everlasting goal of all free men.

"Therefore we say to you, and to all others who
share in these convictions : Let us work together
to create a world in which men may free them-
selves from the sterile grip of totalitarianism
wliich denies these basic himian values.

"Because we Americans have much to give, we
are prepared to assist your own effort to strengthen
your economy and provide greater opportunities
for your people. We do this not because we want
to possess you as satellites, but solely to enable you
to make your own free choices within your own
culture and your own historical framework."

When we speak in these universal terms, the
faces of hundreds of millions of people of all
races, creeds, and cultures will light up in new con-
fidence and understanding. For the most effective
response to today's complex, dangerous, yet in-
finitely promising world lies deep in the demo-
cratic faith which provided strength and direction
to previous generations of Americans.

Let us therefore put aside our frustrations, let
us clear our vision, and let us marshal our energies
and patriotism, and those of our well-meaning fel-
low citizens who today lean toward self-defeat-
ing courses of action in the face of our global chal-
lenge. Our historic role as a nation is clear, and
it is time to reaffirm it at home and abroad.

Only through our traditional democratic faith
can we overcome the barriers of language, eco-
nomic differences, prejudices, and tradition to
create the foundation of the world partnership for
freedom which eventually may evolve into a
peaceful world society.

This, it seems to me, constitutes America's na-
tional purpose. Why else are we here?

880

Deparimenf of State Bulletin

<'This House of Politics"

hy Harlan Cleveland

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs ^

I put it to you tonight that in any kind of pub-
lic business, whether it is running a family or a
redevelopment project or a city or a state or a
nation, nearly everything you do is a process of
negotiation, which is to say a political process,
usually not with just one other person or group
but often a complex discussion of multilateral
brokerage that involves reconciling many differ-
ent interests, muting any number of immutable
principles.

The problems in your business are like ours in
the State Department. Progress comes only
when you serve your purpose through a reasonable
accommodation among the legitimate interests
concerned, without damaging your other vital
interests.

As a nation our purposes are pretty clear — and
are well expressed in the literature of American
statesmanship. We are, for better or worse,
among the trustees of one of the truly great per-
ceptions in the history of civilization: the idea
that men are born free. It is an idea so naturally
attractive on first sight to men and women of
every race and nation that even the practitioners
of political slavery must package their product to
look like freedom. Our purpose, in our own
interest, is to fashion free institutions that en-
courage men to use their freedom to enable other
men in turn to build and maintain their own free
institutions.

In the heat of global debate about ideas and
ideologies, we all have a tendency to speak of
the global competition as a struggle between
Khrushchev's system and our system. But we do

'Address made before the National Association of
Housing and Redevelopment OflBcials at Washington, D.C.,
on Oct. 31 (press release 752).

not have a "system" ; it is, if anything, a protected
plurality of systems. What makes it so hard to
capture and record the "American way of life"
is precisely that we deny the Communist dogma
that one man's view of society is the correct, ap-
proved version. The one essential thing about
American democracy is that no individual or
group should ever gain the exclusive right to say
authoritatively what American democracy is.

The piece of paper on which these ideas about
freedom are most persuasively expressed is not
some private manuscript, uncleared, unedited, and
imdefiled, penned in the dead of night by some
literary genius. Quite the contrary. These ideas
in their pure form appear in a very public docu-
ment called the charter of the United Nations,
a political tract pasted together by compromise
in a dozen committees, a state paper ratified by
a hundred nations through a hundred constitu-
tional processes.

The U.N. Charter doesn't just state these di-
vinely human ideas. It sets up a primitive way
to promote man's freedom — by keeping the peace
while doing something practical about the basic
wants of modem man. It creates a place where
nations can agree on next steps while continuing
to disagree about their reasons for taking those
next steps.

To the outsider, too bored or too offended by
the presence of politics to examine what the U.N.
is really doing, the goings-on in New York may
look the way Greek democracy looked to Plato
in his time: "A charming form of government,"
he called it, "full of variety and disorder, and dis-
pensing a sort of equality to equals and unequals
alike." But adolescent though it is at the age
of 16, the United Nations is still the best way we
have found to transmute world opinion into a

November 27, 7967

881

new and relevant form of power. But this al-
chemy is politics. And we Americans should
understand about politics, because, as befits a de-
mocracy, we have a great deal of it.

We know that in national, civic, and personal
affairs the national, civic, and personal interests
are served with varying degrees of success. We
find no difficulty in reconciling the ideal with the
possible and even at times with something less
than that. We can do so because we realize there
is no perfect way of discovering the "ideal" and
no better way of trying than through the political
process.

We know that national and civic interests have
to be defined and made specific by periodic elec-
tions. We understand the political process as
well as any people in the world; our experience
with it even predates our nationhood. As a re-
sult, we can take care of shortcomings in the
national-interest concept at home and in our per-
sonal lives, but we have trouble with it in the wide
world.

Problems of Development

There are few matters more in the national
interest than good cities, but I'm sure that no one
in this room has any illusions about the process
by which — in Paul Appleby's classic phrase —
good city governments "make a mesh of things."
I understand it is relatively easy for a bright
student of planning to design a good city. But
the most difficult problem, as you know too well,
is not to design the city of tomorrow but to tackle
the mean and often thankless job of improving
the ones we live in today. It is also easy to design
a model community of nations. The similarity
doesn't stop there.

With only a general knowledge of what actually
happened, I understand that it was quite a victory
for the urban-renewal forces in New York City
when the Board of Estimate approved a large
cooperative development south of Pennsylvania
Station. Its friends tell me that the project
clearly serves the national interest and the interest
of the city of New York. They explain, how-
ever, that many concessions had to be made in the
process and that some interests suffered. What I
find revealing in descriptions of the project is
that its friends seem proud of the way conflicts
were resolved by hard bargaining among astute
negotiators.

This particular project, like any large public
enterprise, involved a good deal of tough political
infighting. The residents of the areas to be re-
develojDed had no desire to give up their homes
and their controlled rents. The old-line political
clubs had no desire to lose their members, and the
churches felt the same way.

The public-housing advocates questioned wheth-
er the cooperatives which were to be built there
under trade union sponsorship were not far over-
priced. Some private developers who had their
eyes on the land were heartbroken at the thought
of construction following demolition without a
parking-lot stage in between. Altogether, hun-
dreds of gi'oups and thousands of individuals held
various iriews on this project for differing reasons.

The sponsors championed the national interest,
but they did so by dealing with the local ones.
In the end a political reform group whose
strength did not lie with the old residents threw
its support behind the project; arrangements
were made to leave the churches standing, a few
other institutional structures were allowed to re-
main, and work was speeded on nearby low-cost
public housing — too late to help some of those
being displaced but not too late to be helpful
politically.

What seems to have happened on the West Side
of Manhattan is a political process that, in the
general opinion of local mankind, served the
national interest. On the other side of Man-
hattan Island, where the United States Mission to
the United Nations is working to redevelop what
Dag Hammarskjold called "this House," a similar
process is clearly visible. It is no less a form of
politics, and the diplomats who conduct it have
to be practical political operators too.

Their immediate problem, in the weeks since
Secretary-General Hammarskjold was killed, has
been to work to restore power and flexibility to the
executive branch of the United Nations. And
Ambassador Adlai Stevenson has gone about the
job as realistically as any other good developer.

His first job was to deal with that big operator
with the right connections who wanted to buy in
on the project so the house could be knocked down
and the land paved over for a parking lot. He
has given this operator a chance to change his
mind and has offei-cd to negotiate on everything
but the integrity of the project itself. At the
same time he has worked with the other members

882

Department of State Bulletin

of the cooperative to convince them that they can
rebuild a decent house with or without that big
operator, who doesn't care whose life or property
he endangers with his blasting.

The result of these negotiations will be that the
"House" survives and will grow in usefulness and
power. There will be some unnecessary shrubbery
around — purchased to satisfy some members in
the nursery business. There will be a modest
apartment reserved for the big operator, if he
wants to use it ; but it's no bigger than the apart-
ments allocated to some of his smaller and poorer
neighbors. There will be some hard payments to
make from year to year — the kind of payments,
as Justice Holmes used to say, that purchase
civilization. But even in the cold light of a rainy
morning, the new United Nations will look a great
deal better than a parking lot.

Politics of Nonalinement

The "House" in question contains much activity
of many kinds. I would like this evening to dwell
for a moment on one kind of U.N. politics which
has a prominent place there — the politics of non-
alinement. For the United Nations is a special
kind of house — a sclioolhouse of international po-
litical responsibility. And while most of its mem-
bers, including ourselves, have come through
kindergarten with flying colors, none of them, in-
cluding ourselves, have earned any graduate
degrees.

The essence of the schooling is the responsible
use of power in a political process. Some of the
members don't have much military power, but all
of them can help enforce what our own Declara-
tion of Independence calls "a decent respect to
the opinions of mankind."

That the United States is restrained in its ac-
tions by "world opinion" is well known; it is,
indeed, a source of frustration and complaint
among political commentators these days. But all
countries are subject to a similar restraint.

Perhaps this is not the ideal moment to argue
this point, just when the Soviet Union's repudi-
ation of its own promises not to test nuclear
weapons has been capped by an atmospheric blast
so huge that the words of outrage seem inadequate.
Yet the Soviets have clearly been cooled off on the
troika, or "three-headed monster," theory of inter-
national administration by the well-nigh unani-
mous opinion of the non-Communist world. And

the general opinion of mankind dictated the re-
luctant Soviet acknowledgment of the United
Nations Congo operation, even after they had de-
cided that the United Nations in the Congo was
making their favorite technique of indirect aggres-
sion impossible to pursue successfully.

For the smaller powers, whose leaders are in
some sense the custodians of mankind's opinion,
the United Nations thus serves as a training course
in the use of this considerable if invisible form
of power. Precisely because talk and action in
the name of world opinion are a form of power, it
is useful to inquire into the moral basis for its
exercise. Those leaders who serve as independent
and thoughtful spokesmen for mankind make an
immense contribution to world politics, no matter
how many square miles, how large or small the
population they rule. Tliose who speak for man-
kind out of national ambition or personal vanity
are not to be taken quite as seriously. The temp-
tation to speak for the general opinion of mankind
can be as corrupting as any other form of temp-
tation.

Americans should understand this very well.
Secure behind the might of the British Navy, we
thumbed our nose at the great powers of the
day, lectured them on morality, and expected them
to be sentimental about our nonalinement. Even
today, when we know that we have to be right in
the thick of things on every issue everywhere in
the world — because we have power and power
willy-nilly must be exercised in the very thick of
things — we often hanker for the quiet pools and
sleepy lagoons of nonalinement and remember
with nostalgia the moralistic description by Jolm
Quincy Adams of American foreign policy in
1821. The United States, he wrote,

. . . has abstained from interference in the concerns of
others, even when the conflict has been for principles to
which she clings. . . . She goes not abroad in search
of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the
freedom and independence of all. [But] she is the
champion and vindicator only of her own. She will
recommend the general cause by the countenance of her
voice, and the benignant sympathy of her example. She
well knows that by once enlisting under other banners
than her own, were they even the banners of foreign inde-
pendence, she would involve herself beyond the power of
extrication, in all the wars of interest and intrigue, of
individual avarice, envy, and ambition, which assume the
colors and usurp the standard of freedom. . . .

Even for a big power in the present day, non-
alinement is sometimes the right policy — if it

November 27, J96I

883

doesn't mean noninvolvement. On many of the
trouble spots in the world we find we can be useful
by not taking sides but by consulting the parties
concerned, smoothing the way toward private dis-
cussions, promoting constructive attempts to study
the problems, and not merely shouting about them
in loud debates.

Dependent and Independent Neutrality

It is observable that in the General Assembly
of the United Nations there are two kinds of "non-
alined" delegates — the dependent kind and the
independent kind.

Those who practice the dependent form of non-
alinement can be readily identified : They declare
themselves uninvolved in every contentious issue
and carefully place themselves just halfway
between what they see as the two extremes.

The notion was best expressed, in verse, by a
political scientist named A. A. Milne in a textbook
entitled When We Were Very Young.

Halfway down the stalra

Is a stair

Where I sit.

There isn't any

Other stair

Quite Ulte

It.

I'm not at the bottom,

I'm not at the top;

So this is the stair

Where

I always

Stop.

Halfway up the stairs

Isn't up,

And isn't down.

It isn't in the nursery.

It isn't in the town.

And all sorts of funny thoughts

Run round my head:

"It Isn't really

Anywhere !

It's somewhere else

Instead !"

Thus, on any lively topic of international af-
fairs the nations with commitments on that sub-
ject tend to be ranged against each other,
defending their vital interests and hoping the by-
standers will agree. The bystanders tend to place
themselves at a point equidistant from the posi-
tions of commitment. From this position it is
both easy and inexpensive to be courageous — for
courage, especially of the "let's you and him fight"

or "let's you and him make peace" variety, is di-
rectly proportional to one's distance from the real
problem. Each of us knows from our own per-
sonal experience how easy it is to be decisive about
questions we don't have to decide.

A neutral country which must always pick the
halfway point in any contention between the big
powers has delegated to the big powers the deci-
sion where the neutral will stand. Thus, if the
range of possible views as between the United
States and the Soviet Union on disarmament could
be represented by a numerical scale running from
zero to 100, a neutral might feel it should occupy
a firm and unequivocal position at point 50 on the
scale. But if the Soviet Union suddenly decided
to take a far more extreme position and moved out
to 250 on the same scale, the neutral dedicated to
the halfway-house form of neutrality would have
to scurry over to the place marked 125.

Acting as a moon to be pulled by the tides of
the big powers is, indeed, one form of neutrality ;
it is the dependent form of it. In diplomacy as in
logic, the dependent variable has a passive role;
it is the independent variables which have all the
fun.

The joyful thing to watch is the transition
from the first to the second stage of sovereign
existence for a new nation. In the second stage
the truly independent nation does not crouch half-
way between the extremes of commitment, look-
ing apprehensively to one side and the other.
Instead it stands erect at whatever point in the
spectrum of relevant opinion its own vital inter-
ests and its own mature and independent analy-
sis would indicate is the place to stand. If on
some subjects this locates its policy closer to the
West and on others closer to the Soviet Union,
the leaders of a truly independent nation will
accept with good grace the brickbats from either
side, as appropriate — for they know that brickbats
are the handmaidens of responsibility.

In the real world, of course, no country's U.N.
delegation fits neatly into either the first or the
second form of nonalinement. Within each coun-
try's domestic politics there are first-stage and
second-stage thinkers — men struggling for power
who find political nourishment in strict halfway-
house neutrality, and other men struggling for
power who stand wherever their values and their
concept of their national interest dictate.

But it is fair, I think, to describe these two

884

Department of State Bulletin

stages as contrasting tendencies in the develop-
ment of national independence. And to me the
encouraging thing about the Belgrade conference ^
was the demonstration of how difficult it is getting
to be to pretend that all forms of nonalinement
come together at the halfway point between the
big powers.

The Belgrade powers came together on a num-
ber of issues; but they were, naturally, the easy
ones, those requiring action by others: a Berlin
settlement, a disarmament agreement, a ban on
nuclear testing, the provision of capital for de-
velopment, the turning loose of Europe's remain-
ing colonies in Africa and elsewhere. The hard
subjects were papered over — or if they touched

the vital interests of any nation present, they
went unmentioned altogether.

This growing diversity of views, which can be
read between the lines in nearly every paragraph
of the Belgrade declaration, may go into history
as one of the major political events of the 1961
session. Perhaps it was not quite what some of
the conference sponsors had in mind. But per-
haps it is something better: evidence that some
of the leaders of the world's smaller and weaker
powers are becoming so independent-minded that
they can afford to be independent even of each
other. It is none too soon for actions by the non-
alined that go beyond a declaration of inde-
pendence to a demonstration of independence.

The Three '^AV of Africa: Algeria, Angola, and Apartheid

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant /Secretary for African Affairs'

It is good to be with you again here at the Over-
seas Press Club. On the occasion of my last visit

I told you something of my convictions on the
question of freedom and self-determination for the
peoples of eastern Europe. That question remains
very much on the world's agenda today, and I
need hardly say that my convictions have not
wavered.

The present focus is on the fate of Berlin, but the
hopes of other millions in central and eastern
Europe are also bound up in the outcome. In fact,
the issue reaches out far beyond Europe to the
capitals of countries not yet born when World War

II ended.

The President, in stating the solemn commit-
ment of the United States on Berlin,* described

'For background, see Buixetin of Sept. 18, 1961, p.
478, and Oct. 2, 1961, p. 539.

' Address made before the Overseas Press Club at New
York, N.Y., on Oct. 31 (press release 751).

* BtTLLETiN of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267.

the peril and the problem as a challenge not to us
alone but "to all who want a world of free choice."

My travels in Africa have taken me among peo-
ples who want this kind of world — a world of
free choice, built on the foundations of self-deter-
mination and independence. I found this to be
true in my first trip, to central Africa; on my
second trip, to southern Africa ; and most recently
in visiting nine countries which lie beside or reach
into the great desert of the Sahara.^ Six of these
latter nations border on Algeria, where the issues
of self-determination and independence have been
bitterly fought over for 7 years.

We in America, out of historical ties with free
Europe and mindful of American blood shed there
in the cause of freedom, are gravely concerned
with Berlin above all other immediate issues. And
in good conscience, with the global view our world
position forces us to take, we can and do believe

• For an announcement of Mr. Williams' trip, see ihid.,
Oct. 16, 1961, p. 642.

November 27, J 96 J

885

that the future of freedom and self-determina-
tion everywhere is profoundly at stake in the fate
of the 31/^ million people of Berlin.

Thus in my talks with African leaders I have
sought a sympathetic understanding, a sense of
common cause with our point of view, on this
question. Frankly, I have had only partial
success.

We can and do share important convictions with
the Africans. The germinal ideas of freedom and
self-determination, planted from the Western
tradition which America has done so much to
nurture, have burst into vigorous life in Africa.
But the difference comes, usually, in what is in
the forefront of the mind when these great prin-
ciples are evoked. To us it may be Berlin ; to them
Algeria, or Angola, or wpartheid.

There is no use complaining of this. We must
work tirelessly at bringing home to the new na-
tions of Africa the lesson we have learned at great
cost — that freedom is indivisible, that no nation
can wash its hands of the issue simply because it is
at stake in a distant arena. Then we may gain
from them a greater appreciation of the problems
which, in the forefront of our preoccupations, we
think most vital.

At the same time we must open our minds fully
to consideration of those issues which have most
immediate force for Africans. We are committed
to freedom and self-determination. We must ex-
pect to be held to it. We must reckon with its
dynamic force not only in areas we have known as
battlegrounds but in the lives of peoples and na-
tions we are just beginning to know.

In several issues our position is not an easy one.
The interests of countries beside whom we have
fought and bled are sometimes seemingly at odds
with the interests of other countries or of peoples
under their administration. These issues, forcing
themselves on the world's attention, we must in-
evitably face. "Wliere they occur in the context of
Africa's changing order — of Africa's future — we
must consider them on their merits according to
our traditional beliefs and within that basic frame-
work of political and social order, the U.N.
Charter.

The charter of the United Nations, echoing the
principles which Woodrow Wilson shaped anew,
states in article 1 that it is the purpose of the
United Nations "to develop friendly relations
among nations based on respect for the principle of

equal rights and self-determination of peoples,
and to take other appropriate measures to
strengthen universal peace." The charter's pre-
amble, further, pledges member states "to reaffirm
faith in fundamental human rights" and "to pro-
mote social progress and better standards of life
in larger freedom. . . ."

In this light let us look at some of the issues in
which our commitment must apply if we are to
fashion an operative understanding with Africans
while doing justice to the views of all others con-
cerned.

Algeria

In every country on my latest trip, and espe-
cially in the Arab nations flanking Algeria, the
final issue of the Algerian struggle is awaited
with — at one and the same time — sympathy and
apprehension. The citizens of these neighboring
nations, remembering their own recent emergence
to independence, feel a deep, sympathetic identity
with the Algerian people's aspirations for self-
government. And they are apprehensive over the
uncertainties of how Algerian self-determination
is to be realized.

Nowhere are these feelings as intense as in
Morocco and Tunisia, both bound so closely by ties
of history, race, and religion to the Algerian peo-
ples. In mj' conversations in Morocco and Tunisia
I was able to sense a growing hope that the tragic
Algerian conflict is nearing an end. If good sense
and reasonableness prevail, the peace for which we
all yearn may soon return to this troubled land.
The birth of a new nation, which would become
one of the most important in Africa, is at hand.
In this the years of sacrifice and perseverance of
the Algerian peoples, and at the same time the
realistic and progressive policies of General
Charles de Gaulle, will find their vindication.

How is the will of the Algerians to be given
substance? In the confusion of needless bloodshed
and terror the immediate future still seems
tortuous and uncertain. But we are hopeful that
representatives of the French and Algerian peo-
jiles, working together, can find a formula giving
effect to Algerian aspirations while protecting
legitimate interests of the European minority,
many of them second- and third-generation set-
tlers. French- Algerian talks have taken place
already on three occasions. The time seems right
for — indeed all signs indicate — the early resump-
tion of negotiations.

886

Department of State Bulletin

Our policy reflects President Kennedy's long
and well-known interest in the Algerian question.
It comes down to tliis : We feel that the key to a
solution lies in negotiations between France and
the FLN [National Liberation Front]. We hope
these negotiations can soon be resumed and that a
settlement based on the principle of Algerian self-
determination will be achieved.

The United States has always believed that a
settlement, to endure, must be democratic and
just — that is, it must fulfill the aspirations of the
Algerian people, and it must respect minority as
well as majority interests. The goal of a sovereign,
independent, peaceful, and prosperous Algeria is
commonly accepted by Algerian nationalists and
the French policy as publicly stated by President
de Gaulle. We, too, support this goal.

The final test, however, lies ahead, and it calls
for the highest order of statesmanship. Negotia-
tions are the key to a settlement, and their success
in turn depends on the elaboration of assurances
sufficient to inspire confidence in the future on the
part of all who have legitimate interests at stake.
It is my own hope that wisdom and magnanimity
will now prevail in the final negotiations between
the French and Algerian representatives.

This is a time for responsibility and calm, not
for any new aggravation or inflammation of the
passions that have racked Algeria and France.
The United States calls on all those concerned to
choose the path of peace, reconciliation, and con-
struction of the new order in Algeria.

Angola

A second important question is Angola. This
Portuguese overseas territory has become the focus
of important international discussion. It is a
key African issue and one that faces the United
Nations General Assembly in the days immediately
ahead.

A resolution adopted by the General Assembly
last April,^ which the United States supported,
took the view that Portugal had not accorded
the inhabitants of Angola adequate opportunities
for social, economic, and political advancement.
The resolution in question called for appropriate
reforms, for the establishment of a U.N. commit-
tee of inquiry, and, perhaps most importantly, for

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1603 (XV) ; for background on Se-
curity Council debates on the Angola question, see Bul-
letin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497, and July 10, 1961, p. 88.

acknowledgment of the principle of self-determi-
nation for Angola. The note of urgency in this
question was heightened by disturbances in Angola
itself, involving considerable loss of life and prop-
erty on both sides. The presence in the Congo of
some tens of thousands of refugees from Angola
contributes further to the concern of the world
community.

The history of relations between the United
States and Portugal is long and amicable, and it
has been a source of regret to us that past votes
at the U.N. on Angola have been construed by the
Portuguese as hostile to their interests. That we
have not agreed with Portugal does not mean that
our purposes run contrary to the spirit of con-
structive friendship, and we have sought to clarify
to the Portuguese Government the necessities
which we believe are bound up in this question.
We believe that Africa is experiencing a revolu-
tion of expectations based upon the profound hu-
man desire for greater political and social self-
expression and that the Portuguese territories are
not immune to its influence. Portugal, in our
view, has the power to make a positive contribu-
tion, as other metropolitan powers have done, by
giving direction to these forces in her African
territories.

Portuguese racial philosophy has a constructive
aspect which can be usefully built upon. More-
over, continuing economic development in Angola
cannot afford to lose the services of Portuguese
technicians and their skills. We believe that these
benefits could ultimately be lost if there does not
occur a significant and timely accommodation to
the legitimate aspirations of all inhabitants of
these territories.

As the delegates of the United Nations again
take up the Angolan question, I believe they will
find a measure of encouragement that is quite new.
At the end of August the Portuguese Government
announced a series of reforms affecting its Afri-
can territories. Not the least of these reforms are
ones providing for a system of local self-govern-
ment and the elimination of a separate status for
"unassimilated" natives. There are clear indica-
tions that additional reforms will be announced,
particularly in the important field of education in
the African territories.

It is, of course, too early to judge the effective-
ness of these reform measures. But they are posi-
tive steps, and we trust they will be implemented

November 27, 1 96 J

887

in a prompt and comprehensive fashion. They
should, we feel, be accorded due weight in the
minds of all who have in mind the well-being of
the people of Angola.

It is out of basic obligations to the world com-
munity, rooted in the U.N. Charter, and to the
goal of a just and peaceful settlement of diflFer-
ences that we have upheld the desirability of a
progressive evolution for Angola. So, too, we
support the need for cooperation with the United
Nations, which we see as one avenue for resolv-
ing this problem. These have been and are today
our purposes in the Angola question.

Apartheid

The question of apartTieid in the Republic of
South Africa presents itself with increased force
each year at the U.N. General Assembly. We
think apartheid is a wrongheaded policy fraught
with dangers not alone to the peoples of South
Africa but to international peace and security.
We oppose it out of our convictions, out of our
own experience with questions of racial dis-
crimination, and in recognition of the clear in-
junctions of the U.N. Charter.

We do not suppose that racial accommodation
can be achieved overnight and without the strain
of a major social adjustment. We have our own
shortcomings to answer for in this matter in parts
of the United States, and it behooves us to press on
and make good on the national policy of bringing
discrimination rapidly to an end. But we cannot
hold any sympathy for the policy of South Africa,
which, in the words of a U.N. commission, is "con-
trary to the dignity and worth of the human
person."

That is why, not only at the U.N. but in direct,
official representations, we have felt obliged to
bring our views strongly to the attention of the
South African Government. We are mindful of
valuable South African contributions to the vic-
tory over Hitlerite Germany and to turning back
Communist aggression in Korea. But we cannot
expediently note only what the right hand of
South Africa does, if at home the left is raised to
turn aside the wind of change or fend off the U.N.
Charter's insistence on fundamental human rights
for all peoples.

A timely opportunity is presently open to the
South African Government which the United
States very much hopes will be taken up. I refer

to the award of the Nobel Peace Prize for 1960
to Chief Albert Luthuli, the Zulu Christian leader
who has devoted liis life to the struggle for human
rights and political equality in South Africa.
Seeking to honor this gallant African — a man of
peace as well as justice — the world looks to his
appearance in Oslo to accept the Nobel award.
South Africa should make this possible.

The three issues I have outlined tonight each
involve grave tests of responsibility for the na-
tions and peoples directly involved. The respon-
sibility of all others, the United States included,
is scarcely less important if the tenets of peace
and justice set forth in the U.N. Charter are not
to be lost in storms of unbridled anger and destruc-
tive propaganda.

Our responsibility, our influence, can be brought
fully to bear in these and other African issues only
if our conunitment to universal principles is clear
and operative in Africa as well as elsewhere. All
Americans share in this responsibility. People
and institutions of influence in this country, as in
Africa, must face the necessities of some very
tough problems that yield up no simple answer.

Let us be sure we are not distracted either by
the din of cold-war propaganda or by fears which
seem to argue that this ever-changing world should
somehow be stopped from further evolutions. Let
us understand better that our own great tradi-
tions of freedom and self-determination are shared
with other states through the pledges made in the
U.N. Charter. Then, I think, we can persist and
in the end prevail in building a world of free
choice.

President Senghor of Senegal
Visits United States

Leopold Sedar SengTior, President of the Re-
public of Senegal, made an official visit to the
United States October 30-Noveniber 4- Follow-
ing is an exchange of greetings between President
Kennedy and President Senghor upon the latter^s
arrival at Washington on November 3.

White House press release dated November 3

President Kennedy

Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, Members of
the Cabinet : I wish to express our great satisf ac-

888

Department of State Bulletin

tion, Mr. President, in welcoming you to
"Washington.

A famous American once said many years ago
that he did not care who wrote his nation's laws as
long as he could write this nation's songs. Mr.
President, you help write your nation's songs and
poems and you also help write your nation's laws.
You have been an architect of your country's in-
dependence. You have been the poet in the sense
of the aspirations of the people of Africa, and
you will come, as you do, to this country and see
millions of men and women who came from Africa
to the United States who are building their lives
here and making for them a strong place in the
American society. They form a valuable link
between our comitry and yours, and your
continent.

In addition, you will see millions of other
Americans who came from other parts of the
world, who came here to build their lives in inde-
pendence and liberty and fraternity in a free
society. So though Senegal and the United
States may be separated by thousands of miles,
though we occupy different positions and different
historical evolutions, nevertheless in a very real
sense we wish for the Senegal what you wish for
us, which is peace and liberty and national sover-
eignty, an opportunity to build a better life for
your people. So Senegal and the United States, in
that very fundamental sense, are sisters under the
skin.

Mr. President, we welcome you as the President
of your country. We welcome you as a distin-
guished contributor to the development of West-
ern culture, and I want you to know — and I speak
on behalf of all Americans — that you and the
members of your Govermnent are most welcome
for your counsel and your friendship in the crucial
year of 1961.

President Senghor'

Mr. President, allow me first of all to tell you
how deeply touched we are by this welcome, how
deeply touched we are to be welcomed by the great
Federal Eepublic of the United States. But if
we admire you, we admire you most of all not
only for your material power but for your spirit-
ual power. You also were a colony once. We
shall never forget your Declaration of Independ-
ence. Vie shall never forget your declaration of

^ As translated from the French.
November 27, 1961

618163—61 3

human rights. You have indeed carried out the
principles of these declarations into the actu-
ality— a great Republic of free men.

During World War I and World War II the
United States fought not only for the freedom of
the United States but for the freedom of all the
peoples of the woi-ld, and we admire you for it.

Senegal is a small country, but it is a Eepublic
which is inspired by the principles of democracy.
We have a parliamentary regime. We have a
majority, it is true, but there is also an opposition,
and thus the basic rights of the human person are
safeguarded. The resemblances between our two
political systems help to explain the friendsliip
between our two nations.

I am very happy to be among you today. Long
live the United States !

President Kennedy Assures Finland
of U.S. Friendship

Following is the text of a telegram from Presi-
dent Kennedy to President JJrTio Kekkonen of
Finland.

White House press release dated November 6

November 2, 1961

Dear Mr. President: Upon the conclusion of
your visit to the United States,^ I wish on behalf
of all Americans to extend to you and the Finnish
people our most cordial good wishes for the con-
tinued prosperity and well-being of Finland.

The reaction of my fellow countrymen to your
presence here has once again shown the depth of
our feelings of admiration and esteem for Finland.
Your nation, though small in size compared with
many others, is peopled with lovers of freedom
whose hearts are of giant proportion.

As you have journeyed through our land, I
trust you have gained greater knowledge of our
imrelenting determination. Americans are imited
in their resolve to meet with calmness and purpose
the problems posed by forces which challenge not
only the United States but indeed the whole com-
munity of nations sharing democratic institutions.
We will never cease our efforts in pursuit of peace
with justice for all mankind.

As you depart from our shores, please be as-
sured of our continuing interest in Finland's wel-

^ BtniETiN of Nov. 6, 1961, p. 760.

889

fare, and of our awareness of the value of the
shared ideals and bonds of friendship linking
our countries.

Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

His Excellency
Urho Kekkonen
President of Finland
Ambassador Hotel
Los Angeles

Cabinet tVlembers Attend Economic
Meeting in Japan

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT, OCTOBER 26

The Department of State announced on October
26 (press release 735) that the Joint United
States-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs would meet at Hakone, Japan, November
2-A. This Committee was established in an ex-
change of notes between the United States and
Japan at the conclusion of the visit of Prime
Minister Hayato Ikeda to the United States in
June of this year.^ The principal objectives of
this Committee are :

1. To demonstrate the importance which the
two countries attach to their economic relations.

2. To provide a forum for high-level discus-
sions between tlie United States and Japan on
economic affairs including development and trade
matters.

3. To give further substance to the policy of
close consultation and cooperation between the
two countries on matters of mutual concern.

4. To enable the principal political oflicials con-
cerned with economic affairs in both coimtries to
obtain firsthand knowledge of the nature and di-
mensions of the United States-Japanese economic
relationship, of the worldwide economic interests
of the two countries, and of the major political
considerations which affect their economic policies.

5. To establish the basis for further consulta-
tions and future negotiations, through diplomatic
channels, concerning specific economic and com-
mercial issues between the two countries, and con-
cerning the development of closer United States-

' Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 57.
890

Japanese cooperation on economic programs in-
volving other nations.

For the United States the principals will be
Dean Rusk, Secretaiy of State; Stewart L. Udall,
Secretary' of the Interior; OiTille L. Freeman, Sec-
retary of Agriculture; Arthur J. Goldberg, Secre-
tary of Labor; Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of
( 'ommerce ; Henry H. Fowler, Under Secretary of
the Treasury; and "Walter "W. Heller, Presidenti;il
Adviser on Economics. For Japan the principals
will be Zentaro Kosaka, Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs; Mikio Mizuta, Minister for Finance:
Ichiro Kono, Minister for Agriculture and Fores-
tiy ; Eisaku Sato, Minister for International Trade
and Industry; Kenji Fukunaga, Minister for La-
bor; Aiichiro Fujiyama, Director General of the
Economic Planning Agency; and Masayoshi
Ohira, Qiief Cabinet Secretary. Both the Japa-
nese and the American delegates will be assisted by
senior advisers.

The agenda for the Committee meeting is as
follows :

1. General survey and outline of the Japanese
and ^Vmerican economies.

2. The current financial and balance-of-pay-
iiients situations of the two countries.

3. Wage substance and labor productivity in
,Iapan and the United States.

4. The expansion of trade and promotion of
economic relations between Japan and the United
States.

5. The promotion of Japanese and United States
economic and commercial relations with other
parts of the world.

6. Economic assistance to less developed coun-
tries.

7. Proposals for stabilizing primary commodity
prices and their relationship to tenns of trade.

8. Other business.

DEPARTURE STATEMENT BY SECRETARY RUSK,
OCTOBER 30

Press release 74S dated October 30

The membership of our delegation emphasizes
the importance we attach to the forthcoming meet-
ing in Japan. Together with our Ja])anese
counterparts, my Cabinet colleagues and I con-
stitute the Joint United States-Japan Committee
on Trade and Economic Affairs. This Committee

Department of State Bulletin

was formed by agreement between President
Kennedy and Prime Alinister Ikeda during the
Prime Minister's visit to Washington last Jmie.

The Committee is a continuing consultative
body for discussing the prmcipal trade and eco-
nomic affairs of the two countries. The United
States has a similar arrangement with Canada.
This highlights an important economic fact:
Canada and Japan are America's two largest
trading partners. We sell more to Japan than we
do to any other coimtry in the world, except
Canada. Japan sells more to the United States
than to any other country in the world, bar none.

Of course, new trading patterns always create
new problems which need lx> be ironed out. The
development of our economic relations with Japan
in the years to come will be a major factor in our
overall relations with that country and will afford
great opportunities to American industry, labor,
and agriculture.

The agenda for our first meeting calls for dis-
cussions on a wide range of mutual economic and
trade interests. We expect to talk with our
Japanese friends fully and frankly in order to im-
pi'ove understanding of each other's problems.
We hope to find ways whereby we can improve
our mutual relations in the economic and trade
fields. We intend to consider jointly the ways
and means by wliich our two comitries can help
each other and can also help the less developed
nations of the world. While the meeting is not
designed to settle detailed issues between oui- two
countries, I am confident that it will lay the
groimdwork for the future settlement of such
issues and for increasing cooperation in all aspects
of our bilateral and worldwide economic relations.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE, NOVEMBER 4

Press release 771 dated November 7
(I)

The first meeting of the Joint U.S.- Japan Com-
mittee on Trade and Economic Affairs was held
at Hakone from the 2nd to the 4th of November
1961.

Japan was represented at the meeting by Mr.
Zentaro Kosaka, Minister for Foreign Affaii-s;
Mr. Eisaku Sato, Minister for International Trade
and Industry ; Mr. Ichiro Kono, Minister for Agri-
culture and Forestry; ^Mr. Mikio Mizuta, Minister
of Finance; Mr. Aiichiro Fujiyama, Director of

the Economic Planning Agency; Mr. Kenji
Fukunaga, Minister of Labor ; and Mr. Masayoshi
Ohira, Chief Cabinet Secretary. The Vice-Min-
isters of the Ministries concerned and Mr.
Koichiro Asakai, Japanese Ambassador to the
United States, were present.

The United States was represented by Mr. Dean
Rusk, Secretary of State; Mr. Stewart Udall,
Secretary of the Interior; Mr. Orville L. Free-
man, Secretary of Agriculture; Mr. Luther H.
Hodges, Secretary of Commerce; Mr. Arthur J.
Goldberg, Secretary of Labor; Mr. Henry H.
Fowler, Under Secretary of the Treasury; and
Mr. Walter W. Heller, Chairman of the Presi-
dent's Council of Economic Advisors. Mr. Myer
Feldman, Deputy Special Counsel to the Presi-
dent, and Mr. Edwin O. Reischauer, U.S. Am-
bassador to Japan, and the advisors from the De-
partments concerned were also present.

At the opening of the Committee meeting Mr.
Hayato Ikeda, Prime Minister of Japan, extended
a word of welcome to Secretary Rusk and the
other members of the U.S. delegation and ex-
pressed his hope that this meeting would contrib-
ute to further consolidation of the economic and
trade relationship between Japan and the United
States.

The business of the Committee under the chair-
manship of Mr. Kosaka, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, was carried out smoothly and a lively
exchange of views took place in a most cordial
and frank atmosphere.

The purpose of the Conference as expressed in
the exchange of notes between the Secretary of
State and the Minister of Foreign Affairs dated
June 22, 1961 ^ was to exchange information and
views in order "to eliminate conflict in the inter-
national economic policies of the two countries,
to provide for a fuller measure of economic col-
laboration, and to encourage the flow of trade".

(11)

Discussion covered the general area of trade and
economic relationships between Japan and the
United States, their trade and economic relations
with other areas of the world, and their domestic
economic conditions and policies.

At the outset the Committee recognized the close
relationship between domestic economic policy
and international economic relationships, and

' For texts, see ibid., July 10, 1961, p. 58.

November 27, 1961

891

agreed upon the importance to both countries of
the ellective functioning on a liberal basis of the
multilateral trade and payments system of the
free woi'ld.

The Committee considered the current economic
situation and prospects of both countries. The re-
markable growth of the Japanese economy in
recent years was noted and the Japanese national
income doubling plan was discussed and welcomed.

The current economic situation in the United
States economy was outlined and its recovery from
the recent recession was noted and welcomed. The
basic question of how full economic recovery and
more rapid economic growth can be achieved in
the United States while still maintaining reason-
able price stability and progress toward balance of
payments equilibrium was also discussed.

The importance to each country of maintaining
healthy economies and satisfactoi-y balance of pay-
ments positions, and of improving labor standards
and living conditions in both countries, was
stressed. It was also noted that trade policies are
and must be affected by employment conditions.

The Committee discussed the balance of pay-
ments problem of the United States and Japan,
and agreed that both countries needed to increase
their export market. Japan must trade to live and
grow, and the United States must trade to grow
and to do its share in insuring the security of the
free world. In the case of the United States, the
U.S. Delegation empliasized that a trade surplus
is required to finance assistance programs and
essential U.S. military expenditures abroad, ex-
penditures which are vital to the security and well-
being of the free world. They also emphasized
that the U.S. imbalance of payments must be cor-
rected by a larger trade surplus in order to assure
continued international confidence in the dollar as
one of the two key reserve currencies on wliicli the
trade and payments system of the free world de-
pends. With reference to the recent Japanese
imbalance of trade with the United States, the
U.S. Delegation stressed that it was at least in
part a result of the recent economic recession in the
U.S. and the sudden and rapid increase in Japan's
rates of growth and requirements for imports.
In the case of Japan, the Japanese Delegation
stressed that increased exports are required to help
finance the imports necessary for fulfillment of the
Government's ten-year income doubling plan. In

892

this connection they pointed out the recent short
imbalance in trade between the U.S. and Japan
and expressed the view that Japan could not attain
a satisfactory level of exports unless the level of
her exports to the U.S. were again to grow. The
Japanese Delegation further pointed out that,
although it was desirable that both countries at-
tain improved balance of payments by multilateral
approaches, every effort should be made on both
sides to adjust imports and exports as far as pos-
sible on account of the special trading circiun-
stances in which Japan is placed and the recent
extraordinary imbalance of trade between Japan
and the United States. In consideration of these
U.S. and Japanese viewpoints, the Committee
examined measures to expand export trade.

The Committee agreed that despite their best
efforts exports could not be expanded sufficiently
solely by trade between the two countries. It
therefore noted with regret that many countries
still maintain discriminatory restrictions on im-
ports from Japan under Article XXXV of the
GATT.

The Committee reviewed briefly the policies and
programs of both countries in respect of aid to the
less developed countries. It was noted that co-
ordination in this field between the two govern-
ments was taking place bilaterally as well as
through the IBRD [International Bank for Re-
construction and Development] , the Colombo Plan
and now through the Development Assistance
Committee of the newly constituted OECD [Or-
ganization for Economic Cooperation and Devel-
opment].

Considerable attention was given to the difficult
but important question of improving the income
of the less- developed countries through coordi-
nated international measures to stabilize the prices
of primary products and through increased pur-
chases of their primary products. The United
States referred to the value of its food for peace
program to their economic development and in-
vited cooperation in this field.

The Committee discussed wages, employment
and labor conditions in Japan and the United
States and the relation of these factoi-s to trade
between the two countries.

The Committee also discussed various other
]n-oblems, including the furtlierance of tlie flow of
capital and technology between the two comitries,

Department of State Bulletin

and closer contacts between those concerned with
labor in the two countries.

In view of the great importance to each country
of the economic and financial policies — both in-
ternal and external — which they pursued, and of
tlie operation of the multilateral trade and pay-
ments system of the free world on an open and
liberal basis, and of the need for a full exchange
of information on present and future plans, it was
agreed that joint consultations and studies will
be undertaken on an intensified basis, through
normal diplomatic channels, through discussions
between United States and Japanese delegations
to international bodies and, where appi'opriate, by
special informal meetings between officials of the
two governments. Such close and frequent con-
tacts will enable future meetings at the cabinet
level to make even more valuable contributions to
the achievement of the economic goals they share.

It was also agreed that the United States Am-
bassador to Japan, the Japanese Ambassador to
the United States and an appropriate official from
the United States Department of State and from
tlie Japanese Ministry of ForeigiT Affairs shall be
responsible for insuring the vigorous pursuit of
this work by the two governments between meet-
ings of the Joint United States-Japan Committee
on Trade and Economic xVff airs.

In accordance with this general agreement for
closer cooperation it was decided to start promptly
in several areas. It is expected that other subjects
on which joint efforts will prove desirable will de-
velop over the coming months.

Both nations agreed to work together toward
the continued liberalization of trade with other
nations and with each other in order to improve
export opportunities on a reciprocal basis.

The United States Delegation agreed to sup-
port the efforts of the Government of Japan to
reduce or eliminate discrimination against its equal
participation in multilateral trade relationships
with other nations, especially that under Article
XXXVoftheGATT.

Both nations agreed to extend their cooperation
in economic and technical assistance programs to
developing nations and to join in a common effort
to raise the standard of living of those nations.

Both delegations agreed to exchange such in-
formation relating to current economic and fi-
nancial developments and future plans and

programs as may be necessary to permit both comi-
tries better to anticipate significant changes in
their economic and trading relationships.

Both nations have a common interest in better
infoi-mation about labor standards, employment
conditions, wages, and other aspects of labor policy
in order to avoid misconceptions affecting trading
relationships. Accordingly, it was agreed that
these subjects would be studied by the two gov-
ernments.

Both nations, similarly, have a deep interest in
market promotional activities, avoiding disruption
of markets for specific products, and the ques-
tion of the effects of imports upon their industries,
and consider that these problems need further in-
tensive study. It was agreed that there would be
an exchange of relevant information and materials
bearing upon these questions.

Noting that a conference participated in by so
many cabinet members of Japan and the United
States with a view to deepening mutual under-
standing on problems of common interest is
imprecedented in the diplomatic annals of both
countries, and recognizing the significance of the
agreement between Prime Minister Ikeda of
Japan and President Kennedy of the United
States in June which created the Joint United
States-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs,^ the Committee agreed to promote fur-
ther economic cooperation thereby strengthening
the bonds of friendship between the two nations
in the years to come.

IVSeeting on Foreign Students in U.S.
Held at Department of State

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 30 (press release 750) that a 2-day meeting
to discuss means of improving the experience of
the increasing nmnbers of foreign students in the
United States opened at the Department on that
day.

Forty persons from all parts of the country at-
tended as representatives of the wide variety of

' Ibid., p. 57.

November 27, 1961

893

Department Releases Report on Aid
to Sub-Sahara African Students

The Department of State on October 29 (press
release 742 dated October 27) announced the re-
lease of a Report on United States Government As-
sistance to Sub-Sahara African Students Seeking
Higher Education iu the United States, January-
September 19G1. Copies may be obtained, upon re-
quest, from the Oflice of the Assistant Secretary
for Educational and Cultural Affairs, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C., where the report was
prepared.

nongovernmental organizations concerned with
foreign students, including colleges and universi-
ties, international houses, student associations,
foreign affairs councils, civic organizations, re-
search institutes, and foundations.

The Dej^artment's representatives were headed
by Philip H. Coombs, Assistant Secretary for Ed-
ucational and Cultural Affairs, who addressed
the opening meeting, and Donald B. Cools:, Di-
rector of Foreign Student Affairs, Bureau of Edu-
cational and Cultural Affairs.

Members of the group were asked to recom-
mend specific actions to be taken by organiza-
tions, commmiities, and government as the
Department gives increased emphasis to improv-
ing the experience of foreign students in the
United States.

MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT

I would like to take this opportunity to express
my personal interest in the purpose and i^lan of
your meeting on "The Foreign Student in the
United States." The need for greater effort to
promote international understanding, both
through the Government and through non-Gov-
ernmental organizations, becomes ever more evi-
dent as the number of foreign students increases
and the attendant responsibilities and opportuni-
ties rise. The object of your meeting — to enable
the Government to advise and consult with repre-
sentatives of many of the vital action groujjs
which have long been concerned with providing
a better experience for foreign students — empha-
sizes the essential basis of our ( otal effort.

Government has its role to play : the Depart-
ment of State has recently indicated a broadened
concern for improving the experience of all for-
eign students regardless of whether they came
liere under Government programs. But it is on
individuals such as you, and the voluntary groups
you represent, that the Government must depend
primarily for the character and quality of the re-
lationships we form with foreign students. Tliis
responsibility gives all of you and your organiza-
tions a first-hand role in this increasingly im-
portant part of our foreign relations. I hope
your meeting is a most productive one in out-
lining ways by which we can, jointly, meet this
great and growing opportunity more effectively.

John F. Kenxedt

The Responsibility of Labor
in the Cold War

by Gordon W. Chapman'^

We are today locked in a worldwide struggle
referred to commonly as the cold war. On one
side is the Communist power bloc, whose goal is
supremacy throughout the world — a world that
would be ruled by coercion, where the wishes and
whims of the party are supreme. On the other
side in this struggle are the free nations, whose
doctrine is, the people are supreme and govern-
ment must serve the interests of its citizens. This
is the doctrine of freedom, of self-determination,
of democracy. This struggle is intensified by a
period of world revolution. Millions of people in
Africa, Asia, and Latin xVmerica are aspiring to
move above subsistence levels. Today they know
that food and freedom can be more thait words
or idle hope — they can be reality; and they are
not waiting patiently for a better way of life to
unfold. They are demanding change, and change
there will be.

Upon the free world rests the responsibility of
helping bring into reality the dreams of the down-
trodden. The Soviets claim they have the solution

' Address made before District Council .■?7 of the Amer-
ican Federation of State, County, and Municipal Em-
ployees at New Torli, N.Y., on Oct. 21 (press release 726
dated Oct. 20). Mr. Chapman is Special Assistant to
the Secretary of State and Coordinator for International
Labor Affairs.

894

Department of State Bulletin

to obtaining materialistic benefits, and tliey irre-
sponsibly speak of broad democracy. Tliey care-
fully conceal the denial of individual freedom.
We and our friends throughout the free world
must bring about an understanding among the
millions of people in the newly developing nations
that their ambitions for a better economic life
can be secured without sacrificing freedom for a
new kind of slavery. Organized labor can and
must contribute greatly in this worldwide struggle.

U.S. labor has been taking the initiative by
using its own resources of manpower and money
to help our friends.

This is being done through worldwide organiza-
tions, first the International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions. The ICFTU is composed of
free trade luiions in America, England, France,
West Germany, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Italy,
Japan, others in the Far East, Africa, Latin
America, Australia, the Philippine Islands, and
many more. U.S. affiliation is through the AFL-
CIO. This world organization of free labor has
over 55 million members in 91 countries. With
headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, it has regional
organizations, maintains labor schools, and has
representatives working in the underdeveloped
countries helping new, inexperienced unions in
their struggle to better the economic conditions
of their members.

In addition to the ICFTU, there are Interna-
tional Trade Secretariats (ITS) . These are inde-
pendent international labor federations compris-
ing 35 million workers organized along industry
and craft lines. Affiliation is through our national
and international unions. Their activities in fos-
tering the development of free trade unionism in
newly developing countries have expanded dra-
matically in recent years. More than 50 American
unions representing 9 million members are affil-
iated with their ITS, which cooperate closely with
the anti-Commimist ICFTU. Examples: Inter-
national Metalworkers Federation; International
Petroleum Workers Federation; International
Transport Workers Federation; Postal, Tele-
graph and Telephone International; your own
Public Services International. These trade secre-
tariats— worldwide international organizations —
mamtain representatives working constantly
throughout the world assisting in the development
of free trade unions in their industry or trade.

This is the voluntary work of the free world
labor movement. It has a competitor — the Com-

munist-controlled World Federation of Trade Un-
ions— a political arm of the Conamunist Party.

We are unquestionably facing an able and deter-
mmed adversary. Let us take a look at Mr.
Klirushchev's claims and accomplishments. For
example, Berlin. Premier Khrushchev has fre-
quently advocated coexistence and peaceful com-
petition. He has repeatedly stated that such
competition will prove the ability of a Communist
society to surpass capitalistic unperialism. Of
course, his terminology "capitalistic imperialism"
is merely a slogan and not a true description of the
free economic and political society in West Berlin
or in our own United States. He has had the op-
portunity in East Berlin to prove that communism
is superior and has failed. He has failed to the
degree that it has, in his opinion, been necessary
to build a wall between Communist East Berlin
and free West Berlin to prevent the mass exodus
of East Germans to take advantage of the opportu-
nity to live in a free society.

Mr. Khrushchev now claims, under his 20-year
plan, that they will surpass capitalistic imperial-
ism, and in his speech to the 22d Congress he envis-
ages what appear to be very appealing goals such
as : free communal services for every family ; free
sanitoria, medicines, and medical care; 75 to 80
percent of the cost of keeping and educatmg chil-
dren to be free ; and free maintenance of disabled
workers. He neglects to mention whether or not,
under this beautiful plan, the people will be free.
Everything will be free except freedom itself.
He proposes that these materialistic benefits be
provided the people by government fiat. He neg-
lects to mention what can be given a people under
a dictatorship can be as quickly taken away.

In studying the 20-year program carefully, there
is continuous reference to labor and the working
classes. It is obvious that there will continue to be
a heavy emphasis in obtaining control of the
workers. This campaign will be carried on
throughout all of the newly developing nations,
not to build free trade unions but to build workers'
organizations that can be controlled and domi-
nated by the Commvmist dictatorship. In this field
of activity, the free world labor movement has a
tremendous responsibility.

Our own U.S. labor movement, which is free to
disagree with its Government, is also free to give
wholehearted support to its Government. This it
is doing and doing it voluntarily and effectively.

What are U.S. union members doing ?

November 27, 1961

895

Their dues, along with the dues of union mem-
bers throughout the free world, are helping to
finance the work of these organizations, the
ICFTU and each trade secretariat. Your union
dues are keeping your own representatives at work
in Africa, the Far East, and Latin America, keep-
ing them working with those who are much less
fortunate than we — helping them to build their
unions, helping them to improve their conditions,
helping them to build schools for their children
and homes to live in. Yes, they are doing all this
and more. They are helping these people to build
a free society, protecting them from the clutches
of communism. Many of these representatives are
U.S. trade unionists.

Prior to World War II, international labor de-
velopments were considered of relatively little
importance in their effect upon United States for-
eign policy or the requirements of our diplomacy.
True, Austria and Germany before the time of
Hitler's assumption of power had extremely in-
fluential labor movements closely related to their
social democratic governments, and the British and
the Scandinavians had labor or social democratic
parties in which trade unionism played an impor-
tant role. Until the end of the war, with the ex-
ception of the Soviets, no world power explicitly
recognized international trade unionism as an im-
portant special factor in international relations
and diplomacy.

The challenge of the reconstniction of a war-
shattered Europe and a rebuilding of its institu-
tions along democratic lines made it clear, however,
that important political questions were involved
and among them the question of the political di-
rection of the European labor movements. The
international Communist tactics, expressed abroad
largely through labor penetration, were quickly
recognized as aimed at the creation of governments
throughout Europe and elsewhere in the world
allied with a Soviet Union determined on world
conquest. It was clear that the U.S.S.E., though a
wartime ally, had been an ally for temporary con-
venience.

There is no clearer illustration of the Soviet
strategy of using international trade unionism
as a tool of foreign policy than wliat happened
in 1948 and 1949. The European Kecovery Pro-
gram, in which the Soviet Union was invited by
the United States to participate but which she
rejected, was opposed by the European Commu-

nists in the WFTU and attempts were made by
Communist imion leadership throughout Europe
to sabotage our aid under this program. The
democratic European union leadership responded
clearly and affirmatively to this challenge, and en-
couragement and support was provided by Amer-
ican labor both directly to the European unions
and indirectly through participation in advisory
services to our Government through the Marshall
plan, the Department of State, and, of course, the
Labor Department.

The labor attache program, which had its origin
during the war, is a measure of how important a
consideration labor has become in the Depart-
ment's policy and representation functions. From
a start in the early 1940's, the program has grown
to 50 labor attaches and 25 Foreign Service officers
who do labor reporting along with other duties
in the embassies and consulates overseas. There
are labor advisers in each of the Department's
regional bureaus and labor specialists in other
functions in Washington. Paralleling this de-
velopment, of course, has been the assignment of
labor advisers within the economic assistance pro-
gram (AID) overseas and in Washington to as-
sist in carrying out the economic aspects of foreign
policy.

In the field, a labor attache is the ambassador's
special adviser on labor problems in the country
to which he is accredited, the embassy's eyes and
ears in evaluating and reporting the political and
economic developments of the country and the
point of view of its organized masses, the workers.
His "beat," both professionally and during social
hours, is the trade union environment of the coun-
try, just as that of the political officer is with the
govermnent and the political parties (though
where the parties are led by trade unionists, the
labor attache often has more entree) and of the
economic officer is with the government and pri-
vate industry and economic circles.

In countries such as Japan and Indonesia in
Asia, Kenya and others in Africa, and Brazil, for
instance, in South America, in much of the imder-
developed area of the world where the crucial bal-
ance of decision in the contest between freedom
and Communist world domination resides, it is the
trade union movements which increasingly will
decide history and by which our foreign policy wiU
be most carefully tested.

896

Deporfmenf of Sfofe Bulletin

It is to these countries, the newest new world,
that we must make ourselves known in our own
democratic language and in the image of an Amer-
ica where trade unions such as their own play an
important role. A policy which would ignore the
presence and aspiration of the world's rising labor
movement and the opportunities for taking our
case for freedom directly to the people who in the
end must decide whether it or the Communist
philosophy will prevail would be suicidal.

Labor attaches do not make policy. The Secre-
tary of State and the President perform that func-
tion, with the general guidance of the legislative
and judicial branches, but labor officers can con-
tribute to a policy which takes into account the
realities of a world in which trade union issues
have become vital to political determination.

Labor specialization is new to diplomacy. The
less than 20 years with which we have had experi-
ence in this field have not developed a corps with
completed expertise. But the broad acceptance of
the value to the application of our foreign policy,
and to its shaping abroad and at home, is an indica-
tion of its contribution to date and its promise for
the future.

The terms of the peace vmder wMch we are to
live are equally important. The terms must pro-
vide freedom, and freedom is not purchased easily.

Too frequently we hear such comments as, "The
United States has no fixed foreign policy," or the
question is asked, "What is the foreign policy of
our Government?" If the answer was not clear
before, it is today. President Kennedy made it
clear to all the world on September 25th in his
address to the United Nations.^ He has issued a
challenge: "It is . . . our intention to challenge
the Soviet Union, not to an arms race but to a
peace race. ..."

What policy could be more clear? But to go
further with the challenge, he offers a program
toward peace, the creation of the machinery within
the United Nations to destroy the weapons of de-
struction. This is the challenge that we are pre-
pared to fulfill not in words but in deeds.

The policy of the United States is :

A. The challenge of leadership in the race for
peace.

B. Tlie destruction of the weapons of destruc-
tion.

• BuiXETiN of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

C. The newly developing AID program for both
economic and social improvement to benefit all,
not a select few.

D. Strengthen the United Nations — the interna-
tional organization through which world order
can be obtained and maintained.

Too frequently foreign policy and the imple-
mentation of foreign policy are confused. Our
foreign policy has been clearly defined by Presi-
dent Kennedy. The implementation of that
policy — the methods of obtaining our objectives
of peace, social and economic development, and
self-determination for all the people in every
country — cannot be a rigid, fixed formula. We
must work in concert with the other free nations,
both those who need help and those who can give
help, in devising methods that are most adaptable
and effective according to the needs of our neigh-
bors in the newly developing nations.

The fulfillment will not be easy, nor will it be
done quickly. It will test the strength, willing-
ness to sacrifice, and solidarity of the free world
today and in the weeks, months, and years ahead.
Do not expect the struggle against Communist
imperialism to be won without effort by all Ameri-
cans. This includes each of you as members and
leaders in your local imions, your District Council,
your international union, and your International
Trade Secretariat. Through these you can join
in the race for peace, and through these you can
provide more representatives to go into the newly
developing countries and help build free, respon-
sible, democratic trade imions in the public services
in the young, eager, energetic, but inexperienced
governments.

AID Ready To Receive Applications
Under Investment Guaranty Program

Press release 744 dated October 27, for release October 29
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

Fowler Hamilton, Administrator of the State
Department's Agency for International Develop-
ment, announced on October 29 that the Agency
is ready to receive applications for investment
guaranties under the program authorized by the

November 27, 1 961

897

Congress about a month ago.^ The total amount
of guaranties which can be written under the new
program is $240 million, of which $100 million
can be used for the new all-risk guaranty program.

The investment guaranty progi-am is one of the
elements authorized by the Congress in the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to encourage and
assist U.S. private enterprise to participate in tlie
economic and social development of friendly less
developed countries and areas.

The investment guaranty program provides
protection against risks peculiar to doing business
abroad. The three former types of specific-risk
guaranties against losses resulting from incon-
vertibility, expropriation, and war are still avail-
able. The new program includes also losses
resulting from revolution and insurrection. In
addition coverage is now, for the first time, avail-
able not only for U.S. firms but also for dollar
investments by wholly-owned foreign subsidiaries
of U.S. companies.

Under the expanded program, the Agency may,
in certain instances, write guaranties against all
risks. Such guaranties will be at least 50 percent
of the dollar investment and may go as high as
75 percent in some cases. In addition to the gen-
eral all-risk guaranties, a special all-risk guaranty
designed to encourage U.S. private enterprise to
assist and provide low-cost housing in Latin
America is now available.

In announcing initiation of the new guaranty
program, Mr. Hamilton emphasized that this is
only one of several methods through which the
administration cooperates with private enterprise
in increasing its role in the development activities
of the less developed areas of the world. He ex-
pressed his confidence that U.S. private industry
will make an increasing contribution to economic
and social progress in the newly developing areas.

Mr. Hamilton pointed out that the announced
procedures were established after consultation
with industry representatives and would speed up
administration of the guaranty program. He
added also that these procedures would be in effect
on an interim basis and may be revised and ad-
justed in the light of future experience.

Attached is a detailed description of the guaran-
ties available, general criteria to be utilized in

• Public Law 87-195.
898

their administration, and procedures for applying
for guaranties.

DETAILS OF PROGRAM AND APPLICATION PRO-
CEDURES

General Authority: Section 221

Congress has authorized the Investment guaranty pro-
gram to encourage, facilitate, and increase the participa-
tion of U.S. private enterprise In furthering the economic
and social development of less developed friendly coun-
tries and areas.

Administration of the new program will continue the
policy of not competing with private insurance com-
panies. Guaranties may not normally cover a period
longer than 20 years, and no payments will be made for
any losses arising out of fraud or misconduct for which
the investor is responsible. Guaranties issued will not
be transferable nor assignable without the express con-
currence of AID. Fees will be charged for all guaranties.

Specific-Risk Guaranty: Section 221 (b) (1)

The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 repeats, with some
modifications, the specific-risk guaranty authority con-
tained in the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as amended,
i.e. losses resulting from inconvertibility, expropriation,
and war. The general policies and procedures in effect
for implementing the authorities carried over into the
new act will continue as outlined in the Investment
Ouaranty Handbook of July 1960. A revised handbook
will soon be issued.

From the investors' point of view the most important
new provisions of the 1961 act are :

1. Eligibility for such guaranties is extended to invest-
ments by wholly-owned foreign subsidiaries of U.S.
companies ;

2. Protection against loss resulting from revolution or
insurrection is authorized ;

3. The authority to treat breach of contract by a gov-
ernment as expropriatory is confirmed ;

4. Flexibility is authorized in working out arrange-
ments with host governments for institution of the
program.

All-Risk Guaranty: Section 221 (b) (2)

In addition to the basic specific-risk guaranty authority
described above, AID wUl in those special and specific
cases which occupy an agreed high-priority position in
the host country's development plan, issue guaranties of
not more than 75 percent, more commonly 50 percent,
against loss of any dollar investment and against any
risk, including normal business-type risks.

Among the criteria which will be taken into account in
reviewing a project are:

Department of State Bulletin

1. whether the activity gives reasonable promise of
contributing to the development of economic resources or
to the increase of production capacities in furthering the
purposes of this title ;

2. the extent to which the recipient country is showing
a responsiveness to the vital economic, political, and
social concerns of its people and demonstrating a clear
determination to take effective self-help measures; and

3. the possible effects upon the U.S. economy, with
special reference to areas of substantial labor surplus, of
the guaranty involved.

It is contemplated that this authority, which is new to
the foreign aid program, will be used to guarantee gen-
eral economic development projects, with emphasis on
those projects which further social progress and the
development of small, independent business enterprises.
No such guaranty shall exceed $10 million ; the total face
amount of guaranties issued under this authority out-
standing at any one time shall not exceed $90 million.
No guaranty shall exceed the total value as of the date
of the investment made in the project, plus annual earn-
ings or profits on said investment to the extent provided
by such guaranties. It should be kept in mind that funds
guaranteed under this title shall not be loaned or re-
loaned at rates of interest excessive or unreasonable for
the borrower.

General economic development projects are defined as
those projects, agricultural as well as industrial, in which
private capital desires to participate which further de-
velop economic resources and productive capacities of less
developed friendly countries and areas.

Examples of economic development projects which
further social progress are agricultural credit institu-
tions, credit unions, cooperatives, low-cost housing proj-
ects, and other similar activities. They would have as
their aim and purpose the raising of rural and urban
living standards and must be designed to have a favorable
Impact on a broad segment of the public. Consideration
would also be given to projects such as food-processing
plants, plants producing farm machinery and equipment,
building materials, water supply and sanitation equip-
ment.

AID will give consideration to guaranteeing Invest-
ments which lead to the development of small independent
business enterprises. In this connection investors are
reminded of the considerable number of development
banks in existence In less developed countries, which are
supported in part by the AID agency and which are
equipped to assist in the financing of deserving small- and
medium-size ventures.

Housing

Private U.S. investments in savings and loan associa-
tions, housing cooperatives, and other organizations which
will finance low-cost housing programs will be eligible for
guaranties under the provision of this title (section 221
(b)(2)). In addition, the Congress has made special
provisions in section 224 for guaranties to finance pilot

or demonstration private housing projects in Latin
America of types similar to those Insured by the Federal
Housing Administration and suitable for conditions in
Latin America. These guaranties also may not exceed
75 percent of the investment and the total face value of
the guaranties outstanding at any one time under section
224 cannot exceed $10 million. Among the criteria for
investment guaranties for such pilot or demonstration
projects which will be taken into account are :

1. The intensity of the country's concern for its housing
problem. This can be determined by the extent with
which public and private sources will join in financing the
"pilot demonstration project" and to the extent they ex-
pect external aid. AID will give the highest priority
to those applications in which there is the greatest degree
of local financial participation. Also involved in these
criteria is the nature of the country's total housing
program and its efforts to meet this problem.

2. Human and material resources availability. AID
will take into account the availability of human and
material resources to carry out an expanded housing
program. Consideration will be given to such factors aa
the local building materials industry, the supply of skilled
labor capable and available to carry out the construction
effectively, the necessity of incorporating an apprentice
training program into the demonstration project to
upgrade construction skills, etc.

3. Home ownership. The pilot project must make indi-
vidual, condominium, or cooperative home ownership
possible by regular monthly payments of interest,
amortization, taxes, insurance, etc.

4. Projects should be a "demonstration" type which
have a reasonable chance of being repeated, thereby act-
ing as a catalyst to stimulate similar projects with or
without external aid. There should be evidence that the
project is something new to the host country which
potentially will have a multiplier effect and will stimulate
or strengthen a self-supporting building industry which
will in turn contribute to economic development.

5. The housing project should be low-cost and self-
liquidating.

General

Inquiries regarding the use of the investment guaranty
authority should be addressed to : Investment Guaranty
Division, Agency for International Development, Wash-
ington 25, D.C.

Individuals desiring to make use of the Investment
guaranty authority provided in the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961 are requested to outline their projects to the
Investment Guaranty Division as soon as possible. Such
outline should cover at least the following points : de-
scription of project ; relationship of project to overall
economy of the country, including the effect. If any, on
social progress and self-help efforts of project; type of
Investment proposed to be guaranteed ; nature and extent
of guaranty sought (i.e. risks and percentage) ; and
nature and extent of project country participation. If
any, on the project and/or the guaranty.

November 27, J 96 J

899

AID will review the Initial responses, together with the
applications on hand. Because of the fiscal ceilings estab-
lished in the law, early submission is recommended. AID
desires to hear from principals only.

Presidential Order Provides for
Administration of Foreign Aid

AN EXECUTIVE ORDER'

Administration of Foreign Assistance and Related
Functions

By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Foreign
Assistance Act of 19G1 (75 Stat. 424) and section 301 of
title 3 of the United States Code, and as President of
the United States, it is hereby ordered as follows :

Part I. Depabtment of State

Section 101. Delegation of functions. Exclusive of the
functions otherwise delegated, or reserved to the Presi-
dent, by the provisions of this order, and subject to the
provisions of this order, there are hereby delegated to the
Secretary of State (hereafter in this Part referred to as
the Secretary) all functions conferred upon the President
by (1) the Act (as defined in Part VI hereof), (2) the
Act to provide for assistance in the development of Latin
America and in the reconstruction of Chile, and for other
purposes (74 Stat. 869; 22 U.S.C. 1942 ct seq.), (3) the
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951 (65 Stat.
644 ; 22 U.S.C. IGll et seq.), (4) the unrepealed provisions
of the Mutual Security Act of 1954 (08 Stat. 832 ; 22 U.S.C.
1750 et seq.), and (5) those provisions of acts appropriat-
ing funds under the authority of the Act which relate to
the Act.

Sec. 102. Agency for International Development, (a)
The Secretary shall establish an agency in the Depart-
ment of State to be known as the Agency for Interna-
tional Development (hereafter in this Part referred to as
the Agency).

(b) The Agency shall be headed by an Administrator
who shall be the officer provided for in section 624 (a) (1)
of the Act. Nothing in this order shall be construed as
affecting the tenure of the said Administrator now in
office.

(c) The officers provided for in sections 624(a) (2) and
624(a) (3) of the Act shall serve in the Agency.

Sec. 103. Continuation of prior agencies. The corpo-
rate Development Loan Fund, the International Coopera-
tion Administration, and the Office of the Inspector Gen-
eral and Comptroller shall continue in existence until the
end of November 3, 1961. The personnel, offices, entities,
property, records, and funds of such agencies and office
may be utilized by the Secretary prior to the abolition of
such agencies and office.

Seo. 104. Special missions and staffs ahroad. The
maintenance of special missions or staffs abroad, the flx-

• No. 10973 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 10469.

ing of the ranks of the chiefs thereof after the chiefs of
the United States diplomatic missions, and the authoriza-
tion of the same compensation and allowances as the
chief of mission, class 3 and class 4, within the meaning
of the Foreign Service Act of 1946 (60 Stat. 999 ; 22 U.S.C.
801 et seq.), all under section 631 of the Act, shall be sub-
ject to the approval of the Secretary.

Sec. 105. Munitions control. In carrying out the func-
tions conferred upon the President by section 414 of the
Mutual Security Act of 1954, the Secretary shall consult
with appropriate agencies. Designations, including
changes in designations, by the Secretary of articles which
shall be considered as arms, ammunition, and implements
of war, including technical data relating thereto, under
that section shall have the concurrence of the Secretary
of Defense.

Sec. 106. Office of Small Business. The Office of Small
Business provided for in section 602(b) of the Act shall be
in the Department of State.

Paet II. Department of Defense

Sec. 201. Delegation of functions. Subject to the pro-
visions of this order, there are hereby delegated to the
Secretary of Defense :

(a) The functions conferred upon the President by Part
II of the Act not otherwise delegated or reserved to the
President.

(b) To the extent that they relate to other functions
under the Act administered by the Department of De-
fense, the functions conferred upon the President by sec-
tions 602(a), 605(a), 625(a), 625(h), 627, 628, 631(a),
634(b), 635(b), and 635(d) of the Act.

(c) The function conferred upon the President by sec-
tion 644(i) of the Act.

(d) The functions conferred upon the President by
the fourth and fifth provisos of section 108 of the Mutual
Security Appropriation Act, 1956 (69 Stat. 438).

Sec. 202. Reports and information. In carrying out
the functions under section 634(b) of the Act delegated
to him by the provisions of section 201 ( b ) of this order, the
Secretary of Defense shall consult with the Secretary of
State.

Sec. 203. Exclusions from delegation to Secretary of
Defense. The following-described functions conferred
upon the President by the Act are excluded from the func-
tions delegated by the provisions of section 201(a) of this
order :

(a) Those under section 506(a) (introductory clause)
of the Act.

(b) Those imder sections 506(b)(1), (2), and (3)
of the Act to the extent that they pertain to countries
which agree to the conditions set forth therein.

(c) So much of those under section 511(b) of the Act
as consists of determining that internal security require-
ments may be the basis for programs of military assistance
in the form of defense services and reporting any such
determination.

(d) That of making the determination provided for In
section 507 ( a ) of the Act.

(e) Those of negotiating, concluding, and terminating
international agreements.

900

Department of Slate Bulletin

Pabt III. Otheb Agencies

Sec. 301. Department of the Treasury. There is hereby
delegated to the Secretary of the Treasury the function
conferred upon the President by the second sentence of
section 612 of the Act.

Sec. 302. Department of Commerce. There Is hereby
delegated to the Secretary of Commerce so much of the
functions conferred upon the President by section 601(b)
(1) of the Act as consists of drawing the attention of
private enterprise to opportunities for investment and
development In less-developed friendly countries and
areas.

Sec. 303. Civil Service Commission. There is hereby
delegated to the Chairman of the Civil Service Commission
the function of prescribing regulations conferred upon the
President by the proviso contained In section 625(b) of
the Act.

Sec. 304. United States Information Agency. The
United States Information Agency shall perform all
public-Information functions abroad with respect to the
foreign-assistance, aid, and development programs of the
United States Government.

Sec. 305. Development Loan Committee. There is here-
by established a Development Loan Committee in ac-
cordance with section 204 of the Act. The Committee
shall consist of the Administrator of the Agency for Inter-
national Development, who shall be chairman, the Chair-
man of the Board of Directors of the Export-Import Bank
of Washington, the Assistant Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs, the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
dealing with international finance, and the officer of the
Agency for International Development dealing with de-
velopment financing.

Pabt IV. Reserved Functions

Sec. 401. Reservation of functions to the President.
There are hereby excluded from the functions delegated
by the foregoing provisions of this order :

( a ) The functions conferred upon the President by sec-
tions 504(b), 613(a), 614(a), 620(a), 620(d), 621(a),
622(b), 622(c), 633(a), 633(b), and 634(a) of the Act.

(b) The functions conferred upon the President by
the Act and section 408(b) of the Mutual Security Act
of 1954 with respect to the appointment of olficers re-
quired to be appointed by and with the advice and con-
sent of the Senate and with respect to the appointment
of oflBcers pursuant to section 624(c) of the Act and the
function so conferred by section 204 of the Act of as-
signing officers to the Development Loan Committee.

(c) The functions conferred upon the President with
1 respect to determinations, certifications, directives, or

transfers of funds, as the case may be, by sections 202(b),
205, 303, 506(b)(4), .510(a), 604(a), 610, 614(c),
624(e) (7), 632(b), 634(c), and 643(d) of the Act.

(d) The following-described functions conferred upon
the President :

(1) Those under section 503 with respect to findings.

(2) Those under sections 506(b) (1), (2), and (3) in
respect of countries which do not agree to the conditions
set forth therein.

(3) Those under section 511(b), except the func-
tions of determining that internal security requirements
may be the basis for programs of military assistance in
the form of defense services and reporting any such
determination.

(4) That under section 614(b) with respect to deter-
mining any provisions of law to be disregarded to achieve
the purpose of that section.

(e) Those with respect to determinations under sec-
tions 103(b) (first proviso), 104 and 203 of the Mutual
Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951.

(f) That under section 523(d) of the Mutual Security
Act of 1954.

(g) Those under section 107 of the Foreign Assistance
and Related Agencies Appropriation Act, 1962 (75 Stat.
717), and those with respect to determination and certi-
fication under sections 109 and 602, respectively, of that

act.

Paet V. Funds

Sec. 501. Allocation of funds. Funds appropriated or
otherwise made available to the President for carrying
out the Act shall be deemed to be allocated without any
further action of the President, as follows:

(a) There are allocated to the Secretary of State all
funds made available for carrying out the Act except
those made available for carrying out Part II of the Act.

(b) There are allocated to the Secretary of Defense
funds made available for carrying out Part II of the Act.

Sec. 502. Reallocation of funds. The Secretary of State
and the Secretary of Defense may allocate or transfer
as appropriate any funds received under subsections (a)
and (b), respectively, of section 501 of this order, to any
agency, or part thereof, for obligation or expenditure
thereby consistent with applicable law.

Pabt VI. Genehai. Pbovisionb

Sec. 601. Definitions, (a) As used in this order, the
words "the Act" mean the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961 exclusive of Part IV thereof.

(b) As used in this order, the word "function" or
"functions" includes any duty, obligation, power, au-
thority, responsibility, right, privilege, discretion, or
activity.

Sec. 602. Incidental transfers, (a) Effective at the
end of November 3, 1961, all offices, entities, property, and
records of the corporate Development Loan Fund, not
otherwise disposed of by the Act, are hereby transferred
to the Department of State.

(b) So much of the records of the Export-Import Bank
of Washington as the Director of the Bureau of the
Budget shall determine to be necessary for the purposes
of section 621(e) of the Act shall be transferred to the
Department of State.

Sec. 603. Personnel, (a) In carrying out the functions
conferred upon the President by the provisions of section
625(d) (1) of the Act, and by this order delegated to the
Secretary of State, the Secretary shall authorize such
of the agencies which administer programs under the Act

November 27, 7967

901

as he may deem appropriate to perform any of the
functions under section 625(d) (1) of the Act to the extent
that the said functions relate to the programs admin-
istered by the respective agencies.

(b) Persons appointed, employed, or assigned after
May 19, 1959, under section 527(c) of the Mutual Security
Act of 1954 or section 625(d) of the Act for the purpose
of performing functions under such Acts outside the
United States shall not, unless otherwise agreed by the
agency in which such benefits may be exercised, be en-
titled to the benefits provided by section 528 of the
Foreign Service Act of 1940 in cases in which their service
under the appointment, employment, or assignment ex-
ceeds thirty months.

Sec. 604. References to orders and, Acts. Except as
may for any reason be Inappropriate :

(a) References in this order or in any other Executive
order to (1) the Foreign Assistance Act of 1901 (includ-
ing references herein to "the Act"), (2) unrepealed pro-
visions of the Mutual Security Act of 1954, (3) any other
act which relates to the subject of this order, or (4) any
provisions of any thereof shall be deemed to include
references thereto, respectively, as amended from time to
time.

(b) References in any prior Executive order to the
Mutual Security Act of 1954 or any provisions thereof
shall be deemed to be references to the Act or the cor-
responding provision, if any, thereof.

(c) References In this order to provisions of any ap-
propriation Act, and references in any other Executive
order to provisions of any appropriation Act related to
the subject of this order, shall be deemed to Include ref-
erences to any hereafter-enacted provisions of law which
are the same or substantially the same as such appropria-
tion Act provisions, respectively.

(d) References in this order or in any other Execu-
tive order to this order or to any provision thereof shall
be deemed to include references thereto, respectively, as
amended from time to time.

(e) References in any prior Executive order not super-
seded by this order to any provisions of any Executive
order so superseded shall hereafter be deemed to be ref-
erences to the corresponding provisions, if any, of this
order.

Sec. 605. Superseded orders. The following are hereby
superseded :

(a) Executive Order No. 10893 of November 8, 1960
(25 F.R. 10731),' except Part II thereof and except for
the purposes of using funds pursuant to section 643(c)
of the Act.

(b) Section 2 of Executive Order No. 10915 of Janu-
ary 24, 1961 (26 F.R. 781).'

(c) Executive Order No. 10955 of July 31, 1961 (26 F.R.
6907).*

Sec. 606. Saving provisions. Except to the extent that
they may be inconsistent with this order, all determina-
tions, authorizations, regulations, rulings, certificates,
orders, directives, contracts, agreements, and other ac-
tions made, issued, or entered into with respect to any
function affected by this order and not revoked, super-
seded, or otherwise made inapplicable before the date
of this order, shall continue in full force and effect
until amended, modified, or terminated by appropriate
authority.

Sec. 607. Effective date. The provisions of this order
shall become effective as of September 30, 1961.

/iLJ/Lu^

The White House,
Novemher S, J961.

Administration of P.L. 480

AN EXECUTIVE ORDERS

Administration of the Agricultubai, Trade Develop-
ment AND Assistance Act of 1954, as Amended

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 104
(e) of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assist-
ance Act of 19.54, as amended (7 U.S.C. 1704(e)), and
as President of the United States, it is ordered that Ex-
ecutive Order No. 10900 of January 5, 1961,' as amended,'
be, and it is hereby, further amended as follows :

(1) By deleting from paragraph (4) of section 4(d)
the comma and the text "except to the extent that section
104(e) pertains to the loans referred to in subsection (d)
(5) of this section".

(2) By deleting paragraph (5) from section 4(d).

This order shall become effective at the end of Novem-
ber 3, 1961.

/K,^Z^

The White Hocse,
November 3, 1961.

' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 5, 1960, p. 869.
' For text, see iUd., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 216.
* For text, see ihid., Aug. 21, 1961, p. 334.

' No. 10972 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 10409.
' For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1061, p. 159.
• For text of Executive Order 10915, see ihid., Feb. 13,
1961, p. 216.

902

Department of Stale Bulletin

President Makes Determination
on Foreign Aid Procurement Policy

Memorandum for the Secretary of State

The White House,
Washington, October 18, 1961.
Section 604(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act requires
that:

Funds made available under this Act may be used for
procurement outside the United States only if the Pres-
ident determines that such procurement will not result in
adverse effects upon the economy of the United States or
the industrial mobilization base, with special reference to
any areas of labor surplus or to the net position of the
United States in its balance of payments with the rest
of the world, which outweigh the economic or other ad-
vantages to the United States of less costly procurement
outside the United States, and only if the price of any
commodity procured in bulk is lower than the market
price prevailing in the United States at the time of pro-
curement, adjusted for differences in the cost of trans-
portation to destination, quality, and terms of payment.

This section requires that procurement outside the
United States using funds available under the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 may be undertaken only if I deter-
mine that, on balance, there is no net detriment to the
United States. I am in clear and fundamental agreement
with this principle, and trade and foreign policy objec-
tives which I have repeatedly endorsed, including my
message on the balance of payments of February 6, 1961,^
already substantially provide this assurance.

As I indicated in that message, "our foreign economic
assistance programs are now being administered in such
a way as to place primary emphasis on the procurement
of American goods . . . This restriction will be main-
tained until reasonable over-all equilibrium has been
achieved." Under this policy, which is continued in force
by my determination below, the preponderant bulk of
foreign assistance procurement will be made in the
United States. The necessity for this is clear ; such pro-
curement will contribute generally towards resolving our
balance of payments diflJciilties, and also helps stimu-
late industries in labor surplus areas.

On the other hand, cogent trade and foreign policy
objectives and assistance program goals require limited
amounts of procurement outside the United States. Some
commodities needed in our assistance programs are not
produced in the United States, or are not available in
the quantities required at the time needed. Procurement
from less developed countries, as provided below, advances
their economic development, thereby contributing to the
objectives of the assistance program and shortening their
dependency on foreign assistance. Procurement of mili-
tary materiel outside the United States is necessary, in
some instances, to carry out projects important to our
national security.

' 26 Fed. Reff. 10.54.3.

'For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, p. 287.

Therefore, I hereby direct that funds made available
under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for non-mili-
tary programs not be used for procurement from the fol-
lowing countries : Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada,
Denmark, France, Germany, Hong Kong, Italy, Japan,
Luxembourg, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nor-
way, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, and United
Kingdom. Upon certification by the Secretary of State,
however, that exclusion of procurement in these coun-
tries would seriously impede attainment of U.S. foreign
policy objectives and the objectives of the foreign assist-
ance program, the Secretary of State may authorize spe-
cific exceptions which involve procurement in the ex-
cluded countries.

I also hereby direct that funds made available under
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for military assistance
programs not be used for procurement outside the United
States except to procure items required for military as-
sistance which are not produced in the United States,
to make local purchases for administrative purposes, and
to use local currency available for military assistance pur-
poses. Upon certification by the Secretary of Defense,
however, that exclusion of procurement outside the
United States would seriously impede attainment of mili-
tary assistance program objectives, the Secretary of
Defense may authorize exceptions to these limitations.

In the event that changed domestic or foreign conditions
warrant, the Secretary of State in the case of non-
military assistance, and the Secretary of Defense in the
case of military assistance, shall consult with the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, and other appropriate agencies, and
recommend modification as may be appropriate in policies
for procurement using funds made available under the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. In the event that pro-
curement outside the United States under the above
conditions seriously threatens to affect adversely the
industrial mobilization base or the economy of an area
of labor surplus, the Secretary of State in the case of
non-military assistance and the Secretary of Defense in
the case of military assistance, shall consult with the
Secretary of Commerce and other appropriate agencies
and recommend such action as may be appropriate.

For the reasons and imder the conditions stated above,
and pursuant to the requirements of Section 604(a) of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (PL 87-195), I hereby
determine that the use of funds made available under
the Act for procurement from sources outside the United
States will not result in adverse effects upon the economy
of the United States or the industrial mobilization base,
with special reference to any areas of labor surplus or
to the net position of the United States in its balance of
payments with the rest of the world, which outweigh
the economic and other advantages of less costly pro-
curement outside the United States. Procurement out-
side the United States shall be from Free World sources,
in any case. The effective date of this determination
shall be September 30, 1961.

This determination shall be printed in the Federal
Register.

John F. Kennedy

November 27, J 961

903

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

General Assembly Appoints U Thant Acting Secretary-General

Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly '

Only last week we celebrated the 16th anniver-
sary of the United Nations. It is fitting and reas-
suring that we should begin the I7th year by put-
ting our house in order with the election of our
distinguished colleague, U Thant, to the high office
of Secretary-General.

There is much to be thankful for here today :

First of all, we may rejoice that there was avail-
able to us a diplomat of such character, ability, and
experience that he could command the unanimous
esteem and confidence of this world organization.
That augurs well for the future.

The regard in which he is held has been earned
by a lifetime of public service, both at home and
abroad. We at the United Nations know at first
hand the many contributions he has made to this
institution. We have worked with him in his
capacity as permanent representative of Burma.
We know of his notable contribution to the work of
the Congo Advisory Committee. We know of the
great esteem in which he was held by the late Secre-
tary-General, Mr. Hammarskjold. And we are
also aware of his stature as educator, scholar, and
author.

Some of you may not know that almost 30 years
ago, when our colleague was a young man of 23,
he wrote a book about the League of Nations.
Even then he understood this century's profound
need for a world organization to help keep the
peace. And this understanding has grown with
the years.

' Made in plenary session on Nov. 3 (U.S. delegation
press release 3826), following the appointment of U
Thant of Burma as Acting Secretary-General of the
United Nations. The vote, by secret ballot, was 103-0.

I confess that I have sometimes been discouraged
during the long weeks of discussion that preceded
today's election. But, as we say, all is well that
ends well. And this prolonged ordeal has ended
brilliantly. Moreover, during these weeks we have
often been impressed anew by Ambassador U
Thant's independence of mind and spirit, his high
intelligence, energy, and idealism, and that be-
coming modesty which is characteristic of his
countrymen and coreligionists.

As I have said, Mr. President, we have much to
be thankful for today, not only because of the in-
dividual who has just been appointed, but equally
because of the propitious circumstances in which
the General Assembly has appointed him.

The sole objective of the United States delega-
tion, which has carried much of the burden of
negotiation, has been to protect the integrity of
the charter and the office of the Secretary-General.
That has been the purpose of many others who
want to see this Organization grow in strength and
influence. And that has been accomplished.

Tliere will be no veto in the Secretariat and no
weakening of the office of the Secretary-General.
The principles contained in articles 100 and 101 of
the charter have been fully preserved. He will
have the full powers and responsibilities of that
office. He will appoint his own staff and consult
them entirely as he alone decides, in a manner con-
sistent with the charter.

May I say, in passing, that I think there is a
valuable lesson in the events that led up to today's
action. The path of quiet diplomacy often re-
quires endless patience and perseverance, espe-
cially when it encounters seemingly unsurmount-
able obstacles. I am frank to say that there have

904

Department of State Bulletin

been some discouraging moments since Dag Ham-
marskjold died. But there have been other such
moments in the history of the United Nations.
And they have been overcome. My own belief is
that we should always act in the belief that, for
those who are truly faithful in their ideals, the
darkest hour is the time to light the brightest light.

Recently I saw a news item about a scientist who
was on the brink of an important breakthrough.
Wlien he described his experiments to a gathering
of fellow specialists, "a wave of guarded enthu-
siasm swept through the audience." Mr. Presi-
dent, in the light of everything I think we dele-
gates might be permitted a wave of unguarded
enthusiasm.

I am happy to report to you that the President
of the United States is one of those who shares our
hopes here today. I have just received a telegram
from President Kennedy, which he has asked me
to read to you. I am happy to do so. The
President says :

The election of U Thant is a splendid achievement in
which the whole world can rejoice.

Please express the congratulations of the United States
Government to the United Nations membership for their
action in electing so distinguished a diplomat to succeed
the late Dag Hammarskjold.

In preserving the integrity of the oflSce of the United
Nations Secretary-General, they have reaffirmed their
dedication to the United Nations Charter.

To Ambassador U Thant, please express my personal
congratulations, and assure him on behalf of the people
of the United States that as he begins one of the world's
most difficult jobs, he has our confidence and our prayers."

In my own capacity as the American representa-
tive to the United Nations, I should like to add
that all of us at the United States Mission feel we
owe a great debt to those delegates who have
worked so hard and patiently to solve the problems
created by the death of Mr. Hanmiarskjold.

And to my dear friend and colleague, U Thant,
I would like to say just one more thing :

It is written in the Bible that "to whomsoever
much is given, of him shall much be required."
There is little doubt, sir, that enormous tilings
will be required of you, and there is even less doubt
that you wiU fulfill them. God bless you.

^ President Kennedy's message (White House press re-
lease dated Nov. 3 ) concluded with the following sentence :
"I also wish to thank you and your associates for the
devoted and successful service you have given your coim.-
try during these difficult weeks."

November 27, 1 96 J

Outer Mongolia and Mauritania
Admitted to United Nations

Follovnng are two statements made in the Se-
curity Council on October £5 hy Charles W. Yost,
Deputy U.S. Representative, during debate on the
admission to U.N. membership of Outer Mon-
golia and Mauritania.

OUTER MONGOLIA

C.S./D.N. press release 3812

It would seem that the difficulties which we have
faced in recent weeks on the questions before us
are about to be solved. We have no objection to
the procedures which you have proposed for to-
day's meeting in order to facilitate agreement.

We are no less firm than heretofore in our op-
position to linking the admission of any one ap-
plicant with that of another, a procedure which
the International Court of Justice has held to be
contrary to the charter. We believe this important
principle must be affirmed and reaffirmed, and we
think the great majority of the members of the
United Nations agree. However, your suggestions
for our procedure today are in conformity with
this principle. We concur furthermore in your
suggestion that, in order to avoid any misunder-
standing, members of the Council should clearly
state their views on both items before a vote is
taken on either. I shall, therefore, proceed to do
so.

The United States reaffirms its support for the
admission of Mauritania to the United Nations.
I shall speak further to this point later in our
proceedings.

As to the other application before us. Ambas-
sador Stevenson told the Security Council some-
time ago ^ that the United States will not obstruct
the admission of Outer Mongolia to the United
Nations. The reasons why we do so, despite the
views we hold, are well known. The United States
is aware that last April the General Assembly
found Outer Mongolia qualified for membership.
We are prepared to respect this view of the As-

' BuixETiN of Oct 16, 1961, p. 654.

905

sembly and will do nothing either here or in the
Assembly to oppose it. The United States, there-
fore, will abstain on the draft resolution recom-
mending Outer Mongolia's admission.

MAURITANIA

U.S. /U.N. press release 3S14

The United States has maintained cordial re-
lations with the Islamic Republic of Mauritania
since November of last year, when Mauritania's
independence was proclaimed. Last December the
Security Council met for the purpose of recom-
mending Mauritania for admission to the United
Nations,^ as it had done with so many other new
African states which we welcomed into our midst
last year. Unhappily, this proved impossible in
the case of Mauritania. The United States shared
the disappointment of the Government of Mauri-
tania and of other African states. We rejoice,
therefore, at the prospect of achieving today the
end we sought a year ago.

The United States believes that Mauritania's ap-
plication is justified in accordance vsdth the criteria
laid down in the charter and that Mauritania is
entitled to membership. Today we have a new op-
portimity to send the General Assembly a favor-
able recommendation. We believe that this should
be done forthwith.

The United States is confident that the people
of Mauritania, as they take their place among us,
will remain dedicated to the principles expressed
in the charter and that their leaders will devote
their energies untiringly to the cause of peac«.
The United States extends new greetings to Mauri-
tania and welcomes the opportunity to vote in
favor of the resolution before us sponsored by
France and Liberia.'

' If)id., Dee. 26, 19C0, p. 976.

' The Security Council on Oct. 25 recommended the ad-
mission of the Mongolian People's Republic by a vote of
ft-0, with 1 abstention (U.S.) (China did not participate
in the vote) and of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania by
a vote of 9-1 (U.A.R.), with 1 abstention (U.S.S.R.). On
Oct. 27 the General Assembly admitted the Mongolian
People's Republic by acclamation and the Islamic Re-
public of Mauritania by a vote of 68-1."}, with 20
abstentions.

Provisional Cotton Textile Committee
Concludes First Meeting

Following is the text of a communique issued
on October 28 by the Provisional Cotton Textile
Committee, which met at Geneva October 23-27.

The Arrangements Regarding International
Trade in Cotton Textiles were drawn up at a meet-
ing of countries substantially interested in the im-
portation and exportation of cotton textile
products which was held at Geneva in July 1961.^
The short-term arrangement, designed to deal with
immediate problems relating to cotton textiles,
applies to the twelve-month period as from 1 Octo-
ber 1961 and is in force.

The long-term arrangement provides for the
creation of a Cotton Textile Committee, to under-
take work looking towards a long-term solution
to the problems in the field of cotton textiles.

The Provisional Cotton Textile Committee ^ met
at Geneva from 23 to 27 October and it reached
the following conclusions in connection with the
items which it had under consideration :

(1) Objectives of the long-term arrangement on
cotton textiles

Following expressions of view on this question
by some representatives, the Committee agreed
that the objectives of a long-term arrangement
are those set out in the arrangements regarding
international trade in cotton textiles dated 21 July
1961 (Annex to press release GATT/601 ) .

(2) Measures for liberalization by countries re-
stricting imports of cotton textiles

The Committee noted that it was common to the
proposals that had been put forward by several
delegations that a liberalization formula should be
written into a long-term arrangement. As re-
gards the type of formula which might be adopted,
the Committee noted that various methods had
been suggested, varying from the concept of an
automatic increase in the size of quotas to the con-
cept of a share of imports related to consumption

' For text of the agreement and background, see Bul-
letin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 336; Sept. 25, 1961, p. 528; and
Nov. 6, 1901, pp. 773 and 776.

' The Committee is "provisional" pending confirmation
by the Contracting Parties.

906

Department of State Bulletin

or domestic production in the importing countries.
It was recognized that those suggestions would

i need consideration at the technical level on the
basis of an examination of all the relevant facts,
including the situation of countries which, while
maintaining some import restrictions on cotton
textiles, were already affording to exporting coun-
tries a comparatively high share of the total sup-

} ply on their markets. It was agreed that the
short-term measures envisaged should aim at
achieving the same, or nearly the same, degi'ee of
liberalization in all importing coimtries, so as to
establish a more internationally homogeneous base
for further long-term increase in access to the var-
ious markets. With respect to measures of liber-
alization regarding re-exports, the Committee
agreed that this question should also be further

• considered by the technical sub-committee (see
below).

(3) Provisions relating to action to he taken in
order to avoid market disruption in the countries
which are not maintaining import restrictions, and
provisions relating to the adrainistration of su^h
measures

It was agreed that the measures envisaged in the
proposals which had been put forward would only

I be invoked in cases of market disruption. It was
suggested that the safeguards in connection with
market disruption should also be available to a
country which, while it maintained import restric-
tions on cotton textiles, nevertheless had achieved

' a high degree of liberalization and the Committee
agreed that the technical sub-committee should
consider this matter further. It was also agreed
that the question of whether a long-term arrange-
ment should provide for specific categories of
cotton textiles and, if so, how many, should be
examined by the technical sub-committee; this
question was of particular importance. An al-
ternative to the system of categories should, how-

, ever, not be excluded from consideration. The
Committee recognized that it was desirable not
only to avoid disruption in the domestic markets
of importing countries, but also to avoid dis-
ruption in the production and marketing of ex-
porting countries.

The Committee agreed that the provisions in the
long-term arrangement under this heading should
have regard to the agreed objective of giving

increased access to the exports of developing
countries. One suggestion was that there should
be a formula based on growth of consumption in
the importing countries. The view was also ex-
pressed, however, that other criteria might pro-
vide a more effective means of achieving the agreed
objective. Accordingly it was agreed that al-
ternatives should be considered. It was agreed
that various formulae should be examined by the
technical sub-committee. In this connection it
was recognized that the special situation of
countries which were already affording to export-
ing countries a comparatively high share of the
total supply on their markets would need to be
taken into account.

(4) Bilateral arrangements

The Committee noted that, as in the short-term
arrangement, nothing in the long-term arrange-
ment would prevent the negotiation of bilateral
arrangements on other terms not inconsistent with
the objectives of the long-term arrangement.

(5) Provisions to prevent circumvention hy:

(a) non-participating countries

(b) trans-shipment

(c) substitution of directly competitive
textiles

The Committee agreed that the technical sub-
committee should consider these questions and
noted that, in the view of some members, the pro-
visions contained in the short-term arrangement
might not be suitable, in their present form, for a
long-term arrangement.

(6) Functions of the Cotton Textile Convmittee
The Committee noted that all the proposals that

had been put forward contained statements re-
lating to the need for the surveillance of the ap-
plication of the arrangements by the Cotton Tex-
tile Committee.

(7) Duration of the arrangement

The Committee noted that periods varying from
three to five years had been suggested for the dura-
tion of a long-term arrangement which would re-
place the short-term arrangement. It was agreed
that this question could only be considered after
a detailed examination had been made of the pro-
posed content of such an arrangement.

November 27, J96?

907

As a result of its discussions the Textile Com-
mittee reaffirmed its reference in the short-term
arrangement to the desirability of undertaking
work looking towards a long-term arrangement,
and came to the conclusion that it was necessary to
undertake a detailed examination of the elements
which would be contained in such an arrangement.

The Committee decided to establish a technical
sub-committee which would proceed further with
the examination of the points considered by the
Committee. The technical sub-committee will
meet on 11 December and will report to the Com-
mittee at its next meeting, on 29 January 1962.
It would make recommendations concerning the
form and substance of a long-term arrangement.
The teclinical sub-committee would proceed on the
basis of the proposals made by delegations and of
the discussion in the Committee, on the under-
standing that, if as a result of its examination it
came to the conclusion that a different form of
long-term arrangement was technically prefer-
able, it should report accordingly and submit ap-
propriate recommendations to the Committee.

The Textile Committee also decided to set up
a statistical sub-comm,ittee which will meet on 1
November. It will make the necessary arrange-
ments for the provision of suitable statistics to
assist the technical sub-committee in the examina-
tion of the questions referred to it.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

llth Session of FAO Conference

The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 4 (press release 767) the composition of the
U.S. delegation to the llth session of the Con-
ference of the Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO), which convened at Rome on November 4.

Delegate

John P. Duncan, Jr., Assistant Secretary of Agriculture
Alternate

Ricliard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Secretary for In-
ternational Organization Affairs, Department of State

Associates

Robert C. Tetro, Administrator, Foreign Agricultural

Service, Department of Agriculture
Ralph W. Phillips, Director, International Organizations

Division, Foreign Agricultural Service, Department of

Agriculture

RnloQ Gibb, Treasurer, Ck)mmodity Credit Corporation,
Department of Agriculture

H. Gardner Ainsworth, Counselor of Embassy for Eco-
nomic Affairs, American Embassy, Rome

Congressional Advisers
Senator Vance Hartke, Indiana
Representative D. R. Matthews, Florida
Representative Ralph Harvey, Indiana

Advisers

Charles Butler, Chief, Division of Industrial Research,
Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, Fish and Wildlife
Service, Department of the Interior

Wilbert M. Chapman, Director, The Resources Conmilttee,
San Diego, Calif.

Faith Clark, Director, Household Economics Research
Division, Agricultural Research Service, Department
of Agriculture

Henry Clepper, Executive Secretary, Society of American
Foresters, Washington, D.C.

Warren E. Collins, Assistant Director, Commodity Divi-
sion, American Farm Bureau Federation, Chicago, 111.

Ursula H. Duffus, Second Secretary and Economic OflBcer,
American Embassy, Rome

Harold H. Gordon, President, National CouncU of Farmer
Cooperatives, Richmond, Va.

Kenneth A. Haines, Assistant Director, Foreign Research
and Technical Programs Division, Agricultural Re-
search Service, Department of Agriculture

Roy L. Hawes, The National Grange, South Sudbury,
Mass.

Carl F. Heisig, Director, Farm Economics Division, Eco-
nomics Research Service, Department of Agriculture

Charles E. Jackson, General Manager, National Fisheries
Institute, Washington, D.C.

Reuben L. Johnson, Jr., Associate Director, National
Farmers Union, Washington, D.C.

Richard E. McArdle, Chief, Forest Service, Department
of Agriculture

John H. Moore, Office of International Administration,
Department of State

Thomas C. Robinson, Commodities Division, Office of
International Resources, Department of State

Sidney Shapiro, Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, Depart-
ment of the Interior

Walter W. Sohl, Office of International Economic and
Social Affairs, Department of State

James Symington, Deputy Director, Food for Peace,
White House Executive Office

R. Lyle Webster, Director, Office of Information, Depart-
ment of Agriculture

Clayton E. Whipple, Agricultural Attach^, American Em-
bassy, Rome

Robert K. Winters, International Organizations Affairs in
Forestry, Forest Service, Department of Agriculture

Max L. Witcher, technical secretary. International
Organizations Division, Foreign Agricultural Service,
Departmeut of Agriculture

Secretary o/ Delegation

Merrill M. Blevins, Office of International Conferences,
Department of State

908

Department of State BuUetin

The Conference is the chief legislative body of
the FAO and normally meets biennially. The
chief aims of the Organization, as expressed
through the Conference, are to raise levels of
nutrition and standards of living, secure improve-
ments in the efficiency of the production and dis-
tribution of all food and agricultural products,
and better the condition of rural populations. Its
membership consists of 82 nations.

Colombo Plan Ministerial Session

The Department of State announced on No-
vember 3 (press release 764) that Chester Bowles,
Under Secretary of State, will serve as U.S. rep-
resentative to the ministerial session of the 13th
meeting of the Consultative Conmiittee on Coop-
erative Economic Development in South and
Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan), which will be
held at Kuala Lumpur November 13-18. The
ministerial session is a meeting of top-level policy
officials held annually following a 2-week prepar-
atory meeting at the officials level. The attend-
ance of the Under Secretaiy at the ministerial
session reflects the great importance which the
United States attaches to the Colombo Plan.

Charles F. Baldwin, U.S. Ambassador to Ma-
laya, and Emerson A. Koss, Special Assistant,
Office of International Financial Affairs, Depart-
ment of State, will serve as alternate U.S. repre-
sentatives. Senior advisers to the delegation are
C. Tyler Wood, Minister and Director, Agency
for International Development, New Delhi, and
John Bullitt, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury for International Affairs.

Cabinet ministers representing Commonwealth
countries met at Colombo, Ceylon, in January
1950 to discuss the problem of economic develop-
ment in south and southeast Asia. The Con-
sultative Committee, which was formed as a re-
sult of those discussions, met in May 1950 and
decided to invite countries outside the Common-
wealth to participate in the activities of the Com-
mittee. The United States became a member of
the Committee in 1951 and since that time has
participated in the annual meetings. Other
members of the Committee are : Australia, Burma,
Cambodia, Canada, Ceylon, India, Indonesia,
Japan, Laos, Malaya, Nepal, New Zealand, Pak-
istan, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, United
Kingdom (together with North Borneo and Sara-
wak), and Viet-Nam.

Current U. N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

Mimeographed or processed documents {such as those
listed below) map be consulted at depository libraries
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may be
purcliased from the Sales Section of the United Nations,
United Nations Plaza, N.Y.

Security Council

Cable, letter, note verbale, and reports on the Congo.
S/4940/Add. 7, September 20, 1961, 3 pp. ; S/4940/Add.
8, September 22, 1961, 1 p. ; S/4»40/Add. 10, October 6,
1961, 4 pp. ; S/4940/Add. 11, October 23, 1961, 10 pp. ;
S/4966, October 23, 1961, 1 p.

General Assembly

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro-
gramme. Material assistance program for 1962. A/
AC.96/132. September 7, 1961. 37 pp.

Letter dated September 20 from the U.S. representative
addressed to the President of the General Assembly
concerning disarmament. A/4880. September 20, 1961.
13 pp.

Annual progress report of the United Nations Scientific
Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation for
1961. A/4881. September 21, 1961. 3 pp.

Letter dated September 22 from the Italian representative
concerning the Province of Bolzano (Bozen). A/4884.
September 22, 1961. 4 pp.

Manifestations of racial i^rejudice and national and reli-
gious intolerance. A/4886. September 23, 1961. 3 pp.

Letter dated September 22 from the Soviet representative
addressed to the President of the General Assembly
concerning disarmament. A/4887. September 25, 1961.
52 pp.

Agenda of the 16th regular session of the General Assem-
bly. A/4890. September 25, 1961. 7 pp.

Letter dated September 25 from the U.S. representative
addressed to the President of the General Assembly
transmitting a U.S. proposal for disarmament. A/4891.
September 25, 1961. 10 pp.

Letter dated September 26 from the Soviet Foreign Min-
ister addressed to the President of the General Assem-
bly transmitting a memorandum of Soviet measures
to ease international tension, strengthen confidence
among states, and contribute to general and complete
disarmament. A/4S92. September 27, 1961. 10 pp.

Letter dated September 26 from the Soviet Foreign Min-
ister concerning granting independence to colonial
peoples. A/4889. September 27, 1961. 18 pp.

Part one of the 11th report of the Advisory Committee on
Administrative and Budgetary Questions to the 16th
session of the General Assembly. A/4902. Septem-
ber 28, 1961. 8 pp.

Letter dated September 26 from the Soviet Foreign Min-
ister to the President of the General Assembly con-
cerning nuclear weapons tests. A/4893. September 29,
1961. 11pp.

Economic and Social Council

Economic Commission for Africa. Possibilities of stand-
ardizing road motor vehicle legislation In West Africa.
E/CN. 14/115. June 1961. 63 pp.

Social Commission. Planning for balanced social and
economic development in the Netherlands with
particular reference to the postwar years. E/CN.5/
346/Add. 6. September 27, 1961. 59 pp.

Report by the Secretary-General on international economic
assistance to underdeveloped coimtries. E/3556. Oc-
tober 4, 1961. 45 pp.

November 27, 1961

909

TREATY INFORMATION

Japan

Agreement providing for Japan's financial contributions
for U.S. administrative and related expenses during
the Japanese fiscal year 1961 under the mutual defense
assistance agreement of March 8, 1954 (TIAS 29.57).
Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo October 31, 1961.
Entered into force October 31, 1961.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Agriculture

Protocol of amendment to the convention on the Inter-
American Institute of Agricultural Sciences of Jan-
uary 15, 1944 (58 Stat. 1169). Opened for signature at
Washington December 1, 1958.'

Ratificaticm deposited: Dominican Republic, November
3, 1961.

Atomic Energy

Amendment to article VI.A.3 of the Statute of the Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency (TIAS 3873). Done at
Vienna October 4, 1961. Enters into force when ac-
cepted by two-thirds of the members in accordance
with their constitutional processes.
Acceptance deposited: Finland, October 30, 1961.

Automotive Traffic

Convention concerning customs facilities for touring.
Done at New York June 4, 1954. Entered into force
September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879. ,.,„„,

Extension to: Trinidad and Tobago, September 15, 1961.

United Nations

Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the In-
ternational Court of Justice. Signed at San Francisco
June 26, 1945. Entered into force October 24, 1945.
59 Stat. 1031. ^ ,,

Admission to membership: Mauritania and Mongolian

People's Republic, October 27, 1961; Sierra Leone,

September 27, 1961.

BILATERAL

Ecuador

Agreement amending the agreement of October 31, 1956
(TIAS 3808), for financing educational exchange pro-
grams. Effected by exchange of notes at Quito May 9,
1961. Entered into force May 9, 1961.

Iceland

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with memorandum of understanding. Signed at Wash-
ington November 6, 1961. Entered into force Novem-
ber 6, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Recess Appointments

The President on October 27 appointed Armin H. Meyer
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Lebanon.

' Not in force.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 6-12

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases issued prior to November 6 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 726 of
October 20, 735 of October 26, 742 and 744 of Oc-
tober 27, 748 and 750 of October 30, 751 and 7.52 of
October 31, 764 of November 3, and 767 and 768 of
November 4.

Sabject

U.S. participation in international con-
ferences.

Cooperative leaders tour South Amer-
ica.

U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs communique.

Gaud sworn in as AID regional ad-
ministrator (biographic details).

Delegations to GATT ministerial meet-
ing and 19th session (rewrite).

Mrs. Grasso appointed to Board of
Foreign Scholarships.

CoflSn : "Opportunities for North
American Economic Statesmanship."

Lawless appointed AID mission direc-
tor (biographic details).

Visit of Gen. Chung Hee Park of Korea.

Williams: University of Michigan.
Coombs : Land-Grant Colleges.
Educational consortium aids Indian
technological institute.

•Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

*769

11/6

*770

11/6 <

771

11/7

*772

11/8

t773

11/9

»774

11/9

*775

11/9

♦776

11/9

*777
t778
t781
•803

11/9
11/9
11/11
11/11

910

Department of State Bulletin

November 27, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1170

Africa. Department Releases Report on Aid to
Sub-Sahara African Students 894

Agriculture

Administration of P.L. 480 (text of Executive

order) 902

FAO 11th Session (delegation) 908

Algeria. The Three "A's" of Africa : Algeria, An-
gola, and Apartheid (Williams) 885

American Principles. It Is Time To Reaffirm Our
National Purpose (Bowles) 875

Angola. The Three "A's" of Africa : Algeria, An-
gola, and Apartheid (Williams) 885

Department and Foreign Service. Recess Appoint-
ments (Meyer) 910

Economic Affairs

AID Ready To Receive Applications Under Invest-
ment Guaranty Program 897

Cabinet Members Attend Economic Meeting in Ja-
pan (Rusk, text of joint communique) . . . 890

Colombo Plan Ministerial Session (delegation) . 909

Provisional Cotton Textile Committee Concludes

First Meeting (text of communique) .... 906

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Department Releases Report on Aid to Sub-Sahara
African Students 894

Meeting on Foreign Students in U.S. Held at De-
partment of State (Kennedy) 893

Finland. President Kennedy Assures Finland of
U.S. Friendship 889

International Organizations and Conferences

Colombo Plan Ministerial Session (delegation) . 909

FAO 11th Session (delegation) 908

Provisional Cotton Textile Committee Concludes

First Meeting (text of communique) .... 906

Japan. Cabinet Members Attend Economic Meet-
ing in Japan (Rusk, text of joint commimique) . 890

Labor. The Responsibility of Labor in the Cold
War (Chapman) 894

Lebanon. Meyer appointed Ambassador .... 910

Mauritania. Outer Mongolia and Mauritania Ad-
mitted to United Nations (Yost) 905

Mutual Security

Administration of P.L. 480 (text of Executive
order)

AID Ready To Receive Applications Under Invest-
ment Guaranty Program

President Makes Determination on Foreign Aid
Procurement Policy (text of memorandum) . .

Presidential Order Provides for Administration of
Foreign Aid (text of Executive order) . . .

Outer Mongolia. Outer Mongolia and Mauritania
Admitted to United Nations (Yost)

Presidential Documents

Administration of P.L. 480

Meeting on Foreign Students In U.S. Held at De-
partment of State

President Kennedy Assures Finland of U.S. Friend-
ship

President Makes Determination on Foreign Aid
Procurement Policy

President Senghor of Senegal Visits United States .

Presidential Order Provides for Administration of
Foreign Aid

Senegal. President Senghor of Senegal Visits
United States (Kennedy, Senghor)

South Africa, Republic of. The Three "A's" of
Africa : Algeria, Angola, and Apartheid
(WiUiams)

Treaty Information. Current Actions

902
897
903
900

905

902
893
889

903

888

900

888

885
910

909

904

905
881

United Nations

Current U.N. Documents

General Assembly Appoints U Thant Acting Secre-
tary-General (Stevenson)

Outer Mongolia and Mauritania Admitted to United
Nations (Yost)

"This House of Politics" (Cleveland)

Name Index

Bovples, Chester 875

Chapman, Gordon W 894

Cleveland, Harlan 881

Kennedy, President 888,889,894,900,902,903

Meyer, Armin H 910

Rusk, Secretary 890

Senghor, Leopold Sedar 889

Stevenson, Adlai E 904

Williams, G. Mennen 885

Yost, Charles W 905

U.S. COVERNYtNT PRINTINS OFFICE: 1961

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(OPOI

THE THREAT OF SOVIET ECONOMIC POLICY

the

Department

of

State

I

The Communist bloc since 1954 has extended credits and grants to
the less developed countries amounting to about $5.2 billion by June
1961. In the last half of 1960 nearly 7,900 (and probably more in
1961) bloc technicians were occupied in 23 less developed countries
on various assignments lasting a month or longer. Bloc trade veith
these coimtries has grown from a level of $860 million in 1954 to
about $2.7 billion in 1960, an increase of more than 210 percent.
Arms assistance has played a key role in the Commimist economic
offensive in the less developed areas. In particular, it has offered
a means for increasing tension in already tense situations.

These various aspects of Communist economic diplomacy are
described in a new 25-page booklet, which discusses :
Soviet Tactic of Economic Diplomacy in I^ess Developed Areas
Problems of Less Developed Countries Exploited by the Bloc
Communist-Bloc Credits and Technical Assistance
Communist-Bloc Trade "With Less Developed Areas
Recent Developments in Bloc Economic Diplomacy
Moscow's Goal : Prestige, Influence, and Power

Publication 7234

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THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

M^'^-

Vol. XLV, No. 1171

December 4, 1961

!AL

lY RECORD

DIPLOMACY AND DEFENSE: A TEST OF NATIONAL

MATURITY • Address hy President Kennedy 915

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF

NOVEMBER 17 918

A UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT DECADE •

Statement by Philip M. Klutznick 939

GENERAL ASSEMBLY ADOPTS RESOLUTIONS ON

NUCLEAR TESTING • Statements by Adiai E. Stevenson
and Arthur H, Dean and Texts of Resolutions 936

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1171 • Publicatio.n 7307
December 4, 1961

For sale by the Superintendent o( Documents

U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington 2fi, D.C.

Price:

£2 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25

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of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
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o» State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed In the
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a tceekly publication issued by the
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and interested agencies of the
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developments in tlie field of foreign
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Diplomacy and Defense: A Test of National Maturity

Address iy President Kennedy '

President [Charles E.] Odegaard, membei-s of
the Kegents, members of the faculty, students,
and ladies and gentlemen :

It is a great honor on behalf of the people of
the United States to extend to you congratula-
tions on the centennial anniversary of this imi-
versity, wliich represents 100 years of service to
this State and country.

This nation in two of the most critical times in
the life of our country, once in the days after the
Kevolution and in the Northwest Ordinance to
which Dr. Odegaard referred, and again during
the most difficult days of the Civil War in the
Morrill Act, which established our land-grant
colleges — this nation made a basic commitment to
the maintenance of education for the very reasons
which Thomas Jefferson gave, that if tliis nation
were to remain free it could not remain ignorant.
Tlie basis of self-government and freedom re-
quii-es the development of character and self-
restraint and perseverance and the long view.
And these are qualities which require many years
of training and education. So that I thmk this
imiversity and others like it across the country,
and its graduates, have recognized that these
scliools are not maintained by the people of the
various States in order to merely give the grad-
uates of these schools an economic advantage in
', the life struggle. Eather, these schools are sup-
ported by our people because our people realize
that this counti-y has needed in the past, and needs
today as never before, educated men and women
who are committed to the cause of freedom. So
for what this university has done in the past, and

'Made at the University of Washington at Seattle,
Wash., on Nov. 16 (White House press release, as-deliv-
ered text).

what its graduates can do now and in the future,
I salute you.

This university was founded when the Civil
War was already on, and no one could be sure in
1861 whether this country would survive. But
the picture which the student of 1961 has of the
world, and indeed the picture which our citizens
have of the world, is infinitely more complicated
and infinitely more dangerous.

In 1961 the world relations of this country have
become tangled and complex. One of our former
allies has become our adversary — and he has his
own adversaries who are not our allies. Heroes
are removed from their tombs, histoiy rewritten,
the names of cities changed overnight.

We increase our arms at a heavy cost, primarily
to make certain that we will not have to use them.
We must face up to the chance of war if we are
to maintain the peace. We must work with cer-
tain countries lacking in freedom in order to
strengthen the cause of freedom. We find some
who call themselves neutrals who are our friends
and sympathetic to us, and others who call them-
selves neutral who are unremittingly hostile to
us. And as the most powerful defender of free-
dom on earth, we find ourselves imable to escape
the responsibilities of freedom and yet unable to
exercise it without restraints imposed by the very
freedoms we seek to protect. We cannot, as a
free nation, compete with our adversaries in
tactics of terror, assassination, false promises,,
coimterfeit mobs, and crises.

We cannot, under the scrutiny of a free press
and public, tell different stories to different
audiences, foreign, domestic, friendly, and hostile.

We cannot abandon the slow processes of con-
sulting with our allies to match the swift ex-

December 4, 796J

915

pediencies of those who merely dictate to their
satellites. We can neither abandon nor control
the international organization in which we now
cast less than 1 percent of the vote in the General
Assembly. We possess weapons of tremendous
power, but they are least effective in combating
the weapons most often used by freedom's foes:
subversion, infiltration, guerrilla warfare, and
civil disorder. We send arms to other peoples —
just as we can send them the ideals of democracy
in which we believe — but we cannot send them the
will to use those arms or to abide by those ideals.

And while we believe not only in the force of
arms but in the force of right and reason, we have
learned that reason does not always appeal to
unreasonable men, that it is not always true that
"a soft answer turneth away wrath," and that
right does not always make might.

In short we must face problems which do not
lend themselves to easy or quick or permanent solu-
tions. And we must face the fact that the United
States is neither omnipotent or omniscient, that
we are only 6 percent of the world's population,
that we cannot impose our will upon the other 94
percent of mankind, that we cannot right every
wrong or reverse each adversity, and that there-
fore there cannot be an American solution to every
world problem.

II

These burdens and frustrations are accepted by
most Americans with maturity and understanding.
They may long for the days when war meant
charging up San Juan Hill, or when our isolation
was guarded by two oceans, or when the atomic
bomb was ours alone, or when much of the in-
dustrialized world depended upon our resources
and our aid. But they now know that those days
are gone and that gone with them are the old poli-
cies and the old complacencies. And they know,
too, that we must make the best of our new prob-
lems and our new opportunities, whatever the risk
and the cost.

But there are others who cannot bear the bur-
den of a long twilight struggle. They lack confi-
dence in our longnm capacity to survive and
succeed. Hating communism, yet they see com-
munism in the long run, perhaps, as the wave of
the future. And they want some quick and easy
and final and cheap solution — now.

There are two gi'oups of these frustrated citi-
zens, far apart in their views yet very much alike
in their ajiproach. On the one hand are those wlio
urge upon us what I regard to be the pathway of
surrender — appeasing our enemies, compromising
our commitments, purchasing peace at any price,
disavowing our arms, our friends, our obligations.
If their view had prevailed the world of free
choice would be smaller today.

On tlie other hand are those who urge upon us
what I regard to be the pathway of war: equating
negotiations with appeasement and substituting
rigidity for firmness. If their view had prevailed
we would be at war today, and in more than one
place.

It is a curious fact that each of these extreme
ojjposites resembles the other. Each believes that
we have only two choices: appeasement or war,
suicide or surrender, humiliation or liolocaiist, to
be eitlier Red or dead. Each side sees onlj' "hard"'
and "soft" nations, hard and soft policies, hard
and soft men. Eacli believes that any departure
from its own course inevitably leads to the other:
one group believes that any peaceful solution
means appeasement; the other believes that any
arms buildup means war. One group regards
everyone else as warmongers; the other regards
everyone else as appeasers. Neither side admits
its path will lead to disaster, but neither can tell
us how or whei'e to draw the line once we descend
the slippery slopes of appeasement or constant
intervention.

In short, while both extremes profess to be the
true realists of our time, neither could be more
unrealistic. While both claim to be doing the
Nation a service, tliey could do it no greater dis-
service. For this kind of talk and easy solution
to difficult problems, if believed, could inspire a
lack of confidence among our people when they
must all — above all else — be united in recognizing
the long and difficult days that lie ahead. It
could inspire uncert<ainty among our allies when
above all else they must be confident in us. And
even more dangerously, it could, if Mieved, in-
spire doubt among our adversaries when they
must above all be convinced that we will defend
our vital interests.

The essential fact that both of these groups fail
to grasp is that diplomacy and defense are not
substitutes for one another. Either alone would

916

Department of State Bulletin

fail. A willingness to resist force, unaccompanied
by a willingness to talk, could provoke belliger-
ence— while a willingness to talk, unaccompanied
by a willingness to resist force, could invite
disaster.

Ill

But as long as we know what comprises our
vital interests and our long-range goals, we have
nothing to fear from negotiations at the appro-
priate time and nothing to gain by refusing to
play a part in them. At a time when a single
clash could escalate overnight into a holocaust of
mushroom clouds, a great power does not prove
its firrmiess by leaving the task of exploring the
other's intentions to senti'ies or those without
full responsibility. Nor can ultimate weapons
rightfully be employed, or the ultimate sacrifice
rightfully demanded of our citizens, until every
reasonable solution has been explored. "How
many wars," AVinston Churchill has written,
"have been averted by patience and persisting
good will ! . . . How many wars have been pre-
cipitated by firebrands!"

If vital interests under duress can be preserved
by peaceful means, negotiations will find that out.
If our adversary will accept nothing less than a
concession of our rights, negotiations will find
that out. And if negotiations are to take place,
this nation cannot abdicate to its adverearies the
task of choosing the foiiun and the framework
and the time.

For there ai-e carefully defined limits within
which any serious negotiations must take place.
With respect to any future talks on Germany and
Berlin, for example, we cannot, on the one hand,
confine our proposals to a list of concessions we
are willing to make, nor can we, on the other hand,
advance any proposals which compromise the
security of free Germans and West Berliners or
endanger their ties with the West.

No one should be under the illusion that negotia-
tions for the sake of negotiations always advance
the cause of peace. If for lack of preparation
they break up in bitterness, the prospects of peace
have been endangered. If they are made a forum
for propaganda or a cover for aggression, the
processes of peace have been abused.

But it is a test of our national maturity to ac-
cept the fact that negotiations are not a contest

spelling victory or defeat. They may succeed;
they may fail. They are likely to be successful
only if both sides reach an agreement which both
regard as preferable to the status quo — an agree-
ment in which each side can consider its own situa-
tion can be improved. And this is most difficult
to obtain.

IV

But, while we shall negotiate freely, we shall
not negotiate freedom. Our answer to the classic
question of Patrick Henry is still "No." Life is
not so dear and peace is not so precious ". . . as to
be purchased at the price of chains and slavery."
And that is our answer even though, for the first
time since the ancient battles between Greek city-
states, war entails the threat of total annihilation,
of everything we know, of society itself. For to
save mankind's future freedom we must face up to
any risk that is necessary. We will always seek
peace — but we will never surrender.

In short, we are neither "warmongers" nor
"appeasers," neither "hard" nor "soft." We are
Americans, detennined to defend the frontiers of
freedom by an honorable peace if peace is possible,
but by arms if arms are used against us.

And if we are to move foi'ward in that spirit,
we shall need all the calm and thoughtful citizens
that this great university can produce, all the light
they can shed, all the wisdom they can bring to
bear. It is customary, both here and around the
world, to regard life in the United States as easy.
Our advantages are many. But more than any
other i^eople on earth, we bear burdens and accept
risks unprecedented in their size and their dura-
tion, not for ourselves alone but for all who wish
to be free. No other generation of free men in
any country has ever faced so many and such
difficult challenges — not even those who lived in
the days when this university was founded in 1861.

This nation was then torn by war. This terri-
tory had only the simplest elements of civilization.
And this city had barely begun to function. But
a university was one of their earliest thoughts, and
they summed it up in the motto that they adopted :
"Let there be light." What more can be said to-
day regarding all the dark and tangled problems
we face than : Let there be light. And to accom-
plish that illumination the University of Wash-
ington shall still hold high the torch.

December 4, 7961

917

Secretary Rusk's News Conference off November 17

Press release 797 dated November 18

Secretary Rusk : Before we start, I understand
that you have been discussing among yourselves
the problem of getting a transcript more rapidly.
I will go from here to the little room where the
transcript is being prepared in order to spend a
few minutes to see whether there is anything that
needs to be changed. I think we might speed
it up considerably that way. Normally, I would
not expect that there would be any changes to be
made, but with the several audiences listening m,
as President Kennedy remarked yesterday, there
may be occasion when I would want to change a
phrase or a word or do something.

Tiiese are duj's when Americans all across the
countiy are thinking about Speaker Sam Rayburn,
and on this each will have his own thoughts. Sam
Rayburn was born at a time when the American
people were just beginning to recover from the
wounds of a bitter Civil War. It was a time when
tliere were only 50 million of us, instead of 180
million, when our national income was only a
fraction of what it is today, when there were
large sections of our country which had not been
touched by the miracles of science and technology
which we have come to take for granted. Sam
Rayburn's life spans the great growth of this
nation, the transformation of its life, its emergence
as a great world power, with heavy responsibili-
ties and promising opportunities. I think all of
us who ever had anything to do with Sam Ray-
bum appreciate that, as he lived through the
period when this nation became great, he became
great along with it, and partly because he contri-
buted so much to making this nation great.
Whether as junior officers in Government or as
senior officials, all of us who had occasion to go
down to see him and talk over things with him
never foimd him to deal with large problems in
small ways. And he left an indelible imprint on

918

all of us who had any association with him at all.
I know all of us here in Washmgton who will be
attending the memorial service will have our minds
with members of his family and his friends and
neighbors in Bonham, Texas, next Saturday.

I would strongly commend to all of you a care-
ful reading of the President's speech in Seattle
yesterday.^ In a real sense it is an introduction
to every press conference dealing with foreign
affairs. In particular one paragraph introduces
some of my remarks today :

In .short we must face problems which do not lend
themselves to easy or quick or permanent solutions. And
we must face the fact that the United States is neither
omnipotent or omniscient, . . . that we cannot impose
our will upon the other 94 percent of mankind, that
we cannot right every wrong or reverse each adversity,
and that therefore there cannot be an American solution
to every world problem.

Problems and Expectations

We have, as you know, on our docket these days
a considerable number of problems which are com-
l)lcx and difficult. In some of them, such as Berlin,
we play a central and major role and can in-
fluence the course of events with powerful effect.
On others which are remote and where our role
is much less important, such as in the difficulties
now existing between Afghanistan and Pakistan,
our role is tliat of friendly counselor and adviser.
In other issues which are before international
bodies of which we are members, such as the
ITnited Nations or in the Organization of Ameri-
can States, we can take an active and influential
role, but in consultation and collaboration with
others.

Behind the problems, the urgent problems and
troublesome problems, are always fortunately
some encouraging and steady advances. For ex-

' See p. 915.

Department of State Bulletin

ample, we have been very much impressed in these
recent weeks with the prospects, the attitudes, the
plans, and the detenninations being shown by the
present Government of the Republic of Korea.

As you know. Chairman Park has just been here
with us for several days' visit, and we have had a
chance to talk with him in great detail about the
hopes and aspirations which he and his govern-
ment have for that country.' We believe that
Korea is on the move in a sense in which it has
not been on the move since the end of World War
II, and although they are still in some respects in
their revolutionary period, we believe that Chair-
man Park, against the background of a fine mili-
tary record, has the capacity of a great civilian
as well. And we send them back with our best
wishes and our assurance of any help which we can
give to let them move on in their program to de-
velop the economic, social, and political life of
their people.

I think we have all been greatly impressed and
encouraged in the last few days to see the evidences
of the strength and the vitality of democratic insti-
tutions in the Philippines. Although there were
some incidents during the campaign, the elections
were held with the order and dignity and good
sense of a stabilized, democratic system, and we
have high hopes that that augurs well for the
future in that gi-eat republic.

I believe that the ministerial meeting of the
OECD has attracted some newspaper attention.
But that, again, is one of those quieter kinds of
efiForts which are very important for the future
of us all. The discussion of the prospective efforts
to increase the i"ate of growth of the Western com-
mimity and the relation which this has to the
combined growth and liberalization of the West-
ern trading world are matters of great satisfaction.

Now, in some of our trouble spots I might com-
ment briefly to indicate relationships in certain
ones of them.

Berlin

On the question of Berlin, we shall now be
taking up again, intensively, consultation among
the several governments who are directly and vi-
tally involved in that question. I know you are
aware of the forthcoming visit of Chancellor
Adenauer. He will be bringing with him a dis-

Four Western Foreign Ministers
To Meet at Paris

Department Statement '

It has been agreed to take advantage of meetings
at wliich the four Foreign Ministers will be present
to enable them to get together on problems of com-
mon interest. While the exact dates have not been
fixed, we expect that such a gathering will be ar-
ranged on the occasion of the NATO ministerial
meeting in Paris nest month.

' Read to news correspondents by a Department
press oflBcer on Nov. 15.

" See p. 928.
December 4, 196?

tinguished party of colleagues, including the Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of
Defense, and they shall be here for some very
intensive talks. I gather from some of the tickers
today that there is already speculation about the
gaps between their point of view and ours. But I
should suppose that before Chancellor Adenauer
actually arrives that speculation about gaps is a
little premature. We are unified on our basic
purposes.

The purpose of the visit is to talk detail as well
as broad policy, and we have every reason to be-
lieve that this visit will contribute greatly to a
common position and common understanding, not
only between our two Governments but within the
Western community.

We believe that the consultations which will be
going on between now and the middle of Decem-
ber will be extremely productive from that point
of view.

Western Foreign Ministers Meeting

Reference has been made to the possible meet-
ing of the Western Foreign Ministers, so called,
in connection with the NATO conference. As
a matter of fact some months ago in an effort to
simplify some of our procedures, we did agree
that we would take advantage of any stated inter-
national meetings, such as the United Nations or
NATO, in order that the three of us or the four
of us, or any other combinations that had com-
mon problems to talk about, could get together
on those occasions — a part of the general effort
to make maximum use of such travel as we en-

919

gaged in and perhaps, although this may be some-
times a forlorn liope, to cut down on the amount
of travel wliich otherwise might be involved.

The Congo

In the Congo we are faced with a critical situ-
ation. We have been horrified, distressed, and
sliocked by the brutal murder of the 13 Italian
airmen. This latest atrocity is only one of many
which have marked the problem in the Congo.
"We believe that we, and all who can and will
support the United Nations in its efforts to work
out a solution to that problem, should now put
themselves to special effort to do so. We ourselves
believe that the time has come M'hen all those
governments who are trying to reach a decent
settlement of that problem in accordance with
the wishes and best interests of the Congolese
people and in accordance with the balanced good
judgment of the world community should now
make their voices heard more insistently, and that
those voices which represent those who are trying
to undermine or frustrate the United Nations
effort there and the goal of a united Congo sliould
be put to one side.

There are contending elements, as you know, in
the Congo. The Congo did not become independ-
ent and responsible for its own affairs against a
background of settled national institutions, ready
to move in and accept immediate responsibility.
Their armed forces were left without leadership
and undisciplined and untrained to a considerable
extent. Secessionist drives in Katanga as well
as in Stanleyville have greatly complicated the
task of forming a central government, a national
government, in that country. We believe that the
time has come for the United Nations and those
who can support the policy of the United Nations
to speed up their effort, to act with more and
more determination, and to get the leadership of
the Congo to sit down and work out their prob-
lems oil a basis of national concern and tlie real
interest in the welfare of tlieir peoples and bring
this situation of anarchy and terror and destruc-
tion to an end.

Organization of American States

In the OAS there are two questions immediately
in front of u.s. One has to do with the Domini-
can Republic." The question before th^OAS is

" See p. 929.

whether there could be now a partial lifting of
the so-called sanctions against the Dominican Ee-
public. This possibility is directly related to
events in the Dominican Republic itself. Tliose
turn on events which may change on an hour-to-
hour basis.

On the one side we have been encouraged by the
tendencies in the Dominican Republic to move
toward a more moderate and constitutional gov-
ernment, embracing broader elements of the pop-
ulation in political and constitutional affairs and
moving toward the kind of government which tlie
Dominican people themselves could respect and
which would win the esteem of the international
community of states. Just as there has been some
confusion in the last few hours as to exactly what
is happening in the Dominican Republic, I would
not anticipate that the Organization of American
States would feel itself in a position to act immed-
iately upon the suggestions which our representa-
tive made this week on that subject.

With respect to Cuba, Peru and Colombia liave
taken important initiatives in the Organization of
American States looking toward the expression in
some suitable way and with suitable action on tv.o
aspects of the Cuban problem, one emphasizing
the problem of human rights and situation of tlio
Cuban people themselves and tlie other emphasiz-
ing the impact of such a situation upon the gen-
eral position of the liemisphere.

We believe tliat both of these initiatives ought
to be supported and encouraged, and we are look-
ing toward the OAS to come forward with a seri-
ous and responsible consideration of this very
important problem.

Viet-Nam

Insofar as Viet-Nam, one of our other principal
points of concern involved, I should like to just
make a few comments on that. The determined
and ruthless campaign of propaganda, infiltra-
tion, and subversion by the Comnumist regime in
north Viet-Nam to destroy the Republic of
Viet-Nam and subjugate its peoples is a threat
to the peace. The independence and territorial
integrity of that free countiy is of major and
serious concern not only to the people of Viet-
Nam and their immediate neighbors but also to
all other free nations.

The accelerated assault in carrying out the
orders of the Comnumist Party of north Viet-
Nam to "liberate" tlie south — overthrow the Gov-

920

Department of State Bulletin

eniment of the Republic of Viet-Nam — is of
particular concern to the United States. As
President Kennedy assured President Diem last
October 24th,^ the United States is determined to
help Viet-Nam preser\'e its independence, protect
its people against the Commmiist assassins, and
build a better growth.

In that same letter the President noted that we
would be consulting with the Vietnamese Govern-
ment about what additional measures we might
take to assist the Republic of Viet-Nam in its
struggle against the Communist aggressore.
These consultations to coordinate our activities
with those of the Vietnamese Government, to find
the most effective means of sustaining the social
and economic progress of the people of Viet-Nam
and of protecting their liberty, are now imder
way in Saigon.

In the meantime there has been an acceleration
of deliveries under our mutual defense assistance
program. It can be expected that in order to
help the Government of Viet-Nam meet increased
Communist attacks some changes in the type of
equipment delivered and in the nature of our
training under the military advisory and train-
ing program will be required. Perhaps you
would appreciate that there are reasons why I
cannot go into detail about some of these matters
at this time.

Now, I shall try to answer your questions.

Communist Expansion in Indochina

Q. Mr. Secretary, with respect to Viet-Nam
and the acceleration and the possible changes in
our aid there, and so forth, are we asking or
receiving any assurances from President Diem as
to the steps that he is willing to take to make the
effort against the Communists there more
efficient?

A. These are questions which are being dis-
cussed with him at the present time, and, of
course, in a nation of 14 million people, with a
substantial army and militai-y establislunent
there, there is a major job to be done by the peo-
ples and the Government of the country con-
cerned. But the precise relationship between
their effort and our effort is now being discussed
with them, and I would not — indeed I do not —
have at the moment repoi-ts on those discussions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, what can he done about the
increasing use of Laos as a Communist base in
violation of the Soviet pledges that this would be
made a neutral area?

A. This is one of the subjects which have been
discussed at Geneva, and certainly if there is to
be any substance whatever in the notion of a
neutral and independent Laos, then any arrange-
ments for Laos must insure that Laos not itself
be used as a route of penetration and infiltration
and subversion against south Viet-Nam. This is,
in fact, only one of three of the principal routes
for the supply of agents, cadres, and arms from
the north into south Viet-Nam. The other is
across the I7th parallel. Part of it is in difficult
and mountainous country where that kind of
traffic can occur and can be dealt with only with
the most strenuous measures. The third route is
by sea. As you know, there are very large num-
bers of coastal junks and small vessels plying
along there, and we have very specific informa-
tion that some of this traffic has been utilized for
the kind of penetration to which we are now
objecting.

Q. Mr. Secretary, when Prime Minister Nehru
was here,^ he said that the International Control
Commission for Viet-Nam had been ineffective
because of the impediments placed in its toay by
the south Vietnamese Government. We had been
under the impression that it was ineffective be-
cause of the impediments placed in its way by the
north Vietnamese government. That has been
repeated 2 days ago in statements from New
Delhi. Can you straighten us out, please?

A. During a period when people in south Viet-
Nam found themselves under pressure and did
not feel that they were getting adequate assist-
ance from the ICC, irritations did develop, and I
think that it would be only fair to say that the
ICC has not had, in some problems of detailed
arrangements, facilities, and support, all the co-
operation which it needs, and that situation has
now been, I tliink, largely rectified. But the first
task, as we see it, of the ICC is to take up in the
most serious terms the letter which was recently
filed with the ICC by the Government of the
Republic of Viet-Nam charging large-scale infil-
tration and subversion by illegal intrusion from
the north. These instrusions are not something

• Bulletin of Nov. 13, 1901, p. 810.
December 4, I96I

"Seep. 926.

92T

that are done just secretly. They are a part of
the proclaimed policy of the Communist Party of
north Viet-Nam. They have spoken about them
openly and quite publicly for several months. We
believe that these charges are sound, that they
are well supported in fact, and that they deserve
the immediate and full investigation and report
to the world by the IOC.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you stated that what is heing
done in Viet-Nam is in our view a threat to the
fea<:e. Is what we are doing to aid the Oovem-
ment of south Viet-Nam heing done within the
limitations, and will it continue to be, if so, of the
Geneva Accords, or are we moving toioard de-
nouncing those accords as a hreach of the peace
under the terms of General Walter Bedell Smithes
statement at the tirrve of the 195 If. agreements? *

A. Well, at this stage, the primary question
about the Geneva Accords is not how those accords
relate to, say, our military assistance program to
south Viet-Nam. They relate to the specific, per-
sistent, substantial, and openly proclaimed viola-
tions of those accords by the north Vietnamese.

Now the status of those accords will be deter-
mined more by the attitude of the north, which
has been, is, and so far as we know continues to
be ready to disregard them in their own attacks
against the south Vietnamese. The first question
is, what does the north do about those accords?

Q. Mr. Secretary, in connection with the com-
plaints laid before the ICC, I think more than
700 specific charges and letters and complaints
have been laid before the ICC by south Viet-Nam,
over the years. During the conversations here
with the Prime Minister of India, did we get any
kind of assurances that, now that south Viet-
Nam apparently is willing to cooperate toith the
ICC, it will in fact act vigorously to put the Com-
mission into operation there?

A. I would not wish to attribute this specifi-
cally to a conversation with Prime Minister
Nehru, but we have indications that the ICC does
expect to take up these questions, and I believe a
new chairman has been appointed. I think there
is some real prospect that they will go vigorously
into these questions that have been raised.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have referred to this
situation in south Viet-Nam as a threat to the

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 2, 1954, p. 162.
922

peace. What are the prospects of taking this to
the United Nations?

A. I think there is a possibility that this ques-
tion will come to the United Nations at some stage.
I think at the present time we believe that the
consultations with other governments in which
we are now engaged and our consultations with
the Government of south Viet-Nam would be the
most immediate steps to be taken up.

Germany

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Presidents speech, which
you just commended to us, contains a curious and
what I take to be pointed sentence, and it reads as
follows: "At a time when a single clash coidd
escalate overnight into a holocaust of mushroom
clouds, a great poxcer does not prove its firmness
by leaving the task of exploring the other''s inten-
tions to sentries or those without full responsi-
bility.''^ Can we take this as a statement of dis-
satisfaction with the Checkpoint Charlie events
and disapproval with our people on the spot?

A. No, I think this was not that. I think it
was a reference to the fact that the governments
that are directly involved in this question of
Berlin do understand — and this includes govern-
ments on both sides — do understand the potential
seriousness of this matter.

I personally, as I have indicated to you before,
do not believe that we are in a serious danger of
what might be called a mischance or accident here
in this situation. The governments are very much
involved with it, but nevertheless the governments
have to be in communication with each other about
these matters. It is not something that can be left
to work out along the lines of chance happenings
with a gap in communication among the govern-
ments concerned.

Q. Mr. Secretary, Chancellor Adenauer said
yesterday — was quoted as saying in substance —
that he believed it is necessary to have some im-
mediate NATO nuclear power available in Eu-
rope. Can you give us the United States'* present
position on this subject?

A. Well, let me say that we have not had any ,
official communication from the German Gov- ^
ernment with respect to these statements that were
made and reported in the last day or so. There-

Department of State Bulletin

fore I am a little reluctant to seem to be speaking
specifically to any words attributed to Chancellor
Adenauer. But there has been discussion for some
time about a NATO nuclear force. You will recall
that in Ottawa the President called attention to
this problem.' He indicated that we would com-
mit to the NATO command certain Polaris atomic
missile submarines, subject to any agreed NATO
guidelines on their control and use, and we have
discussed in other ways the possibilities of a
NATO nuclear deterrent.

This is a problem of quite literally the utmost
complexity. You have heard me use that word
"complexity" many times, and you will hear me
use it many times more. I would hate to dilute
the effect of that word. But this is one that is
really complex because the political and military
management of a nuclear force in the hands of 15
or 16 nations, itself, is a political and a military
problem of the highest order of difficulty. These
are matters which we hope that our European
friends will discuss among themselves. We would
like to know what they, themselves, think would be
suitable arrangements. These are matters that
go to the very life and death of nations. They go
to the very heart of the responsibilities of govern-
ments for the fate of their own peoples. So it
isn't easy to strike off arrangements of tliis sort
under some sort of a pattern of charts and notions
of public administration. We are interested in a
NATO nuclear deterrent. At the present time the
United States basically provides the nuclear sup-
port for NATO. We would be interested in their
views as to the guidelines which should guide us
in the exercise of that onerous responsibility. We
would be much interested in their views as to how
NATO itself — quite apart from the special posi-
tion of the United States— how NATO itself
would see the organization of such a deterrent
force. This is not something which we can, our-
selves, impose upon others. This is something that
has to be a matter of deep consultation and
thought among all of those involved.

Q. But the o-ffer still stands?

A. The offer of Ottawa still stands, of course.

Q. Mr. Secretary, may I ask you on another
point that the Chancellor is reported to have ad-
dressed himself to yesterday, the question of the

' Hid., June 5, 1961, p. 839.
December 4, 7967

wall along the border of East Berlin. As far as
the United States is concerned, do you believe that
the East Berlin wall must be removed as a con-
dition of any Western-Soviet agreement on
Berlin?

A. Well, I wouldn't want to discuss the wall in
those terms because, again, I have not had the
benefit of any official views from the German
Government or the context in which such remarks
might have been made. But the wall certainly
ought not to be a permanent feature of the Euro-
pean landscape. I see no reason why the Soviet
Union should think that it is to their advantage
in any way to leave there that monument to Com-
munist failure in East Berlin and East Germany,
that prison wall, to demonstrate for all to see that
they are having to keep people in behind walls
and barbed wire at a time when it was perfectly
obvious to them that the purpose of the wall
could not be to keep somebody else out.

It is our hope that regardless of the way in
which these questions of timing might come up —
and I am not now getting into that at all one way
or the other — the city of Berlin and the families
that have been separated by that wall can find
their way back and forth without that most ex-
traordinary and repulsive feature to the German
landscape.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been a recent spate
of speculative stories from Moscow about the pos-
sibility of the Soviets'' producing or putting for-
ward nexo proposals, or purporting to say that.
Has anything happened that would lead you to
revise your estimate of the possibility of negotia-
tions with the Russians naw on Berlin ?

A. No, I think the question as to whether the
Soviets put forward new proposals in recent
weeks has been thoroughly clarified. I have had
no indication whatever that the Russians have
put forward any new proposals.

U.S. Economic Policy

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you give us your De-
partmenfs views on the recently made report * to
the Congressional Joint Economic Committee

' A New Look at Trade Policy Toward the Communist
Bloc: The Elements of a Common Strategy for the West,
Subcommittee on Foreign Economic Policy of the Joint
Economic Committee, Nov. 1961 [Joint Committee print].

923

calling for a change in economic foreign folicy
hy the West by imposing a tighter control of trade
loith Russia, for instance, on the import of large
quantities of oil from Riissia?

A. "Would you just repeat the first part of your
question again, please ?

Q. Could you give ris the Departmenfs viexos
on the recently made report of the Congressional
Joint Economic Com/mittee for a change in the
economic foreign policies hy the West?

A. I have seen a digest of that report, but I
have not studied it. These are questions which
are bound to come up for review in connection
with the proceedings of more than one congres-
sional committee, but more importantly in connec-
tion with the development of the administration's
proposals on general trade as well as discussions
within the OECD about free-world trade now
going on. I just would not want to comment
specifically on that point, if you don't mind.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us some of
your thinking about tchat should be done about
the expiring reciprocal trade agreements pro-
gram,?

A. I think that at this point thei-e is not much
that I could add to the statement made by Under
Secretary Ball," and the comments made by the
President very recently at a press conference.

I would like to emphasize, however, that it is
perfectly obvious that we are moving into a
transformation of world trading patterns and ar-
rangements. The discussions going on for the
enlargement of the Common Market, for example,
could liave the most far-reaching effects upon the
trading position of the United States. "We feel
that it is very important for us to have a legisla-
tive position in which the United States can go
out and bargain and negotiate and trade with
other governments in order to protect our vital
trading interests and at the same time that we do
so on a nondiscriminatory basis, so that other
countries not members of the Common Market
and not part of our own market, such as in Latin
America and Japan, do find expanding trade op-
portunities. "We feel strongly that, unless we can
emphasize two elements in international economic
affairs over the period of the imanediate future,

' Bii-LETi.N of Nov. 20, 1961, p. 831.

we shall be in deep trouble. One of them is an
expanding economy based upon the growth —
economic growth — of the free world, and the other
is the liberalization of trade opportimities so that
growing economies can be in active trade with
each other in order to increase the sti-ength of all.

"We are under no illusions that there won't be
some strenuous debates on these matters in the
months ahead. To a certain extent these debates
tend to be a little one-sided, because those who
have a deep interest in exports — the millions of
people whose jobs depend upon exports — are not
nearly so articulate or so insistent in expressing
their views as those who feel themselves in some
way endangered by or embarrassed by one or
another type of import.

But this is going to be in a special sense not just
another debate on reciprocal trade. This is going
to be a discussion and must be a discussion of how
the United States shall relate itself to a trans-
formed world trading situation, and unless we
are in a position to protect the interests of the
United States in our own trading position, then
we could find ourselves under deep embarrassment
and find ourselves facing a shrinking rather than
an expanding world.

Neutralism

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been increased pres-
sure hy the Russian Government on Finland, and
there has been speculation that perhaps the Fin-
nish Government might be absorbed into the War-
saw Pact or Soviet bloc, which might result in
Sweden joining NATO. Could you give us an
assessment of lohat you think is going on in the
Moscow-Finnish sit^tation, and the prospects of
Sweden shifting into NATO?

A. I think, sir, that it would not be — quite liter-
ally it would not be— helpful for me to speculate
on that point at the present moment. We have
had great respect for the independence as well as
the neutrality of Finland. As far as we in the
AVest are concerned, we have not attempted in any
way to embarrass Finland's neutrality. The Fin-
nish are a very sturdy people, and they have the
respect of the American people. My guess is that
they will liave the strong support of people all
over the world, neutral as well as those who are so-
called alined peoples, in their attempts to main-

924

Department of State Bulletin

tain their independence and their neutrality in
this situation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, Mr. Nixon made several com-
ments on neutralists in the past week. One of
them xoas that the people of the United States are
getting a bellyful of so-called neutralism and also
that, if it werent for the military strength of the
United States and our allies, no nation in the
world could he neutral today; they woidd all he
Co7nmunisL Could you comment on these and
give us your definition of neutralism and its im-
pact on U.S. policy?

A. Well, if you would allow me to comment on
the questions rather than relate them specifically
to Mr. Nixon, I will be glad to do it. I think it
is true that the strength of the United States and
its allies is directly related to the possibilities of
neutralism in this present world situation. In-
deed, the underlying issue, once again, in our
time is the struggle between those who announce
that by 1980 they expect the greater part of the
world to be under Communist domination and all
tliose, whetlier neutral or alined, who are trying
to build the kind of world society that is sketched
out in the charter of the United Nations, which
anticipates a world community of independent
states.

Now the principal threat to neutrality comes
from those who are trying to ujiset it, who are
trying to change it into something else. The
most immediate thi-eat to that is coming from those
who are tiying to establish Communist domina-
tion by 1980.

Now if the United States, the Western World
and her allies, were not strong, then the prospects
of maintaining independence would be greatly
diminished. Insofar as our attitude toward neu-
trals is concerned, this is getting into something
of a quagmire because there are many neutrals
and there is nothing very solid about the only
thing they seem to have in common, and that is
that they do not Iiappen to be alined either to the
, Sino-Soviet bloc or to the so-called Western bloc.
So there are many shades of opinion and attitude
among the so-called neutrals.

They will say things from time to time which
will annoy us. They will take points of view on

particular questions which dij9ter from ours. They
will criticize us specifically on certain points,
sometimes in the most vigorous terms. But the
test is whether they are determined to be inde-
pendent, whether they are tiying to live out their
own lives in the way in which their own people
would like to have them shape it.

To the extent that that is so, tlien I think we can
afford to have the patience of a great power, to
have the persistence of a country that is thinking
about the shape of the world 25 or 50 years from
now, and not to allow ourselves to be upset on a
day-to-day or week-to-we«k basis by a particular
point of view on a particular question. The
stakes are too high for that, much too high for
that.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us when Ameri-
can personnel in civilian clothes is permitted again
to go into East Berlin and under what procedures?

A. You say "when," did you say ?

Q. Yes.

A. At the present time, American official civilian
personnel are not permitted to go to East Berlin.
I would not want to speculate on tlie rest of the
question.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you have amy comment
on the reports from Panama that the Panamanian
Nationcd Assembly has just called for the abro-
gation of all treaties with the United States?

A. That resolution followed the publication of
the exchange of letters between the Presidents of
our two countries.^" From time to time this is a
question which is to be discussed ; certain revisions
have occurred over the years in our arrange-
ments with Panama. We do believe that this is
an important question, both for the Panamanians
and for ourselves. We shall be giving it very
careful study. As the President's letter indicated,
begiiming in the new year, we will enter into
serious discussions with Panama on the problems
of the facilities of the Canal.

Q. Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.

" For text of a letter of Nov. 2 from President Kennedy
to President Roberto Chiari of Panama, see p. 932.

December 4, 7967

925

Prime Minister Neliru of India
Visits United States

Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India,
made an official, visit to the United States Novem-
ber 6-14- Following is an exchange of remarks
between President Kennedy and Prime Minister
Nehru upon their joint arrival at Washington
from Newport, R.I., on November 6 and the text
of a joint communique issued at the close of their
talks on November 9.

EXCHANGE OF REMARKS AT AIRPORT

White House press release dated November 6

President Kennedy

Prime Minister, Madame Gandhi [Indira
Gandhi, daughter of the Prime Minister] Foreign
Minister [M. J. Desai], Members of the Indian
Cabinet: I wish to express, Prime Minister, on
behalf of the people of the United States, our great
satisfaction in welcoming you once more to our
country, which you have visited in earlier days.

Some national leaders — and it is a source of
pride to us, as Americans, that some American
leaders have had their fame and their reputations
spread across their national frontiers and bound-
aries, and their reputations and the affection in
which they are held have become worldwide —
Lincoln, Roosevelt, our earlier leaders — and you.
Prime Minister, and your illustrious leader in the
fight for Indian independence, Mahatma Gandhi,
your reputation, the things for which you have
stood, things with which you have been identified
in your long career, all these have spread your
fame and your reputation beyond the borders of
your own country and have been identified with
the great aspirations of people all over the world.

India and America are separated by half the
globe, but I think that you are aware, as you surely
must have been aware during the long days of your
struggle for independence, of the great well of
affection and regard for which your country and
people are held in this country — a great affec-
tionate regard which belongs to you particularly
in these difficult days.

So, Prime Minister, we welcome you here to the
shores of this country as a friend, as a great world
leader, as one who has in his own life and times
stood for those basic aspirations which the United
States stands for today.

Prime Minister, you are most welcome here to
this country, and we hope that when you leave you
will find a renewed sense of vigor and purpose here
in the United States.

Prime Minister, we are glad to see you again.

Prime Minister Neliru

Mr. President, Mrs. Kennedy, I feel deeply
honored and happy to be here again and to receive
this great welcome from you, more particularly not
for the formal side of it but for the friendship
which animated your words. You have been good
enough in the past also to refer to my country in
terms which evoke a warm i-esponse in our hearts.

This is the fourth time I have come to the
United States, and whenever I have come here I
have been deeply impressed not only by the mag-
nificent achievements of this great country but, if
I may say so, even more so by the popular good
will and friendship that I met everywhere here.

You have referred, sir, to our struggle for free-
dom. Many countries have struggled for freedom
and achieved it. Your own great country was
nurtured in freedom and has grown up in that
great tradition. In our struggle, as you yourself
just mentioned, those leaders who built up this
country in the past, and even in the recent past —
we were influenced by them, and I think going back
to what we used to say in those days, we often refer
to them and to the achievements of this country.

And so when I came here first some 12 years ago,
I came with great expectations and fulfilled a long-
felt desire of my heart. Those expectations were
realized, and I went away with greater admiration
for the achievements of this country and with a
feeling of almost — if I may say so — warm and per-
sonal friendship. They have persisted. Because
the relationships of countries are more basic, I
think, or should be more basic than temporary
political events that happen. If they have that
basic quality, they can subsist.

And so I came again on two or three occasions,
and every time I was happy that I came and re-
newed old friendships and made new ones. This
time this is a very special pleasure for me to come,
to have occasion and opportunity to talk to you,
Mr. President, to understand many tilings, and
to some extent to explain what we have on our
own minds.

Your nation was nurtured in liberty. So also
ours, and in a peculiar way rather unlike other

926

Hepatimsn^ of S/ofe Bullefin

countries in the sense that we had a peculiar leader,
to whom you were pleased to refer, Mahatma
Gandhi. And our struggle for freedom as always
everywhere conditioned us, and Mr. Gandhi's mes-
sage and the training he gave us also conditioned
us. I do not presume to say that we stood up to
his teaching, but anyhow it was always on our
minds and still continues on our minds and to
some extent still conditions us.

And among the things that he laid great stress
on, as you no doubt know, Mr. President, was on
peace and peaceful methods of approach to prob-
lems. Even in our struggle with the British Em-
pire of those days we adhered to peaceful methods.
And so as a result we were fortunate at the end of
that struggle when we achieved freedom to do so in
friendship with the British people. The past is
not only forgotten, of course, but does not come
in the way of our friendly relations with the
British people today. That was largely, I think,
the result of the whole peaceful approach to those
problems and our deliberate attempt not to pile
up a mountain of bitterness over the past.

We face mighty problems in the world today,
and you, Mr. President, bear perhaps the greatest
responsibility in this world. And so we look up
to you and to your country and seek to learn from
you, and sometimes also to express what we have
on our minds, so that we can achieve the greatest
aim that the world needs today and that is peace
and opportunity to grow and flourish in peace.

Our own country is full of its own problems,
more particularly to give a better life to all our
innumerable people, and that can only be done if
there is peace. And so, for us, peace is a passion —
not only a passion but something which all our
logic and mind drives us to as essential for our
growth. And you stand for peace, I know, Mr.
President, and I wish you all success in your ef-
forts to maintain peace and freedom.

I am grateful to you, sir, for your warm wel-
come, and to JNIrs. Kennedy also.

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE

White House press release dated November 9

The President and the Prime Minister have
had four days of especially pleasant and reward-
ing conversations. These began in Newport,
Rhode Island, on Monday, were continued for
several hours Tuesday morning with senior Indian

U.S. Educational Consortium Formed
To Aid Indian Institute of Technology

President Kennedy announced on November 11
(White House press release) formation of an edu-
cational consortium representing nine U.S. univer-
sities and institutes of technology to help in the
development of the Indian Institute of Technology
at Kanpur, India.

Participating in the consortium, which Is being
sponsored by the new U.S. Agency for International
Development (AID) are: California Institute of
Technology, Carnegie Institute of Technology, Case
Institute of Technology, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Ohio State University, Princeton Uni-
versity, Purdue University, University of California,
and University of Michigan.

and U.S. officials present, with further private
discussions Wednesday, and a brief final meeting
today. Subjects covered amount almost to a map
of the troubled areas of the world. The problems
of getting a peaceful settlement in Berlin, of se-
curing the peace and liberties of the people of
Southeast Asia, the problems of control of nuclear
testing and disarmament, of the Congo, on how to
strengthen the United Nations, and of United
States and Indo-Pakistan relations were among
the topics. Prime Minister Nehru used the oc-
casion to go deeply into the philosophic and his-
torical background of Indian foreign policy. The
President similarly went into the goals and objec-
tives of American foreign policy as they have been
molded and shaped over the years.

The President and the Prime Minister examined
in particular those areas where peace is threatened.
They discussed the dangers inherent in recent
developments in Berlin and in Southeast Asia.
Concerning Berlin, President Kennedy reaffirmed
the United States commitment to support the
freedom and economic viability of the two and one-
quarter million people of West Berlin and the
President and the Prime Minister concurred in
the legitimate and necessary right of access to
Berlin. The President also assured the Prime
Minister that every effort would be made to seek
a solution of the Berlin problem by peaceful
means, and underlined the importance of the
choices of the people directly concerned.

With respect to Southeast Asia, the President
and the Prime Minister confirmed that it is the
common objective of the United States and India

December 4, 1961

927

that Laos be a genuinely neutral state, free of
domination by any foreign power, and that each
nation in the area have the opportunity to make
its own choice of the course it will take in seeking
to solve pressing economic and social problems
under conditions of peace.

The President and the Prime Minister discussed
India's efforts for the improved well-being of her
people. The President reaffirmed the United
States' interest in the success of this great effort.

They exchanged views on the desirability of
a cessation of nuclear testing. The President re-
ferred in this connection to the recent resumption
of tests by the Soviet Union which broke the pre-
vious moratorium and reaffirmed the United
States' unwillingness to accept a further uncon-
trolled nuclear test moratorium. Tlie Prime Min-
ister and the President agreed on the urgent need
for a treaty banning nuclear tests with necessary
provision for inspection and control.

The President and Prime Minister stressed the
high importance of measures to avoid the risk of
war and of negotiations in this connection to
achieve agreement on a program of general and
complete disarmament.

India and the United States share in the fullest
measure their common objective to develop the
United Nations as the most effective instrument of
world peace. The President and the Prime Minis-
ter reviewed the United States and Indian con-
tributions to United Nations operations in
the Congo, which they regard as an illustration of
how that body, even mxler extremely difficult
conditions, can help bring about conditions for the
peaceful resolution of conflict. Both the Prime
Minister and the President strongly share the hope
that as the result of the efforts of the people of
the Congo and the United Nations a peaceful and
united Congo will be achieved. The President
expressed his special appreciation of the role
played by the Indian soldiers in the Congo, who
comprise more than one-third of the United Na-
tions force there.

The Prime Minister and the President noted
the cooperation and exchange of information be-
tween United States and Indian scientists in space
science research. They agreed that this activity,
which has the aim of peaceful exploitation of outer
space for the benefit of mankind, could be usefully
developed.

The Prime Minister and the President consider

928

that their talks have been highly useful in the pur-
suit of their common objectives of an enduring
world peace and enhanced understanding between
the Governments of India and the United States.
They intend to keep closely in touch with each
other in the months and years ahead.

President Concludes Talks
With General Park of Korea

Gen. Chwng 11 ee Park, Chairman of the Su-
frenie CounciJ for National Reconstruction of the
Repuhlic of Korea, visited Washington from No-
vember 13 to 17. He was accompanied by Maj.
Gen. Yang Soo Too, Chairman of the Foreign
Affairs National Defense Committee of the Su-
preme Council; Duk Shin Choi, Minister of
Foreign Affairs; Byung Kyu Chun, Minister of
Finance; Byeng Kicon Bak, Minister of Defense;
and Chung Pum Song, Deputy Chairman of the
Economic Planning Board. The Korean officials
held conversations ^oith Secretary Rusk and other
U.S. o-fficials. Folloicing is the text of a joint
co7nmunique released by the White House at the
conclusion of two meetings on November H be-
ttoeen President Kennedy and General Park.

White House press release dated November 14

Chairman Park and President Kennedy con-
cluded today a friendly and constructive exchange
of views on the current situation in Korea and the
Far East and the various matters of interest to the
governments and peoples of the Republic of Korea
and the United States of America. Foreign Min-
ister Choi, Secretary Rusk and other officials of '
the two governments participated in the conversa-
tions.

The two leaders reaffirmed the strong bonds of I
friendship traditionally existing between the two
countries and their determination to intensify
their common efforts toward the establishment of
world peace based on freedom and justice. J

Tlie Chairman reviewed the situation in Korea
which led to the military revolution of May 16
and set forth the achievements made by the revolu-
tionaiy Government. lie emphasized the positive
steps taken by the Government for social reform
and economic stability, particularly the new Gov-
ernment's actions to reform tlie civil service, ra-
tionalize tax collections, abolish usury in local

Deparfment of State Bulletin

areas, increase employment opportunities, stimu-
late investment, and expand both domestic and
foreign trade. He emphasized as well the positive
steps taken by the Government in strengthening
the nation against Communism and in eliminating
corruption and other social evils.

The President welcomed Chairman Park's full
exposition of the current situation in the Republic
of Korea and expressed his gratification at the
many indications of progress made by the new
Government of the Republic.

The Chairman reiterated the solemn pledge of
the revolutionary government to return the gov-
ernment to civilian control in the summer of 1963,
as he declared in the statement made on August
12, 1961. The President particularly expressed
his satisfaction with the Korean government's in-
tention to restore civilian government at the
earliest possible date.

The two leaders discussed the position of Korea
in the maintenance of peace and security in the
Far East, and in this connection reviewed the
continuing contribution of United States economic
and military assistance to the strengthening of the
Korean nation. Recognizing that the successful
achievement of Korean economic development in
accordance with a long-range plan is indispensable
to build a democratic foundation and to maintain
a strong anti-Communist posture in Korea, the
President expressed great interest in Korea's
draft Five Year Economic Development Plan.
In this connection, he assured the Chairman that
the United States Government would continue to
extend all possible economic aid and cooperation
to the Republic of Korea, in order to further such
long range economic development.

The Chairman and the President discussed the
problem of mutual defense against the threat of
external armed aggression in the Pacific area.
They recognized that the common interest of their
two countries as bulwarks of the Free World
against Commimist expansion is deepened and
reinforced by the fact that Korean and United
States troops are brothers-in-arms, standing side
by side in the United Nations Command for the
defense of Korean soil. The President reaffirmed
the determination of the United States to render
forthwith and effectively all possible assistance to
the Republic of Korea, in accordance with the
Mutual Defense Treaty between the Republic of
Korea and the United States of America signed

December 4, 7961

619720—61 3

on October 1, 1953,' including the use of armed
forces, if there is a renewal of armed attack.

The two leaders recalled that Korea had been
successfully defended against armed aggression
by the first collective military measures pursuant
to the call of the United Nations. They recalled
the declarations by United Nations members
whose military forces participated in the Korean
action, including their affirmation that in the in-
terests of world peace, "if there is a renewal of the
armed attack, challenging again the principles of
the United Nations, we should again be united
and prompt to resist." ^ The Chairman and the
President reaffirmed their faith in the United
Nations, and their determination to seek the uni-
fication of Korea in freedom through peaceful
means under the principles laid down and re-
affirmed by the United Nations General Assembly.

Chairman Park and President Kennedy ex-
pressed their deep satisfaction with their meeting
and discussions and reiterated their resolve to
continue to serve the cause of freedom and democ-
racy, and to strengthen the friendly ties between
their two peoples.

U.S. Seeks Withdrawal of OAS Action
on Trade Witli Dominican Republic

Statement hy Robert F. Woodward

Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs ^

I appreciate the opportunity to clarify the
position of my Government on the very important
subject before this Committee. As a newcomer
to the deliberations of this body, I am at a dis-
advantage with the gi'oup of distinguished repre-
sentatives who have been studying this difficult
problem for months, but my duties in the De-
partment of State have enabled me to follow many
of the important developments in the Dominican
Republic. I can assure you that the situation in
that country has been the object of the most ear-

'For text of draft treaty and statements made at the
signing ceremony, see Bulletin of Aug. 17, 1953, p. 204,
and Oct. 12, 1953, p. 484.

''For text of a 16-nation declaration issued at Wash-
ington on July 27, 1953, see U.N. doc. S/3079.

"Made at Washington, D.C., on Nov. 14 (press release
785) before the Special Committee of the Council of the
Organization of American States Considering the Situa-
tion in the Dominican Republic.

929

nest attention by the higliest authorities of my
Government. Also I can assure you that the views
wliicli I express to you now are the result of the
most careful consideration.

Since I was not privileged to join with the dis-
tinguished members of the subcommittee until
tlieir most recent meeting, I am able to join in
the admiration for their superb work, which re-
sulted in this comprehensive and analytical report.
I have also briefly had opportunity to witness the
thorough and excellent performance of the sec-
retariat and their unstinting work in preparing
a report of this kind.

We realize, of course, that the members of this
Special Committee who are not members of the
subconrmiittee have not yet had an opportunity
to study the contents of the subcommittee report
which was put before them this morning. This
report presents its findings and observations to
this Special Committee without a specific recom-
mendation concerning action the Special Commit-
tee or the Council of the OAS in its turn might
take. As a possible contribution to the thought
which the Special Committee will devote to the
study of the report, I take this opportunity to
oifer you the points of view of my Government.

Like the other members of the OAS with which
the Government of the United States of America
has been closely cooperating in this matter, my
Government has long shared the hope that the
Dominican Republic would soon assume a re-
spected place in the inter- American system as a
democratic nation -with a government fully repre-
sentative of the Dominican people and resixinsive
to their will. We have of course hoped that it
would soon become possible for the Council of
tlie OAS to find that the Government of the
Dominican Republic has ceased to constitute a
danger to tlie peace and security of tlie continent.

My Government has become convinced, how-
ever, that tliis desired objective can be attained
only when leading figures who were closely as-
sociated with tlie repressive measures of the former
dictatorship are clearly no longer able to domi-
nate the political and economic life of the nation.
Moreover, it appears obvious that full develop-
ment of representative government cannot be as-
sured until extralegal repressive measures have
ceased and human rights are more consistently
observed. Unfortunately, the subcommittee re-
ceived impressive testimony concerning tlie imper-

fect observance of human rights and concerning
measures of repression against opposition political
activity.

The delegate of the United States of America
on the subcommittee of tliis Special Committee
has therefore subscribed to the view expressed in
the penidtimate paragraph of the report that
greater progress than that already achieved must
be demonstrated in the Dominican Republic be-
fore a conclusion can be reached that the Govern-
ment of that comitry has ceased to constitute a
danger to the peace and security of the continent.

My Govermnent believes, however, that there
have been significant effects from the resolution
of August 21, I960,- in which the Sixth Meeting
of Foreign Ministers agreed to break diplomatic
relations with the Dominican Republic and to
suspend trade in arms and implements of war.
We believe tliat these major restrictions on the
Dominican Republic have played a most impor-
tant role in bringing about tlie improvements
which have occurred up to now. We also deeply
hope that further and more significant improve-
ments will be made in the near future and that
these will then warrant the definitive action that
would enable the members of the OAS to remove
the specific measures apjilied by the resolution
of August 21, 1960. When those sanctions can
be removed, my Government looks forward to the
restoration of diplomatic relations and all forms
of normal constructive relationships with the
Dominican Republic and its citizens.

Despite the grave reservations I have mentioned,
my Government likewise subscribes fully to the
statement in the final paragraph of tlie subcom-
mittee's report expressing the opinion that due
recognition should be given to the degree of
change which has occurred in the character and
policy of the Dominican Government since the
previous report of the subcommittee. To sum-
marize, that Government has formally reiterated
to the subcommittee its decision not to intervene
in tlie internal affaii-s of other American States;
a vigorous political opposition now acts openly
in the Dominican Republic; opposition news-
papers and publications circulate; the Govern-
ment has declared its determination to control and
eliminate abuses of police power and has taken

' For text, see Buixetin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 35S. (Note :
The resolution of Aug. 20 waa incorporated in tlie Final
Act, which was dated Aug. 21. )

930

Deparfment of Stale Bulletin

certain measures to this end; there appears to be
a possibility of a political solution between the
Government and moderate opposition (I wish to
note that the Dominican Government has ex-
pressed its intention to undertake measures recom-
mended in the report of the OAS electoral pro-
cedures mission, which, if carried out effectively,
would contribute greatly to such a solution) ; key
figures closely associated with the former regime
have departed; and the Trujillo family has pub-
licly announced its intention to deliver their large
sugar properties to a foundation which would use
these properties for the benefit of the Dominican
people. These developments would have seemed
unbelievable a few months ago, and they consti-
tute, in the opinion of my Government, a sub-
stantial improvement from the long period of
dark repression.

We are therefore faced with a situation which
is neither black nor white. This should not sur-
prise us; the transition from a dictatorship of 31
years to a society founded on freedom camiot be
made at once or without great difficulties. There
has been evident progress as a result of the work
of men of good will in both the Goverimient and
the moderate opposition; it is to these men of
good will that we must look for further progress.

After the most careful weighing of the many
considerations which enter into this matter, my
Government respectfully submits its view to the
Special Committee that the Committee should
recommend that action be taken by the Council at
this time which would give recognition to the
constructive efforts of the Government of the Do-
minican Republic — sufficient recognition to en-
courage that Government to continue the further
progress which is so deeply desired and which is
so indispensable to this great hiunanitarian effort
in which the role of the OAS is so important.

Fortunately there is a ready and convenient
method of providing this encouragement. This
would be the withdrawal by the Council of the
OAS of the formal indication which it made to
the member states in the resolution approved on
January 4, 1961.^ This resolution stated that it
was "feasible and desirable" to extend the suspen-
sion of trade with the Dominican Republic so that
the suspension would apply to trade in petroleum
and petroleum products and in trucks and spare

United States Considers Measures
on Dominican Republic

statement 6j/ Secretary Rusk
Press release 799 dated November 18

It has been confirmed that leading figures who
were closely associated with the repressive measures
of the former dictatorship in the Dominican Re-
public and who had departed from that country
returned to Ciudad Trujillo on November 15.

Moreover, it appears that they may be planning
an attempt to reassert dictatorial domination of
the political and economic life of that country,
threatening the recent gains of the Dominican Gov-
ernment and people toward democratization.

On the recommendation of the United States, the
Special Committee of the Organization of Ameri-
can States has already postponed further considera-
tion of a proposal on withdrawing the suspension of
trade with the Dominican Republic in certain
products.

In view of the possibility of political disintegra-
tion and the dangerous situation which could ensue,
the Government of the United States is considering
the further measures that unpredictable events
might warrant.

' For background, see ibid., Feb. 20, 1961, p. 273.
December 4, 1 96 1

parts for trucks. As a practical matter, the with-
drawal of this action by the COAS would have
little material effect upon the basic economy of
the Dominican Republic. Moreover, the with-
drawal of this action by the Council of the OAS
would have no effect on commerce in sugar and
other products with the Dominican Republic.

In view of all the foregoing, my Government
proposes that the Special Cormnittee recommend
that the Council withdraw the action taken in the
resolution of January 4, 1961, as a gesture of
encouragement to further progress by the Govern-
ment of the Dominican Republic.

My Government cherishes the hope that Domini-
can men of good will and sincerity, in the Govern-
ment and in the democratic opposition, will join
together in accelerating their efforts to insure the
peaceful transformation of their country into a
democratic society. Tliis great effort, which will
require courage with moderation and an ability
to compromise democratically and which will re-
quire a high sense of public responsibility, can
well earn these statesmen the lasting admiration
and gratitude of the peoples and governments of

931

all the democratic and peaceloving nations of the
Western World.'

President Kennedy Affirms Common
Ideals Witli Greece

Following is an exchange of telegrams between
President Kennedy and Con^tantine Caramanlis,
Prime Minister of Greece.

President Kennedy to Prime Minister Caramanlis

White House press release dated November 9

November 8, 1961
Dear JVIr. Prime Minister : I wish to convey my
sincere greetings and best wishes to Their Ma-
jesties, the Greek people and yourself and to con-
gratulate you on the occasion of your reappoint-
ment and investiture as Prime Minister of Greece.
Recalling your recent visit to the United States ^
with pleasure and satisfaction, I am confident that
in these troubled times our two nations will con-
tinue to work together in the spirit of firm friend-
ship which has traditionally characterized Greek
and American relations. As a common aim, we
seek a peaceful world based on the ideals of free-
dom, liberty and democracy which Greece has be-
queathed to the world.

Please accept my warmest personal regards.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

Prime Minister Caramanlis to President Kennedy

Athens, November 8, 10(11

Dear Mb. President, On behalf of Their Majesties, the
Greek people and myself I wish to thank you warmly for
your greetings and good wishes.

I particularly thank you for your congratulations on
my election.

I wish to take this opportunity to tell you again of the
satisfaction and real pleasure with which I recall my
visit to your great denuH-racy, and of the very vivid im-
pression I retain of our personal contacts.

Through the steady friendship and the continued eo-
oi)eration between our two nations, we, in Greece, aim
at the i)roinotiiin not only of our mutual intere.sts and

' On Nov. 1(5, Mr. Woodward made the following state-
ment before the Special Committee: "In view of the
reports from the Dominican Republic this morning, I
recommend that we defer any decision on the date on
which the Special Committee should vote on this subject."

' I'.n-i.KTi.N of May 1."), I'JOl, p. 724.

welfare, but also of those of the free world, to which by
tradition and fundamental conviction we both belong.
Please accept my warmest regards,
Sincerely,

CONSTANTINE CaBAUANUS

President Kennedy Replies to Letter
From President Chiari of Panama

Following is the text of a letter from President
Kennedy to Roierto Chiari, President of the Re-
public of Panama, in reply to President Chiari's
letter of Septemher 8 ' which was delivered to
President Kennedy by Ricardo Chiari at the White
House on September 15.

White House press release dated November 15

November 2, 1961

Dear Mr. President: I have read with great
interest your letter of September 8, 1961 which
your brother delivered to me on September 15th.
I am also vei-y pleased to have had a personal
conversation with your brother at that time.

I agree with you that an imusual community
of interests exists between the Republic of Panama
and the United States. Our respective Govern-
ments and peoples have been closely associated
since the very beginning of your nation. The
Panama Canal has been an important element in
the development and growth of the relationship
between our two countries, and has also contrib-
uted to the bonds of unity which link all the
American Republics.

Tlie Government of the United States hopes to
maintain and strengthen the relations between
our two nations on the basis of mutual respect
and sincere friendship. I feel sure that the Gov-
ernment of Panama sharers this objective.

Once again, on behalf of the Govenmient of
the United States, I reaffinn our willingness to
cooperate wholeheartedly with the Government
of Panama to insure the full enjoj'ment of the
various benefits which the Canal .should afford to
the two nations that made possible its construc-
tion. We also wish to make these benefits avail-
able to all nations interested in international
trade.

As I pointed out to your brother on September
15, I realize that the historic friendship and co-

' Not printed.

932

Department of State Bulletin

operation between our two countries has some-
times been marred by differences concerning the
interpretation of tlie rights granted to tlie United
States by tlie Eepublic of Panama. In past years,
these problems have been resolved in various
ways — sometimes through fonnal treaty negotia-
tions and sometimes through friendly discussions
and the subsequent implementation of specific
measures agreed upon by representatives of the
two Governments.

My Government recognizes that differences will
inevitably arise between even the friendliest na-
tions, and believes that these differences must be
discussed thorouglily and frankly, in order to
clarify the interests and attitudes of both parties.
It seems clear, therefore, that when two ft-iendly
nations are bound by treaty provisions which are
not fully satisfactory to one of the parties, arrange-
ments should be made to permit qualified repre-
sentatives of both nations to discuss these points
of dissatisfaction with a view to their resolution.

I have instructed the various responsible De-
partments and agencies of the United States Gov-
ernment to make a complete re-examination of our
current and future needs with respect to Isthmian
Canal facilities. I expect this study to be com-
pleted within a very few months, at which time
my Government will conomunicate promptly with
the Government of Panama.

I am confident that representatives of our two
Governments, after a frank exchange of views and
a careful assessment of our mutual needs and in-
terests, can reach fruitful conclusions which will
promote the mutual welfare of both countries.

With cordial good wishes.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

Advisory Committee on Cooperatives
Reports to AID Administrator

Press release 757 dated November 1

An Advisory Committee on Cooperatives to the
Agency for International Development has called
on AID to embark on a "bold new program of
cooperative development" and to "utilize the re-
sources of the Agency for International Develop-
ment and of all interested government and private
agencies in programs for underdeveloped areas

where cooperatives can contribute effectively to
the self-help objectives of this country's foreign
aid efforts and to total country development
plans."

Programs recommended in an 82-page report by
the Coimnittee include :

— technical assistance: coinitry studies; evalua-
tion studies; pilot projects; training programs in
the United States, in third countries, and in host
countries.

— financial assistance: through loan funds for
cooperative capital construction projects; seed
capital for credit unions and savings and loan
associations; P.L. 480 and other local currency
funds; private investment in cooperatives, credit
unions, and savings institutions.

The Committee believes that its recommended
programs are responsive to the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961, which declares that it is the policy
of the United States "to encourage the develop-
ment and use of cooperatives, credit unions, and
savings and loan associations."

In transmitting its report to the AID Adminis-
trator, the Committee, made up of leaders of 13
non-Government organizations, stated that ". . .
a bold new program of cooperative development
can be a powerful force in the United States
foreign policy throughout the world .... Effec-
tive cooperatives, credit unions and savings and
loan associations are precisely the kind of institu-
tions which are needed to speed up the tempo of
economic and social growth in the developing
countries."

The report of the Special Advisory Committee
is the result of 4 months of intensive review of the
programs and recommendations of more than 30
private U.S. organizations. Government agencies,
and international organizations. Reports on the
status of cooperatives and the possibilities for
future development were also received from some
50 U.S. Operations Missions around the world.

The Committee emphasized the importance of
the first Inter- American Cooperative Conference,
which is meeting at Bogota, Colombia, from No-
vember 6 to 11. This conference will bring to-
gether cooperative leaders from North, Central,
and South America. The Advisory Committee
endorsed a plan for AID to sponsor a tour of six
Latin American countries by a group of five out-
standing U.S. cooperative, credit union, and sav-

ITecember 4, 7 96 J

933

ings bank leaders, who will be attending the
Bogota conference. During a 3-week period the
group will visit Ecuaxlor, Peru, Bolivia, Argen-
tina, Brazil, and Venezuela.

Members of the Advisory Committee include :

John C. Satterfield, Jackson, Miss., president of the
American Bar Association, senior member of the firm of
Satterfield, Shell, Williams and Buford, Jackson and
Xazoo City, Miss., and general counsel of the Mississippi
Chemical Corporation, Yazoo City.

Murray D. Lincoln, Columbus, Ohio, president, Coop-
erative League of the U.S.A., president of Nationwide
Insurance Companies ; with Jerry Voorhis, Chicago, execu-
tive director of Cooperative League, as alternate.

Homer L. Brinkley, Washington, D.C., executive vice
president of the National Council of Farmer Coopera-
tives.

M. W. Thatcher, St. Paul, Minn., president, National
Federation of Grain Cooperatives; general manager,
Farmers Union Grain Terminal Association ; with
Dwayne O. Andreas, president, Interoceanic Commodity
Corporation, chairman of the board, Interoceanic Indus-
tries, and executive vice president. Grain Terminal Asso-
ciation, as alternate.

Charles Schnman, Chicago, 111., president, American
Farm Bureau Federation.

James Patton, Denver, Colo., president. National Farm-
ers Union.

Herschel Newsom, Washington, D.C., president, Na-
tional Grange.

Walter Reuther, Detroit, Mich., president, United Auto
Workers, and vice president, AFL-CIO.

R. C. Morgan, El Paso, Tex., president. Credit Union
National Association, Inc.; with H. Vance Austin, Mad-
ison, Wis., executive director, as alternate.

Leon Keyserling, economic consultant, Washington.
D.C., former member of President Truman's Council of
Economic Advisers.

Gerrit Vander Ende, Tacoma, Wash., president. Na-
tional League of Insured Savings Association ; president.
Pacific First Federal Savings and Loan Association,
Tacoma.

Bishop Edward E. Swanstrom, New York, N.Y., chair-
man of the Executive Committee of the American Coun-
cil of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Service.

Clyde T. Ellis, general manager. National Rural Elec-
tric Cooperative Association, Washington, D.C.

Herbert J. Waters (ex officio member), Special Assist-
ant to the Director, ICA.

AID To Finance Procurement
of Fertilizer in United States

Press release 790 dated November 17

Fowler Hamilton, Administrator of the Agency
for International Development (AID), annoimced
on November 17 the cancellation of a proposed
course of action which would have resulted in
purchase outside the United States of $6 million
worth of fertilizer for the Republic of Korea.
AID had received complaints that its procure-
ment plans for this fertilizer would result in im-
fairness to American industry. Investigation by
the Agency showed these complaints to have merit.
Accordingly Mr. Hamilton ordered that the ferti-
lizer be purchased from American suppliers.

aid's Administrator further announced that
he had started a thorough investigation of all
fertilizer procurement procedures inherited by the
Agency from ICA. This review will recommend
what changes should be made to: (1) simplify i
and clarify procedures; (2) standardize terms; f
(3) centralize authorizing authority; (4) protect
U.S. taxpayers' interest in the economical and
prudent use of AID funds; and (5) guard against
fraud or chicanery. Before new procedures are
adopted, those proposed will be made public and
AID will discuss them with affected parties.

In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1961, ICA
financed the procurement of $49.1 million worth
of fertilizer, of which $16.() million was from the
United States. Mr. Hamilton anticipated AID
would finance the procurement of even a larger
aggregate amount of fertilizer this year. He also
stated that, when circumstances arise in which the
overall national interest appears to require pur-
chase of any fertilizer outside the United States,
all interested parties will have an opportunity
to present their views to the Agency before any
such purchase is made. In such cases all relevant
factors, including the views of United States
suppliers, will be carefully considered.

934

Deparfment of Stafe Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Scheduled December 1961 Through February 1962

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 4th Session . . . . Trivandrum, India Dec. 4-

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 4th Session Geneva Dec. 4-

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 13th Session . . . Geneva Dec. 4-

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road Geneva Dec. 4-

Transport.

U.N. Consultative Group on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Geneva Dec. 5-

Offenders.

U.N. ECAFE Regional Seminar on Energy Resources and Electric Bangkok Dec. 6-

Power Development.
FAO International Rice Commission: 9th Meeting of Working Party New Delhi Dec. li-
on Rice Production and Protection.
FAO International Rice Commission: 8th Meeting of Working Party New Delhi Dec. li-
on Rice, Soil, Water, and Fertilizer Practices.
ITU CCITT Study Group XI (Telephone Switching) Geneva Dec. 11-
U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group . Geneva Dec. 11-

NATO Ministerial Council Paris Dec. 13-

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: Sub- Bangkok Dec. 18-

committee on Electric Power.

U.N. ECE Coal Trade Subcommittee Geneva Dec. 18-

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Housing and Geneva Dec. 19-

Building Statistics.

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session (resumed) New York December

CENTO Scientific Council Lahore Jan. 8-

CENTO Symposium on the Role of Science in the Development of Lahore Jan. 8-

Natural Resources With Particular Reference to Iran, Pakistan,

and Turkey.

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 14th Session of Sub- New York Jan. 8-

commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of

Minorities.

ICAO Communications Division: 7th Session Montreal Jan. 9-

U.N. ECAFE Intraregional Trade Promotion Talks Bangkok Jan. 10-

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Commercial Arbitration Bangkok Jan. 11-

CENTO Economic Experts Ankara Jan. 15-

lAEA Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (including third- Brussels Jan. 22-

party liability for nuclear shipping).

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 5th Session Bangkok Jan. 22-

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: Scientific Committee Ottawa Jan. 29-

WMO Commission for Instruments and Methods of Observation: 3d New Delhi Jan. 29-

Session.

U.N. ECOSOC Regional Seminar on the Participation of Women in Singapore Jan. 30-

Public Life.

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 14th Bangkok Jan. 31-

Session.

WHO Executive Board: 29th Session (and Standing Committee on Geneva. January

Administration and Finance).

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 5th Session London January

U.N. Special Fund Governing Council: 7th Session New York January

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 5th Meeting Ottawa Feb. 7-

U.N. ECAFE Inland Transport and Communications Committee: 10th Bangkok Feb. 12-

Session.

OECD Maritime Transport Committee: 2d Session Paris Feb. 14-

FAO International Rice Commission: 6th Session of Consultative Rangoon Feb. 15-

Subcommittee on Economic Aspects of Rice.

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa: 4th Session Addis Ababa Feb. 19-

IMCO Council: 6th Session London Feb. 20-

CENTO Economic Committee Washington Feb. 26-

ICAO Air Traffic Control Automation Panel Montreal February

ICAO Panel on Origin and Destination Statistics: 4th Meeting . . . Montreal February

U.N. International Wheat Conference Geneva February

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Nov. 17, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT,
Comite consultatif international telegraphique et telephonique; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council;
FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil
Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative
Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD,
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Nations; WHO, World Health Organization;
WMO, World Meteorological Organization.

December 4, 1 96 1 935

General Assembly Adopts Resolutions on Nuclear Testing

Following are statements made in Committee I
{Political and Secimty) iy Adlai E. Stevenson
and Arthur H. Deam.^ U.S. Representatives to the
General Assembly., together with the texts of two
resohitionji adopted iy the Assembly on Novetn-
ber 6 and 8.

STATEMENT BY MR. STEVENSON, OCTOBER 30

U.S. delegation press release 3818

At this point in connection with the discussion
of the Indian draft resolution,^ I feel obliged
to remind the committee that on last Friday
[October 27] the General Assembly adopted by
a vote of 87 to 11 a resolution ^ solemnly appeal-
ing to the Soviet Union to refrain from cari-ying
out its intention to explode a 50-megaton bomb
in the atmosphere before the end of the month.

This morning, Monday, October 30, we have
heard the shocking news that the Soviet Union
has exploded a bomb much larger than last week's
and apparently even larger than 50 megatons.
This, Mr. Chairman, is a solemn day in the his-
tory of the United Nations and of international
relations in our time, a day which will be long
remembered for a display of violence on a scale
unheard of in human history to this time.

As he said he would, Mr. Khrushchev has ex-
ploded his giant bomb in cynical disregard of the
United Nations. By this act the Soviet Union
has added injury to insult.

They broke the moratorium on nuclear weapons
testing.

They have raised atmospheric pollution to new
heights.

They have started a new race for more deadly
weapons.

They have spumed the Inmaanitarian appeal of

' U.N. (loc. A/C.l/L.283/Rev. 2.

' For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 13, 1961, p. 817.

936

the United Nations and of all peace-loving
peoples.

They have advanced no solid justification for
exploding this monstrous and unnecessary weapon.

They have been wholly unmoved by the dan-
gers of radioactive fallout to the human race.

The United States delegation deeply deplores
this contempt for world opinion. We think that
in the light of tliis somber development other
delegations may wish to express their views on this
shocking and distressing news. For today, Mr.
Chairman, the world lias taken a great leap back-
ward toward anarchy and disaster.

STATEMENT BY MR. DEAN.^NOVEMBER 3

U.S. delegation press release 3825

First I would like to thank the committee for
their veiy kind consideration in permitting the
immediate consideration of the United Kingdom-
United States motion on item A/C.1/L.280. In
view of the lengthy statements that have already
been made, in which I am a major otfender, I
would like to make a very brief statement of ex-
planation in support of the United Kingdom-
United States draft resolution.

Over the past few weeks we have discussed in
detail many of the aspects of the United States-
United Kingdom draft nuclear test ban treaty
tabled at Geneva,^ as well as the United Kingdom-
United States draft resolution placed before this
committee, and I see no necessity to go into that
detail again.

As I am sure the committee knows, the central
problem of the Geneva conference has been tiie
establishment of eifective international control
treaty machinery. Over the course of 3 years of
negotiation certain underlj-ing principles of con-
trol have emerged as the essential cornerstones on
whicli tlie whole fabric of the treaty control or-

* BV)r text, see ihid., June 5, 1961, p. 870.

Department of State Bulletin

ganization would be constructed. That is why
the United Kingdom-United States draft resolu-
tion recognizes that a pemianent, lasting, con-
trolled cessation of nuclear tests requires that all
states be satisfied that the obligation to discontinue
tests undertaken in the treaty is in fact being ob-
served by all stat«s. As I am sure the conunittee
is aware, the Soviet Union exploded two more
nuclear devices in the atmosphere yesterday and
may well explode more today. Therefore, the
first requirement for control, we believe, is that
the treaty control machinery be adequate to insure
compliance with the terms of the treaty agree-
ment. We believe that this adequacy is a proper
subject for international negotiations. Accepted
scientific standards, based on the most advanced
information and research, should determine what
constitutes adequate control, and the precise terms
of the treaty should be worked out in these inter-
national negotiations.

We also believe a nuclear test ban treaty should
have as its objective the cessation of all tests in
all environments — I repeat, the cessation of all
tests in all environments. And we have ex-
pressed tliis belief m operative paragraph 2(<z)
of our draft resolution.

Secondly, we believe all participants in a test
ban treaty should be guaranteed a representative
role in the staffing and operation of the treaty
control organization. Eifective controls cannot
be guaranteed by having each state inspecting
itself. On the contrary, we believe objectivity
and confidence are best assured by having com-
petent individuals whose only vital interest,
whose only motivation, is the assurance of effec-
tive control. Inspectors whose national loyalties
may be involved in a particular inspection mis-
sion, we believe, are not the best qualified to
undertake the inspection and control function
mider an international treaty. It also goes with-
out saying that the treaty control organization
•should be exclusively — I repeat, exclusively —
devoted to its function of assuring correct obser-
vation of the agi'eement and of nothing else, and
that the treaty organization cannot be permitted
to exercise its function or to be used in any
manner for any other purpose or in the exclusive
interests of any of the states parties to the nuclear
test ban agreement.

Finally, the vital importance of effective ad-
ministrative operations within a treaty control

system is recognized in operative paragraph 2(c)
of the United States-United Kingdom draft
resolution. This means, of course, that no state
shoidd have the right, for whatever reason or
whim, to obstruct the daily control operations so
necessary to insure compliance with the terms of
the treaty. We believe these control operations
should be carefully spelled out in advance in an
objective and scientific manner, as they are in the
United Kingdom-United States draft test ban
treaty, so that the single administrator for the
day-to-day dii'ection of the treaty control system
would be carefully constrained to act in an im-
partial manner.

In addition, the United Kingdom and the
United States believe that the top policymaking
function in a treaty control organization should
be vested in a commission pi'operly representative
of all parties to the treaty. We have suggested
that on this top control commission there should
be i from the West, 4 from the Soviet Union, and
3 from nonassociated states, or a total of 11. In
addition to the treaty requirements the single,
impartial, well-qualified administrator, who must
be satisfactory to all of the original parties,
would also cari-y out the policies laid down by
this top policymaking commission. These pro-
cedures of the top policymaking commission
would be adopted in accordance with the voting
procedures pi-escribed by the treaty and in which
we have tried to the maximum extent possible to
reach agreement with the Soviet Union and to be
sure that these voting procedures cannot possibly
favor one party or the other.

In order to keep the United Nations informed
of the progress made toward conclusion of a
nuclear test ban agreement we have asked the
parties concerned to report tliis progress to the
Disarmament Commission not later than the first
of March 1962.^

The United Kingdom and the United States
are prepared to resume these negotiations imme-
diately, either here or in Geneva, and we call
upon our Soviet colleagues to cooperate with us
in the resumption of these negotiations. As far
as we are concerned, the resumption of the nego-
tiations camiot take place too quickly.

* The General Assembly on Nov. 8 adopted an amend-
ment (U.N. doc. A/L.363) introduced by Cyprus which
substituted the words "14 December 1961" for the words
"1 March 1962" in operative paragraph 3 of the U.8.-
U.K. resolution.

December 4, 1967

937

Finally, we ask that all states — and I repeat,
all states — adhere to or ratify a nuclear test ban
treaty when it has been negotiated and signed.
We believe that very wide membership and active
participation in a nuclear test ban treaty is neces-
sary, and we would sincerely hope that all states
would participate imder the terms of the treaty
in order to assure its effective and impartial
operation in order that all nuclear testing may
cease forever in all environments.

TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS

Indian Resolution '

The General Assembly,

Recalling its resolution 1577 (XV) of 20 December 1960
which urged the States concerned to continue the sus-
pension of test explosions, and also its resolution 1578
(XV ) of the same date,'

Further recalling its resolution 1379 (XIV) of 20 No-
vember 1959,

Bearing in mind both the grave and continuing hazards
of radiation resulting to humanity from test explosions
as well as their adverse consequences to the prospects of
world peace through heightening rather than lessening
of international tensions,

Considering it urgent and imperative that no further
tests should take place,

1. Expresses its deep concern and profound regret that
test explosions have been resumed ;

2. Earnestly urges the States concerned to refrain from
further test explosions pending the conclusion of neces-
sary internationally binding agreements in regard to
tests;

3. Expresses confidence that the States concerned will
reach agreement as soon as possible on the cessation of
tests of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons, imder ap-
propriate international control ;

4. Calls upon the States concerned to engage themselves
with urgency and speed in the necessary efforts to con-
clude such agreements expeditiously.

U.S.-U.K. Resolution '

The General Assembly,

Recalling its resolutions 1252 (XIII) of 4 November
1958,' 1402 (XIV) of 21 November 1959' and 1577 (XV)
and 1578 (XV) of 20 December I960,

Noting with regret the recent initiation of nuclear
weapons testing and the rejection of the proposal of the
Governments of the United States of America and the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
that further nuclear tests in the earth's atmosphere be
suspended.

Noting that the negotiations at Geneva on the dis-
continuance of nuclear weapons testa have been recessed

938

pending completion of the discussion of this matter by the
General Assembly,

Recognizing that a permanent and continuing cessa-
tion of nuclear weapons testing in all environments would
be guaranteed only by an efCective and impartial system
of verification in which all States have confidence,

1. Reaffirms that it is urgently necessary to reach an
agreement prohibiting all nuclear weapons tests under
effective control which would be a first step towards
reversing the dangerous and burdensome arms race, would
inhibit the spread of nuclear weapons to other countries,
would contribute to the reduction of international tensions
and would eliminate any health hazards associated with
nuclear testing ;

2. Urges the States negotiating at the Conference on
the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapons Tests at Geneva
to renew at once their efforts to conclude at the earliest
possible time a treaty on the cessation of nuclear and
thermo-nuclear weapons tests on the following basis : ■

(a) The treaty should have as its objective the cessa- ^
tion of all nuclear weapons tests in all environments
under inspection and control machinery adequate to en-
sure compliance with its terms ;

(6) International control machinery should be or-
ganized so as to be representative of all parties to the
treaty and should be staffed and operated to guarantee
its objectivity and effectiveness, avoiding self-inspection,
under procedures which would ensure that its facilities
will be used exclusively for purposes of effective control ;

(c) The day-to-day executive and administrative
operations of the control system established under the
treaty should not be susceptible to obstruction by the
exercise of a veto and administrative responsibility should
be concentrated in the hands of a single Administrator
acting impartially and fimctioning under the supervision
of a commission composed of representatives of parties
to the treaty ;

3. Requests the negotiating States to report to the Dis-
armament Commission by 14 December 1961 on the prog-
ress of their negotiations ;

4. Calls upon all States, upon the conclusion of a treaty
which will ensure that nuclear weapons tests will be
permanently prohibited under effective controls, to ratify
or to adhere to that treaty.

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1648(XVI) (A/C.l/L.283/Rev. 2);
adopted in plenary session on Nov. 6 by a vote of 71 to
20 (U.S.), with 8 abstentions.

' For a U.S. statement made in Committee I on Dec. 19,
1960, explaining the U.S. vote on these resolutions, see
BuLi-m-iN of Jan. 16, 1961, p. 94.

' U.N. doc. A/RES/1649 (XVI) (A/C.1/L.280, as amend-
ed by A/L.363) ; adopted in plenary session on Nov. 8 by a
vote of 71 (U.S.) to 11, with 15 abstentions.

' For background and texts of the four parts ci
VRES/1252, see Bulletin of Nov. 17, 1958, p. 783, and
Nov. 24, 1958, p. 837.

' For background and texts of the two parts of
A/RES/1402, see ibid., Dec. 21, 1959, p. 917.

Department of State Bulletin

A United Nations Development Decade

Statement hy Philip M. Klutznich

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly *

We all were doubtless impressed with the com-
prehensive and illuminating statement presented
by the Under-Secretary [Philippe de Seynes, Un-
der-Secretary for Economic and Social Affairs].
My delegation expresses its sincere compliments
to him on a task well done.

My appearance here marks the first occasion on
which the United States representative to the Eco-
nomic and Social Council has also served as its
delegate to the Second Committee. This step re-
flects the conviction of my Government that the
economic and social work of the United Nations
can be advanced more effectively through estab-
lishing a closer working relationship between tliis
committee and the Economic and Social Coimcil.

The achievements of the Economic and Social
Council are set forth in Document A/4820. We
shall not weary this committee by conunenting at
lengtli on a docmnent which you all have the op-
portunity to read. We should, however, like to
mention briefly a few of the Council's achievements
wliich appear noteworthy.

First, the uiitial meeting of the Comicil's Com-
mittee for Industrial Development. At the Com-
mittee's suggestion, endorsed by the Council, there
has now been established in the U.N. Secretariat
an Industrial Development Center. We believe
that this center should not be a place for abstract
^ studies or for imports that collect dust; it should
be a working, operating unit which can give ef-
fective help where needed. We shall spare no
effort in doing our part to make this new center
a success. We are glad to note that the Division
of Industrial Development has already increased
its activity in this field.

Second, the Coiuicil took significant action in
strengthening the regional economic commissions.

Third, the Council decided to convene in 1962
a U.N. Conference on the Application of Science
and Technology for the benefit of the less de-
veloped areas. The United States attaches great
importance to this conference. We have already
begun the preparation of an effective participa-
tion. We support wholeheartedly the Council's
decision that the conference's work should avoid
extraneous political considerations and should
concentrate on matters of real benefit to people in
the less developed countries.

Fourth, the Council took several unportant
steps designed to make more effective use of U.N.
resources in the fields of technical assistance and
preinvestment. Notable among these is Resolu-
tion 851 (XXXII), under which the Council
established an ad hoc committee of eight to study
further steps which may be needed to advance the
achievement of country-development objectives
and of effective countiy planning.

Fifth, the enlargement of the Council's func-
tional commissions. This important step was
taken to give more adequate representation to
member states from Africa and Asia. In our
view it will also help to bring about a closer work-
ing relationship between the Comacil and the As-
sembly. We continue to believe that an expan-
sion in the membership of the Council itself is
imperative to its inci'eased utility.

Finally, the Council placed a new emphasis on
the achievement of balance in economic and social
development. The need for such balance has been
coiiilrmed by experience. It was underlined by
Ambassador Adlai Stevenson,- who struck the

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct. 6 (U.S. delegation press release 3785 dated Oct. 5).

' Bulletin of Aug. 28, 1961, p. 363.

December 4, I96I

939

keynote at the Council's session by pointing out
that the whole aim of economic development is a
better life for people. Following the same line of
thought the President of the Council said: "The
time may well be approaching when the Council
will deem it advisable to broaden and round out
its perspective by having one major debate on de-
velopment in which the parallel problems of both
economic and social advance could be fully ex-
posed." We agree wholeheartedly.

A Call to Mankind

Mr. Chairman, elsewhere in these halls vital po-
litical issues are under close scrutiny. It has been
said that some decisions may determine whether
mankind shall live or whether it shall be destroyed
in one fiery radioactive convulsion. In the far
reaches of the world countless people are prayer-
fully waiting for some omen to come out of these
historic meetings. We owe to them and to our
respective states to demonstrate by deeds our
simple conviction that there will be a tomorrow,
yes, many tomorrows for humanity. This answer
may not emerge from the delicate and sometimes
imponderable and inscrutable exchanges between
diplomats in their dissection of pressing political
issues.

It is in this framework that a passage in the
speech of the President of my country delivered
to the General Assembly on September 25 ^ opens
new horizons. He said :

Political sovereignty is but a mockery without the
means of meeting poverty and illiteracy and disease.
Self-determination is but a slogan if the future holds no
hope.

That is why my nation, which has freely shared its
capital and its technology to help others help themselves,
now proposes oflicially designating this decade of the
lOCO's as the United Nations Decade of Development.
Under the frameworlv of that resolution, the United Na-
tions' existing efforts in jiromoting economic growth
can be expanded and coordinated. Regional surveys and
training institutes can now pool the talents of many.
New research, technical assistance, and pilot projects can
unlock the wealth of less developed lands and untapped
waters. And development can become a cooperative and
not a competitive enterprise, to enaljle all nations, how-
ever diverse in their systems and beliefs, to become in
fact as well as in law free and equal nations.

In calling for a United Nations Development
Decade the President of the United States gave an

• md., Oct 16, 1961, p. 619.
940

impressive answer to the awesome challenge to
mankind's future. He spoke the unexpressed
hopes of countless millions of people who look to
this Organization to lead in stamping out the ills
that beset mankind. To keep humanity from be-
coming a massive corpse is not enough. This is
a call to summon our combined energies away from
fighting one another, whether by words or by
deeds, and to motivate us to strengthen our fight
against the common enemies of all mankind. In
these sessions we should not just commend and
herald the past; we should design a program to
gamer what we can from that past to make for a
better future.

We believe this Organization needs to be
strengthened in playing its appropriate role in the
urgent tasks of economic and social development.
In these tense days there is an ominous peril that
the constructive and affirmative objectives of the
United Nations will be buried under the weight of
political differences.

Toward this end the General Assembly should
resolve that the decade of the 1960's be recognized
and designated as the United Nations Develop-
ment Decade. Such an act would symbolize the
detennination of the member states to give added
meaning to international cooperation in the fields
of economic and social enterprise. It would serve
to provide a new impetus to national and inter-
national efforts aimed at the accelerated develop-
ment of the less developed countries. It would
help to draw together and give more power to on-
going economic and social work of the United
Nations system of organizations. It would serve
to give the United Nations itself expanded respon-
sibilities consistent with the opportunities as well
as the limitations of such action in what is un-
fortunately still a divided world.

We would urge that the Secretary-General,
either through a new and special board, through
his own office, or perhaps through the Special
Fund antl its management, plan and execute a con-
tinuing program for this decade.

Sources of Financial Aid

A United Nations Development Decade will not
be a substitute for or detract from development or
assistance under any other auspices. On the con-
trary, we believe it will also stimulate and moti-
vate those capital-producing media, botli private
and public, which exist both in and out of the
United Nations system.

Department of State Bulletin \

The IBRD [International Bank for Reconstruc-
tion and Development], IFC [International Fi-
nance Corporation], and IDA [International
Development Association] have a role of gigantic
proportions to discharge in tliis field. The Bank
on June 30, 1961, had made development loans
amounting to $5,172,000,000 with increasing com-
mitments in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
The recent indication by Eugene Black that a sub-
stantial increase in the capital of IDA is to be
called for is indicative of the speed with which
this new multimillion-dollar agency has moved
into an area where conventional public or private
loans have not been available. OECD [Organiza-
tion for Economic Cooperation and Development]
has already begun to show its importance in this
whole picture. Doubtless its effectiveness in
bringing better order and progress to this work
will become increasingly apparent. Bilateral ac-
tivity in supplying capital is of great consequence.
The exciting possibilities of private capital are
without foreseeable limit. Naturally, these and
other facets of the complex and numerous interests
in the field must play their parts to the full in the
U.N. Development Decade.

Sometimes one hears words of despair from
leaders of less developed countries who find time
so short and capital so reluctant. We hope that
the recent action of the Congress of the United
States in adopting a new program in the Act for
International Development of 1961 will encourage
them to realize that we are still going forward.
My Government is the pioneer in the field of aid
to nations less fortunate. After many years it
would not be strange if there was a desire by our
people to reduce expenditures abroad so as to
enable the execution of domestic plans long de-
ferred. Yet it is significant that the reverse
actually is transpiring.

For the first time such an act stated it to be the
policy of the United States "to make assistance
available, upon request, ... in scope and on a
basis of a long-range continuity essential to the
creation of an environment in which the energies
of the peoples of the world can be devoted to con-
structive purposes." Authorization was given for
development loan fimds to be made available over
a 5-year period. The act also contains a specific
provision for "assistance ... to newly independ-
ent countries . . . , to the maximum extent ap-
propriate in the circumstances of each case," to

"be furnished through multilateral organizations
or in accordance with multilateral plans, on a fair
and equitable basis with due regard to self-help."

The new act, in addition to authorizing an ap-
propriation for the current year, authorizes ap-
propriations of $6 billion for development loan
programs for the fiscal years 1963-66. These loans
may be made at little or no interest and with ma-
turities of up to 50 years.

In recognition of the significance of contribu-
tions that indigenous and international private
investment can make to development, our new aid
act emphasizes the importance of private enter-
prise in advancing economic development and
encourages further United States private invest-
ment in the less developed countries. It broadens
the investment guaranty program by enlarging
the range of coverage. In this connection special
mention is made of development projects further-
ing social objectives and the development of small
independent business enterprise. Included is an
authorization for financing up to half of the costs
of surveys by private enterprise of investment op-
portunities in less developed countries.

There is a tendency in some quarters to imder-
estimate and misunderstand the potential role of
private enterprise and capital in facing this over-
whelming challenge of the underdeveloped
countries. We shall have occasion to conmient on
this at greater length when certain other items are
under more detailed scrutiny. At this point it
might be well to briefly direct our attention to the
simple fact that the gi'eatest source of capital is
the private field. What is even of greater im-
portance is that private enterprise possesses the
largest aggregate pool of skills or what is com-
monly called "know-how" in the universe. And
at an equal level of consequence is the customary
capacity of private enterprise to indulge in im-
aginative business adventures which involve risks
that governments are reluctant or unable to take.

So much of our development aids are on a gov-
ernment-to-govemment basis that there seems to
be a trend to ignore this huge storehouse of possi-
bilities. It may also be that underdeveloped
countries have not had time or the willingness in
some instances to examine the true characteristic
of present-day capitalism as related to some of the
horrific tales of yesteryear. Whatever the reasons,
it is almost sinful at this time of great urgency to
get on with the job of development if we do not

December 4, 1967

941

explore every avenue to make maximum use of
such a potentially abundant resource of ideas,
manpower, and money. All this can and must be
done with full recognition of the attributes of
national sovereignty, its duties and responsibili-
ties.

Some of the effects of this revitalized approach
can be seen in the Alliance for Progress, which pat-
terned a new day for inter-American cooperation
at Punta del Este.*

Objectives of Development Decade

We hope others will be encouraged by these
steps taken by my Government under the inspiring
and vigorous leadership of President Kennedy.

It is consistent with this leadership that he issued
a call for a United Nations Development Decade.
It is for us to grasp this opportmiity to make the
most of the immediate years ahead. The detailed
plan for management and promotion of the United
Nations Development Decade and the character
of its program is our mutual responsibility. With-
out presuming on that fact, permit us to offer a
few suggestions as to aims or objectives of such a
program and plan.

1. Strengthen and expand United Nations pro-
grams

We have already recounted the availability of
many resources outside the U.N. system. There
are at least three steps presently needed within the
Organization.

A. During this period we must achieve a sub-
stantial increase in the preinvestment activities of
the Special Fund and the work of ETAP [Ex-
panded Program of Teclmical Assistance] through
wider participation on the part of members in
providing increased contributions to these pro-
grams. Tlie General Assembly has already set a
target of $150 million for the combined budgets of
the Special Fund and ETAP. We have supported
this target as being an indispensable step in
achieving constnictive and effective development.
We are not unaware that there are those who
question whether such a target can be realized in
a short period of time. It is my Government's
view that, as an act of faith and to give real im-
petus to the United Nations Development Decade,
a determined effort should be made to achieve that

goal this year. This will not be an easy task. It
will require a reexamination of the thinking of
some states. Nevertheless, at this breathless mo-
ment in the liistory of this Organization and in
pursuit of the common weal, my Government
pledges itself here and now to make available $60
million of the $150 million on the understanding
that our contribution shall not exceed 40 percent
of the total.

B. In our view industrialization will play an
increasingly important role in the 3'ears ahead.
My Government, through bilateral and interna-
tional channels, has provided a very considerable
amount of assistance in this field. A greater
stimulus to industrial development around the
world has been provided through private enter-
prise. But we should not be satisfied with the
pace of development thus far.

We believe the time has come to make a com-
prehensive study of what the United Nations and
its related agencies are doing to assist industrial
development. It is time to examine the role of
the United Nations and in particular of its
regional economic commissions, the work of the
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance and
the Special Fund, the programs of the specialized
agencies, and the role of the new Committee for
Industrial Development. Along with this study
of what is being done, there should be a careful
analysis of what the underdeveloped comitries
need in this field. The survey can then compare
present performance with evident need and see
what gaps still exist. In particular it can try to
determine what strengthening might be i-equired
in the newly established Center for Industrial
Development, which my delegation was privileged
to suggest at the first session of the Committee for
Industrial Development.

In the United Nations Development Decade we
must capture the rich experience of industrialized
countries and devise effective means of accelerat-
ing sound industrial development in the less de-
veloped countries.

C. This Assembly last year adopted a resolu-
tion on the provision of food surpluses to food-
deficient peoples through the United Nations
system.' As the Director General of FAO [Food
and Agriculture Organization] has remarked in
his inspiring report "Development Through
Food," that resolution opened a fresh chapter in

* IMd., Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.
942

' For text, see ibid., Nov. 21, 1960, p. 800.

Department of State Bulletin

the history of international relations. He pointed
out that some $12 billion worth of surplus food is
likely to be available in tlie next 5 years from the
United States alone. This food could play a
major role in economic development on two condi-
tions: (1) that it be integrated in the overall de-
velopment programs of receiving countries and
(2) that its use be planned in such a way as to
maintain adequate balance in the development
process.

The Director General's report presents a chal-
lenge and an opportunity. As we look ahead we
must devise increasingly effective ways of using
food for the benefit of all the underdeveloped
countries, including those who are food exporters.
This is not an easy task, but it is a vital one. My
delegation will have a specific proposal to make
later in this session when this item is considered.
Development conversation is a waste of strength
and energy if it is not accompanied by preinvest-
. ment dollars. In the U.N. Development Decade
enough preinvestment dollars and programs will
inevitably produce an increase in the flow of
investment capital from all available resources
whether private or public, multilateral or bilat-
eral, regional or domestic. Industrial develop-
ment and utilization of food surpluses for
economic development are fields of golden oppor-
tunities for progress.

2. Establish a financial service under the Special
Fwnd

The Special Fund is engaged in preinvestment
studies, research, and activity. We are on the
eve of witnessing the completion of many of its
projects. It would be tragic if the sound pre-
investment studies of the Special Fund lapsed or
failed of execution because of the absence or im-
availability of capital. This need not be. As we
have demonstrated, private capital is available
for sound and good projects. Public capital is
in abundance for certain types of projects. It is
L important that there be a link between needs of
the developing countries and sources of capital.

We believe that the Special Fund should estab-
lish a financial service to provide guidance and
advice to developing countries. This service
would maintain current familiarity witli poten-
tial public, private, national, regional, and inter-
national sources of development capital and with
the processes, rules, regulations, and preferences

of capital suppliers. Developing countries could
channel their inquiries to the Special Fund
through the resident representatives. On re-
quest the service would provide potential users
directly through the resident representatives, the
regional economic commissions, or other appro-
priate channels with information concerning
available sources of capital and technical assist-
ance. The service would also provide guidance
on procedures for obtaining aid.

The United Nations Development Decade must
be a period when increasing completion of pre-
investment investigation and other activities by
less developed countries produce sound and justi-
fiable demands for developmental capital ; it must
no less be a decade when that capital is made avail-
able and a marriage between demand and supply
is consummated.

3. Provide expert advice to assist in development
planning

There has been much discussion of the impor-
tance of country plans as prerequisites to sound
development. The preparation and design of
country plans is not a simple process at best.
It involves expert investigatory work and requires
skilled manpower to produce a pattern, a program,
and a plan for a country's immediate future. It
should, for optimum results, take into account
both government and individual enterprise. The
role of international institutions in the drafting
and reviewing of development planning should be
increased and enhanced.

Any country has difficult decisions to make in
the conception of a plan. In some cases it des-
perately needs the kind of assistance that is not
readily available. Without competent and ade-
quate country plans, the whole development proc-
ess can become distorted, wasteful, and inept.

We believe that the Special Fund, in coopera-
tion with the regional economic commissions,
should be enabled to help provide the less devel-
oped countries at their request on an increasing
scale the qualified experts drawn from inter-
national organizations, national governments,
universities, f oimdations, private, public, and pro-
fessional institutions to insure a sound planning
process and to accelerate the activity in this
important area.

A United Nations Development Decade should
be characterized as a period in which the country

December 4, 796J

943

plans, expertly conceived and deliberately and
soundly concluded, become the first attribute of
the developmental process.

4. Research and demonstration projects in areas
of special promise

We need to intensify research through science
and teclmology. We need more, and perhaps
m,ore dramatic^ demonstration projects in those
areas which promise prompt and impressive re-
sults for economic development, for example,
desalinization of sea water, the development of
cheap power resources, improved weather control,
and a host of others.

The Economic and Social Council has already
authorized a Conference on the Application of
Science and Technology for the benefit of less
developed coimtries to be held in August 1962.
It is hoped that tliis vital conference may have
countless offshoots that may bring constant
emphasis on research and demonstration projects.

We are all conversant with the great revolution
which science and technology has brought to the
universe for many purposes, including economic
development. Let the United Nations Develop-
ment Decade single out and stress the applica-
tion of this great ingenuity in science and tech-
nology for the benefit of the millions upon mil-
lions who live in the less developed countries of
the world.

5. Rationalize U.N. programs

As noted at the outset of these remarks, the
32d session of the Economic and Social Council
was productive in a number of ways. One of its
achievements was its examination into the tech-
nical assistance activities and programs with a
view to securing more effective execution. There
has been a strengthening of belief among coun-
tries in all stages of development in the coordi-
nating process. There has been a growing
understanding of the role of the resident rei)re-
sentative and liis significance in relating tlie varied
programs that parade within tlie national bound-
aries of a state.

There has been established by the Economic and
Social Council a committee of eight whicli has
been directed to make a careful examination into
all aspects of the problem of rationalization and
the more effective coordination and cooperation
of the activities of the United Nations, the spe-

cialized agencies, the IAEA [International
Atomic Energy Agency], and the Special Fund.
The impact and results of existing U.N. programs
can be increased by strengthening present activi-
ties and by measures which we hope the commit-
tee will design that will assure that the activities
of the U.N. system of organizations are adequately
related to country programs.

In connection with the role of the regional eco-
nomic commissions, ECOSOC adopted an impor-
tant resolution on decentralization. It must be
interpreted in a manner to secure maximum effec-
tiveness from the work of the regional economic
commissions.

In many of the programs outlined for the U.N.
Development Decade the regional economic com-
missions will have a crucial role. The regional
commissions are very well placed to assist in pro-
viding expert advice in development planning.
ECLA [Economic Commission for Latin Amer-
ica] has blazed a trail in this respect through
the use of advisory groups that have assisted
countries in planning. There is in preparation a
project for an economic planning institute in San-
tiago to be financed jointly by the Special Fund
and the Inter- American Development Bank and
to be operated in close cooperation with ECLA.
The United States supports tliis type of proposal.

In tlie exchange of knowledge and ideas the
regional economic commissions liave already
proved themselves to be an excellent forum.
They offer not only the advantage of regions
where there is some similarity in the economic,
demographic, and climatic factors facing coun-
tries but also where the assistance of a regional
secretariat can provide continuing ser\nce and
contact. We need hardly recount to this knowl-
edgeable Assembly the plethora of regional meet-
ings of experts in industry, transportation,
energy, trade, economic planning, community
develojiment, and other subjects where a great
deal of "shirt sleeve" work has been done. These
continuing consultations in the regions are far
more productive than an isolated operation where
technicians have an interesting exchange but
there is no followup. The LTnited States sup-
ports a further strengthening of this type of
activity by the regional economic commissions, to-
gether witli a strengthening at headquarters of
the research and analysis facilities and technical
assistance activities which are needed to make

944

Department of Slate Bulletin

the work of the regional commissions more
productive.

We also believe that the regional commissions
can play an increasingly important role in con-
junction with research and demonstration projects
and the establishment of training and research
institutes. This applies particularly to the highly
technical ones, which are uneconomical if estab-
lished in a single country but which make sense
when established on a regional basis. My Gov-
ernment hopes that an increasing number of such
projects will be developed, in cooperation with the
regional economic commissions, for presentation
to the Special Fund.

In the United Nations Development Decade we
must profit by the novel experiences that have
grown out of new programs by finding a means
of getting more effective use of limited resources
and limited manpower in their application against
a limitless challenge.

6. Supply and train technicians, professional and
executive manpoiver

If there is anything apparent in the growing
need for development it is the shortage of ade-
quately trained manpower. Perhaps of primary
importance is the increase in the opportunities
for training personnel. We have made a small
beginning and some exciting plans are in prospect
for the establishment of regional training centers
and institutes. We have already commented on
some of these. This must be done where appro-
priate and necessary. While some less developed
countries are passing through that transitional
period when their own nationals are being trained,
we must provide the executive personnel that is
needed. This contemplates a substantial increase
in the activities of OPEX.

The United Nations Development Decade is cal-
culated to serve mankind; this it can only do if
the talents that men need to make it possible are
brought into being through the laborious but in-
dispensable process of training and education.

7. Build a consensus on the task ahead through
a constant exchange of Tcnowledge and ideas

We hope, through the mobilization of public
and governmental support in developed and less
developed countries, to bring about measures es-
sential to soimd yet rapid economic and social
growth. There is a need for a continuing empha-

sis to be placed on the importance of sustained
assistance from developed countries. There is no
less a need for a cooperative insistence on the self-
discipline and requisite reforms in the less devel-
oped countries. In the United Nations Develop-
ment Decade it is contemplated that these two
fundamental objectives would be constantly kept
before our eyes.

We suggest that conferences, meetings, and
consultations be established as a regular diet dur-
ing this period. On a planned and continuing
basis leaders from developed and less developed
countries who play important roles in the de-
velopmental process should be brought together.
As noted earlier the regional economic commis-
sions present an excellent framework for this type
of exchange.

The United Nations Development Decade must
spark a campaign that continues throughout the
period. Goals must be set by each participant,
be it a highly developed or an underdeveloped
country. Development demands plans which
should set achievement objectives.

We have called for meetings and conferences.
Let the interest groups such as parliamentarians,
business, labor, education, science, et cetera from
developed and less developed countries get ac-
quainted personally and with the problems that
confront each and one another. Within each
country training exhibits and appropriate intelli-
gence should be made available so not only gov-
ernments but the people may be apprised of the
campaign for development.

Statistical and reporting information must be
improved so constant measurements of progress
toward goals and objectives are available. The
agency charged with this effort, be it a new one
or the Special Fund, must follow up and follow
up ceaselessly to discover weaknesses that need
correction and strength that needs emulation.

In brief we need to maintain an inventory of
all of our resources in this vital battle for the
elevation of man, we need to set our goals — each
of us — we need to measure our performance real-
istically, and we need to involve ourselves in a
constant reassessment process. This must have
all of the indicia of a live and exhilarating effort
which drives relentlessly toward a great goal. To-
gether in a gigantic cooperative enterprise effort
we can make great progress; we can engage our

December 4, I96J

945

energies in the only worthwhile war of our day —
to unshackle the disabilities of man from the yoke
of his overburdening ills.

War Against Poverty, Illiteracy, Disease

We sit in this chamber, each of us, as the repre-
sentative of a sovereign power. Some of us
represent industrialized and capital-exporting
nations — others, what are usually called less de-
veloped nations. In a world shrunk by remark-
able scientific achievement the disparity between
the "haves" and the "have nots" cannot and must
not long subsist. It is not alone in the interests
of the less developed countries but of the whole of
humanity that we win the most challenging battle
of all time — the war against poverty, illiteracy,
and disease. For too long did mankind await
some supernatural force or external strength to
eliminate the disparities that are patent all over
the world. Once we spoke of disarmament as a
prerequisite to significant economic and social de-
velopment; on other occasions we were upset by
the enormity of the task; and on still others we
may have yielded to the temptation of oratory
accompanied by inertia. If -we wish, we can find
ample reasons at this moment for deferring a
prime and effective initiative by this Organiza-
tion in the field of economic and social develop-
ment. There are pressing political problems that
cry out for solution; there is the ever-continuina:
danger of nuclear warfare by design or mistake;
there are trouble spots in scattered places all over
the world — all this and more can be cited as cause
for deferment.

Sometimes the less developed country thinks
that it and it alone has problems. Let it be said
with clarity and emphasis that affluent nations are
also faced with stupendous challenges to meet the
needs of their people. Does this not make us
brothers in the need to understand and to coop-
erate, to develop our respective communities and
nations and to build a better life for all people?
It is easy to be overwhelmed by one community
problem, let alone the multitudinous problems
that dot the universe. This is all the more reason
for finding the inspiration and the will to clarify
and to strengthen and to intensify our common
effort to rid the world of its common ills. Eco-
nomic development for its own sake is a fraud
and a fantasy. Economic development to enable
the peoples whom it affects to live a better life is

an ideal worth fighting for and worth sacrificing
to achieve.

We need to start with a common goal and a will
to cooperate. Let us loosen the fetters of our mu-
tual distrust. It is not alone in political areas
that this prevails. It has been said in these halls
that industrialized nations fear to aid the indus-
trialization of less developed lands because it will
destroy their markets. If we conceive our task to
keep consumption at today's levels while we in-
crease production to new highs, then there is no
purpose to our cooperation. But if we keep our
eyes trained on our real goal to destroy the pov-
erty, eliminate the ignorance, and to cure the ill-
ness of two-thirds of the population of the world,
then we shall have new consumers to absorb our
increased product. Our aim is not economic
progress or industrialization for its own sake but
for the sake of countless millions who go hungry,
have no jobs, no schools, and who are plagued by
illness. If the governments of the world will co-
operate to win this war, we need have no fear of
competition from one another. Our task is to un-
lock the gate of opportunity for millions. No
generation has been called to a more inspiring
goal nor a more stimulating job.

A United Nations Development Decade should
be one in which the less developed comitries devise
count ly programs in wluch they pro\'ide maximum
help for themselves and in which the capital -ex-
porting countries and private capital expand the
availability of their aid, loans, and loiow-how. A
plan and a prognim designed by either a special
board or agency within the Secretariat or by the
Special Fund and its management could include
among other ideas those which we have suggested
as the following:

1. Strengthen and expand United Nations
programs :

(a) Attain the goal of $150 million for the
Special Fund and ETAP in 1962;

(b) Give an inci-easing role to the United
Nations in assisting industrial development ;

(c) Provide a role for the U.N. system in the
use of food surpluses for economic development ;

2. Establish a financial service under the Special
Fund;

3. Provide expert advice to assist in development
planning;

946

Department of State Bulletin

4. Kesearch and demonstration projects in areas
of special promise;

5. Rationalize the U.N. programs, emphasizing
a more significant role for the resident representa-
tive and increased responsibility for the regional
commissions ;

6. Supply and train technicians, professional
and executive manpower;

7. Build and maintain a consensus on the task
through an ongoing exchange of knowledge and
ideas with an adequate followup.

Wlaat better time than now to initiate such a
plan and program ? This General Assembly began
its proceedings under a cloud of tragic sadness.
This depressing note added a poignant aura to the
many divisive issues which crowd our agenda. It
moved the newly elected President [Mongi Slim]
to say:

May it please God that this session of the General As-
sembly which has begun under the shadow of sorrow will
finish under the sign of hope at last assured, that concord
and peace, world-wide peace, will reign over mankind in
freedom and in justice.

These are hours when the Organization itself
is being rocked by differences which place its very
existence in great peril. At this critical moment
how better to save and strengthen the U.N. itself,
how better to honor the memory of the late Secre-
tary-General, a martyr to the cause of imiversal
peace, how better to capture the elusive thread of
world cooperation than to spell out our mutual
resolve to work together energetically in this whole
decade against the common enemies of society.

There weighs on our shoulders a solemn and
sacred duty to make of our Organization an
instrument of peace with justice. If we must
hopefully wait for political agreements that ad-
vance our common goal let us not do so in idleness.
There is much work to be done that is humane in
character, economic and social in purpose, and
which itself can help immeasurably in creating
the climate for peace. A United Nations Develop-
, ment Decade can strengthen the United Nations
itself while tackling the problems of human
misery, it can create a continuing cooperation
while we labor at areas that divide us, it can com-
memorate in achievements the memory of a tireless
servant of peace whose tragic passing threw a pall
over this Assembly, and it can unlock the gates of
opportunity to coimtless millions of the less
favored of the human race. This job cannot be

done quickly ; this job is not easy ; but let us begin
now and make this first year a harbinger of even
greater things to come. On such a note we could
face the future with hope.

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

GATT Ministerial Meeting and 19th Session

The Department of State annoimced on Novem-
ber 9 (press release 773) that George W. Ball,
Under Secretary for Economic Affairs, would be
the U.S. ministerial representative to the ministe-
rial meeting of the Contracting Parties to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade at Geneva
November 27 to 30. John W. Evans, Counselor of
Mission for Economic Affairs and U.S. Repre-
sentative on the Council of Representatives of
the Contracting Parties to the GATT at Geneva,
will be chairman of the U.S. delegation to the 19th
session of GATT, which will meet at Geneva No-
vember 13 to December 8.

The more than 40 countries which participate
in the work of the GATT will call a recess in their
session from November 27 to 30 while ministerial
representatives address themselves to the main
problems of international trade which have been
identified by the GATT during the course of its
work under the program for the expansion of
trade. Principal topics to be dealt with include
the question of future action in the reduction of
tariffs, the problem of trade in agi'icultural prod-
ucts, and the obstacles to the expansion of trade of
less developed countries.

Of the more than 60 items on the 19th session's
agenda, the most important ones include the re-
moval of nontariff import restrictions; the non-
application of the GATT to Japan by a number of
contracting parties; the possible accession to the
GATT of several more coimtries; and several
topics related to European regional trading ar-
rangements. In the latter area the contracting
parties will hear progress reports from both the
European Economic Community (EEC) and the
European Free Trade Association ( EFTA) , begin
consideration of the association agreement between
the EEC and Greece, receive a report on a working-
party examination of association arrangements be-
tween the EFTA and Finland, discuss problems

December 4, 1961

947"

related to the EEC's associated overseas countries
and temtories, and give further attention to cer-
tain aspects of the EEC's common external tariff.
The GATT, as the basic instrument guiding
commercial relations among most of the principal
trading nations of the world, is the cornerstone
of U.S. commercial policy. The provisions of the
GATT are designed to promote mutually bene-
ficial international trade and thereby to raise liv-
ing standards, expand productive employment,
and utilize more fully the resoui'ces of tlie world.
The various meetings of the Contracting Parties
to the GATT, such as the 19th session, provide an

international forum in which the Contracting
Parties work to achieve the aims of the GATT,
discuss trade policy problems, and attempt to re-
solve trade difficulties in a manner conducive to
the growth rather than the reduction of trade
levels. The removal of quantitative import re-
strictions by other countries has, for example, been
a principal objective of the United States, and the
work of the GATT Committee on Balance-of-
Payments Restrictions and other GATT mecha-
nisms have been important factors in influencing
the relaxation of such restrictions upon world
trade.

The Hague Conference on Private International Law

NINTH SESSION, THE HAGUE, OCTOBER 5-26, 1960

hy John Maktos

The Hague Conference on Private International
Law is an international organization created by
international agreement, the purpose of which is
"to work for the progressive unification of the
rules of private international law." This aim is
set out in the statute which was prepared at the
seventh session of the Conference held in 1951.
Pursuant to article 14, the statute entered into
force on July 15, 1955, after it had been approved
by the majority of the states represented at that
session. Upon the proposal of a meniber state
and approval of the majority of the members, a
state may become a new member by depositing
with the Netherlands Government a declaration
of acceptance of the statute.

The Netherlands Commission of State is
"charged M-ith the functioning of the Conference"
throuijh "a Permanent Bureau the activities of

• Mr. Maktos is Assistant Legal Adviser
for International Private Law and Unifica-
tion, Department of State.

which it shall direct." The Bureau has its seat
at The Hague and is composed of a Secretary
General and two Secretaries of different nationali-
ties who are appointed by the Netherlands Govern-
ment upon presentation by the Commission of
State. The present Secretary General is M. H.
van Hoogstraten.

Regular sessions of the Conference are held
evoi-y 4 years, in principle. However, the Com-
mission of State may request special sessions and,
between sessions, may set up special conmiittees to
prepare draft conventions or to study questions of
private international law which come within the
purpose of the Conference. Tlie expenses of the
operation and maintenance of the Permanent
Bureau and special committees are apportioned
among the members of the Conference. While its
official language is French, English is permissible
and, in the principal meeting room, there is pro-
vided simultaneous translation from French into
English.

Members of the Conference are : Austria, Bel-
gium, Denmark, Federal Republic of Germany,

948

Department of State Bulletin

Finland, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxem-
bourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Arab Re-
public, United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia. Pend-
ing ratification of its acceptance, France partici-
pates on a de facto basis, sharing in the expenses
of the Conference.

Sessions of the Conference have been held in
1893— the first one— 1894, 1900, 1904, 1925, 1928,
1951, 1956, and 1960. Its activities have included
the preparation of conventions on projects which
are closely related to international trade and eco-
nomic development such as international sale of
goods, recognition of legal personality of foreign
cor2Dorations, and other international transactions.

Role of Observers From the United States

Observers from the United States were first sent
to the Hague Conference in 1956. With respect to
the importance of their participation a report on
the ninth session of the Conference by two of these
observers stated : *

We believe, therefore, that the presence of the U.S.
Delegation was not only important to the work of the
[U.S.] Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, but was
also important to the Department of State, as well as
the general public.

In an article on the same session, another ob-
server, Kurt H. Nadelmann, said : ^

In line with the conclusions reached by the Observer
Delegates to the sessions, the National Conference of
Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, the American Bar
Association, and all other representative bodies consulted
have found American participation in the Hague work
desirable and in the national interest. On the basis of
the experience with two sessions, a full assessment can be
made of advantages and disadvantages, if there be, of
American co-operation with the Hague Conference.

Organization of Nintli Session

The ninth session of the Conference was held
from October 5 through October 26, 1960. Dele-
gations were sent by 18 member states; two mem-
bers, Ireland and Turkey, were not present. The
United States was represented by the following
five observers: Philip W. Amrara, Washington,

' Report of Joe C. Barrett and James C. Dezendorf to
the Executive Committee of the National Conference of
Comuii.ssioners on Uniform State Laws, a copy of which
was transmitted to the Department of State by George R.
Richter, Jr., with his letter of Mar. 27, 1961.

' IX Am. J. Comp. L. (1960) 591.

D.C. ; Joe C. Barrett, Jonesboro, Ark. ; James C.
Dezendorf, Portland, Oreg. ; Kurt H. Nadelmann,
Cambridge, Mass.; and Willis L. M. Eeese, New
York, N.Y. All of them except Mr. Dezendorf
had also attended the 1956 session.

Besides the 72 governmental delegates and ob-
servers there were observers sent by the United
Nations, the Council of Europe, International So-
cial Service, the Commission Internationale de
rSltat Civil, the Union Internationale des Huis-
siers de Justice et OfSciers Judiciaires, and the
European Economic Community.

The agenda at the ninth session contained the
following four items : (1) legalization of foreign
public documents, (2) form of wills, (3) protec-
tion of infants, and (4) selection of exclusive
forum to adjudicate disputes arising in inter-
national contracts. Each of these four subjects
was assigned to a separate committee while a fifth
committee dealt with miscellaneous matters, in-
cluding future subjects to be considered by the
Conference. There was a U.S. observer on each
committee.

At the conclusion of the Conference three new
international conventions had been elaborated:
(1) Convention Abolishing the Requirement of
Legalization for Foreign Public Documents, (2)
Convention on the Conflicts of Laws Relating to
the Form of Testamentary Dispositions, and (3)
Convention Concerning the Powers of Authorities
and the Law Applicable in Respect of the Protec-
tion of Infants.^

Legalization for Foreign Public Documents

Legalization for documents, the subject of the
first convention, is the process used in authenticat-
ing the signature or seal on a foreign public docu-
ment. No question was involved regarding
authenticity of the document's contents. The con-
vention resulted from a proposal by the Council
of Europe which had been initiated by the United
Kingdom. A report on the existing law in various
countries had been made by a Secretary of the
Permanent Bureau. On the basis of this report
a special commission of members of the Conference
prepared a draft convention which was made the
subject of the work at the ninth session.

' For an English translation of the Final Act of the
ninth session of the Conference, which contains the three
new draft conventions, see 10 I.C.L.Q. (1960) 37.

December 4, 1967

949

The purpose of the convention was solely to deal
with the formalities of diplomatic or consular
legalization, which in some countries requires ac-
tion by many authorities. In the United States,
for instance, the signature of a notary public may
be authenticated by a coimty court clerk. The
latter's signature must then be authenticated by
the Secretary of State of the State concerned, and
his signature is then authenticated by the United
States Secretaiy of State, whose signature is
finally authenticated by the embassy of the country
in which the afi5davit is to be used. The convention
provides a single new certificate {apostille) which
may replace this old-type legalization.

The apostille certifies the authenticity of the
signature, the capacity in which the person signing
it has acted, and the name of the authority which
has affixed the seal or stamp which the certificate
bears. The authorities competent to issue the cer-
tificate are designated by each contracting state.
Use of the certificate is permissible and not oblig-
atory so that cases which at present do not
require authentication will remain so. The con-
vention, an improvement on the practice which
prevails at the present in this matter, was adopted
unanimously by all members except Belgium and
Yugoslavia, which abstained.

Form of Wills

The second convention, which relates merely to
the form of wills, originated in a United Kingdom
proposal at the 1956 Conference. A report on the
proposal prepared by a Secretary of the Perma-
nent Bureau and published in June 1958 was
studied by a special commission having a chair-
man and a rapporteur. This commission pre-
pared the draft convention that was discussed at
the ninth session. That the convention's purpose
is to facilitate the making of valid wills, so far as
form is concerned, is shown in the following pro-
visions of article 1 : *

1. A testamentary disposition shall be valid as regards
form if it complies with the internal law :

(a) of the place where the testator made it, or

(b) of a nationality possessed by the testator, either
at the time when he made the disposition, or at the time
of his death, or

(c) of a place in which the testator had his domicile,
either at the time when he made the disposition, or at
the time of his death, or

•lOI.C.L.Q. (1961) 47.

950

(d) of the place in which the testator had his habit-
ual residence, either at the time when he made the dis-
position, or at the time of his death, or

(e) so far as immovables are concerned, of the place
where they are situated.

After enumerating the choice of legal systems,
article 1 provides that "if a national law consists
of a non-imified system, the law to be applied shall
be detennined by the rules in force iji that system
and, failing any such rules, by that law within
such system with which the testator had the closest
connection." A novel one in international agree-
ments, this provision will be of assistance in de-
termining the applicable law in cases of federal
states or in cases involving British nationality and
in similar instances.

Under article 2 revocations of wills are gov-
erned by the provisions of article 1. The provi-
sions of the convention, which was adopted
imanimously, are made applicable even if the law
in question is not that of a contracting state.
Under article 6 the convention's rules of conflicts
are "independent of any requirement of
reciprocity."

Protection of Infants

Originating in a decision of the 1956 Confer-
ence, the subject of the convention on infants was
referred to a special commission. From answers
to a questionnaire there were prepared a report
and a draft convention which were considered at
the ninth session. As between the contracting
states the convention replaces the one governing
guardianship of infants signed at The Hague on
June 12, 1902. The latter was based on the prin-
ciple of nationality.

Article 1 of the new convention gives jurisdiction
to the judicial or administrative authorities of the
state "of the habitual residence of an infant" to
take steps directed to the protection of his person
or property. These steps are those provided for by
the domestic law of that state. Wliile certain au-
thority is preserved to the state of the infant's
nationality, in cases of urgency any contracting
state where the infant or liis property is located
may take measures of protection which, however,
need not be recognized by other contracting states.
Tliis convention was adopted by all members ex-
cept Belgium and the United Kingdom, which
abstained. In the aforesaid report on the ninth ,

Department of State Bulletin

session by Mr. Barrett and Mr. Dezendorf it is
stated :

It should be observed that the subject matter covered
by each of the three conventions approved at The Hague
Conference is important to the several states and that the
International problems sought to be solved by them are
important to state law in the United States.

Future Work of Conference

With respect to future work of the Conference,
the following decisions were made at the ninth
session. The State Commission was requested to
iiistruct the Pennanent Bureau to continue its
studies on the question of the jurisdiction of a court
chosen by agreement of the parties as well as on
the more general question of the recognition and
enforcement of foreign judgments. There was
also established a special coimnission for these two
matters which is to be summoned for a meeting
by the State Commission as soon as the prepara-
tory work has been completed by the Permanent
Bureau. It was also decided to include this item
in the agenda of the next session of the Conference.

The special commission just mentioned will not
deal with recognition of judgments relating to
personal status, a subject covered by the old Hague
conventions. However, the Conference requested
the State Commission to instruct the Permanent
Bureau to undertake the studies and consultations
necessaiy for the preparation of a convention on
the recognition of foreign judgments on personal
status.

The State Commission was also requested by
the Conference to instruct the Permanent Bureau
to undertake the study of the problem of giving
notice of judicial and extrajudicial documents to
interested parties living abroad. Suggestion for
this study was made in a memorandum prepared
by the Union Internationale des Huissiers de
Justice et Officiers Judiciaires. This study is to
be undertaken "in order to bring together the fac-
tors necessary for a solution of the problems
' indicated."

With respect to the adoption of foreign chil-
dren, another subject dealt with by the Confer-
ence, a special commission was established to study
the conflicts of law and jurisdiction in relation to
this problem so far as it concerns the adoption of
a cliild by a person or persons not possessing the
same nationality as he or living in another coim-
try. The research and consultations necessary for

the preparation of the work of the special
commission and contacts with other interested
organizations, both intergovernmental and non-
governmental, is to be undertaken, at the request
of the State Commission, by the Permanent
Bureau.

Question of Acliieving Uniformity

Methods for achieving uniformity were dis-
cussed at the ninth session. This problem, and
particularly the use of uniform legislation in ad-
dition to conventions, had been raised by the
United States observers at the eighth session.
The Netherlands State Commission furnished a
memorandum on the preparation of uniform laws
which, together with the comments thereon by the
Governments of Austria, the Federal Kepublic of
Germany, Italy, Norway, and Sweden, was sub-
mitted to the Conference. There was also fur-
nished to all the delegates at the ninth session by
the United States observers Barrett and Dezen-
dorf a memorandum on the composition and the
method of operation of the National Conference
of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws of the
United States.

The question of uniform laws was taken up in
Commission "V and was referred to a small com-
mittee which prepared a report.' Its conclusions
may be stated in brief as follows. "Wliile the use
of international conventions should not be aban-
doned, this method makes cooperation of states
with a federal system of government difficult.
For fear that the more flexible form of uniform
laws without international commitment may be
preferred, the proposal for a simultaneous use of
conventions and uniform laws was rejected. Con-
ventions could be used by any state that desires to
introduce the rules of the convention into its do-
mestic law without any commitment. The report
recommends that, when reciprocity is not required,
the substantive parts of conventions may be so
drafted as to be taken out easily by nonmember
states desiring to introduce those parts into their
domestic law.

As finally adopted by the Conference, the deci-
sion points out "the need to retain the diplomatic
character of the Conference, which connotes pri-
marily the preparation of conventions." How-

' For an English translation of the report of this com-
mittee, see IX Am. J. Comp. L. (1960) 583, 592.

December 4, 1961

951

ever, the decision notes that there is also "need to
search for means of insuring a greater sphere of
influence for the solutions involved and results
obtained." The decision concludes as follows: *

It considers that one means of achieving this object
might be found on the basis of the rearrangement of the
conventions. In the first place, so far as the subject-matter
is appropriate, an editorial technique should be used to
remove from the substantive provisions elements of a
reciprocal character, which would be regrouped in a
separate part of the convention. In the second place, with
respect to the substance of each convention, delegations
and experts should consider whether or not there is a
possibility of establishing rules of conflicts free from re-
ciprocal elements and designed for general application,
without making any distinction with regard to nations
between which legal relations regulated by the convention
exist.

In particular it wishes to draw the attention of the
Permanent Bureau to the problems and solutions indicated
in the present decision.

Finally, the Conference decided to keep on its
agenda the subject of conflicts of law concerning
agency. As to the method of operation of the
Conference in its consideration of drafts, the afore-
said report by Mr. Barrett and Mr. Dezendorf
states that it "bears great similarity to the method
used by the National Conference of Commissioners
on Uniform State Laws" of the United States.

tive to the President of the General Assembly concern-
ing granting independence to colonial peoples. A/4915.
October 9, 1001. 5 pp.

Note verbale dated October 9 from the U.K. representa-
tive transmitting a statement of the Government of the
Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland concerning the
appointment of a group to investigate the death of
Dag Hammarskjold. A/4917. October 10, 1961. 3 pp.

Nineteenth progress report of the United Nations Con-
ciliation Commission for Palestine. November 12, 1060,
to October 13, 1961. A/4921. October 13, lOCl. 7 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on decentralization of
U.N. economic and social activities and strengthening
regional economic commissions. A/4911. October 14,
1901. 34 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on public information
activities of the United Nations. A/4927. October 19,
1901. 16 pp.

Letter dated October 14 from the Ethiopian representative
to the President of the General Assembly concerning
African educational development A/4928. October 19,
1901. 2 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on cost estimates and
financing the U.N. operation in the Congo. A/4931.
October 20, 1961. 15 pp.

ReiKDrt of the Committee on South West Africa concern-
ing the implementation of General Assemblv Resolu-
tions 1,t08 (XV) and 1596 (XV). A/4926. October 26,
1901. 95 pp.

Note verbale dated October 27 from the Indonesian mis-
sion concerning granting independence to colonial
peoples. A/4944. October 28, 1961. 4 pp.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

Mimeographed or processed doeiiments (such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries in
the United States. U.N. printed publications may be pur-
chased from the Sales Section of the United Nations,
United Nations Plaza, New York.

General Assembly

Tenth report of the Advisory Committee on Administra-
tive and Budgetary Questions to the 16th session of the
General .\ssembly reviewing the activities and organi-
zation of the Secretariat. A/4001. September 29, 19(31.
;« pp.

Observations of UNESCO Director-General on African
educational development. A/4903/Add. 1. Septem-
ber 29, 19(!1. 3 pp.

Permanent sovereignty over natural resources. A/4905.
October 2, 1061. 3 pp.

Report of the Secretary-General on international flow of
long-term capital and official donations, 1951-59. A/
490(i. October 4. lOtll. 62 pp.

Provision of food surT)Iuses to food-deficient peoples
through tlie United Nations system. A/4907. Octo-
ber 6, 1061. 45 pp.

Letter dated October 7 from tlie Netherlands representa-

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Automotive TraKic

Customs convention on temporary importation of private
road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 1954.
Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 3043.
Kj-tcnsion to: Trinidad and Tobago, September 15,

1!h;i.

Patents

Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of
invent ions relating to defense and for which applica-
tions fur patents have been made. Done at I'ari^
Septeml)or 21. lOOO. Entered into force January 12,
r.un. TIAS 4072.
Ratificatiitn deposited: Denmark, November 15, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva De<'ember 21, 10.50. Entered
into force January 1, 1961; for the United States
October 23, 1961.

Ratiflentiims deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist
Republic ' and Japan, August 11, 1901 ; Hungary,'

"lOI.C.L.Q. (1001) 07.
952

' "With a declaration.

MVilh reservation contained in final protocol.

Department of State Bulletin

September 19, 1961 ; United States," October 23, 1961.
Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in-
ternational teleeommunieation convention, 1959. Done
at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force
May 1, 1961.
Notifications of approval: Japan, September 19, 1961;

United States, October 23, 1961.

Energy Agency, effective September 12. ( For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 791 dated
November 16.)

BILATERAL

Greece

Agreement extending for 5 years the loan of certain
naval vessels or small craft to Greece under the agree-
ment of July 26 and August 5, 1957 (TIAS 3887).
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington Septem-
ber 21 and November 9, 1961. Entered into force
November 9, 1961.

Indonesia

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Djaliarta Octo-
ber 26, 1961. Entered into force October 26, 1961.

Venezuela

Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV of
the Agi-icultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act, as amended (68 Stat. 4.54; 7 U.S.C. 1731-1736).
Signed at Caracas November 11, 1961. Entered into
force November 11, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Recess Appointments

The President on November 11 appointed Jolin O. Bell
to be Ambassador to Guatemala. ( For biographic details,
see Department of State press release 788 dated Novem-
ber 15.)

The President on November 11 appointed John H. Burns
to be Ambassador to the Central African Republic. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
808 dated November 21.)

The President on November 8 appointed William S.
Gaud to be Regional Administrator for the Near East and
South Asia, Agency for International Development. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
772 dated November 8.)

The President on November 14 appointed Teodoro Mos-
coso to be Regional Administrator for Latin America,
Agency for International Development. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 783 dated
November 14.)

Appointments

Ashton J. O'Donneli as senior scientific and technical
adviser to the U.S. delegation to the International Atomic

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale ly the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in, the case of free publications, which may be
obtained from the Department of State.

Atomic Energy— Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 4748
7 pp. 10<i.

Agreement with Turkey, amending the agreement of
June 10, 1955. Signed at Washington April 27, 1961.
Entered into force May 31, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

lOif.

TIAS 4750. 9 pp.

Agreement with Turkey, amending the agreement of Jan-
uary 11, 1961. Exchange of notes— Signed at Ankara
March 29, 1961. Entered into force March 29, 1961.
With related exchange of notes.

Postal Convention. TIAS 4751. 9 pp. 10^.

Postal convention with Canada. Signed at Ottawa Jan-
uary 12, and at Washington January 13, 1961. Entered
into force July 1, 1961.

Economic and Technical Assistance. TIAS 4752. 5 pp.
5#.

Agreement with Sierra Leone. Signed at Freetown
May 5, 1961. Entered into force May 5, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4753. 14 dd.

10#.

Agreement with Israel. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Tel Aviv May 10, 1961. Entered into force May 10, 1961.

Economic, Financial, Technical and Related Assistance.

TIAS 4754. 8 pp. 10«(.

Agreement with Senegal. Signed at Washington May 13,

1961. Entered into force May 13, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4756. 12 pp.
10(}.

Agreement with Yugoslavia. Signed at Belgrade April 28,
1961. Entered into force April 28, 1961. With exchanges
of letters.

TIAS 4757. 4 pp.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

54-

Agreement with the Republic of Korea, amending the
agreement of December 28, 1960, as amended. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Seoul May 11, 1961. Entered into
force May 11, 1961.

TIAS 4758. 3 pp.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities.

Agreement with Burma, amending the agreement of
May 27, 1958, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Rangoon June 1, 1961. Entered into force June 1,
1961.

December 4, I96I

953

Guaranty of Prirate Investments. TIAS 4759. 3 pp.

54.

Agreement with Sierra Leone. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Freetown May 16 and 19, 1961. Entered into
force May 19, 1961.

Reactivation of Temporary Tracking Station in Magal-
lanes Province. TIAS 4760. 3 pp. 54.

Agreement with Chile. Exchange of notes — Dated at
Santiago April 21 and May 10, 1961. Entered into force
May 10, 1961.

Mutual Defense Assistance— Shipbuilding Program for
Danish Navy. TIAS 4761. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement with Denmark, supplementing the agreement
of May 8, 1959. Exchange of notes— Signed at Copen-
hagen May 17, 1961. Entered into force May 17, 1961.

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. TIAS 4762. 4 pp.

54-

Agreement with the United Arab Republic, amending the

agreement of August 1, 1960, as amended. Exchange

of notes— Signed at Cairo May 27, 1961. Entered into

force May 27, 1961.

Social Progress Trust Fund Agreement. TIAS 4763. 9
pp. 10^.

Agreement vrith the Inter-American Development Bank.
Signed at Washington June 19, 1961. Entered Into force
June 19, 1961. With exchange of notes.

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Mutual Defense Pur-
poses. TIAS 4764. 11 pp. 10<t.

Agreement with Italy. Signed at Rome December 3, 1960.
Entered into force May 24, 1961.

Commission for Educational Exchange. TIAS 4766. 3
pp. 5^.

Agreement with Turkey, amending the agreement of De-
cember 27, 1949, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Ankara April 21 and May 30, 1961. Entered
into force May 30, 1961.

Money Orders. TIAS 4767. 7 pp. 10^.

Agreement between Postal Administrations of the United
States and the Netherlands Antilles. Signed at Willem-
stad December 20, 1960, and at Washington January 11,
1961. Entered into force May 1, 1961.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 13-19

Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin
which were issued prior to November 13 are Nos.
757 of November 1, and 773 of November 9.

No. Date
t779 11/13

*780
*782

•789
790

11/13
11/13

►783 11/14

t784
785

t786

t787

11/14

11/14

11/15
11/15

♦788 11/15

Subject

Note to U.S.S.R. on resumption of
nuclear test ban conference.

Rusk : death of Ambassador Biddle.

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

Moscoso sworn in as AID adminis-
trator for Latin America (bio-
graphic details).

Williams ; National Citizens Commit-
tee for WHO.

Woodward : OAS Special Committee
on Dominican Republic.

Johnson : "The Aspirations of Asia."

Rowan : American Association of
Land-Grant Colleges and State
Universities.

Bell sworn in as ambassador to
Guatemala (biographic details).

Rusk : death of Speaker Rayburn.

AID fertilizer procurement proce-
dures.

O'Donnell appointed scientific ad-
viser to IAEA delegation (bio-
graphic details).

Torch of Friendship ceremony,
Jliaml.

Louchheim : National Council of
Negro Women.

Chapman : Pennsylvania State Em-
ployees Council.

Rowan : AP Managing Editors.

Rusk : death of Italian airmen in
Congo.

Rusk : news conference.

OECD communique.

Rusk : situation in Dominican Re-
public.

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

11/16
11/17

♦791 11/16

•792

11/17

•793

11/17

•794

11/17

•795
•796

11/18
11/17

797

t798

799

11/18
11/18
11/18

954

Department of State Bulletin

December 4, 1961

American Principles. Diplomacy and Defense : A
Test of National Maturity (Kennedy) ....

Atomic Energy. General Assembly Adopts Resolu-
tions on Nuclear Testing (Dean, Stevenson, texts
of resolutions)

Central African Republic. Burns appointed Am-
bassador

Congo (Leopoldville). Secretary Rusk's News
Conference of November 17

Cuba. Secretary Rusli's News Conference of No-
vember 17

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (O'Donnell)

Recess Appointments (Bell, Burns, Gaud, Moscoso .

Dominican Republic

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of November 17 .

U.S. Seeks Withdrawal of OAS Action on Trade
With Dominican Republic (Woodward) ....

United States Considers Measures on Dominican
Republic (Rusk)

Economic Affairs

Advisory Committee on Cooperatives Reports to
AID Administrator

GATT Ministerial Meeting and 19th Session . . .

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of November 17 .

U.S. Seeks Withdrawal of OAS Action on Trade
With Dominican Republic (Woodward) ....

Educational and Cultural Affairs. U.S. Educational
Consortium Formed To Aid Indian Institute of
Technology

France. Four Western Foreign Ministers To Meet
at Paris

Germany

Four Western Foreign Ministers To Meet at Paris .

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of November 17 .

Greece. President Kennedy Affirms Common Ideals
With Greece (Caramanlis, Kennedy)

Guatemala. Bell appointed Ambassador ....

India

Prime Minister Nehru of India Visits United States
(Kennedy, Nehru, text of joint communique) . .

U.S. Educational Consortium Formed To Aid Indian
Institute of Technology

International Law. The Hague Conference on Pri-
vate International Law (Maktos)

International Organizations and Conferences

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings

GATT Ministerial Meeting and 19th Session . . .

The Hague Conference on Private International
Law (Maktos)

O'Donnell appointed scientific adviser to U.S. dele-
gation to IAEA

U.S. Seeks Withdrawal of OAS Action on Trade
With Dominican Republic (Woodward) ....

Korea

AID To Finance Procurement of Fertilizer in
United States

Index Vol. XLV, No. 1171

President Concludes Talks With General Park of

915 Korea (text of joint communique) 928

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of November 17 . 918
Laos. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of No-

936 vember 17 gig

Mutual Security
953 Advisory Committee on Cooperatives Reports to

AID Administrator 933

918 ^^^ To Finance Procurement of Fertilizer in

United States 934

918 Gaud appointed AID regional administrator for

Near East and South Asia 953

953 ^^oscoso appointed AID regional administrator for

Latin America 953

A United Nations Development Decade (Klutz-
nick) ggg

918 North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary

Rusk's News Conference of November 17 . . . 918

929 Panama. President Kennedy RepUes to Letter

From President Chiari of Panama 932

^31 Presidential Documents

Diplomacy and Defense: A Test of National Ma-
turity gjg

933 President Concludes Talks With General Park of

947 Korea 528

918 President Kennedy Affirms Common Ideals With

Greece 032

929 President Kennedy Replies to Letter From Presi-
dent Chiari of Panama 932

Prime Minister Nehru of India Visits United

927 States g26

Publications. Recent Releases 953

919 Treaty Information. Current Actions 952

United Kingdom. Four Western Foreign Ministers

919 To Meet at Paris 919

918 United Nations

Current U.N. Documents 952

932 General Assembly Adopts Resolutions on Nuclear

Testing (Dean, Stevenson, texts of resolutions) . 936
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of November 17 . 918
A United Nations Development Decade (Klutz-
nick) 939

926 Viet-Nam. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of

November 17 918

927

Name Index

948 Bell, John O 953

Burns, John H 953

Caramanlis, Constantine 932

„ Dean, Arthur H 936

°^° Gaud, William S 953

Kennedy, President 915, 926, 928, 932

Klutznick, Philip M 939

^'*S Maktos, John 948

Moscoso, Teodoro 953

953 Nehru, Jawaharlal 926

O'Donnell, Ashton J 953

929 Park, Chung Hee 928

Rusk, Secretary 918, 931

Stevenson, Adlai E 936

934 Woodward, Robert P 929

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Vol. XLV, No. 1172

December 11, 1961

iCiAL
^EKLY RECORD

ITED STATES
(EIGN POLICY

THE AMERICAN TRADITION AND ITS IMPLI-
CATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW • hy

Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson 959

BUILDING JUST SOCIETIES IN A DECADE OF

DEVELOPMENT • Statement by Under Secretary
Bowles 988

AFRICA AND THE PROBLEM OF ECONOMIC DE-
VELOPMENT • by Assistant Secretary Williams . . . 974

LAND-GRANT COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES: THE
LAST HUNDRED YEARS— AND THE NEXT • by

Assistant Secretary Coombs 978

EDUCATION FOR AN AGE OF REVOLUTION • by

Carl T. Rotvan 984

CERTAIN ASPECTS OF THE GERMAN PROBLEM •

Article by Donald A. Wehmeyer 968

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1172 • Publication 7311
December 11, 1961

Boston Public Library
Sttpermtendent ot Documents

iANl4 1962
DEPOSITORY

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Readers' Oulde to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication issued by the
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Publications of the Department,
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The American Tradition and Its Implications
for International Law

&y Adlai E. Stevenson

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^

For us who have been educated in the law and
who also have something to do with international
affairs, the dedication of this splendid new law
school building carries a simple and forceful moral.
It says to us that just as this is a time for building
in the life of luiiversities, it is also a time for
building in the life of nations. Indeed it is a
principle of life that when you stop building you
start dying, and never has that principle been
more evident than it is in our day.

Yet if we build it must be on good foundations.
If we are to know where we are going, we must
know where we are and where we have been. So
I am glad that the theme which you have given me
today begins with the words "The American Tra-
dition."

A wise man once said that the trouble with this
generation of Americans is that "they haven't read
the minutes of the previous meeting." It is all too
true. As a result we often repeat the mistakes of
the past and think that, in learning from our mis-
takes exactly what our predecessors learned from
theirs, we have done something quite splendid.

But that method is no longer good enough, if
it ever was. There is a sage warning in Kousseau's
observation about his pupil Emile :

' The best way to teach Emile not to lean out of the win-
low is to let him fall out. Unfortunately, the defect of
this system is that the pupil may not survive to profit by
tiis experience.

Now, in the legal field I am not going to try to
read you the entire "minutes of the previous meet-

' Address made at the dedication of the Fordham Uni-
versity Law School building at Lincoln Square, New York,
•^.Y., on Nov. 17 (U.S./U.N. press releas .'W43).

ing." I have to leave it to the scholars to do that.
But I want to pick out a theme or two which recur
in our history and which have relevance to our in-
ternational predicament today.

For one thing, our people are deeply respectful
of the law for the most part ; and yet sometimes we
show a lingering weakness for anarchy. At the
end of a bad day in court long ago I'm afraid I
was guilty of saying; "You know, I always
thought that judge was impartial, but today he
found against me." A good many of us seem to
accept the ruling of the umpire but feel we have a
constitutional right to talk back to him.

Then when Jefferson wrote that "all men are
created equal," it is pretty clear that the gentle-
men who signed their names to that explosive
proposition didn't mean it quite as much as we
mean it today. In their day the vote was generally
denied to women, to slaves, and to people without
property. Many of the same gentlemen, 11 years
later, wrote a Constitution which permitted Amer-
ican citizens to import African slaves until 1808.
And even half a century after that Lincoln him-
self was not absolutely sure that God had made the
Negro equal in natural endowment with the white
man. His act of emancipation, which ennobled
the history of that age, was thus in some degree
an act of faith.

We are still redeeming Lincoln's act of faith.
Whatever our Constitution and our courts say,
we as a people, North as well as South, are still
learning by experience and by suffering to realize
the truth of racial equality. It seems probable
that this painful process will continue for years
more, perhaps many years.

)ecember II, I96I

959

It is thus a newly explored truth, but it is not
newly discovered. It was there all along, im-
bedded in our national heritage. We received it
from many sources, but perhaps most of all from
the Christian teachings which lie at the heart of
our tradition. We find it in the story of Jesus
preaching to the people of Samaria, a people whom
the Jews feared and despised. We find it in the
Apostle Paul reminding his flock in Galatia that
in their Christian fellowship "There is neither Jew
nor Greek." And through 2,000 years Christian
teachers and missionaries liave carried to all con-
tinents and all races that same univereal truth.

The perception of that truth is, of course, one
of the central ingredients of the United Nations.
It is explicit in the cliarter. It is a central theme
in our debates. It is written on the faces of the
delegates of lOS nations, which are the faces of
every race of mankind.

Not much over a year ago. Dag Hammarskjold
spoke of the need for solidarity between Europe
and Africa and Asia and added this testimony
from his own experience: "I believe no anthroj^ol-
ogist nowadays," he said, "would say that the
various branches of the family of man represent
fundamentally different potentialities. . . . For
my part I have not been able to discover any such
differences."

But perception alone will not save us. A few
days ago Prime Minister Nehru, during his visit
in this country, observed that "A politician may
aim at the right — he may even perceive the rights —
but he must convey that perception to others to
fimction. A saint need not, and therefore he is
often stoned to death."

Through our history we Americans may have
perceived the right most of the time, but we have
not always tried very hard to act on it or to
convey our perception to others. Most of us
have practiced the equality and dignity of all
men only as much as we found convenient.

Now, for the American people and indeed for
all free peoples, that age of convenience is past.
In this generation we are compelled by history
to practice our beliefs to the limit.

I say "compelled" advisedly. The Conununist
challenge rejects all ideas of man's "unalienable
rights" and yet claims, just as we do, to speak
in the name of "all men." This challenge has
put us on our mettle. As never before, we are
required to search out our values and to exert

ourselves to narrow the gap between our pre-
tensions and the reality of our lives.

This obligation lies upon iis in all aspects of
our civic duty, at home and abroad. It requires
us to raise up our education, the life of our cities,
of our families, our churches, our mass media of
comnamiication, our party politics, our system of
justice, and all the centers of influence in this
plural society. And most of all, for the sake of
peace as well as freedom, it requires us to build,
on a world scale, a true community of nations —
a commuiuty of "all men."

Let me therefore explore with you the present
state of the community and some of the means
of strengthening it.

The United Nations

Our exploration must begin with the United
Nations — and first of all with the United Nations
Charter. The charter is a necessary starting point
because, more than any other docimient of our age,
it expresses the adherence of the nations of the
world to certain A^alues and standards of conduct.
It is, in our time, the supreme embodiment of basic
international law.

I should add, because of our topic today, that
the charter is also, to a very great extent, a projec-
tion onto the international stage of universal prin-
ciples wliich lie at the heart of the American
tradition. They are all in the charter:

• The principle that the sovereign is subject to
the law, especially where the use of force is
concerned ;

• The principle that human beings are created
with certain rights which cannot be talvcn away
from them — including the right to be governed
by their own consent ;

• The principle that govermnents are obliged
to uphold these rights ;

• The principle of reserved powers, which
places strict limits on intervention by the central
authority ;

• The principle of attention to the "general
welfare" in order that freedom may be given re-
ality through economic and social progress.

Now the United Nations Charter is a guide to
action for its members in aJl their international
affairs — not just in the work of the Organization
itself. Yet the light of the charter, though it is

960

Department of State Bulletin

supposed to illuiniiiate the whole world, shines a
little brighter in the buildings over on the East
River than it does anywhere else, so that the short-
commgs of nations are more glaringly illuminated
there. And there can be no doubt that the United
Nations Organization has proved itself a priceless
instrument for bringing the aims of the charter
nearer to realization.

The Organization has undergone many pro-
foimd changes since 1945.

It has doubled in size. The signatories of the
charter in 1945 numbered 51. Today there are 103
member states, and for many of them nationhood
is newer than the United Nations itself.

This increase has significantly altered the bal-
ance of influence in voting. There was a time when
the United States could be confident of a large
majority in the General Assembly on any political
issue of real importance to us. But the admission
of 43 new members since 1955 — the great majority
of them from "unalined" Africa and Asia — has
changed all that. In our relations with the newly
independent states, time is on our side ; at least it
is if we use it well. Whatever their original
suspicions or skepticism of the West, I think they
have begun to find that we are profoundly and
anxiously interested in their welfare and their
future.

The second great cliange has been the shift of
authority from the 11-member Security Council
to the full General Assembly. This arose directly
from the Soviet abuse of the Security Council
veto to prevent emergency actions sought by the
majority. It was necessary, if the United Nations
was to act at all, to be able to move the center of
decision to a place where a small minority could
not prevent action.

This was provided for in 1950, when the General
Assembly agreed that, whenever the Security
Council was prevented by the veto from taking
action, the Assembly itself would meet in emer-
gency session and recommend collective measures,
including, if necessary, the use of military force.^

Under this procedure the resolutions condemn-
ing Russia for intervening in Hungary, and bring-
ing about the withdrawal of Britain and France
from their attack on Suez, were drawn up and
approved by the General Assembly in emergency

"For text of the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, see
Bulletin of Nov. 20, 1950, p. 823.

session. So too were some of the crucial resolu-
tions on the crisis in the Congo.

The Assembly has been a great initiator in
many fields. It has devised programs and mobi-
lized hundreds of millions for technical aid and
economic development. It has overseen the ad-
ministration of tinist territories and dependent
areas. It has enabled a million refugees to find
new homes. Most difficult and daring of all, it
has put together military forces and corps of ci-
vilian administrators to head off civil war and
anarchy.

The direction of these global tasks heavily taxed
the Secretariat and its chief, the Secretary-Gen-
eral. As a result he acquired more power and
discretion than was dreamt of in the early days
of the Organization.

It was probably inevitable that this increase in
the vigor of the United Nations should eventually
collide with the ambitions of the Soviet Union.
The challenge came in September 1960. That was
the moment when Soviet ambitions in Africa were
frustrated by the United Nations, when Mr.
Khrushchev launched his famous "troika" pro-
posal, accompanied by the drumming of shoes and
fists. Not only was Dag Hammarskjold to resign ;
his office would be abolished altogether and a
three-headed body substituted — a committee rep-
resenting the three alleged "forces" of commu-
nism, capitalism, and neutralism which, in Mos-
cow's mythology, are supposed to be running the
world at this moment in history. And of course
the troika could act only "by agreement" — thus
grafting the Soviet veto power onto the
Secretariat.

The reaction was hardly a trimnph for Soviet
diplomacy. Hardly a nation, outside the obedient
Communist bloc, was willing to support the troika.

Wlien Dag Hammarskjold was killed, Moscow
resumed the attack. And once again it failed.
Gradually, through 6 weeks of negotiation, they
receded bit by bit and gave to the new unanimous
choice, the able U Thant, of Burma, the carte
blanche on Secretariat appointments to which the
charter entitles him. And when his name came
before the General Assembly, without any ad-
vance declarations on how he would conduct his
office or whom he would appoint, the vote in the
103-nation Assembly was 103 to 0.

So one great crisis has been passed — at least
until April 1963. But a second one is nearly upon
us : a financial crisis.

December 11, 1961

961

U.N.'s Financial Crisis

The United Nations military operation to save
the Congo will have cost about $180 million by the
end of this year. Of this total more than $59
million is unpaid. There is another $33 million
impaid on the bills of the United Nations Emer-
gency Force, that international force which still
guards the border between Israel and Egypt.
That adds up to $92 million in unpaid bills.

Nor is that the whole story. Neither of these
two operations has reached the point where it can
be reduced with safety. The bills will keep on
coming in during 1962.

Who must pay to save the Congo? The United
States, by assessment plus voluntary contributions,
has already paid nearly half — much more than its
assessed share. Twenty-nine others have paid
about one-eighth. The Soviet bloc, France, and
South Africa say they will not pay. Others say
they cannot. Others simply do not.

It has been calculated that, if matters continue
as they have gone thus far, the treasury of the
United Nations will be empty and its credit ex-
hausted by the end of March 1962. How the Com-
munist bloc, and the promoters of Katanga's
secession, and any others who find in the United
Nations an obstacle to their dreams — how they
must be waiting and hoping for that moment !

Wliat is the answer ?

Shall the members allow their Organization to
die by financial hemorrhage?

Or shall the United Nations, in the name of
economy, strike its colors in the Congo and the
Middle East and resign those areas to chaos ?

Or do other nations perhaps think that the
United States, although we do not call the tune
at the United Nations and do not wish to, can
somehow be prevailed on to pay the piper? If
this illusion exists, it will have to be dispelled as
quickly as possible.

The stark fact is that if the members will not
pay for the United Nations they will not have it.
Will this be fully realized in time ?

I have been talking about the United Nations
as it now exists, because what it does is directly
relevant to the development of international law.
With all its limitations and weaknesses, the United
Nations gives effect to orderly concepts of law
through the rather disorderly proceedings of par-
liamentary diplomacy.

The international judicial system is something
else again. It is far more orderly, but it is gravely
undernourished.

International Court of Justice

The International Court of Justice is an organ
of the United Nations. Its statute is an integral
part of the charter. But it has been sadly neg-
lected. In 16 years it has considered only about
35 cases, made decisions in about 18, and handed
down 11 advisory opinions. Some of these de-
cisions have concerned very important legal ques-
tions, but the caseload is one which an overworked
judge in New York or Chicago would find liard
to believe.

The shame of this situation for Americans is
that we have done so little to keep busy the 15
eminent judges of this Court, whose work should
be one of the great bulwarks of the world order
and rule of law about which we talk so mucL
When the Senate attached the Connally amend-
ment to our act of ratification, it reserved the right
to judge for ourselves whether a particular case
is a domestic United States matter and therefore
beyond the reach of the World Court. We are
today the only major power to insist on this crip-
pling "self-judging" principle. Tlie result is, in
effect, a legal boomerang. We can refuse to be
a defendant in the World Court, to be sure; but
by the same token, because of the rule of reci-
procity, we can hardly expect to be a plaintiff
either. By our own act we have, in effect, cut
the United States off from access to the World
Court. We can't lose a case, and we can't win
one — we just sit on the sidelines in unsplendid iso-
lation while the Court languishes.

Here is a matter on which the American tradi-
tion is relevant.

The tradition I have in mind begins in 1794,
when Jay's treaty with England cleaned up a
number of outstanding issues left over from our
War of Independence. One of these was a bound-
ary dispute between what is now the State of
Maine and the Canadian Province of New Bruns-
wick. Under the treaty this dispute was to be
settled by three commissioners — one chosen by
England, one by the United States, and one jointly
by the other two.

After the decision had been made unanimously
by these three commissioners — and resulted in

962

Department of Stale Bulletin

Canada's getting a strip of forest which our side
had claimed for Maine— the American commis-
sioner, David Howell, commended the decision in
these words :

Why shall not all the nations on earth determine their
disputes in this mode, rather than choke the rivers with
their carcasses and stain the soil of continents with their
slain?

That question is still good today, and it ac-
quires extra urgency in the face of the Commimist
challenge. Do we or don't we favor an interna-
tional legal order as a means to world peace based
on justice? And if we don't, then how are we to
insure peace and justice for this community of
nations which ultimately is our surest defense
against communism?

In my opinion to remove the Connally amend-
ment would do this country a great service and
contribute to the growth of the community of
peace and justice.

Fields Requiring New Treaties

There is much more to be done.

In the field of treaty law we can expect very
important developments over the coming years.
The greatest field requiring new treaties is likely
to be in the economic sphere, where so many new
relationships are evolving. Europe's Common
Market, soon to be joined by Great Britain, will
be a formidable trading force with which the
United States must make creative arrangements
for the good of all concerned.

Meanwhile all the nations of the North At-
lantic must find ways of promoting quickly the
massive economic development which is a matter
of life and death through much of Africa and
Asia. That movement, on which so much of the
future of freedom depends, will require new
treaties to establish the rights and duties of pri-
vate and public investors.

Here truly is one of the most creative areas for
the development of new international law. Not
the least of its promises is the chance to prove to
the emerging nations that not all treaties are like
the capitulations or "unequal treaties" of an earlier
age. The security and predictability of treaties
can work powerfully for them in speeding their
development and promoting their independence.

Nor should the Soviet Union be excluded from
the reach of treaties, though its interests and ours

are much harder to reconcile. We have a prec-
edent in the recently concluded treaties on the
law of the sea.' And we have the encouraging ex-
ample of the recent treaty on Antarctica,^ which
reserves that vast area for peaceful uses, forbids
nuclear tests there, suspends territorial claims,
and — perhaps most important of all — -permits in-
spection by each party of the installations of all
the others.

With that start we can press forward for treaties
with the Soviet Union and other nations governing
the peaceful use of outer space. More im-
mediately, only this week the United States and
the United Kingdom have once again urged the
Soviet Union to resume negotiations for a treaty
to ban nuclear tests under international control."
We have no illusions about the difficulty of that
problem. But we are encouraged by an over-
whelming vote of the General Assembly urging
such a treaty."

I need not say how greatly this one treaty, with
full inspection on both sides, would relieve the
fear of war and add to the security of every nation.
It is important not only as a first step toward nu-
clear disarmament but as a pilot project for a far
more comprehensive general and complete dis-
armament program. With all the defiant acts of
Moscow fresh in our minds, it is easy to dismiss
the whole idea of disarmament as a Utopian dream.
But we dare not be so irresponsible. We know the
suicidal power of the new weapons, and people
all over the world know it too. Even if we were
tempted to give up trying, they wouldn't let us.

We must not yield, then, to despair or to hys-
teria. We cannot know how long Moscow will
withhold its agreement to a sound and fully con-
trolled disarmament program. But we are a
grownup nation, and when we have a gi-eat goal,
however distant, we must be prepared to work for
it and believe in its attainment over a long period.

Disarmament is such a goal ; and with it is now
combined, in the plan we have laid before the
United Nations,' a proposal for the progressive

' For texts of conventions adopted by the U.N. Confer-
ence on the Law of the Sea, see ibid., June 30, 1958, p. 1111.

* For text, see ibid., Dec. 21, 1959, p. 914.

^ For background, see p. 965.

' For text of a resolution adopted by the General Assem-
bly on Nov. 8, see Bulletin of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 938.

' For a U.S. proposal on general and complete disarma-
ment submitted to the U.N. General Assembly on Sept.
25, see ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.

December 11, 196?

963

development of a United Nations Peace Force and
of institutions under the United Nations capable
of keeping the peace in a world of disarmed
nations.

That is the ultimate limit, thus far, of our
vision of a world of law. We may not reach it for
many years — perhaps never. But ". . . man's
reach should exceed his grasp, or what's a heaven
for?"

Some Shorter Steps To Be Taken

There are many shorter steps which we must
take. Some of them lie within the United Nations,
some outside — but all within the scope of the
charter.

Within the United Nations, the United States
has suggested a series of steps to improve the
United Nations' machinery for the peaceful settle-
ment of disputes, for on-the-spot factfinding,
mediation, and adjudication, for extending the
rule of international law.

That is a vast field to be explored. Only this
week I outlined to the Political Committee of the
General Assembly some of the United States' ideas
on this subject, including the designation and spe-
cial training of national military units for future
emergency service at the call of the United
Nations.

Outside the United Nations, from the. Alliance
for Progress in this hemisphere to the growing
economic institutions of the Atlantic Community,
there is scarcely a region of the non-Communist
world in which we are not worlcing to build the
foundations of a stronger and more peaceful
world order.

Recently Senator Fulbright wrote persuasively
in favor of building a "concert of free nations."
I believe we should pursue that line, not as an
alternative to the United Nations but rather as a
way to strengthen and support its most promising
institutions. In fact, the United Nations itself
has often acted precisely as such a concert of free
nations. Time and again, from Korea to United
Nations technical assistance, from the World
Bank to the emergency actions in Suez and the
Congo, the United Nations has acted either witli
little or no participation by the Soviet bloc or
actually in the teeth of Soviet opposition.

Much of the greatest work of this community
remains to be done. In that work the develop-
ment of international law must take its rightful

place. We all owe a debt to the leaders of the
American bar who are joining in a series of
regional conferences throughout the free world,
this year and next, on "World Peace Through
Law."

Through such contacts, and through the con-
sensus which they help to build, we may look for-
ward to the day when every nation of the free
world — our own included ! — will accept the juris-
diction of the World Court on international legal
disputes and when every member will so prize the
community to which it belongs that it will not
hesitate to lose a case in that Court and honor the
decision.

"Wlien that day comes, then truly we can say that
a world community has come into being — a com-
munity too solid for the Communists to break up,
and which they may ultimately decide to join in
fact as well as in form.

Grounds for Confidence

These are long perspectives. I cheerfully admit
that history leaves ample ammunition for the cyni-
cal and the fearful. For instance, it can be pointed
out that the great innovations in international or-
der— the concert of Europe, the League, and the
U.N. itself — have been made after great wars, not
in the impending shadow of new wars.

But one can be too fascinated by such fatalistic
patterns. Is not this cold war to which we have
been condemned for the past 15 years perhaps as
close to a real war as the world dares to come in
this nuclear age? And will not the settlement of
it — to say nothing of the revolutionary transfor-
mations in Africa and Asia — demand innovations
in international order quite as great as any the
world has ever seen before?

I believe they will. I suspect that international
law will have a much greater part to play in the
remaining decades of this century than it has had
in recent years.

None of us can tell what forms will finally j
emerge, but we have grounds for confidence none- '
theless. Dae Hammarskjold once said, in review-
ing the development of executive action in the j
United Nations, that the Organization had al-
ready "conquered essential new groimd" which
would not be lost "even if political complications
were one day to force us to a wholly new start."

In that spirit we must have the fortitude to
withstand disappomtment and even tragedy, to

964

Deparfmeni of Stafe Bulletin

be prepared to see all our work apparently lost —
and yet to know that nothing of real value in our
experience is ever lost and that as long as we have
life we must try again.

And I think we already have the warrant of
experience to expect that whatever emerges will
be in harmony with the great universal principles
of the American tradition — the principles of that
Declaration in which Lincoln found something
"which gave liberty not alone to the people of tliis
country, but hope to all the world, for all future
time."

U.S.S.R. Accepts U.S.-U.K. Proposal
To Resume Geneva Test Ban Talks

On November 13 the United States and the
United Kingdom delivered similar notes to the
Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs proposing re-
sumption of the Geneva Conference on Discon-
tinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests. The Soviet
Union accepted the U.S.-U.K. proposal on No-
vember 21. Following are texts of the U.S. and
Soviet notes and two Department statements.

UNITED STATES NOTE, NOVEMBER 13

Press release 779 dated November 13

The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the IMinistry of For-
eign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Ee-
publics and has the honor to state the following :

The Geneva Conference on the Discontinuance
of Nuclear Weapon Tests recessed on September 9,
1961. The relevant portion of the joint com-
munique agreed to by the Soviet, British, and
American delegations is as follows :

The representatives of the United States and of the
United Kingdom proposed a recess until after the com-
pletion of the General Assembly debate on the nuclear
tests question.

The Conference veent into recess.

The United Nations General Assembly has now
completed its debate on the nuclear test issue.^
Thus, the condition under which the Geneva con-
ference recess was proposed last September has
now been fulfilled. Furtlier, the General Assem-
bly has overwhelmingly adopted a resolution call-

' Bulletin of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 936.
December 11, 7967

ing for resumption of negotiations on a nuclear
weapon test ban.

The United States Government therefore for-
mally proposes to the Government of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics that the meetings of
the Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear
Weapon Tests be resumed on November 28, 1961.

In this connection the United States Govern-
ment notes that the General Assembly resolution
1649 (XVI) of November 8, 1961, calls for a prog-
ress report on nuclear test ban negotiations to be
submitted to the United Nations Disarmament
Commission no later than December 14, 1961. The
United States Government will consider any other
date which the Soviet Government may wish to
suggest with respect to prompt resumption of nu-
clear test ban negotiations which would also per-
mit fulfillment of the requirement laid down in
the General Assembly resolution cited above.

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, NOVEMBER 13 ^

Recently, on November 7, Chairman Khru-
shchev had a great deal to say about the Soviet
Union's current testing series ^ — the single most
intensive testing program in history. Although
he acknowledged that atmospheric tests are
"harmful to health," Chairman Ivlirushchev did
not state that the Soviet Union, seemingly oblivi-
ous to worldwide concern, is conducting a testing
program in which radioactive fallout will exceed
all previous amounts from all previous tests ever
conducted by the United States, the United King-
dom, and France. The series to date has included
over 30 detonations in the atmosphere, totaling an
approximate energy yield of 120 megatons or 120
million tons of TNT.

In stating that the Soviet Union will stop its
testing if other jjowers stop. Chairman Khru-
shchev conveniently overlooked the fact that it
was the Soviet Union which, in an effort to intimi-
date and terrorize the world to do the Soviet bid-
ding, broke the 3-year test moratorium. If the
Soviet Union earnestly desires to erase concern
over health hazards, if it is, in fact, ready and
willing to end the testing of nuclear weapons, it
can do so now.

' Read to news correspondents by a Department press
officer on Nov. 13.

' For background, see Bulletin of Nov. 20, 1961, p. 844.

965

A return to the negotiating table at Geneva, as
proposed in today's notes of the United States
and the United Kingdom, and the early conclu-
sion of an agreement with adequate safeguards
can bring a secure and permanent halt to nuclear
weapons testing and can assure the world that
there will be no repetition of another series of
secretly prepared massive Soviet explosions. For
its part the United States will not abandon the
objective of agreement on a comprehensive test
ban treaty but will pursue its own program of
carefully circumscribed testing until such agree-
ment is reached.

SOVIET NOTE, NOVEMBER 21

The U.S.S.R. Ministry of Foreign Affairs presents its
compliments to the Embassy of the United States and in
reply to the 13 November 1961 note of the embassy con-
siders it necessary to state the following :

In the course of the entire postwar period, since the
appearance of the new weapon of mass annihilation —
the nuclear weapon — the Soviet Union has been consist-
ently striving and is striving for a ban on the use of this
weapon, discontinuance of its production, elimination of
stockpiles, and consequently discontinuance also of all
kinds of nuclear tests for all time.

To deliver mankind from the threat of starting a rocket-
nuclear war — such Is the aim the Soviet Government
is constantly striving to attain. This aim is served by
known Soviet proposals on universal and total disarma-
ment which are under examination at the United Nations.
The Soviet Government is prepared, as before, to do every-
thing in its power to bring closer the day when nuclear
weapons would cease forever to threaten the life of
people. It is for this reason that on 14 November it
voted at the 16th session of the U.N. General Assembly
for a draft resolution on banning the use of nuclear weap-
ons. The Soviet Government would welcome appropriate
efforts by the governments of the United States and Great
Britain.

The position of the Soviet Government with regard to
nuclear tests is undoubtedly well known to the govern-
ments of the United States and Great Brit.iin, since it
has been expounded from every angle and in detail in a
number of Soviet Government documents and in speeches
made by Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers
Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev, published after the talks
were suspended.

In this connection, attention is drawn to the speech
made by Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev at the 7 Novem-
ber reception held on the occasion of the 44th anniversary
of the October Socialist Revolution, in which he ex-
pounded the position of the Soviet Government on this
Issue, taking into account the present international situa-
tion and proceeding from the sincere striving of the So-
viet Union to save mankind, as soon as iwssible, from
the threat of nuclear war.

If, at the present moment, the governments of the
United States and Great Britain are of the opinion that
the resumption of negotiations between the governments
of the U.S.S.R., the United States, and Great Britain
on the subject of the termination of nuclear tests can
facilitate a rapprochement between the points of view
of the two sides, the Soviet Government is ready to make
still another joint attempt to achieve progress on this
matter, remembering that the three powers who took
part in the negotiations proclaimed universal and com-
plete disarmament as their common goal.

In this, the Soviet Government proceeds from the fact
that in the near future, in accordance with the accord
reached between the governments of the U.S.S.R. and
the United States on the principles of univer.sal and com-
plete disarmament,' the 16th session of the U.N. General
Assembly, it may be hoped, will adopt a decision on the
resumption of negotiations on the whole complex of
questions pertaining to universal and complete disarma-
ment and on establishing an organ in which such negotia-
tions will be conducted.

It is self-evident that if during the negotiations any
power begins to hold tests of nuclear weapons then, due
to circumstances to which the Soviet Government has
pointed more than once, the other side would be com-
pelled to make the relevant conclusions also with regard
to nuclear tests.

Taking into account the above-mentioned, the Soviet
Government expresses its consent that the Geneva con-
ference of the three powers on the subject of terminat-
ing nuclear weapons tests should resume its work 28
November 1961.

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, NOVEMBER 21

Press release 811 dated November 21

The United States is today instructing the U.S.
delegation to the Conference on the Discontinu-
ance of Nuclear Weapon Tests to return to Geneva
in preparation for the resumption of the negotia-
tions November 28. The conference went into
recess on September 9.

Soviet agreement to the U.S. proposal to re-
turn to negotiations is welcome. Many of the
world's hopes for progress in controlling the threat
of war and of progressing toward the United
Nations goal of general and complete disarmament
had been centered in these negotiations, in which
a wide area of agreement had been reached. The
world will take hope anew with the reconvening
of these negotiations.

The United States and United Kingdom tabled
a full text of a draft treaty on April 18,° incor-

*Ibid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.
• Ibid., June 5, 1961. p. 870.

966

Depar/menf of State Bulletin

porating all of the articles and annexes which
had previously been agreed among the three dele-
gations. The United States made a series of fur-
ther compromise proposals on the outstanding
issues confronting the conference as late as August
28, two weeks before the conference recessed. To
date there has been no Soviet reply to these com-
promise proposals. If rapid and constructive
efforts are made, the United States believes that
early agreement can be reached on a treaty which
will insure the ending of nuclear weapons tests
under effective control.

The United States and the rest of the world is
fully aware that the Soviet Union has carried out
within recent months the most extensive testing
series in history. This series of tests was
obviously prepared and started during the period
of the moratorium on testing which the Soviets
had agreed to observe and was carried out in
defiance of that moratoriimi. In these circiun-
stances the United States will continue to take such
actions as it deems necessary to safeguard its na-
tional security interests until a controlled test-ban
agreement is achieved.

President and Chancellor Adenauer
Hold Talks at Washington

Following is the text of a joint cormnimique by
President Kennedy and Chancellor Konrad
Adenauer of the Federal Republic of Germany
released by the Office of the White House Press
Secretary arid the State Secretary for the Press
Office, Federal Republic of Germany, on Novem-
ber 22 following discussions between the Presi-
dent and tJie Chancellor at Washington November
20-22.

The President and the Chancellor have had an
extended exchange of views during the past three
days on a number of problems of vital concern
to their Governments. These exchanges took
, place in a frank and cordial atmosphere and
established that there is substantial unanimity
of view both on the substance of the problems
and how to deal with them.

The visit of the Chancellor afforded an oppor-
tunity to the Foreign Ministers and the Defense
Ministers of the two countries to participate in
the discussion and exchange views among them-
selves.

Berlin, over which the Soviet Union has created
an international crisis, was the subject of earnest
consultation. The President and the Chancellor
reaffirmed their clear determination to insure the
continuance of a free and vigorous life for the
population of Berlin. They are in accord on the
basic elements which will permit a peaceful res-
olution of this crisis through negotiation if there
is reasonableness on the part of the Soviet Union.
They agreed on the measures which should be
taken in pursuing this objective in a manner con-
sistent with the legitimate interests of all parties
concerned. At the same time they also agreed
on the necessity for maintaining and increasing
the ability of the NATO Alliance to cope with
any military developments. These discussions
will be continued through the already annoimced
meetings between Chancellor Adenauer, Prime
Minister Macmillan and President DeGaulle and
concluded in the Foreign Ministers meeting and
the NATO Ministerial Meeting scheduled in mid-
December in Paris.

The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed
the ultimate goal of their Governments of acliiev-
ing by peaceful means the reimification of Ger-
many on the basis of self-determination. They
were also in agreement that this objective could
be realized without prejudice to the legitimate in-
terests of the Soviet Union and Germany's
neighbors.

The President and the Chancellor reviewed the
state of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
They welcomed the measures now in progress to
strengthen the Alliance, but recognized the need
for a sustained effort to further improve the ability
of the Alliance to resist aggression.

The President and the Chancellor noted Soviet
charges accusing the NATO Alliance of aggres-
sive intent, and singling out the Federal Eepublic
of Germany and its democratically elected govern-
ment as the principal object of its false and un-
warranted attack. In this regard, the President
and the Chancellor reaffirmed that :

(1) The North Atlantic Alliance is an alliance
for defense against aggression which abides fully
by the requirements of the Charter of the United
Nations. The peaceful characteristics of its mem-
bers and their freedom from coercion make it
manifestly impossible for NATO to commit ag-
gression against anyone.

(2) The Federal Republic of Germany has
demonstrated that it looks to its legitimate secu-

Oecember 17, 7967

967

rity interests entirely within the North Atlantic
Alliance, and to this end has integrated its entire
effective defense establishment into the multina-
tional NATO framework. The Chancellor, in
emphasizing the defensive aspects of West Ger-
man armed forces, noted that the Federal Republic
is the only nation of its size all of whose forces
are under international command.

Wliile agreeing on the need to take all measures
essential to strengthen the defensive posture of
NATO, the President and the Chancellor recog-
nized the necessity of not permitting Soviet pres-
sure over Berlin to deflect them from urgently
required constructive tasks vital to the welfare of
their peoples and those of other nations.

The President reaffirmed the strong support of
the United States for the movement toward Eu-
ropean unity through the European Economic
Community, the European Coal and Steel Com-
munity, and EURATOM. The President and
the Chancellor agreed on the important role that
the development of the European communities can
play in further strengthening and complementing
the entire Atlantic community. They agi-eed par-
ticularly on the importance and significance of
proposals now being considered for a European

Political Union pursuant to the Bonn Declaration
of July 1961.

They welcomed the recent decision by the
OECD Council of Ministers to increase the com-
bined gross national product of the OECD mem-
ber coimtries by 50 percent by 1970 and pledged
themselves to work toward this goal.

The President and the Chancellor also discussed
the urgent need to increase the flow of develop-
ment assistance to the less-developed countries.
They noted that the Development Assistance Com-
mittee of the OECD provides an excellent means
of stimulating a greater effort in this field. They
considered that in many cases the application of
combined resources from several capital export-
ing countries to specific development assistance
problems would be a valuable method of assisting
the less-developed countries.

It is the view of the President and the Chancel-
lor that the fruitful exchange of views which they
have had will facilitate the close cooperation be-
tween the United States and the Federal Republic
and result in further strengthening the ties of
friendship and mutual understanding which have
characterized their relations in the post-war
period.

Certain Aspects of the German Problem

hy Donald A. Wehmeyer

The relationship of the various parties to the
current German problem derives from the events
of World War II. The nature of the relation-
ship and of the special status of the United States,
the United Kingdom, France, and the U.S.S.R.
vis-a-vis Germany is made clear by various war-
time and postwar agreements between the states
concerned.

During World War II these four states, to-

• Mr. Wehmeyer is Affornei/-Adr!>ier for
European Affairs, Office of the Legal Ad-
viser, Department of State.

gether with certain other nations, formed a coali-
tion of Allied Powers united in the common
effort of defeating Nazi Germany. While at
first the struggle was concentrated on purely
militaiy matters, after this initial stage political
objectives began to evolve and find expression.
By October 1943 the Conference of Foreign Min-
isters meeting in Moscow was able to envisage the
postwar era and accordingly stated in the agreed
communique: ^

The Conference agreed to set up machinery for ensur-
ing the closest cooperation between the three Govern-
ments in the examination of European questions arising
as tlie war develops. For this purpose the Conference

968

1 For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 6. 1943, p. 307.

Department of State Bulletin

decided to establish In London a European Advisory Com-
mission to study these questions and to make joint recom-
mendations to the three Governments.

It was in the European Advisory Commission
that the postwar relationships between the par-
ties in Germany were considered. Tlie Commis-
sion began its meetings on January 14, 1944.
Agreed minutes of meetings were kept as records
of these discussions. On February 18, 1944, the
Soviet representative submitted a document enti-
tled "Terms of Surrender for Germany," article
15 of which contained proposals of the Soviet
Government with regard to the demarcation of
zones of occupation in Germany. Paragraph (d)
of article 15 of the document proposed the follow-
ing with regard to Berlin:

d). There shall be established around Berlin a 10/15
kilometer zone which shall be occupied jointly by the
armed forces of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
the United Kingdom and the United States of America.

At the meeting on February 18, the British rep-
resentative expressed the view that the arrange-
ment on zones was inappropriate in the terms of
surrender, and the minutes of the meeting of
March 17, 1944, record the following:

Sir W. Strang then asked whether Mr. Gousev could
make any comments on Article 15 of the Soviet draft
concerning zones of occupation. . . .

Mr. Gousev stated that he would not insist upon the
inclusion of Article 15 in the Instrument of Surrender
which could thereby be made shorter. The delimitation
could then be set forth in a separate document to be
agreed only by the Allies.

At subsequent meetings various texts of such a
document were considered.

On June 29, 1944, the Soviet representative sub-
mitted a draft of a protocol on the zones of occupa-
tion in Germany, "describing the three zones in
the Greater Berlin Area and our [the U.S.S.K.'s]
suggestions regarding the administration of the
City of Berlin." This draft was considered at
informal meetings on June 30, July 10, and July
12, 1944. After additional consideration and
polishing the draft was agreed and signed on
September 12, 1944. Attached maps were also
agreed and initialed.

Western Access to Berlin

Insofar as the matter of Western access to Ber-
lin was concerned, the situation is well reflected in
a Soviet memorandum of August 26, 1944, on con-

trol machinery in Germany. The initial sentence
reads :

At the present time, when it is still diflBcult to determine
in every detail how events in Germany will develop after
her surrender, the immediate problem is to decide what
Allied agencies should be set up in Germany directly
after the cessation of hostilities and the occupation of
Germany by the armed forces of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom and the United
States of America.

At the time initial discussions of the zones of
occupation and status of Berlin took place in the
European Advisory Commission, in February
1944, the Soviet army was still fighting deep inside
the Soviet Union on a line Novgorod- Vitebsk-
Zhlobin-Krivoi Rog. The Western Allies had not
yet landed in France, and their attack from the
south in Italy had proceeded only to Cassino.
During the entire period of discussion, prior to
September 12, 1944, none of the Allied forces were
in Germany. All that was known was that heavy
bombings were taking place, and the one thing
that was certain was that communications were
going to be heavily damaged by the end of the
fighting.

Under the circumstances of the discussions in
the European Advisory Commission, the arrange-
ments made were not inappropriate. It is true
that the participants did not insert a clause in the
protocol stating, "there shall be a right of access
between Berlin and other parts of Germany," but,
since the underlying principle of the Commission
had been expressed at the Moscow Conference, at
which the Three Powers agreed "it was essential
in their own national interests and in the interest
of all peace-loving nations to continue the present
close collaboration and cooperation in the conduct
of the war into the period following the end of
hostilities," ^ any possibility to the contrary was
simply not in the minds of the participants. Be-
cause of uncertainty as to the damage they would
find they had no way of being specific about de-
tails of communications, and the underlying con-
cepts were such that the general premise was
understood and accepted without statement. This
is made abundantly clear by every action of the
parties from early 1944 to the present day.

On jSIay 7 and 8, 1945, the Acts of jMilitary
Surrender were signed, by wliich the German
High Command surrendered "unconditionally to

' ma.

December 11, 1961

969

the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary
Force and simultaneously to the Supreme High
Command of the Red Army . . ." all forces under
German control. At the time of the surrender
British and U.S. forces held by force of arms aU
of Germany west of a line running from Wismar
to Magdeburg to Torgan to Dresden — practically
all of the territory allotted to the Western Powers
under the protocol of September 12, 1944, and a
very substantial portion of the territory allocated
to the Soviet Zone.

On June 5, 1945, the four major Allied govern-
ments issued a declaration regarding the defeat
of Germany and the assumption of supreme au-
thority with respect to Germany.^ This was the
basic declaration of the Allied Powers vis-a-vis
Germany. In it they assumed "supreme author-
ity with respect to Germany, including all the
powers possessed by the German Government, the
High Command and any state, municipal, or local
government or authority." They expressly stipu-
lated, however, that "The assumption, for the pur-
poses stated above, of the said authority and
powers does not effect the annexation of Ger-
many." The governments further stated that
they "will hereafter determine the boundaries of
Germany or any part thereof and the status of
Germany or of any area at present being part of
German territory."

Establishment of Occupation Zones

On Jime 5, 1945, the Four Powers also issued
statements annoimcing the arrangements regard-
ing the occupation regime as devised in the Euro-
pean Advisory Commission.*

The early days after the surrender were days of
turmoil involving handling of prisoners, masses
of refugees, and immediate housekeeping prob-
lems. On June 14, 1945, President Truman sent
Marshal Stalin a message proposing infer alia that
"we issue at once definite instructions which will
get forces into their respective zones and will ini-
tiate orderly administration of the defeated terri-
tory. As to Germany, I am ready to have
instructions issued to all American troops to begin
withdrawal into their own zone on June 21 in ac-
cordance with arrangements between the respec-
tive commanders, including in these arrangements
simultaneous movement of the national garrisons

• For text, see t'BW., June 10, 1945, p. 1051.

* For texts, see ihid., pp. 1052-1054.

into Greater Berlin and provision of free access
for United States forces by air, road and rail to
Berlin from Frankfurt and Bremen."

Marshal Stalin replied on June 16 that, "I
should like the beginning of the withdrawal to
be put off till July 1," since, he said, the Soviet
commanders would be away until then and mine
clearing finished. He concluded, "We for our
part shall take proper steps in Germany and Aus-
tria according to the plan set out above."

President Truman acknowledged Stalin's mes-
sage on June 19 and stated that he had issued to
the American commander instructions to begin
the movement on July 1.

Pursuant to these arrangements the respective
commanders met on Jime 29 to discuss "the taking
over of the Zones of Berlin and occupation by
Russian forces of Germany west of Berlin."
Notes of the conference record that, after discus-
sion of number and location of rail, road, and air
routes, agreement was reached on the Magdeburg-
Berlin railway and the Autobalin Hannover-
Magdeburg-Brandenburg-Berlin for use by both
British and American forces. Gen. Lucius Clay
accepted the one road with right reserved to re-
open the question at the Control Coimcil in the
event the one road was not satisfactory. An air
corridor was agreed through Magdeburg and
Gossler.

Shortly thereafter arrangements regarding ac-
cess began to become specific as the Allied Control
Council began to fimction. The first meeting of
the Coordinating Committee took place on August
11, 1945. Various committees were thereafter
established, called "Directorates," covering such
fields as transport, air, economic, legal, finance, etc.
All of these had meetings, minutes of which were
kept. It is to be noted that these meetings began
immediately after the occupation regime com-
menced to fimction. The fact that all powers
shared Berlin on an equal footing and that
the matter of access to Berlin was not open to
question is clearly revealed. This situation is
complete confirmation of previous understandings
in the European Advisory Conunission as set forth
above. There was no question about the right of
access ; the only question related to details.

As will be noted subsequently, this acceptance
of the right and normalcy of access to and from
Berlin has been reflected in various documents
and in constant practice during the intervening
years. It is appropriate to note, however, that

970

Department of State Bulletin

political arrangements were proceeding in pace
with the administrative in Germany. Early nebu-
lous concepts involving possible permanent dis-
membemient of Germany had either been dis-
carded or evolved so that by mid-19i5 the Allied
Powers had determined on a constructive occupa-
tion of Germany. At the Potsdam Conference,
from July 17 to August 2, 1945, they considered
their occupation and postwar objectives in regard
to Germany. In the Potsdam Protocol, they
agreed : ^

It is not the intention of the Allies to destroy or enslave
the German people. It is the intention of the Allies that
the German people be given the opportunity to prepare
for the eventual reconstruction of their life on a demo-
cratic and peaceful basis.

Agreement on political principles included the
following : ^

(iv) To prepare for the eventual reconstruction of
German political life on a democratic basis and for
eventual peaceful cooperation in international life by
Germany.

In view of current Soviet proposals regarding
a German "peace treaty," it is significant to note
that the Potsdam Protocol directed that the Coun-
cil of Foreign IMinisters "shall be utilized for the
preparation of a peace settlement for Germany to
be accepted by the government of Germany when
a government adequate for the purpose is estab-
lished."

In these statements are summed up the constant
position of the United States regarding Ger-
many—in 1945, in 1955, and in 1961. The United
States entered Germany as one of four powers
assuming jointly supreme authority. The United
States envisaged a constructive, enlightened occu-
pation period emphasizing democratic education
and political advancement, and culminating in a
peace settlement to be accepted by the government
of Germany when a government adequate for the
purpose could be established.

Berlin Blockade

On IMarch 20, 1948, the Soviet representatives
walked out of the Allied Control Council. Shortly
thereafter, on March 30, 1948, the Soviet author-
ities commenced the series of restrictions on traffic
and goods to and from Berlin which ultimately
culminated in the Berlin blockade.

It may be assumed that for reasons best known
to itself the Soviet Union had changed its view
regarding quadripartite policy toward Germany.
This change became apparent in connection with
efforts to cope with one of the most urgent re-
quirements of the postwar German situation — the
need for monetary reform to halt the inflation
which severely hampered constructive programs
required to carry out the objectives of the occupa-
tion. The Western Powers endeavored to obtain
Soviet cooperation in essential monetary reform,
but protracted efforts met with no success. Fi-
nally on June 18, 1948, the three Western Powers
were obliged to take necessary measures by in-
stituting currency reform in Western Germany.
The Berlin blockade followed.

The blockade lasted for 11 months. On May
4, 1949, an agreement was reached at New York
which provided in part as follows : ^

1. All the restrictions imposed since March 1, 1948,
by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics on communications, transportation, and trade
between Berlin and the Western zones of Germany and
between the Eastern zone and the Western zones will
be removed on May 12, 1&49.

Article 1 of the New York agreement was imple-
mented by Order No. 56 of the Soviet Military
Government dated May 9, 1949.

The Council of Foreign Ministers which con-
vened at Paris subsequent to the New York agree-
ment of May 4, 1949, agreed as follows : *

5. The Governments of France, the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, and the United
States agree that the New York agreement of May 4,
1949, shall be maintained. Moreover, in order to promote
further the aims set forth in the preceding paragraphs
and in order to improve and supplement this and other
arrangements and agreements as regards the movement
of persons and goods and communications between the
Eastern zone and the Western zones and between the
zones and Berlin and also in regard to transit, the occu-
pation authorities, each in his own zone, will have an
obligation to take the measures necessary to insure the
normal functioning and utilization of rail, water, and
road transport for such movement of persons and goods
and such communications by post, telephone, and
telegraph.

Insofar as usage of access routes is concerned,
the evidence is overwhelming to the effect that
the routes have been heavily traveled and that
such travel is peaceful. Unrestricted access is the
normal situation.

° Ibid., Aug. 5, 1945, p. 154.
'lUd., p. 155.

' For text, see iiid., May 15, 1949, p. 631.

° For text of a communique, see iMd., July 4, 1949, p. 857.

December 11, 7967

971

Question of a Peace Treaty

An important element in the current German
situation is the matter of a peace treaty. During
the years since 1945 the Western Allied Powers
have continually sought to reach agreement with
the Soviet Govennnent on an arrangement which
would bring into existence a central German gov-
ernment with which a final peace settlement might
be reached. At the Geneva Conference in 1959
they presented a staged plan designed to lead
after a period of years to the establishment of a
central German government and the signature of
a peace treaty."

The Soviet Union has stressed, however, that
acceptance of the regime established in Eastern
Germany is a sine qua non of a German settle-
ment. It has recently insisted that if the West-
ern Allied Powers do not sign a "peace treaty"
with that regime, the Soviet Union will sign a
"separate peace treaty" which it declares will
terminate the special status of the United States,
United Kingdom, and France in respect of Ger-
many and Berlin.

The Soviet Union has proposed that a peace
treaty should, indeed must, be signed with a polit-
ical entity with which no war was fought, which
was not even in existence at the time of World War
II. The United States considers that it was at
war with the international entity of the state of
Germany and that any final "peace settlement"
must await a government juridically capable of
acting for that state.

In 1955 the three Western Powers, recognizing
the desirability of resolving some of the residual
problems resulting from World War II, entered
into the Paris accords with the Federal Kepublic
of Germany in 1955. These conventions were en-
tered into "In view of the international situation,
which has so far prevented the reunification of
Germany and the conclusion of a peace settle-
ment. . . ." The Paris accords are recognized
as an "interim settlement." They do, ho^Yever,
demonstrate that there exist procedures for over-
coming most of the disadvantages flowing from
the absence of a peace treaty.

In view of the current emphasis placed by the
Soviet Union on (he need for a "separate peace
treaty," certain specific points may be noted:

' For text of the Western peace plan, see ibid., .Tune 1,
lO-oO, p. 779.

1. Of significance is a statement by the Soviet
Foreign Minister on May 25, 1959, at the Foreign
Ministers meeting at Geneva. Apparently as-
simiing, contrary to fact, that the Western
Powers considered the Paris accords a "peace
treaty," the Foreign Minister said:

Moreover, even if we leave aside the military trend of
the Paris Agreements it is impossible to lose sight of the
fact that those Agreements were concluded not with all
the Powers who fought against Germany but only with a
group of those Powers, and not with the whole of Ger-
many but only with a part. Who, then, in such a situa-
tion can seriously regard those Agreements as some sort
of likeness to, or substitute for, a peace treaty?

2. The current Soviet preoccupation with seek-
ing to persuade the world of the urgent necessity
of a "peace treaty" with Germany is difficult to
comprehend in view of the fact that the Soviet
Union has failed to negotiate and sign a peace
treaty with Japan, although the situation there is
far less complex than in Germany.

3. Peace exists between the respective parties
and Germany. The Soviet Union officially termi-
nated the state of war with Germany on January
25, 1955. The United States, United Kingdom,
and France had taken similar action in 1951.

The Soviet authorities have on numerous oc-
casions recognized the Western rights which they
now seek to negate. One interesting illustration
is a Soviet report ^° on the history of "Flights of
Allied Aircraft Over German Territory," pre-
pared in coimection with the Council of Foreign
Ministers meeting in 1947.

Soviet and East German authorities have sought
to suggest that the maintenance of access rights
between Berlin and West Germany is a violation
of "East German sovereignty." It is of interest
to note accordingly that the Soviet Union for
many years had a similar type of right with respect
to Finland. As recently as the Finnish Peace
Treaty in 1947, the Soviet Union asserted such
rights and article 4(2) of the treaty stipulated:

2. Finland confirms having secured to the Soviet Union,
In accordance with the Armistice Agreement, the use of
the railways, waterways, roads and air routes necessary
for the transport of personnel and freight dispatched from
the Soviet Union to the naval base at Porkkala-Udd, and
also confirms haring granted to the Soviet Union the
right of unimpeded use of all forms of communications
between the Soviet Union and the territory leased in the
area of Porkkala-Udd.

Similarly Soviet statements regarding the
danger of German militarism must be weighed in

' For text, see ihid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 477.

972

Department of Stale Bulletin

light of the fact that the U.S.S.R. initiated Ger-
man rearmament in 1948 by creating a large
(50,000 men) paramilitai-y organization. On May
23, 1950, the United States protested to the
U.S.S.R. against the remilitarization of the Soviet
Zone but to no avail.^^ By the end of 1952 the
forces had grown to a "police force" of 100,000
men, supplemented by an additional 140,200 mili-
tary persomiel, including three mechanized divi-
sions and an air force. By June 1959 East German
military and paramilitary forces totaled more
than 700,000 men.

The West German defense force was not estab-
lished until mid-1955, at which time the Federal
Republic became a member both of the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization and the Western
European Union. The Federal Republic volun-
tarily accepted limitations on the nature of its
armament which continue in effect. The construc-
tive approach of the Federal Republic and the
other NATO powers to the problem of militarism
is evidenced by proposals for European security
arrangements which they put forward as a part
of the Western peace plan at Geneva in 1959.

In sum, therefore, as far as its legal rights are
concerned, the United States considers that:

1. The rights of France, the United Kingdom,
and the United States to be in occupation of Berlin
and to have access thereto derive from military
victory in World War II, which rights have not
been relinquished and cannot be legally impaired
by any unilateral action of the Soviet Union.

2. An agreement between the Soviet Union and
the East German regime could not affect the rights
of states not party to the agreement {Pacta tertiis
nee nocent nee prosunt) .

3. As Berlin has never been a part of the Soviet
Zone of occupation, its status cannot be affected by
action the Soviet Union may take with respect
to that area.

The United States earnestly seeks a constructive
settlement of the German problem. It is prepared
to negotiate in good faith to this end but expects
the U.S.S.R. to show equal good faith.

U.S. Group To Study Conversion
of American Bases in Morocco

Press release 806 dated November 21

The U.S. Government announced on November
21 the dispatch to Morocco of a survey team to
examine, for review by the Govermnent of Mo-
rocco, ways in which the U.S. bases in Morocco
can be converted to Moroccan use upon tlie with-
drawal of U.S. forces. The mission will be headed
by William O. Baxter of the Department of State
and includes experts from Government and private
industry technically qualified to suggest how the
base facilities can be used for the economic and
social development of Morocco. The mission
stems from a proposal originally made by the late
King Mohamed V to President Eisenhower in
1959, when the two leaders agreed on the with-
drawal of U.S. forces by the end of 1963, and
further defined in subsequent conversations be-
tween King Hassan II and representatives of the
U.S. Government.^

Food-for-Peace Agreement Signed
Witii Republic of the Congo

Press release 809 dated November 20

As part of the United States support for the
United Nations aid program for the Congo, a
Public Law 480 agreement under the Food-for-
Peace Program has been concluded between the
United States and the Republic of tlie Congo.
The agreement, which was signed at Leopoldville
November 18, pi'ovides for the sale for Congolese
francs of $7.5 million of agricultural commodities.
These will include wheat flour, rice, dried and
canned milk, frozen chickens, and tobacco.

Ninety percent of the Congo francs accruing
from sales under the agreement will be made
available to the United Nations for financing proj-
ects to promote balanced economic development in
the Congo, as agreed between the United Nations
and the Government of the Congo.

^ For text of a U.S. note, see iUd., June 5, 1950, p. 918.

' For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 16, 1957, p. 956 ;
Nov. 16, 1959, p. 723 ; and Jan., 11, 1960, p. 57.

December 7 7, 7967

8204 BO— 01, 3

973

Africa and the Problem of Economic Development

hy G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for Afncan Affairs ^

It is a joy to return to Ann Arbor and a pleasure
to join you this evening during the University of
Michigan's Ninth Annual Conference on the
Economic Outlook. I am happy to have this
occasion to greet this distinguished group of econ-
omists from the business world as well as their
colleagues from the universities.

Among the many problems facing the nations
of Africa none is more vital than that of economic
development.

The task faced by the less developed countries
in attaining a reasonable rate of development is
a tremendous one, as the growing vohune of eco-
nomic literature devoted to the study of the prob-
lem will attest. It would be presumptuous for
me, particularly before this group, to attempt to
suggest any radical new concepts or to offer any
final solutions. Perhaps, however, I can, in view
of my recent experiences, contribute to a larger
understanding of the problem as it exists in
Africa.

First let me reemphasize the sheer size of the
task facing Africa — and consequently the size of
the task we face in Africa. We are dealing here
with a tremendous landmass, three times the size
of the United States, a continent extraordinarily
diverse in its cultural, etlmic, climatic, and geo-
physical aspects. It is the home of some 230 mil-
lion people, most of whom are only beginning to
enter a modern economy and most of whom are
only beginning to carry their share of its pro-
ductive burdens.

The challenge is tremendous. Africa has be-
gun to move with an irresistible force and

' Address made at the Ninth Annual Conference on the
Economic Outloolc at the University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, Mich., on Nov. 9 (press release 778).

intensity. Clearly we find ourselves at a fateful
point in history, a moment when the stored-up
energies and aspirations of an entire continent
are being released. With our help and under-
standing, the new nations can realize this poten-
tial for constructive growth and make a rich and
uniquely African contribution to the world. I
leave to your own powers of prediction what will
happen if we should fail to meet this challenge.
While only partially tapped, Africa's economic
potential is increasingly understood. We know
Africa produces most of the world's diamonds
and gold and cobalt. We know it is the source of
very large supplies of uranium, manganese, cop-
per, and iron, that it is coming into the picture
as a major oil producer. We know that among its
principal resources are rubber, palm oil, cocoa,
vanilla, and certain kinds of coffee.

Africa's Needs

But only now are Africa's needs being seriously
assessed. It is to these needs that the economic
potential must inevitably be applied.

So far, in the trips I have made to Africa, I
have visited 23 independent nations and 12 of the
territories which are still in a dependent status.
I have talked to African leaders and to people in
all walks of life and have seen something of the
needs existing in these lands. Anyone who travels
in Africa is struck by great contrasts in economic
and social conditions there. In many cities gleam-
ing modern glass-fronted office buildings and
handsome homes stand not far from packing-box
shacks and primitive huts.

Africa's leaders, now in charge of the destinies
of new nations, are determined to roll back pov-

974

Department of Stale Bulletin

erty, ignorance, and disease. They are deter-
mined to raise the prevailing very low standard
of living. They are impatient and in a hurry.
The per capita annual income in the continent is
$132 and only $89 in tropical Africa. Literacy
averages around 10 percent. Life expectancy is
dismally low and malnutrition is conmion.

The tasks Africans face in raising their stand-
ard of living are economic tasks. They need capi-
tal to work with. They must develop and mobilize
necessary labor skills. They must organize and
plan intelligently. They need transportation and
communications systems. For their leaders, rapid
economic development is seen to be a crying need.

The magnitude of the effort that must be made
is enormous and will stretch over years. It can-
not be accomplished without outside help.

Programs of Assistance

Seeking to assist, the United States has gone
to work in Africa with programs of educational
and technical assistance. Some of those efforts
are made through international organizations.
Some are made bilaterally between governments.
Some are in the private field. We have begun,
alongside the former metropole powers, to assist
with grants and loans — although we are still
doing much less than Europe. Our assistance in
fiscal year 1961 was $215 million, not counting sub-
stantial quantities of surplus agricultural com-
modities imder the Food-for-Peace Program.
France has been providing well over $300 million
annually in aid to independent Africa alone. The
United Kingdom furnished over $100 million dur-
ing its last fiscal year, which ended March 31.
Germany has supplied relatively little in the past
but is now well along in working out an aid pro-
gram that will be similar to our own. We are
coimting not only on the kinds of assistance we
can give but on the new methods and concepts laid
down in our new AID program, where there is
a new stress on careful forward planning by re-
cipient countries and a special consideration given
to insure that our help is satisfactorily teamed up
with seZ/-help.

Other avenues for meeting Africa's needs are
new cooperative arrangements between assisting
countries and the African nations themselves.
On the one hand we have the promise of new
concerted and heightened efforts on the part of
the nations who are members of the Organization

for Economic Cooperation and Development. On
the other hand there are original groupings in
Africa, such as the Organization for African and
Malagasy Economic Cooperation, which are de-
veloping rational economic plans involving the
diverse needs of a number of developing new
countries.

The new African states have been quick to rec-
ognize the advantages of close cooperation to
achieve their hopes for economic development and
social progress. In addition to cooperating on
certain common political objectives, in the
OAMCE 12 former French dependencies have
banded together with the view to setting up a
customs union, coordinating economic and social
development planning, and harmonizing their
fiscal and financial institutions. A larger group
of 20 nations, which incorporates some English-
speaking states as well as most of the former
French territories, is planning to adopt a conven-
tion in January encompassing many of the same
objectives as a larger concentric circle. Six other
nations joined in the Casablanca Charter are also
working together along similar lines. This surg-
ing interest in developing regional organizations
represents one of the major constructive forces in
Africa today.

In seeking our response to the challenge of
African development, we should not forget that
America, too, was a newly stirring continent not
too long ago. Consider the extent to which our
own growth was assisted and shaped by infusions
of capital and skills from abroad. Those of you
here realize far better than most the role that was
played by British capital, for example, in financ-
ing some of our major railroads. You know that
what we now call "foreign economic and technical
assistance" was a major element in the develop-
ment of our first textile mills, our earliest found-
ries and steel mills, and even in our shipbuilding,
our trapping, and our mines.

Shortage of African Entrepreneurs

The problem of capital is the one on which most
attention has been fixed, and I have, on many oc-
casions, emphasized to African leaders the neces-
sity of creating a favorable climate for investment
as an essential step in securing private resources
from abroad. Tonight I would like to stress an-
other aspect of the problem of economic growth,

December 71, 7961

975

an aspect which I am becoming increasingly con-
vinced is of crucial significance in Africa but
which may not be adequately understood.

We know that a free economy cannot develop
without the entrepreneur — the man who makes
decisions and accepts the consequences and who
must call his shots right more often than wrong.
Yet in so much of the continent there is a serious
shortage of experienced African entrepreneurs.
It is the African nations with the greatest short-
age of this special skill that tend to create govern-
ment corporations, setting up production boards,
and assigning to burgeoning bureaucracies the
operation of a variety of enterprises. It is hard to
blame them. The determination to develop is not
to be denied.

Even where African leaders are prepared to
agree that a government instrumentality is a poor
substitute for private enterprise, they are forced
to conclude that the substitute is better than noth-
ing at all. It may be an expedient but can rarely
be a temporary expedient. Once the government
has taken full control of a sector of the economy,
the possibility of a transfer to private hands be-
comes extremely small. But there are examples
of governments selling shares in some of the enter-
prises they developed.

Wlien confronted with this situation, the West-
ern World has appeared too often to be saying
one of two things to Africa. The first is a counsel
of patience: Create a climate conducive to the
growth of an entrepreneurial class, accept our help
in a long-term program of education, and wait
until your own businessmen appear. The second
is : Let foreign businessmen fill the gap by build-
ing your factories and running your companies
until you are ready to do it yourselves.

The difficulty with this advice is not that it is
totally wrong but that it does not meet African
realities. Africa is no longer prepared to wait
patiently. And having only recently obtained
political independence, few African leaders can
risk the accusation that they are giving up their
nation's economic independence to foreign control.

We must recognize that this concern for eco-
nomic independence is no mere political slogan-
eering but is deeply rooted in the African
consciousness. Almost without exception, what-
ever large-scale private enterprise exists has been
closely associated with the colonial regime.
Boards of directors sitting in foreign capitals

have often made decisions vitally affecting the
life of an African country thousands of miles
away. Furthermore, in some parts of Africa
even medium-sized businesses are largely domi-
nated by ethnic groups which the Africans be-
lieve— not always fairly — to be transmitting most
of their salaries and profits to their home coim-
tries and to have only shallow roots in the nation.
It is against this background that we see a
number of African leaders, who may otherwise be
oriented toward the free world, turning to the
Soviet bloc for assistance. The capital resources
offered by the bloc are highly important but are
by no means the sole element. If we seem to be
advocating no more than patience and an indefi-
nite tutelage under alien control, we will find
Communist claims of experience in government-
directed enterprise and the techniques of rapid
growth will become increasingly attractive.

Finding an Acceptable Frameworic for Development

Fortunately there is more that we can do — and
I continue to speak not of financing development
but of finding a framework, acceptable to the
Africans, within which free economic institutions
can grow.

First, we can give explicit recognition to the
fact that African governments can and should
play a major role in the development of their
nations. The free world has a wealth of experi-
ence in economic planning which we should be
willing to share freely. Soimd planning can nur-
ture, not stifle, private initiative, but we must
show how this can be done. Sharing our planning
skills will enable us to work with the Africans
toward ends we mutually regard as desirable and
place us in a position to influence the planning
process along constructive lines. We can show
how planning can be used to set national priori-
ties and determine the allocation of resources,
while providing a framework witliin which pri-
vate initiative can be encouraged and entrepre-
neurial ability rewarded. Important strides have
been taken in this direction by the present ad-
ministration.

Second, we can encourage local private enter-
prise by helping set up development banks that
can make small loans to business and agriculture.
I have seen successful operations of this kind, and
I am sure there can be much more.

976

Department of State Bvllelin

Third, we can draw on a rich heritage of experi-
ence with the cooperative movement that has
particular relevancy to African needs today. Co-
operatives have been of inestimable value to the
United States in making it possible for the small
producer, particularly in agriculture, to grow and
prosper. Cooperatives have helped to make capi-
tal available, have reduced excessive middleman
costs, where these were present, in both buying and
selling. They have permitted the spreading of
risks too great for a small producer to accept.
And they have helped educate several generations
of Americans in good business practices and in
methods for increasing productivity. This ex-
perience, which combines the advantages of a free
economy with the needs of the small and in-
experienced producer or marketer, can be as per-
tinent in Africa today as anything we have to
offer.

Finally, I hope that, as American businessmen
increasingly interest themselves in Africa, they
will convey for emulation, in a way that no text-
book can, the spirit of lively economic competition
for which our comitry has always been known.
My travels have convinced me that the individ-
ualistic economic man, so characteristic of and
important to the growth of both Europe and our-
selves, is still a rarity in Africa. This may be a
field of endeavor in which we, as Americans, can
render a unique service.

"Good Citizenship" Investment

May I say here a word about the necessity for
good citizenship on the part of American invest-
ment in Africa. There must be at least the civic
sense there is in America in the way of community
and social benefits. There must be a conscious
and determined effort to maximize the use of Af-
rican manpower not only in labor but administra-
tion. Wherever possible equity sharing should
be encouraged. This is difficult but by no means
impossible to work out, as more than a few in-

dividual American enterprises and American
foundations have found.

Incidentally, coming back to the matter of en-
couraging private investment, a number of Afri-
can countries have recognized what they can do to
promote investment and have organized industrial
development agencies similar to those found in
our own States. I can testify from personal ex-
perience to their aggressiveness. They have im-
dertaken trade missions, hired American advertis-
ing counsel, granted tax concessions, et cetera.

The United States has responded through the
Department of Commerce in conjunction with the
Department of State by developing and classify-
ing industrial and commercial opportunities in
Africa, promoting trade conferences in the United
States, et cetera. Another interesting program
now being worked out is one of providing insur-
ances against various kinds of political risks.^

Wliile I have stressed the importance of the
private sector, it obviously will not do the whole
job. It will need supplementary help through
government funds, but more particularly it will
need government investment in those areas where
private fimds cannot operate as a rule: building
schools, roads, clinics, and the like. In underde-
veloped coimtries these needs are simply enor-
mous. Without going into details I am con-
strained to give it as my personal opinion that
the present magnitude of investment from all
countries, public and private, does not even come
close to measuring up to the very evident needs
of African coimtries.

As I have indicated, Africa is impatient, Africa
is on the march. Its leaders cannot delay in pro-
viding social and economic improvements, for
their citizens are in a hurry and demand results.
If the free world wants, as we say we do, to de-
velop a stable and prosperous world, we had bet-
ter raise our sights and get on with the job.

' For background, see Bulletin of Nov. 20, 1961, p. 837.

December 17, 1 961

977

Land-Grant Colleges and Universities: The Last Hundred Years — and the Next

hy Philip H. Coombs

Assistant Secretary for Educational and Cultural Affairs ^

It is historically fitting that this convocation
should be opened with a message from the Presi-
dent of the United States, filmed in his White
House office day before yesterday, expressing his
congratulations, confidence, and assurance of con-
tinued support.

It was another President — Abraham Lincoln — •
whose signature 100 years ago gave life to the Mor-
rill Act. Throughout the ensuing years there has
been a close bond of mutual cooperation and as-
sistance between the Federal Government and the
land-grant colleges.

This century-old association has rendered great
benefit to our whole society. It stands as eloquent
proof that Federal assistance to education to pro-
mote the national interest can be compatible with
academic freedom and with the maintenance of
local control.

As a member of the President's official family,
I have the great privilege to be with you per-
sonally on this occasion to reinforce his greetings
and to convey the good wishes of the Secretary of
State and his gratitude for all you have contrib-
uted to the betterment of our world relations. My
colleagues in the Department of State welcome, as
I do, the heavy emphasis given in this convocation
to the role of land-grant colleges and imiversities
in world affairs.

Though I personally have shifted recently
from a private to a public payroll, I look forward
to continuing the close and pleasant association I
have had with many of you. I am grateful for

' Address made before the Centennial Convocation of
the American Asaociatlon of Land-Grant Colleges and
State Universities at Kansas City, Mo., on Nov. 12 (press
release 781 dated Nov. 11; as-delivered text).

the help so many of you have offered and given to
assist me in carrying out the duties of this new
Federal post, whose creation earlier this year was
intended to place greater weight and emphasis on
educational and cultural affairs as a creative in-
gredient of United States foreign relations.

A centennial anniversary — like a visit to a mu-
seum or ancient moniunent — affords us an all-too-
rare opportunity to renew our perspective on the
long road man has traveled and to speculate about
the road ahead. Only with such perspective and
speculation can we take stock of future opportuni-
ties and problems and formulate adequate goals
and plans to match them.

One hundred years seems a very long time from
some vantage points, but I was recently reminded
of how very brief it really is. The occasion was
the visit last week of Dr. Sarwat Okasha, the
Minister of Culture of the United Arab Republic,
who came to Washington to join with Mrs.
Kennedy in opening the exhibit of items from the
tomb of King Tut-ankh-Amen. Dr. Okasha's gov-
ernment has generously allowed these beautiful
and priceless relics to leave Egypt for the first
time so that the people of the United States might
have the opportunity to see and enjoy them.

Seeing this exhibit compels one to pause and re-
flect upon the depth of our cultural roots and to ap-
preciate the very transitory nature, against the
broad sweep of history, of the serious international
crises which command our attention today.

I searched for a yardstick to help put things
in perspective and found one in Dr. Caryl
Haskins' excellent book Of Societies and Men.
Dr. Haskins, an eminent biologist, geneticist, and

978

Department of State Bulletin

Message of President Kennedy '

In July 1862 — In the darkest days of the Civil War-
President Abraham Lincoln signed two acts which
were to help to mold the future of the nation which
he was then struggling to preserve.

The first of these — the Homestead Act — provided,
in Carl Sandburg's words, a "farm free to any man
who wanted to put a plow into unbroken sod." The
second, the Morrill Act, donated more than a million
acres of Federal land to endow at least one university
in every State of the Union.

Thus — even as the Nation trembled on the brink of
destruction — the vast lands of the American West
were opened to final settlement, a new America of
unparalleled abundance began to grow, and the most
ambitious and fruitful system of higher education in
the history of the world was developed.

Today, more than 68 land-grant institutions — lo-
cated in each of the 50 States and in Puerto Rico —
are a monument to the vision of those who built the
foundations of peace in a time of war. Over one-half
of our Ph. D. degrees in science and engineering are
awarded by these schools ; 24 out of 40 living Nobel
Prize winners in our country are among their gradu-
ates ; one-fourth of all high school and elementary
teachers and over one-third of our college teachers
are their products.

These universities have grown as our nation's needs
have grown. The original endowment called for in-

' Filmed at the White House on Nov. 10 for use at
the opening session of the Centennial Convocation of
Land-Grant Colleges and State Universities at Kansas
City, Mo., on Nov. 12.

struction which emphasized "agriculture and mechan-
ized arts." And with their help the strongest agricul-
tural community on earth was built. Today these
schools teach subjects ranging from philosophy to sci-
ence and the conduct of foreign relations — the whole
broad spectrum of knowledge upon which the future
of this country and freedom depends and upon which
the well-being of Americans who will come after us
is so richly intertwined. In the history of land-grant
schools can be read much of the history of our
country — a history they have played no small part In
shaping.

In addition these schools are one of the finest ex-
amples of our Federal system — the fruitful coopera-
tion between National and State Governments in the
pursuit of a decent education for all of our citizens.
Founded at Federal initiative, strongly supported by
Federal funds — funds which were specifically appro-
priated for Instruction rather than the construction
of buildings or facilities — these institutions have built
a proud tradition of independence and academic in-
tegrity, untroubled by governmental Interference of
any kind. They are a monument to the fact that the
cooperative effort of the Federal and State Govern-
ments is the best way to insure an independent edu-
cational system of the highest quality.

I congratulate the land-grant colleges on the centen-
nial of their birth. I assure you of my vigorous and
continued support. I bring you the thanks of a grate-
ful nation for what you have done In the past, and I
bring you the hope of all our people that you will con-
tinue to light the way for our country and for future
generations.

scientific generalist, reminds us that the human
animal is a very young biological species on this
planet. As a social animal, he is far younger
still.

Life on this planet, he notes, runs back to the
single-cellular organisms of 2,000 million years
ago. In contrast, the human animal, in approxi-
mately his present form, goes back only 1 million
years. But apparently it was not until 100,000
years ago, 900,000 years later, that these human
animals began associating with one another in
groups — that they got on speaking terms, as it
were, and began socializing. But even then things
moved slowly. It was not until a mere 10,000
years ago, at a maximum, that highly organized
human societies appeared, with distinctive cul-
tures, such as the ancient civilizations in Egypt
and elsewhere in the Mediterranean area. For

comparison, another relatively young and
organized society — the ants — were in business 50
million years ago.

When we now fit in the fact that Columbus
visited these shores less than 500 years ago and
that the United States became a nation less than
200 years ago, things begin to fall into perspective.

As the charming middle-aged lady, my partner
at a lunch in honor of Dr. Okasha, exclaimed on
hearing the foregoing facts, "You make me feel
so young!"

And so the land-grant colleges — with only a
single-century candle on their birthday cake —
should also feel young.

But what a fantastic century it has been,
measured against any previous century in man's
long residence on this planet. If "revolution" is
taken to mean "evolution at a breakneck pace "

December J 7, J96J

979

then it has certainly been a revolutionary century.
Mankind went from the horse to the space missile,
by way of the automobile and the airplane ; from
the daguerreotype and pony express to television
and instantaneous worldwide communication.
Dietary standards, health standards, general living
standards, and the span of life have shot upward —
at least for one small sector of total mankind.
Indeed, it is the conspicuous gap between this
small sector and the rest of mankind that makes
further revolutionary changes in the next century
mandatory.

The causal factors behind this past explosive
century are niunerous and not yet fully discern-
ible. But it is clear that several familiar Ameri-
can institutions — among them the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution, the free pub-
lic school and library, and the land-grant college —
contributed considerably to the explosion.

Indeed, the land-gi-ant college, like the Declara-
tion and the Constitution, is a profoundly revolu-
tionary institution. One wonders whether
Congressman Morrill — the son of a Vermont
blacksmith-farmer, who was forced to stop his
schooling at age 15 — half realized what was on
the other end of the fuse he lighted by promoting
not only the establishment of the land-grant col-
leges but the great strengthening of the Library
of Congress as well. One wonders even more what
will be the outcome of establishing new universi-
ties today in some of the ancient but still under-
developed and semifeudal societies around the
world.

It is clear that the land-grant colleges have
helped greatly to give the American Revolution
its continuing thrust and vitality, long after the
political revolution for independence was won.
This continuing revolution has reached into every
corner of our life — agriculture, industry, commu-
nications, military weapons, and education itself.
It is now on the march all over the world. In the
setting of the great American experiment with
popular government and individual freedom, all
educational institutions are bound to be a major
revolutionary force. They provide the great
motive power of ideas, knowledge, and developed
human talent which propel an ever-accelerating
rate of change.

As we ponder the world of rapid change and
turmoil all about us — the revolt against colonial-
ism and against tyranny in all its forms, the

"revolution of rising expectations," the energetic
quest of new nations for better living standards
and educational opportunity and social justice for
all their people — it is well to remind ourselves
that this is largely our revolution, not the revolu-
tion of Marx and Lenin. It was JeflFerson who
said, long before Marx appeared on the scene,
that the American Revolution sought the freedom
not alone of Americans but of all mankind. And
to share the credit — or the responsibility — prop-
erly, we must remember too that the muscular
ideas undei-lying the American struggle for free-
dom were brought here by Europeans who were
in search of freedom. No nation has a monopoly
on the idea of freedom. It is the right of all
mankind.

Competition Between Two Revolutions

And now, less than 200 years later, the revolu-
tion which gave birth to our nation is being inter-
nationalized. The Communists, who so often bor-
row a good thing wlien they see it, have sought
to capture this revolution and turn it to their own
purposes.

It is our job and the job of all free nations to
keep our identity with this worldwide revolution,
to keep it from being stolen and perverted. For
the ideological struggle around the world today
is not a contest between the Soviet Union and Red
China, standing for change, and the United States
and its free- world allies, clinging to the status quo.
Rather it is a competition between two very dif-
ferent kinds of revolutions with very diflFerent
aims and values. The one is aimed at harnessing
the individual to the purposes of the state and
harnessing independent nations to the purposes of
the Soviet Union and China. The other aims at
liberating individuals from all forms of tyranny
and bondage — himger, disease and ignorance,
feudal lords, and governmental masters — and
liberating whole nations to pursue the aspirations
of their peoples in freedom, dignity, and self-
respect and in cooperation with other independent
nations. Because education above all else liberates
individuals from ignorance, to discover the truth
for themselves, it is a major instrument of our
kind of revolution.

All this is well to remember when we find our-
selves— citizens of a strong, young, and well-
intentioned nation, not yet fully accustomed to
carrying heavy world responsibilities — feeling

980

Department of Stale Bulletin

frustrated by crisis headlines and by complex,
dangerous, and irritating world problems. It is
sorely tempting in times like these to grasp for
simple and inexpensive solutions to complex prob-
lems for which there can be no quick, easy, or
cheap solutions. We cannot make these problems
disappear by attacking favorite scapegoats, and
we cannot resign from the world. We can only
learn to live intelligently with these complexities,
keeping our heads and our principles, and remem-
bering that the reverse side of a problem is usu-
ally an opportunity.

It is important to remember, too, that the
agenda of frustrations, disappointments, and
doubts in Moscow is far longer, deeper, and more
irritating than our own list. Indeed, therein lies
the greatest danger to mankind, for frustrated
tyrants can make bad judgments, such as resorting
to terror tactics.

The nights in the Kremlin must surely be more
restless than in Wasliington, and for good reason.
The Soviet revolution has not been doing as well
lately as ours, on many fronts. Its doctrine is
not proving to be as tough and viable as the doc-
trine of freedom, in its staying power, in its uni-
versal appeal, and in its validity under severe test.

Indeed, there are even serious differences among
the high priests of communism today over just
what their true doctrine is. This cleavage has
lately grown so deep as to cause the mortal re-
mains of the once unchallenged high priest to be
relegated to a hole in the Kremlin wall alongside
the bones of earlier deviationists.

This shocking development — shocking and con-
fusing especially to those millions who had been
taught to revere Stalin as infallible — may well
be a very encouraging development for the peace
of the world ; we cannot yet say. But we can say
that, in one fell swoop, it has certainly rendered
obsolete millions of textbooks, encyclopedias, and
roadmaps. And surely it must have left millions
of ordinary Soviet people wondering just whom
to believe and where the real truth lies.

The principles — the philosophical and ethical
foundations — which underlay the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution, and the faith
which fostered our land-grant colleges, have
stood a considerable test of time. These prin-
ciples are not the product of any one person or
nation and are not subject to being rewritten by
any new high priest who comes along. They are
the product of the whole intellectual, political,

and religious history of mankind. The imiver-
sality of their validity has been demonstrated.
But today they are being subjected to tougher
and wider tests than ever.

An International Constituency

In the midst of this tough testing of our own
cherished values all around the world, it is not
sui-prising to find many of our land-grant in-
stitutions in the vanguard of those promoting
better living conditions, better education, greater
opportunity, social justice, and freedom in the far
corners of the earth. Their traditional hallmark
of practical service to the community, once ap-
plied to a local and State constituency, then to
the whole Nation, has now been broadened to
an international constituency. The people of
Kansas and California, Missouri and Minnesota,
and a host of other States, are being served even
better today than ever by their land-grant insti-
tutions. But now also the people of Cambodia
and Korea, Costa Rica and Nigeria, and a host of
other lands are also being served by these same
institutions, in behalf of the American people
and the whole free world.

Land-grant institutions have in recent years
undertaken 126 contracts — since 1958 imder the
International Cooperation Administration (now
the Agency for International Development) — to
carry out educational and other constructive
projects in 42 countries in Asia, Africa, the
Middle East, Europe, and Latin America. We
can confidently expect the range and size of these
services to increase.

The tradition of service of our land-grant insti-
tutions has proved contagious, like the idea of
popular government, popular education, indi-
vidual freedom, and equality. All American
colleges and universities, in varying degi-ees,
manifest this same mission of practical service to
the community, at home and to a growing extent
abroad. And in many foreign comitries, de-
veloped and less developed alike, the contagion of
practical imiversity service to the commmiity is
spreading rapidly. Just as the idea of freedom
is not the monopoly of any one nation, so the
land-grant college idea of practical service cannot
and should not be the monopoly of any one type
of institution. The land-grant colleges can take
pride in the fact that their once distinctive char-
acteristic is now being nationalized and inter-

December 17, 7967

981

nationalized, not as a carbon copy of their par-
ticular curriculum, organizational structure, and
methods but as a compelling idea -which can be
adapted to appropriate local needs and forms in
any nation.

Against the backdrop of what has been said
about the road we have already traveled and
where we seem to be today, what can be said
about the road ahead ?

Obviously little can be said without risk of
error and ridicule long before the second-century
birthday party of the land-grant institutions.

^Vlio would have predicted only 25 years ago,
for example, as we were pulling out of the Great
Depression and feeling good about our "splendid
isolation," that we would be gathered here in the
Midwest today, in the company of distinguished
foreign scholars and diplomats, to discuss the
important role our land-grant miiversities must
play in Asia, Africa, and Latin America ?

Who would have guessed that in 1960-61 there
would be 53,000 foreign students from 140 nations
and political areas studying in 1,666 American
colleges and universities, and that three-quarters
of these students would be not from Canada and
Europe but from all the great underdeveloped
regions of the world ?

Who would have dared predict — or even hope —
that our universities and schools would be joined
in an unprecedented effort to improve the teach-
ing of foreign languages, to enrich and broaden
the world affairs content of the curriculum at all
levels, and that the Federal Government would be
helping our vmiversities to establish linguistic
and area centers to eradicate our national ig-
norance and incompetence in these affairs?

Wlio could have expected that in the summer
of 1961 the Congress would enact, by an over-
whelming majority, the Fulbright-Hays Act,
which sets the stage for a greatly strengthened
national program of international educational
and cultural exchange in the sixties? (Or, for
that matter, that there would be a character in
our Department of State called the Assistant
Secretaiy for Educational and Cultural Affairs ! )

Future Opportunities and Obligations

The past certainly teaches that the future is
inscrutable. Yet to meet our opportunities, our
obligations, and our problems, we must do our
best to identify them in advance and plan to meet

them. And since Assistant Secretaries of State
are more expendable than university presidents,
I will hazard a few brief forecasts.

The first is not likely to be challenged by this
audience. It is that the United States must in-
vest from all sources over the next 10 years vastly
greater resources of talented manpower and
money in the whole educational enterprise to meet
our rapidly expanding and urgently important
domestic and international needs. Doubling our
present investment will not be enough, partic-
ularly in higher education. This enlarged invest-
ment will, however, prove to be highly profitable
to our own people, to our nation, and to mankind
everywhere.

Second, in addition to vastly increased support
from without, there must and will be far-reaching
changes within the educational enterprise, includ-
ing a vast overhauling of the curriculum to keep
pace with new knowledge and needs and to pro-
duce a new generation that can really understand
the complex world in which it must live. There
must also be improvements in organization and
in the utilization of educational resources, and
revolutionary advances in teaching and learning
methods, materials, and equipment. Some of these
new approaches will prove far more helpful in
fitting the needs and resources of less developed
countries than the thin carbon copies of conven-
tional Western educational patterns which one
now encounters in such countries so frequently.

Third, there must be a vast development of op-
portunities for adults to continue their learning
long after their "formal" education is finished.
The explosion of knowledge, the availability of
leisure time for fruitful use, the rapid develop-
ment of new technologies throughout our society,
and the rapid obsolescence of prevailing ones
make it mandatory that all professional people,
above all teachers, and a large portion of the
adult population, whatever their station in life, be
provided an open-ended opportunity to learn more.

Right now, for example, there is urgent need for
our whole adult population to learn a great deal
more about world affairs so that our elected leaders
can have the broad support of a well-informed
citizenry in carrying out appropriate and essential
foreign policies and programs.

Our adult educators have made great strides
under severe handicaps, but our provisions for
adult learning are vastly inadequate to the need.

982

Department of Stale Bulletin

They will grow rapidly more inadequate unless
we take vigorous action. Here, too, there is need
for imaginative innovation, including the much
fuller harnessing of mass media in all forms to the
service of learning. Those who run our daily
press, our magazines, our motion pictures, radio,
and television, can be among the great teachers in a
nation of students if they will; but their "cur-
riculum" can also stand some critical self-ap-
praisal and overhauling. The "learning mate-
rials" which they export abroad should certainly be
included in such a critical self-appraisal.

Fourth, the colleges and universities will in-
creasingly find the whole world their campus.
Their linkages with world affairs will multiply in
a host of ways. They will teach more foreign
students and use more foreigners as teachers.
Their students and faculty will spend more time
abroad, learning and teaching, conducting re-
search, and engaging in a wide variety of construc-
tive enterprises. The educational and cultural
channels that tie nations together, and through
which strength and richness flow in both direc-
tions, will multiply and enlarge rapidly in the
years right ahead, to the great benefit of our own
nation as well as others.

Fifth, to carry these enlarged responsibilities
our colleges and universities must become greater
repositories of the Nation's most talented man-
power— to teach, to pursue research and scholar-
ship, and to serve overseas and elsewhere off the
immediate campus. For this the colleges and uni-
versities must build a "manpower cushion" so that
they can meet the important demands for research
and for offcampus service without penalty to their
own students and disruption of their regular
campus programs. It must become an accepted
notion that the typical career of many faculty
members will include occasional periods of service
abroad and elsewhere off campus, to their better-
ment as teachers and without prejudice to their
advancement as members of the faculty. All this
will require greater finance, and the Federal Gov-
ernment along with others must be prepared to
bear its proper share.

Sixth, our colleges and universities must de-
velop further ways to mesh their efforts in the
international field so that their respective
strengths can be more efficiently coordinated and
the impact of the burden and benefits equitably
spread. It is encouraging to see recent efforts to

form consortia among tmiversities rendering serv-
ice abroad ^ and to see the smaller colleges band-
ing together for service and self-improvement in
world affairs.

Seventh, there is likewise great need for the
academic community as a whole and the Federal
Government to devise more effective ways to work
together, especially in the international field, so
that the national interest will best be served while,
at the same time, the academic integrity and fi-ee-
dom of the educational institutions involved will
likewise be served and preserved. Here again it
is encouraging to find clear recognition of this
need, as well expressed in the Ford Foundation-
supported report on The University and World
Ajfairs. Now that the need has been recognized,
the time is ripe for fast action.

Wliat all this adds up to is that our colleges
and universities — land-grant and all the rest —
face an enormous challenge, opportunity, and re-
sponsibility in the next 10 years and beyond, at
home and abroad, for which they are right now
quite inadequately prepared, despite the strenuous
efforts and substantial progress of the past 10
years.

Building a Common Marltet of Ideas

Our studies, projections, and debates of recent
years seem on the whole to have brought into
focus the dimensions of the domestic side of the
job to be done more clearly than the dimensions
of the international side. Actually, of course,
the two are inseparable. They are interwoven
ingredients of the same large job, but we do need
now to achieve clearer insights into the interna-
tional aspects.

This much seems clear. With the strong em-
phasis now being given to educational and cul-
tural affairs by the President, the Secretary of
State, and their colleagues, with the heavy
emphasis being placed in the new foreign aid
program on the development of human resources
as a prime requisite for economic and social devel-
opment, and with the recent enactment of the Ful-
bright-Hays Act, educational and cultural affairs
will play a major role in United States foreign
relations from here on. A large part of the
burden and responsibility for advancing on this
new frontier of United States foreign relations
must necessarily rest upon our educational insti-

' Bulletin of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 927.

December 17, 7967

983

tutions. The Government can guide and lead and
stimulate; it can provide financial support; but
it can by itself do but a small fraction of the job.

This is a challenging outlook, but by no means
a bleak and unpleasant one. It means that educa-
tion can now assume an even larger role in the
affairs of men, in building the essential conditions
of peace, in lifting the level and quality of human
life and opportunity in the United States and
elsewhere.

Unless there is both the hope and the reality of
a better life for the vast millions living in under-
developed areas of the world, there seems little
likelihood that the more developed nations of the
world can successfully pursue their own advance-
ment. And there would certainly be little likeli-

hood that the principles and values upon which our
own nation was founded and has prospered could
survive in splendid isolation on an island of af-
fluence in a sea of misery.

Mankind's greatest hope for an enduring
peace — with individual freedom and advance-
ment— rests in the long run not alone on economic
growth and cooperation but equally upon the
building of a great international common market
of ideas, knowledge, education, and cultural
affairs. In building this common market, along
with all the other great tasks to be done, the land-
grant colleges and imiversities have their work
cut out for the next decade and the next century.
They have shown before that they can do the
impossible. They must do it again.

Education for an Age of Revolution

l>y Carl T. Rowan

De'puty Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^

Mr. Chairman, I should like to address my
few remarks to the international scene and to
the role that our land-grant colleges must play
in helping man to move down a path of sanity
and away from the brink of self-destruction.

Many citizens like to assume that everything
is in the hands of striped-pants diplomats — that
it is they and they alone who are responsible for
movmg the world to its present critical state.
May I make the rude assertion that our close-
ness to catastrophe today is largely a reflection
of the inadequacy of our educational proc-
esses— not just of our land-grant colleges but
of all our institutions. Indeed, I should have
to go beyond that and say that we learners have
too often been unwilling to leam what all men
must learn if we are to avoid extinction.

During the last few weeks, as we have grap-

' Address made before the Centennial Convocation of
the American Association of Land-Grant Colleges and
State Universities at Kansas City, Mo., on Nov. 15
(press release 787).

pled with such problems as Berlin, Laos, south
Viet-Nam, the Congo, it has occurred to me
more than a few times that perhaps none of us
really appreciates the extent to which our fears
and anxieties are reflections of the shackles on
our minds. Life has become so vastly compli-
cated that there are areas in which even the best
educated man is woefully ignorant. That is
why I am an ardent advocate of the broad,
liberal education. To appreciate the role that
this kind of education can play in our escape
from our present woes, we need only look at
man's escapes of the past.

Knowledge Is Freedom From Fear

What is it that has lifted man from an ani-
mal-like existence where he ran from the snap-
ping twig and cringed in terror at the flash of
lightning or the roar of thunder? It is knowl-
edge. Man rarely fears what he really knows.

If we really want to gage the success of our
educational institutions, we sliould measure the

984

Department of State Bulletin

amount of fear that abounds in the world to-
day. Our achievements leave little reason for
pride. We live in a period when one nation
fears another, when rulers fear the ruled, when
the well-heeled fear the disgruntled poor, when
the poor fear help from abroad because of the
"imperialism" that they see in it, when race
fears race — and when just about all of us fear
a future that roars in on the wings of change.

The John Birch Society, the so-called Coalition
of Patriotic Organizations, and a host of small
and vociferous groups of reactionary viewpoints
are strikmg evidence that man still cringes in
terror at the snapping of political twigs and the
thunder and lightning from the clash of old and
new ideas.

This is a time of genuine physical peril for our
countiy. The barbed wire and the concrete bar-
riers that divide Berlin, and the cry of the in-
nocent as the Communists spread teiTor in the
night in the villages of south Viet-Nam, are
symbols of our closeness to the brink. But we
must not assume for a moment that our children's
future is to be determined solely by our military
readiness to meet the challenges imposed in these
areas.

The world of the future, and this country's
position in it, will be for the most part a reflec-
tion of how well institutions like our land-grant
colleges have instilled in our citizens the free-
dom from fear — that is, the knowledge — that will
enable us really to understand and come to terms
with the age of revolution in which we live.

How well prepared are we for this? Not very
well, I think. For example, how able is the edu-
cated American to understand and live in reason-
able peace with the revolution that sweeps Africa ?

Journalists and statesmen have referred to that
turbulent continent as "the last great prize" and
haA'e used a hundred other phrases to illustrate
the importance with which they view Africa in
the current conflict between the Western World
and the Communist bloc. But how well pre-
pared are we to wage a contest for that "great
prize" (if indeed we ought to speak of other peo-
ples and their lands as mere baubles to scuffle
over) ? I see considerable evidence that fear
bom of ignorance is the guiding factor in the
viewpoint of most Americans.

Almost daily I read in the press derogatory
comments about the new nations of Asia and

Africa. Editors, colmnnists, the radio and tele-
vision commentators, and others see "dishonesty,"
"immorality," "a natural inclination to commu-
nism," and woi-se in the fact that these young,
new nations do not espouse even those causes
about which we feel righteously committed.

"We Are Out of Touch With Our Own History"

The tragedy is that most of us have "educa-
tions" that leave us poorly prepared to under-
stand or pass judgment on these countries. One
of the shortcomings, and one of the reasons why
our magazines and newspapers can criticize these
new nations so freely, is that we Americans know
so little about our own history. We ai-e so far
removed from the Kevolution that brought us
independence and shaped our society that many
of us are inclined to deny that we ever had any-
tliing to do with anything so rash as revolution.

Oh, there are those among us who know well
enough that it would be futile for us to lift our
hand with the expectation that the world will
stand still at our bidding. We see the necessity
to associate ourselves with change; so we find
it expedient to talk about 1776, Thomas Jeffer-
son, Tom Paine. But the sad truth is that very
few of us consider it proper or prudent that any-
one should talk and act today in the manner of
Jefferson or Paine. Thus we are imable to see
a Nehru, an Nkrumah, or a Bourguiba as modern-
day versions of the English Levelers, or our Jeffer-
son, or France's Robespierre.

Bourguiba and Nehru actually are rather
moderate men compai'ed witli Robespierre or with
the Jefferson who wrote: "The tree of liberty
must be refreshed from time to time with the
blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natiiral
manure."

We reveal that we are particularly out of touch
with our own history when we react to the stum-
bling and bimibling of the leaders of these new
nations. Our comments show us to be super-
cilious, condescending, and downright arrogant.

What we either do not know or do not care
to remember is that new nations, including our
own, have always gone through the period of con-
fusion, coniiption, and political oppression that
is characteristic of so many new nations today.
The leaders of a shaky new country throw the
political opposition in jail, and we Americans pre-
tend that we never before heard of anything so

December J I, I96I

985

scandalous. We don't remember the falling out
Washington and Paine had, or this plain talk that
Paine directed at Washmgton :

There was a time when the fame of America, moral
and political, stood fair and high in the world. The
luster of her revolution extended itself to every individual
and to be a citizen of America gave a title to respect in
Europe. Neither meanness nor ingratitude had then
mingled itself into the composition of her character.

The Washington of politics had not then
appeared —

And as to you, sir, treacherous in private friend-
Bhip . . . and a hypocrite in public life, the world will
be puzzled to decide, whether you are an apostate or
an impostor ; whether you have abandoned good princi-
ples, or whether you ever had any.

Sounds disgustingly like Adoula giving
Tshombe a verbal lashing — or doesn't it?

We don't recall that corruption was so rampant
in our early days that Aaron Burr all but stole
the election from Jefferson, who overcame the
attempts at thievery on the 36th ballot.

I get a little nauseated when "superior" Ameri-
cans scoff at the political chaos in the Congo. One
said to me the other night: "I had a Belgian
friend who warned that, if independence came,
the jungle would be back in Leopoldville in a year."

We expect stable, fault-free confederation in
the Congo at the snap of our finger. Our knowl-
edge of history is not so sharp as to remind us
that it took us well over a decade to approach
anything resembling a stable government. And
some of the fanciful notions I hear about "States'
rights" indicate that, after close to 200 years of
independence, we are still working out our con-
federation problems.

We scoff at denials of press freedom in these
new nations, apparently unable to remember that
an awful lot of American journalists were thrown
in jail in the early days of our country because
they wrote things that were displeasing to those
in power.

'What I am saying is that if we understand our
own frailties we are going to spend less time in
supercilious laughter and arrogant criticism and
more time working on these areas of concern com-
mon to our country and these new nations.

If we really understood how closely the futures
of these new nations resemble the future of our
own, we would not be so fearful, so full of distrust
as to what they are and aspire to be.

The Failure of Education

Since going to Washington in February I have
heard many cries of anguish as to why we can-
not sell our position on Berlin or nuclear testing
to the leaders of these new nations. One man
said to me : "We have the best salesmen on earth.
If we can make refrigerators popular in Alaska,
why can't we sell the principles that this nation
stands for?" It is a failure of education that this
man does not understand why the Madison Ave-
nue tactics that work on the Minnesota housewife
do not work in Darjeeling or Ouagadougou.

There are a host of emotions, frustrations, irri-
tations, and bitterness that very few people on
Madison Avenue know how to breach. That is
because the geniuses of Madison Avenue are too
far removed from the poverty, racial oppression,
social and political injustices that are a vivid part
of the heritage of these new nations for them to
begin to devise selling tactics that work.

And slogans do not really mean much in today's
world of political-social conflict. People judge
what a nation stands for by what it does rather
than what it says. An African leader is much
more inclined to be impressed by what Americans
say to one another than by what Americans say
to Africans.

Take this issue of our attitude toward revolu-
tion. Those of us in Washington want in the
worst way to have the peoples of these emerging
nations believe that we support change, that we
are not gendarmes of the stahis quo. But can we
really expect them to believe what we officials say
when they see fear of change being expressed in
so many aspects of day-to-day life in our cotmtry ?

Shortly after his trip to the Far East the Vice
President spoke approvingly of our country's ef-
forts to cooperate with India in her economic
development program. One of our leading news-
papers chastised the Vice President editorially
and said that it just couldn't believe Lyndon Jolin-
son had come around to supporting "socialism."
I think you can see that Indians have a real prob-
lem deciding whether the American official who
endorses change really represents the people of
this country, or whether that editorial is close to
what we stand for.

Here again education has not provided Ameri-
cans with the proper perspective of the times in
which we live. Thus some of us are inclined to

986

Department of State Bulletin

view all sharp change as "socialism" or "com-
munism." These silly exercises in semantics show
us to be sadly out of touch with the world in which
we live. The leaders of Asia and Africa under-
stand what we know but are afraid to admit : that
while not all change is progress, all progress
involves change.

Wliat disturbs me so much about this constant
prattling over "socialism" or "capitalism" or "free
enterprise" is that the prattlers make us look worse
as a nation than we really are. Their educations
apparently have not impressed upon them the fact
that our coimtry is not so capitalistic nor coun-
tries like India so socialistic as the prattlers seem
to believe — or wish the rest of the world to believe.

These individuals seem to have forgotten that
many of our railroads were built with Federal
funds (and that the railroads today are not averse
to taking more Federal funds) ; that the Tennes-
see Valley Authority is a mammoth example of
Government activity in the economy ; or that any
niunber of our firms have been willing to take
help from the Government. Arthur Schlesinger,
Jr., recently pointed out that, while the United
States Government disposes of 20 percent of our
total gross national product, the Indian Govern-
ment plans the disposal of less than 15 percent
of the gross national product of India. One just
might conclude that ours is a more socialistic
country than India.

My point is that there is a lot that is wrong in
these new nations. There is more impulsiveness,
suspicion, reverse prejudice, and irresponsibility
than world tranquillity allows. So it was in the
days of our infancy. I am not saying we must
learn to like these things. I am suggesting only
that we make an effort to understand them. It is
only through understanding that we can make the
necessary sympathetic efforts to help these wobbly
infant nations to the position of sturdy manhood
that we enjoy. Even as we do this, we must re-
member that they may not view our version of
"manhood" in the same haloed light that we do.

I recall that in 1956, in what was then the
British colony of Nigeria, a prominent African
sipped whisky and munched Western-style food
as he said to me: "Only a madman would deny
that the British have done some good things in
this country. But it sure irritates me to have these
colonials talk about how they rescued us Africans

from the savagery of jungle warfare. These
white men won't face the fact they've devised more
ways of killing more people than the African
tribes ever dreamed of."

I guess time and tribulations have not ren-
dered obsolete Kobert Burns' plaint: "Oh wad
some power the giftie gie us to see oursels as
others see us !"

The task of producing this kind of under-
standing in an era of tension and frustration is
going to be difficult — even for the excellent in-
stitutions represented here. It is my fervent
belief that much of our futures depends on
whether our educational institutions succeed.

In this venture all mankind should wish you
well.

Flood Victims in Somali Republic
Receive Aid From United States

The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 21 (press release 807) that the people of the
United States are sending medical supplies and
personnel to help the flood victims in the Republic
of Somali. In response to a plea for aid from
Prime Minister Abdir Ascid, the U.S. Govern-
ment, through its Department of Defense, is air-
lifting medical supplies from Europe to Moga-
discio, capital of the Somali Kepublic. Medical
supplies which arrived in Mogadiscio on Novem-
ber 20 include 5 million mixed vitamin capsules,
50,000 doses of tetracycline and Chloromycetin, as
well as half-gram sulfa preparations for treating
cases of dysentery. American medical personnel
flown to Mogadiscio include an epidemiologist,
two medical doctors, and six medical corpsmen
experienced in disaster operations.

A total of 3,580 tons of emergency food supplies
are in preparation for shipment to Mogadiscio.

The present disaster resulted from unprece-
dented rainfalls which caused severe flooding of
the Giuba and Scebeli rivers. Approximately
60,000 square miles of land between the two
rivers is imder water. Most villages in the dis-
aster area were completely cut off, while others
were swept away by the floods. Wliile the num-
bers of lives lost cannot be determined, it is esti-
mated that food crops for about 100,000 people
have been destroyed.

December 11, 1961

987

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Building Just Societies in a Decade of Development

Statement hy Under Secretary Bowles ^

I should like to express my veiy real pleasure
at the opportunity to participate in this meeting!;
of the Colombo Plan Consultative Committee and
particularly to listen to this succession of lucid
and lieartening reports.

This is the 10th anniversary of the Colombo
Plan; it is also a 10th anniversary for me. Ten
years ago this month I came to Asia as United
States Ambassador to India. Several times since
then I have revisited this area, and on each occa-
sion I have felt not only the richness of its tra-
ditions but also the dynamic promise of its future.

There is little need to stress that we are meeting
at a critical moment in history. It is clear from
the remarks of those who have spoken befoi-e
me that we are all deeply conscious of the crisis
through which manlcind is passing. This crisis
is a test of our patience, of our courage, and
particularly of our imderstanding of the forces
which are shaping history.

Three of these forces impress me as of decisive
importance : one affirmative and universally hope-
ful, one negative and acutely dangerous, and one
tliat combines threat and opportunity in perhaps
equal degree.

The fii-st of these three forces is the passionate
determination of hundreds of millions of men and
women throughout Asia, Africa, and Latin Amer-
ica to achieve a better, fuller life. In once remote
villages people have suddenly awakened to the
vision of a better tomorrow. They have sensed the
possibilities of new schools, roads, and hospitals.
They have come to know that poverty, ignorance.

' Made at the ministerial session of the 13th meeting
of the Consultative Committee on Cooperative Economic
Development in South and Southeast Asia (Colombo
Plan) at Kuala Lumpur, Malaya, on Nov. 15.

988

and disease are not punishments to be endured
but evils to be fought and conquered. They are
on the move, and they will not be stopped.

The second force is dangerously negative and
seeks to feed on the human ferment and high ex-
pectations aroused by the first. I refer to the
manipulators of a certain international ideology
who appear determined to disrupt or to destroy
any nation which refuses to submit to their will.

The third force is the fast-moving revolution in
technology and weapons development. Here in-
finite hope for human betterment is mixed with
the threat of nuclear bombs and monster missiles
capable of wiping out most of life on this earth.

When we consider the combined power of these
three unprecedented forces, each one feeding on
the others, it is not surprising that most human
beings have a sense of deep uncertainty about the
future. Yet as I listen to our discussions around
this table, I wonder if we do not grossly under-
estimate the positive and creative forces which
are now at work m our new world.

Wliat we are experiencing, it seems to me, is the
coming together of two great tides, one of hope and
the other of conflict.

The latter includes the cold-war struggle, the
nuclear arms race, and lingering racialism and
communalism — all forces that divide men and
nations, feed the daily headlines, dissipate our
energies, and distort our perspective.

The Tide of Hope

Yet flowing in the opposite direction is the pow-
erful tide of hope. Although far less publicized,
this tide is running at full flood toward deepening
international understanding, increasing social and

Department of State Bulletin

economic justice, and the creation of a more ra-
tional and peaceful world.

Let us briefly consider some of the extraor-
dinarily hopeful developments that have been
crowded into the 15 years since the end of World
War II.

In 1945 one-third of mankind was living under
European colonial rule. Today the figure is less
than 2 percent. The virtually complete liquida-
tion of the old European empires, largely without
bloodshed and in less than one generation, repre-
sents one of the most extraordinary accomplish-
ments in the history of man.

In this respect I should like to pay special trib-
ute to our British friends, whose vision, political
skill, and dedication to human values have helped
to create the f oimdations for an enduring relation-
ship with their former colonies, a relationship
from which the entire world now greatly profits.

Yet this mass liberation from colonial rule is
only one element in what I believe to be the rising
tide of hoi^e.

A second positive element of gi-eat significance
is the efforts of the less developed nations to create
modern economies that will help free their people
from poverty, illiteracy, and ill health. The plans
which we have been considering around this table
testify in the most dramatic fasMon to the success
of these efforts.

Equally unprecedented has been the decision of
many fidly developed countries to divert ever-
growing quantities of their own resources to sup-
port these development plans. In the last 10 years
my country alone has contributed some $30 billion
for nonmilitary economic assistance in Asia, Af-
rica, and Latin America. A very substantial pro-
portion of this amount has been spent in the
Colombo Plan nations. As part of this contribu-
tion, some 14,000 Colombo Plan technicians have
received specialized training through the United
States. On the average, two shiploads of grain
now leave American ports each day for India and
Pakistan.

Still another dramatic expression of the rising
tide of hope is the development of regional and
other multilateral mechanisms for the pooling of
experience and resources, for the settlement or
easing of international disputes, for freer trade,
improved commimications, and increased travel.
The determination of nations both old and new to
learn to work together is dramatized by the far-

flimg activities of the United Nations and its spe-
cialized agencies, by the expanding Common
Market in Europe, by the Alliance for Progress
in Latin America, by the Monrovia conference in
Africa, and by the Colombo Plan itself.

Together these expressions of positive national
and international action add up to an unparalleled
record of achievement. The tide of conflict may
dominate today's newspaper pages. But it is the
tide of hope that I deeply believe will dominate
tomorrow's history books.

Time for Self-Examination

During the last few days I have been greatly
impressed with the care and experience which are
going into these challenging new plans for na-
tional development. We have heard heartening
reports of new railroads and docks, of new fac-
tories and village improvement, of more modem
commimications, and of increased trade.

The chief credit for tliis record goes to the de-
veloping comitries themselves. It is their own
efforts that are responsible in overwhelming de-
gree for the successes that have already been
achieved.

Although massive aid from the donor countries
has been of crucial importance, the basic factor in
the development of any country is the principle
of self-help. This is the solid f oimdation on which
the future of the developing countries will con-
tinue to depend.

Yet this is also a time for self-examination, an
opportunity to look beyond the statistical record
of immediate physical achievements to review our
basic purpose.

The new administration which took office in
the United States last January has attempted to
analyze in the greatest possible depth our own
efforts to assist the developing nations.

Although my Government has contributed sub-
stantial sums to assist the developing nations, we
have made our share of mistakes. On occasion
there has been waste in allocating fimds, clumsi-
ness in administration, and confusion in regard to
basic objectives. In a totally new effort of this
kind some mistakes are inevitable. We have been
sailing uncharted seas, and often there has been
no way to proceed except by trial and error.

Yet the progi'am has been operating for nearly
a decade. It is fair to expect from both the donor

December J I, 7961

989

countries and from the recipients an increasingly
improved performance. In this spirit I should like
to share with you some of the lessons which we
liave learned and outline the changes in empliasis
and content of my Government's efforts that will
become evident in the future.

Political Growth and Freedom of Choice

The firet question we asked ourselves concerned
our motivation: Wliy precisely are we spending
between $4 billion and $5 billion annually to assist
other nations? Wliat is our basic objective?

Our first superficial answer was found in the
cold war. We are aiding the less fortunate na-
tions, some argued, in order to combat and stop
communism.

Although we have every reason to dislike and
oppose communism, this limited explanation of
our economic assistance programs is clearly im-
worthy of the America of Jefferson, Lincoln, Wil-
son, and Roosevelt. Furthennore, so limited an
objective makes a Communist minority into some-
thing of a natural resource like petroleum or ura-
nium, exchangeable at the United States Treasury
for dollars.

Others have made the equally narrow suggestion
that we are giving assistance in order to "win
friends." Yet such a motivation also misses the
mark. For nations and friends can never be
bought for long ; and the concept is deeply offen-
sive both to nationhood and friendship.

Still others have assumed that with a little more
food in people's stomachs, rising new nations and
peoples will become satisfied with their lot and the
wealthier nations can then relax undisturbed. Yet
the fallacy of such an assumption is ob^dous to
everyone who has participated in these develop-
ment programs. A little economic growth poorly
shared may be more politically disruptive than no
growth at all.

Why then are we in this business of interna-
tional economic assistance? Wliy are we ready to
expand our efforts? Wliat are Ave ti-ying to ac-
complish ?

Our inquiry has led inevitably to the only valid
answer : Our purpose is to help developing nations
to achieve orderly political growth, to devise tech-
niques of cooperation, to learn from one another,
and, most important of all, to establish maximum
freedom of choice.

The Human Factor in Economic Growth

Yet once we arrive at such an answer another
question immediately presents itself : Freedom of
choice for whom ? For the privileged few at the
top ? Or for the people as a whole ?

And these questions, in turn, have persuaded
us that by far the most important element in eco-
nomic development is what happens to people in
the process.

The record of the last 10 years clearly demon-
strates that orderly political growth and freedom
of choice cannot be achieved by economic growth
alone. Indeed, the initial impact of faster eco-
nomic development may be increased political in-
stability.

Consider the son of a peasant family who leaves
the familiar surroundings of his home village to
seek a job in the new cement factory in a distant
city. Soon he is earning real money for the first
time in his life, money that enables him to buy a
bicycle, some white shirts, and to go to an occa-
sional movie. But in spite of this material im-
orovement, his new experience may breed acute
personal insecurity and frustration. He feels sud-
denly alone in a strange society; uprooted from
his \dllage, his land, his family, and his friends;
confused and uncertain about values and objec-
tives that had always seemed simple and clear.

Moreover, in many if not most new nations
today an explosive gap already exists between the
rich and poor. The first stages of economic devel-
opment, instead of closing that gap, may widen
it still further. And again the result may be
added frustration and bitterness in spite of a
rapidly rising gross national product.

The lesson is clear: Our primary objective,
orderly political growth and increasing freedom
of choice, cannot be measured by indices of pro-
duction, however favorable, by rising rates of
savings, and by improved trade statistics; in large
degi-ee it depends on what happens to people in
the process of achieving that growth.

Does the extra production give most families a
firmer sense of belonging? Does it produce a
deepening sense of individual pai'ticipation, of in-
creasing social justice? Does it make them feel
that the roads and schools and factories are some-
how theirs, a product of their aspirations and
decisions and labor, an achievement of direct
meaning to themselves and tlieir cliildren?

990

Department of State Bulletin

Or does such growth leave most people feeling
detached, uprooted, and adrift in unfamiliar and
confusing surroimdings ?

In reviewing our years of gradual experience
in the process of development, we have concluded
then that the human factor is of paramount
importance.

Central Role of Rural Development

But how can we best create this essential sense
of personal involvement for the people of a devel-
oping nation ?

If there is one lesson to be learned from our 10
brief years of experience, it is that effective devel-
opment must give particular emphasis to the
peasants and villagers for it is they who represent
some three-fourths of the population of most de-
veloping countries. Although much has been said
about rural programs, I question whether we are
giving our rural societies the full attention they
should have.

It is often argued that most peasant families
have lived and died for centuries without signifi-
cant change, that rural areas are hard to reach,
and that rural minds are the most difficult to
awaken to new techniques and opportunities.

Yet rural people constitute the fundamental
reservoir of strength or weakness for every de-
veloping nation. We will ignore them at our
peril.

Last week on my way to this conference I was
vividly reminded of the central role of rural de-
velopment in creating a stable society.

Eight years ago I had spent several days in
the Japanese countryside studying that nation's
remarkable progress in rural development. This
time I revisited Japan to bring myself up to date
on the progress since that time. I came away
from this second visit with an earlier conviction
confirmed : that in rural Japan we have a striking
example of what intelligent effort can produce in
transforming the life of the countryside.

The elements of this transformation are well
known to everyone here.

First is the fact that 94 percent of all Japanese
farmers own and till their own land. Tliis wide-
spread individual ownership has released human
energies in a most remarkable manner, for every
extra hour he spends developing liis land pays the
farmer immediate dividends.

Second is a thorough system of rural extension
services that helps each farmer use his land most
effectively.

Third is the development of imiversal education
in even the most remote areas with special op-
portunities for the ablest boys and girls to go on
to high school and college.

Fourth is the creation of a nationwide network
of cooperatives for agricultural credit, producing,
and marketing. As small machinery gradually
becomes available through such farm cooperatives,
manpower is released for other purposes and part-
time farming is advanced.

Fifth is the development of local village indus-
tries to provide jobs for those for whom there is
no opportunity on the land and for whom there
is at present little room in the already overcrowded
cities.

When the economist looks at the extraordinary
development of rural Japan since the war, he may
be impressed by the fact that Japan is now self-
sufficient in rice. But the social scientist may see
something which is even more important: that
the farmers and villagers of Japan today have a
new and abiding sense of social justice, of direct
participation in the process of growth and na-
tional achievement, of rising prosperity and
broadening educational opportunities.

I do not suggest that Japan's fully developed
prosperous rural society can be reproduced else-
where overnight. Nor is this integrated ap-
proach confined to that country alone. Such a
people-centered approach is also being promoted
vigorously in the rural communities of India,
Pakistan, Malaya, and in other parts of this re-
gion as well. Indeed, we have heard several im-
pressive progress reports this week.

In every nation what happens in the rural areas
is likely to be decisive, for it is here that the food
is grown, where the greatest poverty exists, and
where most people live.

Hazards of Industrial Growth

No thoughtful man, however, will suggest that
we can neglect the cities and the essential process
of industrial growth.

Yet here again our review and reappraisal of
our own assistance efforts have convinced us that
in the cities as well as in the rural areas we must

December II, 1 96 1

991

return to our basic question: Wliat happens to
people in the course of economic change?

Industrial gi'owth has traditionally been a grim
and brutal affair. We need only remember the
industrial revolution in Europe that stimulated
the writings of Karl Marx, the blight of child
labor in my own country a century ago, and the
more recent ruthless squeeze on the Russian peo-
ple in the economic development of the Soviet
Union.

Today the exploitation of human beings can no
longer be accepted as an inevitable part of the de-
velopment process. For we live in a new kind
of world, a world in which social services can
and must be introduced at an early stage of eco-
nomic growth, where the obligation of the state to
provide for a minimum of basic welfare and health
services is no longer questioned.

In the creation of an industrial society, statistics,
communications, and industrial plants are all
vitally important. Yet let us never neglect the
basic need for adequate housing, for clinics, and
for schools which reflect our growing respect for
human dignity.

What is required is not only massive investment
capital and massive programs for technical train-
ing but also a massive new sensitivity to hmnan
values.

In our reappraisal of our international assist-
ance efforts, my Government has sought better
ways to make use of our agricultural commodities
to accelerate development and to tap the energies
of our young people as Peace Corps volunteers.

Finally, we have concluded that effective devel-
opment requires long-term plans, and long-term
plans call, to the maximum possible extent, for
long-tenn commitments. Our new AID program
will enable us to make loans over a period of
years to those countries whose plans qualify them
for such assistance.

draft annual report. It concerns the ultimate
factors that unite us all, donors and recipients
alike, in the partnership of mutual development.

For what brings us together here is not, in es-
sence, a fascination with statistics or a common
admiration for steel mills. It is, instead, a com-
mon body of values that infuse all our efforts how-
ever inarticulated these values may be. I speak
of our common belief in the dignity of man and the
sanctity of his freedoms: to live, to work, and to
choose as he sees fit in a world of opportunity.

These are not American values, nor are they
Indian values, nor are they Japanese, Malayan,
Cambodian, or Indonesian values. They are val-
ues that have been embodied in all the great reli-
gions of man since the beginning of time, values
that can only be protected and extended as we
learn to live by them and work for them.

Wherever men work in freedom, in peace with
their neighbor, in the knowledge that their children
can live out lives in justice, prosperity, and oppor-
tunity, there the life of other free men is made a
little more secure.

We seek then such a commimity of fellow par-
ticipants in the age-old struggle for the right of
every individual to develop his own abilities and
interests within his own culture and in his own
way. We shall extend our aid wherever the op-
portunity exists to help create such a community.

That is why we feel so deeply the value of such
associations as the partnerehip of the Colombo
Plan. And that is why we welcome the oppor-
tunity of joining with j'ou in the greatest venture
undertaken by man : the building of just societies
in a Decade of Development.

TREATY INFORMATION

Partnership of Mutual Development

I have dealt at some length with tlie process of
review and self-examination through which my
country has been passing. I believe that it will
make our o\vn efforts more effective and thereby
serve the interests of the Colombo Plan
partnership.

In closing there is one further poii^t I would
stress in introducing to this distinguished gather-
ing our American chapter in the Colombo Plan

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Automotive Traffic

Convention concerning customs facilities for touring.
Done at New Yorlc .Tune 4, 19r)4. Entered into force
September 11, 1957. TIAS SS79.
Accession dcpatiitcil: Norway, October 10, 1961.

Economic Cooperation

Convention on tlie OrRanization for Economic Coojiera-
tion and Development, and supplementary protocols

992

Department of State Bulletin

nos. 1 and 2. Signed at Paris December 14, 1960.

Entered into force September 30, 1961.

Ratifications deposited: Austria, September 29, 1961;
Belgium, September 13, 1961 ; Canada, April 10, 1961 ;
Denmark, May 30, 1961 ; France, August 7, 1961 ; Fed-
eral Republic of Germany and Greece, September 27,
1961 ; Iceland, June .5, 1961 ; Ireland, August 17, 1961 ;
Norway, July 4, 1961 ; Portugal, August 4, 1961 ;
Spain, August 3, 1961 ; Sweden and Switzerland, Sep-
tember 28, 1961; Turkey, August 2, 1961; United
Kingdom, May 2, 1961.

Narcotics

Protocol amending the agreements, conventions, and pro-
tocols on narcotic drugs concluded at The Hague Janu-
ary 23, 1912 (38 Stat. 1912), at Geneva February 11,
1925," February 19, 1925,' and July 13, 1931 (48 Stat.
1543), at Bangkok November 27, 1931,' and at Geneva
June 26, 1936.' Signed at Lake Success December 11,
1946. Entered into force December 11, 1946; for the
United States August 12, 1947. TIAS 1671 and 1859.
Acceptatice deposited: Rumania, October 11, 1961.

Protocol bringing under international control drugs out-
side the scope of the convention limiting the manufac-
ture and regulating the distribution of narcotic drugs
concluded at Geneva July 13, 1931 (48 Stat. 1543), as
amended (61 Stat. 2230; 62 Stat. 1796). Done at Paris
November 19, 1948. Entered into force December 1,
1949 ; for the United States September 11, 1950. TIAS
2308.
Acceptance deposited: Rumania, October 11, 1961.

BILATERAL

President Outlines Responsibilities
of U.S. Ambassadors

Memorandum for the heads op Executive
Departments and Agencies'

The White House,
Washington, May 27, 1961.

There is attached a copy of a letter which I
have sent to each American Ambassador abroad.
The fourth and fifth paragraphs on page three
were omitted from the letter sent to countries
where we do not have military forces.

On page three of this letter I state :

I have informed all heads of departments and agencies
of the Government of the responsibilities of the chiefs
of American Diplomatic Missions for our combined opera-
tions abroad, and I have asked them to instruct their
representatives in the field accordingly.

I shall appreciate your instructing representa-
tives you may have in the field in accordance with
the attached letter.

John F. Kennedy

Germany, Federal Republic of

Agreement on cooperation in intercontinental testing in
connection with experimental communications satel-
lites. Effected by exchange of notes at Bonn Septem-
ber 5 and 29, 1961. Entered into force September 29,
1961.

Syrian Arab Republic

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
19.54, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at Damascus Novem-
ber 9, 1961. Entered Into force November 9, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

Designations

William J. Tonesk as Deputy Chief of Protocol, effective
November 17. ( For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 813 dated November 22. )

William Carter Ide as Deputy Regional Administrator
for the Near East and South Asia, Agency for Interna-
tional Development, effective November 21. (For bio-
graphic details, see Department of State press release
810 dated November 21.)

' Not in force for the United States.
December II, 1 961

Mat 29, 1961.

Dear Mr. Ambassador :

Please accept my best wishes for the successful accom-
plishment of your mission. As the personal representa-
tive of the President of the United States in

you are part of a memorable tradition which began with
Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, and which
has included many of our most distinguished citizens.

We are living in a critical moment in history. Power-
ful destructive forces are challenging the luiiversal values
which, for centuries, have inspired men of good will in
all parts of the world.

If we are to make progress toward a prosperous com-
munity of nations in a world of peace, the United States
must exercise the most affirmative and re.sponsible leader-
ship. Beyond our shoi'es, this leadership, in large meas-
ure, must be provided by our ambassadors and their staffs.

I have asked you to represent our Government in

because I am confident that you have the

ability, dedication, and experience. The purpose of this
letter is to define guidelines which I hope may be helpful
to you.

The practice of modern diplomacy requires a close
understanding not only of governments but also of people,
their cultures and institutions. Therefore, I hope that
you will plan your work so that you may have the time
to travel extensively outside the nation's capital. Only
in this way can you develop the close, personal associa-
tions that go beyond official diplomatic circles and main-
tain a sympathetic and accurate understanding of all
segments of the country.

'26J'e«.iSej7. 10749.

993

Moreover, the Improved understanding which is so
essential to a more peaceful and rational world is a two-
way street It is our taslc not only to understand what
motivates others, but to give them a better understand-
ing of what motivates ns.

Many persons in who have never visited the

United States, receive their principal impressions of our
nation through their contact with Americans who come to
their country either as private citizens or as government
employees.

Therefore, the manner In which you and your staff per-
sonally conduct yourselves is of the utmost importance.
This applies to the way in which you carry out your
oflBcial duties and to the attitudes you and they bring to
day-to-day contacts and associations.

It is an essential part of your task to create a climate
of dignified, dedicated understanding, cooperation, and
service in and around the Embassy.

In regard to your personal authority and responsibility,
I shall count on you to oversee and coordinate all the
activities of the United States Government in

You are in charge of the entire United States Diplo-
matic Mission, and I shall expect you to supervise all of
its operations. The Mission includes not only the per-
sonnel of the Department of State and the Foreign Serv-
ice, but also the representatives of all other United
States agencies which have programs or activities in

. I shall give you full support and backing In

carrying out your assignment.

Needless to say, the representatives of other agencies
are expected to communicate directly with their offices
here in Washington, and in the event of a decision by you
in which they do not concur, they may ask to have the
decision reviewed by a higher authority in Washington.

However, it is their responsibility to keep you fully
informed of their views and activities and to abide by
your decisions unless in some particular instance you and
they are notified to the contrary.

If in your judgment individual members of the Mission
are not functioning effectively, you should take whatever
action you feel may be required, reporting the circum-
stances, of course, to the Department of State.

In case the departure from of any indi-
vidual member of the Mission is indicated in your judg-
ment, I shall expect you to make the decision and see that
it is carried into effect. Such instances I am confident
will be rare.

Now one word about your relations to the military.
As you know, the United States Diplomatic Mission in-
cludes Service Attaches, Military Assistance Advisory
Groups and other Military components attached to the
Mission. It does not, however, include United States
military forces operating in the field where such forces
are under the command of a United States area military
commander. The line of authority to these forces runs
from me, to the Secretary of Defense, to the Joint Chiefs
of Staff in Washington and to the area commander in
the field.

Although this means that the chief of the American
Diplomatic Mission is not in the line of military command,
nevertheless, as Chief of Mi.ssion, you should work closely
with the appropriate area military commander to assure

994

the full exchange of information. If it is your opinion
that activities by the United States military forces may
adversely affect our over-all relations with the people or

government of , you should promptly discuss

the matter with the military commander and, if necessary,
request a decision by higher authority.

I have informed all heads of departments and agencies
of the Government of the responsibilities of the chiefs of
American Diplomatic Missions for our combined opera-
tions abroad, and I have asked them to instruct their
representatives in the field accordingly.

As you know, your own lines of communication as
Chief of Mission run through the Department of State.

Let me close with an expression of confidence in you
personally and the earnest hope that your efforts may
help strengthen our relations with both the Government

and the people of . I am sure that you will

make a major contribution to the cause of world peace
and understanding.

Good luck and my warmest regards.
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

Check List of Department of State

Press Releases: November 20-26

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of

News

Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin |

whicl

1 were

issued prior to November 20 are Nos.

778 of November 9, 779 of November 13, 781 of No-

vember 11, and 787 of November 15.

No.

Date

Subject

•800

11/20

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

t801

11/21

Nichols: mandatory oil imports pro-
gram.

t802

11/20

AID loan to Brazil.

t804

11/21

Duke: Torch of Friendship cere-
monies, Miami, Fla.

tS05

11/21

Bowles: Tale Law Forum.

806

11/21

Conversion of U.S. bases in Morocco.

807

11/21

Aid to flood victims in Somali Re-
public (rewrite).

*808

11/21

Burns sworn in as Ambassador to
Central African Republic (bio-
graphic details).

809

11/20

Food-f or-Peace agreement with
Congo.

*810

11/21

Ide sworn in as AID Deputy Admin-
istrator for the Near East and
South Asia (biographic details).

811

11/21

Resumption of Geneva nuclear test
talks.

•812

11/21

Cultural exchange (Togo).

•813

11/22

Tonesk appointed Deputy Chief of
Protocol (biographic details).

t814

11/22

Morrison : OAS Council on Dominican
Republic.

•815

11/25

Cultural exchange (Eastman Phil-
harmonia).

ed.

•Not print

tHeld for

a later issue of the Bulletin.

Department of Stale Bulletin

December 11, 1961

Ind

ex

VOL. XLV, No. 1172

Africa. Africa and the Problem of Economic De-
velopment (Williams) 974

Agriculture. Food-for-Peace Agreement Signed
With Republic of the Congo 973

American Principles. The American Tradition
and Its Implications for International Law
(Stevenson) 959

Asia. Building Just Societies in a Decade of De-
velopment (Bowles) 988

Atomic Energy. U.S.S.R. Accepts U.S.-U.K. Pro-
posal To Resume Geneva Test Ban Talks (texts
of U.S. and Soviet notes and Department state-
ments) 965

Congo (Leopoldville). Food-for-Peace Agreement

Signed With Republic of the Congo 973

Department and Foreig^n Service

Designations (Ide, Tonesls) 993

President Outlines Responsibilities of U.S. Ambas-
sadors 993

Economic Affairs. Africa and the Problem of Eco-
nomic Development (Williams) 974

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Education for an Age of Revolution (Rowan) . . 984
Land-Grant Colleges and Universities: The Last

Hundred Tears — and the Next (Coombs) . . . 978
Message of President Kennedy to land-grant col-
lege convocation 979

Germany

Certain Aspects of the German Problem (Weh-
meyer) 968

President and Chancellor Adenauer Hold Talks at
Washington (text of joint communique) . . . 967

International Law. The American Tradition and
Its Implications for International Law (Steven-
son) 959

International Organizations and Conferences.

Building Just Societies in a Decade of Develop-
ment (Bowles) 988

Middle East. Ide designated AID deputy regional
administrator, Near East and South Asia . . . 993

Military Affairs. U.S. Group To Study Conversion
of American Bases in Morocco 973

Morocco. U.S. Group To Study Conversion of
American Bases in Morocco 973

Mutual Security

Building Just Societies in a Decade of Develop-
ment (Bowles) 988

Flood Victims in Somali Republic Receive Aid from
United States 987

Ide designated deputy regional administrator, Near
East and South Asia 993

Presidential Documents

Message to land-grant coUege convocation .... 979

President and Chancellor Adenauer Hold Talks at
Washington 967

President Outlines Responsibilities of U.S. Ambas-
sadors 993

Public Affairs. Education for an Age of Revolu-
tion (Rowan) 934

Somali Republic Flood Victims in Somali Repub-
lic Receive Aid from United States 987

Treaty Information

Current Actions 992

Food-for-Peace Agreement Signed With Republic
of the Congo 973

U.S.S.R.

Certain Aspects of the German Problem (Weh-
meyer) 968

U.S.S.R. Accepts U.S.-U.K. Proposal To Resume
Geneva Test Ban Talks (texts of U.S. and Soviet
notes and Department statements) 965

United Kingdom. U.S.S.R. Accepts U.S.-U.K. Pro-
posal To Resume Geneva Test Ban Talks (texts
of U.S. and Soviet notes and Department state-
ments) 965

United Nations

The American Tradition and Its Implications for

International Law (Stevenson) 959

Food-for-Peace Agreement Signed With Republic

of the Congo 973

Name Index

Adenauer, Konrad 967

Bowles, Chester 988

Coombs, Philip H 978

Ide, William Carter 993

Kennedy, President 967,979,993

Rowan, Carl T 984

Stevenson, Adlai E 959

Tonesk, William J 993

Wehmeyer, Donald A 968

Williams, G. Mennen 974

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Vol. XLV, No. 1173

December 18, 1961

At

:kly record

A MILESTONE IN THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS

• Remarks by President Kennedy 999

OECD SETS COLLECTIVE TARGET FOR 50 PER-
CENT GROWTH IN GNP • Statement by Under Secre-
tary Ball and Text of Communique 1014

REDEFINING THE POTENTIALS OF THE DEMO-
CRATIC FAITH • by Under Secretary Bowles 1006

THE ASPIRATIONS OF ASIA • by Deputy Undersecretary

Johnson 1011

WORKING TOWARD A WORLD WITHOUT WAR •

Statement by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson and Text of
Resolution 1023

For index see inside back cover

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appreciated. The Bolletin Is Indexed In the
Raaders' Oulde to Periodical Literature.

Vol. XLV, No. 1173 • Pubucation 7312
December 18, 1961

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a xi>eekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the tcork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as tcell as
apecittl articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Natiorus documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

1 le^e oo yioT

"t^^"' ^-aje. Vou ^^au ki^c
A Milestone in the Alliance for Progress *' x^hv\an'^e(l ,

Remarha by President Kennedy ^

Ambassadors, representatives, ministers, Mr.
Secretary : ^ Today marks another milestone in
the Alliance for Progress. For today we begin to
select the panel of experts established by the Char-
ter of Punta del Este."

This panel is an historic innovation, not only in
inter-American relations but in the effort to de-
velop the economies of half the world. Not since
the Marshall plan has a group of allied nations
embarked on a program of regional development
guided by a regional body largely selected by the
developing nations themselves.

These experts will review the long-term develop-
ment plans of the Latin American nations, ad-
vising them on measures to strengthen the plans
and the self-help and the social reform measures
which will accompany them. In addition they will
provide help in financing agencies to provide ex-
ternal resources in the most effective manner.

I am confident that the skills and ability of the
men you select will enable the nations of the hem-
isphere to benefit greatly from their work. And
I assure you that the United States will give the
greatest possible weight to the conclusions of the
experts in the distribution of funds. Similarly, we
will instruct our representatives to international
agencies to rely heavily on the work of the panel.

I am confident that this new and imaginative
creation of the inter- American system will vastly
strengthen our common effort — the Alliance for
Progress for all our people.

' Made before the Inter-American Economic and Social
Council at Washington, D.C., on Nov. 29 (White House
press release; as-delivered text).

°Jos6 A. Mora, Secretary General of the Organization
of American States.

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463.

U.S. Makes $6 Million Available
for Pan American Union Projects

The Department of State announced on November
29 (press release 825) that an agreement' was
signed that day making U.S. Government funds In
the amount of $6 million available to the Pan
American Union to assist in financing technical
assistance projects to be carried out under the
Alliance for Progress. President Kennedy signed
the agreement for the United States and Dr. Jos^
A. Mora, Secretary General of the Organization of
American States, signed for the Pan American
Union.

' For text, see press release 825 dated Nov. 29.

I have also, today, signed an agreement for the
use of $6 million in Alliance for Progress funds
to strengthen the OAS. This money will be used
for studies and technical assistance, called for by
the Charter of Punta del Este, to help nations in
planning the growth of their economies. Thus a
pledge of long standing has been fulfilled.

I would also like to express my gratification at
the important progress which has been made since
the Alliance for Progi'ess was proposed in March.*

In August the American nations drafted the
Charter of Punta del Este — the framework for
the decade of development — a document whose
scope and significance is matched only by the
charter of the OAS itself. The Inter- American
Bank, ECLA [U.N. Economic Commission for
Latin America] , and the OAS have agreed to pro-
vide development missions to assist nations in
their planning — and some of these missions are

* lUd., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

December 18, 7967

999

already in the field. In addition, you have
strengthened the machinery of the Inter-Ameri-
can Economic and Social Council and prepared
for today's selection of the panel of experts.

For its part the United States has streamlined
its own AID [Agency for International Develop-
ment] program, placing general responsibility for
coordination of our eilort in the hands of a dis-
tinguished administrator with long experience in
the work of development — Ambassador [Teodoro]
Moscoso. And we have already developed new
sets of standards to guide our work.

In these and in many other ways we have de-
veloped the basic structure for our future effort —
for the work of the next 10 years. But we have
not waited for the establisliment of that structure
to begin our work.

All over Latin America new development plans
are being formulated, and some have already been
completed. New tax- and land-reform pro-
grams— basic requirements of social progress-
have been instituted or are being prepared. Many
of the American nations are now mobilizing their
resources, and the energies of their people, for the
task of development. And the United States, for
its part, has already committed more than $800
million of the more than a billion dollars which it
pledged to the first year of the Alliance — a year
which ends on March 13.

But despite this speed, I am determined to do
better, as far as this country goes, in the coming
months. The urgent needs of our people in this
hemisphere cannot wait. Their need for food and
shelter, for education and relief from poverty,
and, above all, their need to feel hope for their
future and the future of their children, demand
attention and toil this year, this month, today.

Measured by the past, we have moved swiftly.
Measured by the needs of the future, we must all
do much better. And I can assure you that the
energies of this Government, and my own personal
efforts, will be devoted to speeding up tlie pace of
development. For I share with you a determina-
tion that before this decade comes to a close the
Americas will have entered upon a new era when
the material progress of American man and
woman, and the justice of his society, will match
the spiritual and cultural achievements of this
hemisphere.

I am fully aware of the immensity of the task
and of the difficulties that we face. But I know

we share the faith of one of the earliest settlers of
my country, William Bradford of Massachusetts,
who, when told in 1630 that the hazards of settling
this part of the United States were too great to
overcome, answered:

All great and honorable actions are accompanied with
great diflBculties, and must be both enterprised and over-
come with answerable courage. . . . the dangers were
great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but
not invincible. ... all of them, through the help of God,
by fortitude and patience, might either be borne or
overcome.

We shall overcome them.

U.S. Rebuts Cuban Charges in OAS
of Intervention in Dominican Affairs

Statement by deLesseps S. Morrison ^

The statement and charges just made by the
delegate from Cuba, as has been so characteristic
of his frequent utterances in this Council for
many months, lack any relationship to the truth.
He pretends to find a threat to the peace and secu-
rity of the Caribbean area in the sympathetic
attitude of the Government of the United States
of America, shared by other governments, toward
efforts to bring about a peaceful transition from
dictatorship to democracy in the Dominican Re-
public.

May I repeat to the delegate from Cuba what
has been said so often in reply to his frequent
propagandistic outbursts — the real danger to the
peace and security of the Caribbean area and to
the independence of every American state lies in
the suppression of freedom and democracy in
Cuba and in the subservience of his Government
to the Communist bloc in a manner which per-
mits the once independent country of Cuba to be
used as an instrument of subversion and agitation
throughout the hemisphere. This is what con-
stitutes a threat to the hemisphere, as has been
made so abimdantly clear in this Council in recent
weeks.

' Made at a special session of the Council of the
Organization of American States at Washington, D.C.,
on Nov. 22 (press release 814) in answer to charges by
Cuba of U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic.
Ambassador Morrison Is U.S. Representative on the OAS
Council.

1000

Deporfmenf of Sfofe Builetin

I will not at this time make any effort to take
up in detail the many falsehoods, distortions, and
insults which comprise the Cuban note.^ Neither
do I intend to go into detail regarding the niuner-
ous procedural incongruities with which this
special session of the Council confronts us today.
These include, however, (1) the strange circum-
stance of a regime — and a discredited regime at
that — demanding an opportunity to present the
case of a sovereign government which is fully and
adequately represented ; (2) the simultaneous ap-
proach of the Castro regime to both the United
Nations and the OAS to take up this alleged
affront to a third government, particularly after
it has systematically ignored the regional organi-
zation of which it pretends to be a responsible
member when it happens to suit its convenience;
(3) the curious manner of presentation of the re-
quest for an extraordinary meeting of this Council
on a matter which has been before this Council
and under consideration by an appropriate com-
mittee since August of 1960. Obviously the dele-
gate from Cuba has been required to ignore these
procedural aspects in order to continue with the
consistent pattern of Cuban efforts, which is to
use and misuse any forum which may be available
to it to spew forth its dangerous propaganda.

Recent Developments in Dominican Republic

The facts regarding recent developments in the
Dominican Republic are well known to the mem-
bers of this Comicil. They have been the subject
matter of recent meetings of the Special Com-
mittee on the Dominican Republic to carry out
the mandate given to the Council by Resolution
I of the Sixth Meeting of Foreign Ministers.'
They have been given full and adequate publicity.
With particular reference to the statements made
by the United States in this connection, may I
call attention to the following :

1. On November 14, 1961, the Special Repre-
sentative of the United States on the Special Com-
mittee presented a formal statement summarizing
the reaction of my Government to the recently
prepared report of the subcoromittee of that Com-

mittee.^ Based upon our view that recognition
should be given to "constructive efforts" that had
been made by the Government of the Dominican
Republic to remove the basis for the OAS action
which was taken in August of 1960, my Govern-
ment proposed withdrawal of the formal indica-
tion made by the Council on January 4, 1961,
that it was "feasible and desirable" to extend
suspension of trade with the Dominican Republic
to petrolemn and petroleum products and trucks
and spare parts for trucks. An important con-
sideration in tMs proposal was the fact that "key
figures closely associated with the former regime"
had departed, since it appeared important that
leading figures closely associated with the former
dictatorship should no longer be able to dominate
the political and economic life of the Dominican
Republic.

2. Shortly after the meeting in which the above
statement was made, and while the other members
of the Committee were considering further the
problems before it, two of the above-mentioned
"leading figures," members of the Trujillo family,
returned to the Dominican Republic from their
brief sojourn abroad. As a result of this develop-
ment, which clearly appeared a backward step,
the United States representative recommended
postponement of a decision regarding the date on
which the Special Committee would vote on the
above problem.^ This was accepted by the
Committee.

3. On November 18, the Secretary of State
issued the following statement : °

It has been confirmed that leading figures who were
closely associated with the repressive measures of the
former dictatorship in the Dominican Republic and who
had departed from that country returned to Ciudad Tru-
jillo on November 15.

Moreover, it appears that they may be planning an at-
tempt to reassert dictatorial domination of the political
and economic life of that country, threatening the recent
gains of the Dominican Government and people toward
democratization.

On the recommendation of the United States, the Special
Committee of the Organization of American States has
already postponed further consideration of a proposal on
withdrawing the suspension of trade with the Dominican
Republic in certain products.

In view of the possibility of political disintegration and

' Not printed here.

' For statements made by Secretary of State Christian
A. Herter on Aug. 18 and 20, 1960, together with text
of Resolution I, see Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 355.

* Ibid., Dec. 4, 1961, p. 929.
" IMd., footnote 4, p. 932.
'Ihid., p. 931.

December 18, 7967

1001

the dangerous situation wliich could ensue, tlie Govern-
ment of the United States is considering the further
measures that unpredictable events might warrant.

4. As signs of political disintegration appeared,
and the possibility of an even more dangerous situ-
ation increased, units of the U.S. Navy were sta-
tioned near the Dominican Republic on the high
seas and constituted a friendly presence with
the full knowledge of the constitutional authori-
ties and responsible leaders of the Dominican
Republic.

5. The stationing of these imits of the U.S. Fleet
on the high seas outside the territorial waters and
outside the airspace of any sovereign government,
in no way was or is an act of intervention violating
the sovereignty or territorial integrity of a sover-
eign state, or contrary to any international obliga-
tions. There have been no fliglits by United States
aircraft over Dominican territory as the delegate
of Cuba charges.

Record of Castro Regime

May I point to the sharp contrast which is of-
fered by the record of the Castro regime during
the past 3 years with respect to the Dominican Re-
public, for whose rights Cuba now appears to be
so concerned :

In June 1959 an expedition which had been or-
ganized, trained, and equipped in Cuba with the
undoubted assistance of Citban officials invaded
the Dominican Republic. An officer on active duty
with the Cuban Rebel Army was one of the ex-
pedition leaders. The Cuban Navy escorted the
three landing craft used by the invading force on
their voyage to the Dominican Republic. The
principal leader of the invasion — Delio Gomez
Ochoa — was captured and eventually allowed by
the Trujillos to return to Cuba.

A Dominican closely associated with the Castro
regime — Lopez Molina — was jiersonally protected
by the Trujillos after his return to the Dominican
Republic in June 1960 and encouraged to form a
Castro-Communist political party at the same
time that the Trujillos were persecuting the demo-
cratic opposition. Recently President Balaguer
has acted against both totalitarian elements: The
Trujillo clan has been forced to abandon tlic coun-
try while Lopez Molina has been arrested for
deportation.

In a televised interview on January 6, 1961,
shortly after he returned from behind the Iron i
Curtain, "Che" Guevara referred to Trujillo as ^
"now our friend." The understanding between
the Castro- Communist dictatorship and the Tru-
jillo dictatorship illustrates once again the histori-
cal affinity of totalitarian systems of the two
extremes.

Radio broadcasts positively identified as coming
from a station in or about the city of Habana on
November 20, 1961, repeatedly incited armed re-
volt in the Dominican Republic against the very
government that was ridding the country of the
dictators, using words such as these :

All power in the hands of the people ! All weapons in
the hands of the people! The weapons are in the bar-
racks. Nothing can stop it ; . . . . Take over the weapons
necessary to destroy the repressive apparatus !

All to the battle ! AH to the streets ! . . . All power
in the hands of the people! AH weapons in the hands of
the people ! The entire government in revolutionary
hands !

I wish to emphasize that this incitement was
aimed at the government that was eliminating
dictatorial rule. Such broadcasts emanating from
a police state have official approval.

Stripped of all its calculated insult, of all of j,
the cynical appeal to inter- American instruments j.
which the Castro regime has long since cast aside, i
the Cuban note constitutes a flagrant attempt tol
intervene in the courageous efforts of tlie Domini-
can people to achieve a new and democratic life
for their coimtry. Wliat hollow mockery more
ridiculous than the references made in that note
to the "struggle of another American people for
true democracy and national liberty" ! This from
a dictatorship which has made itself subservient to
the foremost dictatorial system of modern times,
and from a regime which speaks of "true democ-
racy" while suppressing every form of liberty and
freedom to which its own people have aspired.
"What solemn words about intervention from a
government which has dedicated itself to the
proposition that governments which do not con-
form to its own ugly image must be subverted and
destroyed ! The hysteria of its clamor will never
hide the reality of the misery which it has brought
upon the Cuban people.

The Dominican people in emerging from tlie
tyranny of the Trujillo era have won an important

1002

Deparfment of State Bulletin

initial victory. It is heartwarming to see their
great happiness and jubilation as manifest in the
wave of celebration going on throughout the
Dominican Republic and participated in by all
the democratic forces of the country. They have
a right to be heartened by the fact that a military
coup which was being planned and in the making
did not succeed, and as they look forward to
strengthening the freedom they have won they also
have a right to claim the sympathy and support
of the governments and peoples of the hemisi^here
in their own efforts to guard against other ex-
tremists who are already trying to impose on the
Dominican Republic a new dictatorship — a dicta-
torship as deadly as the Trujillos' to individual
liberties and representative democracy.

Mr. Chairman, I submit that in this instance the
attack has readied a new low of irrelevance,
hypocrisy, and slander wliicli we should all con-
template verj' carefully.

U.S. Expresses Concern Over Events
in Dominican Republic

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, NOVEMBER 30

Press release 829 dated November 30

The United States Government is deeply anx-
ious that the people of the Dominican Republic
bring to a successful conclusion their efforts to
establish democratic government.

The United States joined the other nations of
the Americas in condemning — through collective
sanctions ^ — the regime of Generalissimo Trujillo.
Since his death we have supported in every appro-
priate way a rapid transition toward democratic
government. We especially welcomed and lent
sympathetic encouragement to the successful re-
sistance to the efforts by the brothers of the late
dictator to reassert totalitarian domination. AVe
intend to continue our encouragement of all re-
, sponsible peaceful efforts to secure freedom for the
Dominican people. We think it is of the utmost
importance that tlie people of the Dominican Re-
public continue on the path toward democracy,
and we hope that all men of good will in the

Dominican Republic will exercise moderation and
responsibility in seeking the political means by
which a truly democratic future for the country
may be assured.

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, DECEMBER 1^

The United States is concerned that events in
the Dominican Republic yesterday may signify a
backward step in the movement of the Dominican
people along the path toward democratic govern-
ment. These developments are particularly dis-
appointing in view of the considerable progress
made in the past few months toward democratiza-
tion and in view of the recent negotiations be-
tween the Balaguer government and leadere of the
moderate opposition which held out so much hope
for an early and peaceful solution of the political,
social, and economic problems of that country.
The U.S. Government, which has consistently
given sympathetic support to the democratic as-
pirations of the Dominican people, hopes that
responsible elements in the Dominican Republic,
both within and outside of the Government, will
continue to strive through the exercise of states-
mansliip and moderation to reach a prompt resolu-
tion of the present situation.

Brazil Receives First AID Loan

Press release 802 dated November 20

The first loan made by the United States
Agency for International Development was signed
on November 20 by Roberto Campos, Brazilian
Ambassador to the United States, and Teodoro
Moscoso, AID Regional Administrator for Latin
America. The loan agreement makes available
$50 million of a total of $100 million in credits
earmarked for Brazil by AID.

The purpose of the loan is to provide further
assistance to the Brazilian Government's program
of promoting economic and social progress under
conditions of financial stability. These objectives
are an essential part of the Alliance for Progress
concept as expressed in the Charter of Punta del
Este.i

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 3.58 ;
Feb. 20, 1961, p. 273 ; and Dec. 4, 1961, p. 929.

= Read to news correspondents by a Department press
officer on Dec. 1.
' For text, see Bxjixetin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463.

December 18, 1 96 1

1003

Since the inception of a new economic and finan-
cial program earlier this year, Brazil has sought
to achieve the twin goals of economic growth and
economic stabilization. The new government
wliich came into office in September has expressed
its determination to pursue these objectives with
renewed vigor. In his speech before the Brazil-
ian Chamber of Deputies on November 14, Prime
Minister [Tancredo] Neves stressed the impor-
tance of further action along these lines, including
measures to bring inflation imder control and to
strengthen Brazil's external financial position
through a free exchange system. He presented a
niunber of proposals for legislation to carry the
program forward, including a comprehensive
revision of tax laws.

The loan agreement is a further step in the im-
plementation of the financial agreements con-
cluded between the United States and Brazil in
May 1961.2 ^^ ^j^^t time the United States
announced $338 million in new credits, which
were accompanied by new credits from other gov-
ernments, from private sources, and from inter-
national financial institutions. At the same time,
arrangements were made for the rescheduling of
Brazilian debts abroad. Of the $338 million, $100
million was conditional upon the action taken by
the United States Congress on the foreign aid pro-
gram for 1962. The recent passage of the Act
for International Development has enabled the
United States to implement this part of the
arrangement.

The $50 million released imder the loan agree-
ment will bring total drawings on U.S. Govern-
ment credits, under the May arrangements, to
$178 million. All of these releases have taken
place since September 7, 1961.

The proceeds of the loan will be used to help
Brazil finance essential imports from the United
States. In order to contribute most effectively
to the objective of easing Brazil's foreign debt
repayment obligations, particularly during the
next few years, repayment of the loan will be
made in 40 years without interest and with no
payments during the first 10 years. Repayment
will be in dollars. There will be a small credit
fee of three-quarters of 1 percent of the balance
outstanding each year.

Great Seal Dedicated at Torch
of Friendship in Miami

Remarks by Angier Biddle Duke
Chief of Protocol ^

We are assembled here this afternoon at the
Torch of Friendship to install the Great Seal of
the United States at this monument. The first
national seal of another great American Republic,
Peru, has already been placed here. In placing
our own here today we are reaffirming not only
our historic ties to our brothers in the New World
but our commitment to a common future with them
in an Alliance for Progress in this hemisphere.

It is most appropriate that this Torch of Friend-
ship stand in this .spot at the gateway of the
Americas. Miami's role as the link between the
Americas is most fittingly memorialized in this
monument to friendship — a friendship which has
been put to a hard and cruel test since January
1, 1960.

For the first time in the history of our coimtry
the United States has become a land of first asyliun
for those seeking freedom from abroad. Tradi-
tionally we have opened our liearts and our gates
to refugees from tyranny and oppression from
overseas after they have found their way to us
through other coimtries. Now we find neighbors
literally throwing themselves on our mercy at the
first instance of disaster. Their tragedy has quite
literally meant a sobering burden to their hosts
in Miami and in the State of Florida. This free- I
dom torch is symbolic of the hand of friendship
which you have extended in dark times of need,
and, as such, I believe it will come to partake in
our Southern Hemisphere of much the same aura
of majesty and significance as enshrines the Statue
of Liberty.

To Mayor [Robert K.] High and the Councilors
of the City of Miami goes so much of the credit
for the vision and imagination of this inspiring
project. But, as it is a symbol of friendship in
times of trial and trouble, it is also a symbol of
hopes for a future in freedom for our beleaguered
neighbors in Cuba and the Dominican Republic.

Under the leadership of President Kennedy, the

'lUd., June 6, 1961, p. 862.

' Made at ceremonies dedicating the Great Seal of the
United States at the Torch of Friendship at Miami, Fla.,
on Nov. 22 (press release 801 dated Nov. 21).

1004

Department of Stale Bulletin

Alliance for Progress, called into being last Janu-
ary and ratified in August at Punta del Este,^ is
now moving from the planning to the action stage.
I sometimes wonder if many of us imderstand the
veiy profound implications of this massive pro-
gram. It seems to me that some of us are prone
to consider large-scale assistance to Latin America
within the same frame of reference as the Marshall
plan ; yet it must be recalled that the $10 billion
fed into the economic structure of Europe was
able to be absorbed and turned to constructive use
by a highly developed industrial society with the
manpower trained and skilled to manage and ad-
minister it successfully. Europe, no matter how
badly battered and bruised, was a going concern
with a long tradition and experience in industriali-
zation, commerce, and transportation.

In Latin America, however, we know that many
of these essential factors are virtually missing.
Latin American countries, for example, trade more
with Europe and with the United States than
they do with each other. The economic basis of
society is still largely agricultural, and mostly
monocultural at that, with a system of land owner-
ship which assures uneven distribution of the
fruits of production and inhibits the diversifica-
tion of capital.

It is easy to describe the inadequacies of socie-
ties. It is easy to imderstand that a massive ap-
plication of capital to their structure will not in
itself shore them up or solve their problems. Their
economic and social institutions through their own
efforts must be modernized and equipped to be
able to receive this kind of help. Our problem, of
course, is how to work out with our neighbors ways
and means of directing capital flow so as to in-
crease their own productive capacity. And this
must be done with speed and urgency, pressed as
we are by the ongoing revolution of rising expec-
tations. Lipservice has been paid throughout the
Americas to recognition of the need for emergency
evolution, reform, and modernized institutions.
Yet what this will actually mean in practice is a
marked change in the social and economic system
prevailing in most countries in the Southern
Hemisphere.

I am not concerned at the moment with the
ability or the sincerity of the people who must
manage this movement in Latin America. I am

'BuiXETiN of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.

led to believe that there is a burgeoning group of
dedicated and educated men who are eager to meet
our assistance with reformed and revitalized insti-
tutions, capable of absorbing that assistance. But
what I am concerned about is our own sincerity.
Do all of us really mean what we say ? Are the
stirring words of hope for reform, for a demo-
cratic and free society, for a release of the energies
of the submerged majority merely the comfortable
cliches of Pan American Day speakers? Do we
in effect know what we are talking about or under-
stand the implications when we call for a release
of these energies ?

Our American press is often and, in my view,
rightly criticized for its failure to publish inter-
pretive analyses of Latin American affairs — ar-
ticles which will educate the American public on
the basic forces at work in Latin America. In
defense of our press, perhaps public interest in the
Americas does not extend much beyond the spot
news. This interest will grow as the Alliance for
Progress is implemented by the terms of the Punta
del Este Charter. The translation of this develop-
ing program into action will indeed be news.

In some ways I do not envy the role of an Amer-
ican ambassador today in Latin America at a time
when the restless, growing, and ambitious middle
class, backed by new productive power being in-
fused by our own Alliance for Progress program,
is beginning to break up or transform the institu-
tions of the past. The pressures on our ambas-
sador from the right and from the left will chal-
lenge every ounce of ingenuity, integrity, and
ability that he will be able to summon. On the
other hand, he is challenged by serving his country
in an era to which generations to come may point
as the turning point in the battle for survival and
freedom in our New World.

This ambassador, in fact all of our representa-
tives abroad, will be carrying out the policy of
the American people. I hope we understand that
policy, that we understand the stakes involved and
the profound implications to us in either its fail-
ure or its success. This program is going to be
many times more difficult to implement than the
Marshall plan and at least as important.

Here in Florida, as close as you are to the South-
ern Hemisphere, I feel that there is an understand-
ing of the grave and serious nature of the course
on which we have embarked. It is our common

December 18, 1961

1005

hope that your interest, understanding, and sup-
port will be matched throughout the country.

The people of Miami who have established this
Torch of Friendship deserve the highest recogni-

tion for the responsible role being played during

this epic period. And it is therefore with great
pride that I hereby affix to this Torch of Friend-
ship the Great Seal of the United States.

Redefining the Potentiais of the Democratic Faith

hy Under Secretary Bowles '

For the last 2 weeks I have been traveling
through east and southeast Asia, visiting Toliyo,
Singapore, Djakarta, and attending the annual
meeting of the Colombo Plan nations in Kuala
Liniipur in the beautiful and dynamic new nation
of Malaya.^ This trip served to refresh my knowl-
edge of what I believe may become the most deci-
sive geopolitical area in the world. It also helped
to put our own country in sharper focus, and this
provides the basis for my remarks here tonight.

Unless I am seriously mistaken, we are ap-
proaching a watershed in regard to the world, our
economy, and relations with other nations. We
are at the end of the postwar period, poised un-
certainly before the opening of a new era in the
history of man. I believe that the political, eco-
nomic, and social confusions which are evident
within our own society are part of the ferment that
precedes great national decisions.

In such a period it is not surprising that some of
our fellow citizens should seek to find their way
back to old patterns of life that appear more un-
derstandable and controllable. Yet the strength
of the current conservative movement may be ex-
aggerated by the fact that it has developed in a
time of political transition. The positive idesis
which sooner or later will invigorate our public
debates are not yet clearly defined, nor have tliey
yet taken root.

In tlie meantime at leiist three powerful political

' Address made before the Yale Law Forma at New
Haven, Conn., on Nov. 21 (press release 805).

' For text of a statement made by Mr. Bowles at the
Colombo Plan meeting, see Buli.ktin of Dec. 11, 19(!1, p.
988.

forces are at work in our society, no one of which
is likely to succumb to old slogans or to fit easily
into familiar political pigeonholes. Bit by bit
each of us is being pressed to come to grips with
these forces, to rethink our attitudes toward pub-
lic questions, to abandon sterile concepts, and to
stake out new positions.

Meeting the Global Pressures

The first of these three forces is the massive
impact of the interrelated postwar world on our
American society and our searcli for a more real-
istic response.

For the last 15 years many of us have been as-
suring each other that the global pressures which
we have been striving to meet are temporary, that,
if we were wise and courageous, the so-called world
emergency would somehow subside, and that this
would leave us happily undisturbed with nothing
to do but enjoy our material comforts. This dan-
gerously parochial view is due partly to the pull
of our isolationist past and partly to the distorted
view of world affairs that developed as a result of
the specially favored position from which we
tackled international jii'oblems following the war.

In the late 1940's Europe from the Atlantic to
the Urals had been largely devastated by war.
Japan was striving to get back on its feet. In
Communist China an uncertain new government
was faced with the staggering problems created by
20 years of exhausting civil war.

The American economy alone was physically
intact, strengthened by heavy wartime investment,
and raring to go. American military power was
firmly based in a monopoly of nuclear weapons.

1006

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

As a result, American power relative to that of
other nations was overwhelming. As we looked
around the world, there was almost nothing we
could not do if we had the will to do it.

In the last few years this situation has been pro-
foundly altered. As we enter the decade of the
sixties a vital new Europe is creating the first in-
tegrated society since the Romans, the Soviet
Union has emerged with industrial and military
power second only to our own, and China under a
tough and embittered Communist government has
been developing some alarmingly expansionist no-
tions in regard to its neighbors. Simultaneously
Asia, Africa, and Latin America have awakened
to the exciting fact that illiteracy, poverty, and ill
health may gradually be eliminated and that new
opportunities can be created for their people.

The result is a world of infinite potential and of
profound uncertainties. Is it then surprising
that the more timid of us should be anxious to
withdraw from it, or to ignore it, or to wish it out
of existence?

In the coming months we shall be called upon
to make some critically important decisions on how
to deal with this new world. What path will we
follow?

If we choose the negative path of high tariffs,
of disdain for the United Nations, of impatient
attempts to impose our will on others as a require-
ment for American assistance, we shall run the
grave danger of national destruction ; at the very
best we will see our great comitry with its long
tradition of democratic government becoming in-
creasingly isolated from the dynamic new world
which has been taking shape.

If, on the other hand, we choose tlie affirmative
path of world cooperation and participation, we
will be called upon for a degree of mutual patience,
sacrifice, and fresh thinking that will challenge
our very best efforts.

The questions tliat will appear on our agenda
are formidable indeed :

How can we build an economic and political
partnership with non-Communist nations?

How can we develop freer and gi-eatly expanded
world trade and still maintain full employment?

How can we best help the new nations of the
world not only to ease their economic difficulties
but to do so in a way that increases their sense of
dignity?

How can we deal most fruitfully with the new

Europe which is building itself up across the
Atlantic?

Is a new power balance of some kind possible in
Asia?

Can the powerful new China be persuaded to
adopt a more moderate couree, or will a head-on
conflict become inevitable?

Can the United Nations develop into an effective
instrument of world peace in its own right?

Can there be a realistic program of arms
control ?

How should we conduct our relations with the
Soviet Union ?

The implications of such questions are infinite.
Is it any wonder that many Americans would pre-
fer to retreat into their intellectual bomb shelters
in the hope that when they come out the world
will have someliow returned to the more orderly
pattern of their father's day ?

This brings us to yet another crucial question :
In a world setting of this kind how do we define
a "liberal" and what is a "conservative" ? For in-
stance, is the labor leader who demands high tar-
iffs as the answer for every domestic economic
problem still a liberal because he once supported
Roosevelt's New Deal ? And how about the anti-
New Deal businessman who now vigorously sup-
ports expanded foreign aid and freer trade? Is
he still a conservative?

Strengthening the Domestic Economy

Let us turn to the second force which I believe
will help shape the political patterns of the 1960's,
namely the evolving pressures within our own
economy. As we attempt to cope with these pres-
sures we again find that many old concepts begin
to sound hollow if not irrelevant.

Working at its most effective and dynamic best
our capitalistic system has been based on able
management, small unit profits, and a vigorous
sales effort to achieve the largest possible volume,
with profits increasing as volume expands.

In certain industries we now see this formula
hopelessly compromised by price and wage manip-
ulation which has little relevance to economic reali-
ties. In some industries we see prices arbitrarily
set to provide for substantial profits with 25 per-
cent or more of productive capacity lying idle. In
others we face featherbedding practices in the
labor movement which slow down production and
raise costs and prices corresjjondingly.

December 18, 1961

1007

Taking a broad view, it is clear that we have
been drifting into a situation in wliich powerful
vested interests find it possible to protect their
own economic interests with several million people
unemployed and an important fraction of our
people ill-nourished, ill-housed, and poorly
educated.

What is required is a searching reexamination
to determine why many areas of our economy
remain stagnant, why our rate of growth has
lagged behind that of most industrial countries,
why 20 percent of all American families are still
living on less than $2,000 a year, and why un-
employment stubbornly persists in many centers
of population at a time that calls for all the pro-
duction that we can get.

Among the various questions about our domes-
tic economy which are waiting to be asked and
answered are the following:

How can we reorganize our housing industry
to build more and better homes each year at lower
prices?

How can we speed up the rebuilding of our
cities so that our slums may be wiped out in the
decade of the sixties?

How can we make the best medical attention
available to those who are in greatest need ?

Above all, how can we strengthen our public
educational system to insure that all bright Amer-
ican boys and girls can enter college?

Such questions would be important at any
period in our history. Yet today, when our
society is facing the challenge of Communist con-
cepts of development and growth, they are of the
utmost urgency.

Our search for better answers should not be
confined to local, State, and Federal governments.
It should enlist the best minds in our labor unions,
our universities, our business and farm organiza-
tions.

Our economy is the essential instrument with
which we must achieve greater opportunity and
security for all citizens, assure an adequate de-
fense system, and provide the resources with
which to ease the growing pains of new nations
that are striving to relieve their poverty through
democratic institutions.

Only a confident, dynamic America can meet
this challenge. Yet built-in obstacles to expand-
ing production have kept us on dead center.

Eliminating Discrimination

The third force with which we must contend
in this period of political reorientation is found
in the rapidly growing demands of our Negro
citizens for full citizenship in what we believe
to be the greatest democracy on earth. For gen-
erations the struggle against racial discrimination
was largely spearheaded by white Americans
whose consciences told them that discrimination
against any group was a violation of their moral
creed. Now the lead is being taken by Negro
Americans who are calling upon Negro fellow
citizens to demand their rights under our Consti-
tution. The response grows month by month.

Moreover, these voices are now heard not only
in our own country but increasingly throughout
the world. As long as we deny full democratic
rights to those Americans whose ancestors came
from Africa we cannot expect the representatives
of the Asian and African nations to accept our
protestation of democratic faith.

Of the 100 ambassadors in Washington, D.C., a
large percentage are from Africa and Asia.
They are the proud representatives of new na-
tions, determined to make their voices heard and
their views respected.

Again the obvious questions present themselves :

How can the moderates of the South be per-
suaded to speak out more vigorously ?

How can the real-estate discrimination which
now creates Negro tenement areas in most north-
ern cities be coxmteracted ?

How can we create a national climate that will
make faster school integration possible?

How can we persuade the two-thirds of the
world which is colored that the land that revered
Thomas Jefferson still believes in what Jefferson
said?

These then are the three challenges which face
the American people in the decade of the sixties :
our relations with the world, our ability to im-
prove the performance of our economy, and our
efforts to eliminate discrimination against any
American on the grounds of race, creed, or
religion.

Out of our conflicting reactions to these
questions new political patterns will almost cer-
tainly emerge in the 1960's. Since the old
political tags of "liberal," "conservative," "radi-
cal," or "reactionary" are rapidly losing their

1008

Department of Sfofe BuUelin

relevance, the sooner a new orientation develops,
the better it will be for all of us. The slogans
which moved us in the 1930's are leaving an in-
creasing number of Americans uninspired and
ai^athetic.

This Christmas vacation thousands of college-
age sons will listen politely as their fathers
nostalgically refight the battles of the New Deal
years. Fathers will explain how as young liberals
they boldly stormed the ramparts of the National
Association of Manufacturers, or how as young
conservatives they fought the battle for a finan-
cial "soimdness" which left no room for TVA,
social security, or public housing.

Although the sons are expected to listen respect-
fully, they may be pardoned if they feel that this
history of old wars lost and won is becoming
increasingly irrelevant to their own era. The
most thoughtful among them will know that the
struggle is now being switched to new battle-
grounds, that the bugle is calling for new aline-
ments.

I do not suggest that the Imes of political argu-
ment and action that will divide us in the 1960"s
will be totally unconnected with the past. Lib-
eralism in any age calls for belief in certain
universal values which must be ref ramed by each
generation in response to the realities of its own
experience and objectives.

In the new days as in tlie old, conservative think-
ers may be expected to draw more vigorously from
the past and to approach the future with greater
misgivings. The more extreme among them will
demand that we withdraw from the United Na-
tions and from our alliances, that we slash our
governmental budgets, slow down our efforts to
rebuild our cities and improve our education, and
that we urge American Negroes to be patient for
yet a little while. In effect they will be saying,
"Stop the world, we want to get off."

But the world will not stop, and not even the
most timid of us can get off.

No period in history provides such awesome
dangers as does our fast-changing world of today ;
nor does any period offer such exhilarating oppor-
tunities for the individual to grow, for his dignity
to become a reality, and for Inmian energies to be
released for tlie common good.

Thus we may hope to hear the liberal-minded
people of tomorrow call for a stronger world part-
nership between ourselves and other non-Com-

munist nations, increased concern for freedom and
well-being of other people, added determination
not merely to stand up to Soviet threats but to
create a better society here at home in which men
are free to do what they are capable of doing, no
matter what their race, their creed, or their color.

The Soviet Union and Communist China repre-
sent gi-owing industrial and military power, and
communism will continue to have dangerous ap-
peal for the weak and the frustrated. Yet if we
Americans provide bold and affirmative alterna-
tives I believe that hundreds of millions of human
beings will come to see communism as the sterile
and outmoded doctrine that it is, offering nothing
to the spirit, nothing to those who seek a faith to
live by, in short, nothing to anyone but the hollow
promise of ruthless and bankrupt materialism.

As the true meaning of democracy is debated in
the new framework, as new differences are crys-
tallized and new political postures chosen, we must
hope that the advantage will continue to lie with
those who place above all else the rights and re-
sponsibilities of man.

It is the task of such people to redefine the po-
tentials of democratic faith in the framework of
today's dangerous, exciting, and promising world.
Let us pray that they may have the courage and
insight to do so.

The most crucially important questions involv-
ing the future of our nation and of our universal
faith are waiting to be asked and answered. The
way in which we Americans answer these ques-
tions in the early 1960's will be decisive, I believe,
for many generations to come.

East German Communist Intelligence
Official Defects to West

Press release 818 dated November 28

How East Berlin is used for subversive activities
against the Federal Republic of Germany and a
great number of other countries was disclosed on
November 28 by the announcement at Bonn, West
Germany, of the defection of a senior officer of the
secret service of the so-called "German Democratic
Republic." ^ According to the announcement,

' A limited number of copies of a Department of State
report on "Soviet Bloc Espionage Centers in East Berlin"
is available upon request from the Office of Public Serv-
ices, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

December 18, 7967

1009

made by the Ministry of the Interior of the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, the defector, Guenter
Maennel, was a member of the Hauptverwaltung
fuer Aufklaermig (HVA), which is charged witli
intelligence operations abroad.

Maennel's unit, according to his own admission,
was engaged in activities against North and South
America as well as several countries in Scandi-
navia, Africa, and in the Middle East. Maennel
has identified a total of 14 agents who are or were
stationed in these areas and has revealed that a
imit of the HVA is headed by Brigadier Markus
Wolf, a Soviet citizen of German birth, and has
more than 500 staff officers engaged in espionage
and subversion.

Maennel has described the activities of his unit
from East Berlin. The Soviet sector of Berlin,
he makes clear, also serves the intelligence services
of other Soviet bloc countries as a springboard
for their espionage activities against the Federal
Republic and other countries. In addition, these
services use the Soviet sector as a base for kid-
naping or assassination of their political enemies
and for their efforts against non-Communist
countries.

The Soviet Government and its propagandists
in the Soviet sector of Berlin have claimed that
free Berlin is a center of espionage and subversion.
Maennel's disclosures emphasize that the recent
Soviet propaganda attacks on West Berlin are
sheer hypocrisy. He declared that the Soviet
secret police are increasingly using the foreign
trade and press representatives of the East German
regime to conduct subversion and political espio-
nage in a great number of countries.

Four American Missionaries
Released at Lisbon

Department Statement

Press release 835 dated December 2

The Department of State is pleased to report
that four American missionaries of the Methodist

Church, who have been under arrest by Portuguese
authorities since early September, were released
today in Lisbon, Portugal. The four men are
Wendell L. Golden, Rockford, 111. ; Marion Way,
Jr., Charleston, S.C. ; Fred Brancel, Endeavor,
Wis. ; and Edwin LeMaster, Lexington, Ky. The
men will be deported from Portuguese territoiy.
The intention of the Portuguese authorities to de-
port the missionaries once the investigation of
their cases was completed had been previously
indicated to the American Embassy at Lisbon on
October 17.

The men were arrested on September 5 and 6
in Angola, where they had been working under
the auspices of the American Methodist Mission-
ary Board. The American consul at Luanda,
Angola, discussed their detention with police au-
thorities on the day of their arrest, and several
times subsequently, and visited the men on Sep-
tember 7, 8, and 9. The American Embassy at
Lisbon first discussed their arrest with the
Portuguese Foreign Ministry on September 7.

The four missionaries were transferred to Lis-
bon on September 17. They were met on arrival
there by a representative of the Embassy. Offi-
cers of the Embassy visited the men frequently
during their imprisonment, ascertained that their
needs and wants were being met, and provided
them with certain materials such as books, maga-
zines, and toilet articles to ease their detention.
C. Burke Elbrick, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal,
visited the missionaries personally. Following
his visit he wrote letters to their wives assuring
them that the men were being well treated and
were in good health.

From the day of their arrest, the imprisonment
of the missionaries received close and continuing
attention from the Department of State and our
Foreign Service posts in Lisbon and Luanda.
On instructions from the Department of State,
officers of the American Embassy at Lisbon, in-
cluding the Ambassador, discussed the detention
of the four men with judicial authorities and offi-
cials of the Portuguese Foreign Ministry on a se-
ries of occasions.

1010

Deparfment of State Bulletin

The Aspirations of Asia

iy TJ. Alexis Johnson

Dejnity Under Secretary for Political Ajfairs *

I appreciate that it is perhaps somewhat pre-
sumptuous for an American to choose the sub-
ject of "The Aspirations of Asia," for it is only
an Asian who could speak with full confidence
and authority on such a subject. However, I
hope my Asian friends will pardon me if, on
the basis of somewhat extended service in a
number of countries of the area, I presume to
give my impressions of what the many peoples
of that great area are seeking and the part that
the United States is playing and can play in
meeting those aspirations.

Wliile this is an economic meeting devoted
primarily to economic subjects, we can no more
divorce the economic aspirations of Asia from
the political and spiritual aspirations than we
could with any other area or people. That
man does not live by bread alone is as true of
Asia as of the rest of tlie world. It is the fun-
damental truth that the Communists have yet
to learn and is probably the most striking weak-
ness of the doctrine they espouse.

Above all else the peoples of Asia seek for
themselves as individuals and for their coun-
tries human dignity and self-respect — in their
own eyes and in the eyes of others. I know I
need not say to you Americans here, who are so
intimately concerned with business relations
with the Far East, that these words are not
empty rhetoric or some broad political principle
to be applied by the Department of State but
rather are most pertinent to every phase of our
business and economic relations with Asia,
down to our most obscure employee.

' Address made before the Far East-America Council
of Commerce and Industry, Inc., at New York, N.T., on
Nov. 16 (press release 786 dated Nov. 15; as-delivered
text).

On the economic side it is of course a truism
to say that the peoples of Asia are seeking eco-
nomic betterment. This of course goes hand in
hand with dignity and self-respect, for a
ragged, starving man has little respect for himself
or in the eyes of others. During the decade of
the 1950's a great myth was foisted upon the
peoples of Asia. This myth was that, while the
Marxian system as practiced by the Soviet
Union and Communist China might carry with
it a certain loss of political freedoms, it was the
answer to the cry for rapid economic develop-
ment of underdeveloped countries. Commu-
nist China was to be the great model. (This
was related to the older myth that there was no
economic development in Russia until after the
revolution of 1917.) Perhaps what may turn
out to be the most profound development of
these first years of the 1960's has been the punc-
turing of this myth with respect to China. The
full dimensions of the Commimist failure in
China are only now beginning to emerge, and
their repercussions, not only on Asia but the
world as well, may be very deep indeed. What
those repercussions may be it is not yet given to
us to see, but it is my own conviction that they
may well be among the most significant develop-
ments of this decade.

Communist Asia vs. Free Asia

None of us can take satisfaction in human
suffering, whether in mainland China or any
other part of the world. However, it is not we
but the present rulers in Peiping who have im-
posed this suffering on the great Chinese peo-
ple. This has come from the blind enthusiasm
for rigidly approaching all problems from the

December ?8, 7967

1011

standpoint of supposed Marxian doctrine rather
than from the standpoint of human welfare.

All of you will recall the announcement just a
few years ago of the "great leap forward" and
the dire prophecies that were made that Com-
munist China would so far outstrip the other
countries of Asia that all would see that the
Chinese brand of communism was inevitably the
"wave of the future" in Asia. This image of
Communist China is now very tarnished indeed
and becoming blacker as each month passes. It
is now clear that, in spite of the substantial aban-
donment of the disastrous commune system, food
production in Communist China today is sub-
stantially below the 1958 level, and there are now
35 to 40 million more Chinese to feed than there
were in 1958. Per capita food output is now be-
low even the level when the country was just
emerging from the ravages of the civil war.
Whereas in 1958, the year in which the "great leap
forward" was proclaimed, staple food production
was probably around 210 million tons, in 1960 the
total was about 185 million tons. 1961 may be
only a few million tons above that.

Average food rations are now less than the
1 catty (1.1 lbs.) which is the very minimal
daily subsistence need. Tlie average caloric in-
take is not over 1,600 calories, and probably 95
percent of this is starch. This deficiency has only
in small part been made up by purchase of some
6 million tons of grain. Wliere has this grain
been purchased ? Not from the Communist bloc,
for even after all these years of flaunted agricul-
tural development the Soviet Union is normally
still only barely able to feed itself. Rather, the
grain has been purchased from the despised
"capitalist" economies at the cost of probably
aroimd $350 million.

This has been not only an agricultural failure
but an industrial failure as well, for it is in the
last analysis from the surplus of agricultural pro-
duction that must come the capital for the in-
dustrialization of Communist China, and imder-
fed workers are not productive workers. One
statistic alone dramatically illustrates this failure.
In the first half of 1961 the ration of cloth was
only 11/2 feet, as compared with the previous ra-
tion of about 18 feet a year. It is not without
significance that since early 1960 Communist
Cliina has stopped issuing even the very limited
economic data it previously made available. How-

ever, it is clear that there has also been a net drop
of serious proportions in industrial production
during both 1960 and 1961.

I will not bore you with statistics on the other
Communist countries of Asia except to say that
food production in both north Viet-Xam and
north Korea has, on a gross basis, largely been
standing still and, on a per capita basis, has
also clearly been dropping.

What Has Been Happening in Free Asia

Let us take just a quick look at what has been
happening in free Asia dui'ing these same years.
In those crowded islands of Japan, with so little
room for agricultural expansion, agricultural
production both in absolute and per capita terms
has been going steadily upward. For example,
rice production went from IS^o million tons in
1956 to over 16 million tons in 1960. We of
course know that the manufacturing index has
gone up even faster, more than doubling in just
the 5 years between 1956 and 1960. It is sub-
stantially the same story on Taiwan, with a steady
increase in both food and industrial production
and a steady rise in the gross national product.
Between 1954 and the first half of this year the
rate of industrial production in Taiwan has more
than doubled. In India industrial production
has about doubled in the last 10 years and agri-
cultural production is going up in both absolute
and per capita terms.

Wliile the stoiy may not be as dramatic in
some of the other countries of free Asia, the over-
all picture is nevertheless one of steady gains in
the well-being of the free Asian peoples. In any
event the past few years have dramatically illus-
trated the point that the sacrifice of independence
and political freedoms is not necessary for eco-
nomic development and in fact may work in
exactly the opposite direction. This is a lesson
that is not being lost on Asia. At the same time
it is probably, at least in part, the source of some
of the present difficulties in the area. For ex-
ample, there are some grounds for believing that
the turning of north Viet-Nam in 1960 to openly
declared guerrilla warfare against south Viet-
Nam was the result of north Viet-Nam's recog-
nizing that it was falling so far behind south
Viet-Nam in development that it could not hope
to win except by the use of murder and terror.

However, in saying this I do not want to mini-

1012

Department of State Bulletin

mize the problems of free Asia ; they are colossal
indeed. In this territory from Korea and Japan
around through Pakistan we find some 870 mil-
lion people living in a territory slightly smaller
than the area of our 50 States. The total national
product is only about one-fifth of that of the
United States and, on a per capita basis, only a
very minor fraction of ours. However, this is
not a hopeless situation, for, as all of you know,
the peoples of Asia have in full measure those
human qualities from which growth can come.
Asia fell behind the industrial, political, and
social revolutions that swept the Western World
in the 18th and 19th centuries. Free Asia has
either gone or is now going through its political
and social revolutions and is beginning to move
into the industrial revolution. In the case of
Japan it is, of course, more than well into this
latter revolution. I do not believe there is any
doubt that the other countries of Asia will con-
tinue to move in the same direction, each in its
own way and each with its own timing.

I know that this is something that those of you
in this room do not fear but rather welcome. It
is going to require adjustments on our part as
well as adjustments on the part of the Asian coim-
tries concerned. In the case of individual indus-
tries and lines of endeavor this will require
adjustments, some of which may be painful. It
will also require adjustments for us as a gov-
ernment. But that the overall results will be
beneficial for all our peoples there can be no
doubt. As a government we are committed to
assisting in this process, and your taxes are in
part being used for this purpose, both directly and
indirectly.

The failure of the Asian Communist regimes to
keep pace economically with the free nations of
the area does not of course eliminate — and, in
fact, may operate, as in south Viet-Nam, so as to
increase — the threat which those regimes pose to
their neighbors. As you know, the United States
is in many ways acting to help preserve the secu-
rity of the free Asian peoples. Indirectly what
you are contributing to the direct defense of these
United States is also contributing to the security
of the free countries of Asia.

I do not apologize to my Asian friends for men-
tioning this reality, which is, I fear, often over-
looked. This was brought home to me the other
day in my office when I was talking with a group

December 78, I96I

fi2ini9~61 3

of students from an Asian country. During the
course of our conversation they expressed confi-
dent assurance that their coimtry need not fear
an attack from Communist China because, as they
put it in response to my question. Communist
China knew that that would mean world war.
With some surprise they agreed when I pointed
out to them that their assurance really derived
from their confidence that the United States would
go to war on their behalf and that the nuclear
weapons which they could afford to disdain, un-
ceasingly manned by thousands of Americans,
were in fact as surely protecting them as they
were the United States.

Your tax dollars are also being used directly
to assist these countries in contributing to their
own protection, as well as in building the base
upon which their own economic development can
take place. What we as a government can do in
this regard is, of course, very limited. For the
most part we can help in a small way in building
primarily the base of power, transportation, com-
munications, and education upon which all eco-
nomic development must take place. However,
inevitably the greater part of the job must be
done by the countries themselves. In this the
capital, skill, and know-how of American private
enterprise has a tremendous stake in demon-
strating that flexibility, adaptability, and vision
which it has demonstrated elsewhere. However,
it is not my purpose to lecture you on what you
can and should do in tliis regard in the interest
of yourselves and this country. Those in this
audience know this perhaps better than I.

U.S. Plans To Meet Asia's Problems

However, I can tell you what we in Washington
are planning and thinking beyond our immediate
economic and military cooperation programs.

First, we all know that one of the most serious
problems confronting the raw-material and food-
producing countries of Asia is the abrupt shifts
and gyrations in the prices of the one or two com-
modities which are of controlling importance in
their economies. Such shifts may be of little
importance in a country with a highly diversified
and sophisticated economy, but they can mean
disaster for a country dependent upon such com-
modities for most of its export earnings. Interna-
tional commodity agreements or understandings,
of course, present very complex and difficult prob-

1013

lems, and historically they have not always accom-
plished their objectives. However, as the Presi-
dent has stated, we are prepared to cooperate in a
serious case-by-case examination of commodity
problems to see where we can be helpful.^ In this
endeavor, however, care will be required to avoid
putting a straitjacket on economic structures.
Change and growth are as essential to economic
as to other forms of life and are to be resisted
only at grave peril. However, to the extent such
problems can be met, it will assist these countries
in better providing and planning for the use of
their own resources in their development.

There is another most important subject to
which time does not now permit me to give the
full consideration that it deserves. Each of you,
as well as the countries of Asia, are well aware of
the literal revolution in trading patterns upon
which the entire world is now entering as a result
of the formation and pending expansion of the
European Common Market. Under Secretary
Ball spoke on this subject in this city on the first
of this month, and to those of you who did not
hear or have not read his address, I commend it to
you.'

Mr. Ball spoke of the future of relations be-
tween the United States and the Common Market
and the adjustments that will be required to real-
ize the full potential for the common good of this
truly revolutionary development. I want to say
to this audience today that your interests and the
interests of the countries of Asia are much in the
forefront of our minds in this development. Wo
are very conscious that the interests of the United
States are no less in the Pacific and Asia than they
are in the Atlantic and Europe. We front on
both oceans, and five of our States are literally
on or in the Pacific. Wliile we look forward to
closer relations with Europe, we equally look for-
ward to closer relations with Asia, including the
field of commerce and industry. Thus, in look-
ing toward the working out of new commercial
and trade relationships with the great industrial
complex represented by the Common Market, we
on our part are not thinking in terms of exclusive
arrangements which would discriminate against
any other part of the world. Rather, in accord-

' For an address by President Kennedy on Mar. 13 set-
ting forth his proposal for an Alliance for Progress with
Latin America, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.

• For text, see ibid., Nov. 20, 19C1, p. 831.

ance with our long tradition, we are thinking of
arrangements xmder which the benefits would also
accrue to other free countries, including those of
Asia. Thus we seek for Asia its full share in the
increasing prosperity for all peoples that is com-
ing from this great development.

And we seek for Asia, not only because it is
right but because it will benefit all mankind, in-
cluding this country, a realization of the aspira-
tions of Asia for that economic growth in individ-
ual and national dignity and self-respect which I
am confident they seek for themselves. That this
can and will be achieved in freedom, I have no
doubt.

OECD Sets Collective Target
for 50 Percent Growth in GNP

Following are texts of a statement made by
Under Secretary Ball before the Ministerial Coun-
cil of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development at Paris on November 16 and
a comm,unique issued by the Council on November
17.

STATEMENT BY MR. BALL

Mr. Chairman, the proposal before us this after-
noon for the adoption of a target for accelerated
economic growth is in our judgment both within
the traditions of the OEEC [Organization for
European Economic Cooperation] and within the
stated purposes of the OECD. It is in a sense a
part of the heritage from the OEEC, of which you
spoke so eloquently this morning. A growth tar-
get was adopted by members of the OEEC early
in the 1950's, and it was virtually achieved by the
concerting of policies among the member nations.

The first aim of the OECD, as we all know, is
stated in the convention as being "to achieve the
highest sustainable economic growth and employ-
ment and a rising standard of living in member
countries, while maintaining financial stability,
and thus to contribute to the development of the
world economy." ^ Mr. Chairman, what we are
proposing is to give concrete and explicit form to
this aim. The growth target wliich we have pro-

I

* For text of convention, see Bulletin of Jan. 2, 1961,
p. 11.

1014

Department of State Bulletin

posed would call for a 50 percent increase in the
real gross national products of the member nations
combined between this year and the end of this
decade. We have proposed that this be achieved
with the maintenance of price stability and with-
out exacerbating balance-of-payments difficulties.

Further economic growth of 50 percent would
add to the Atlantic Community the economic
equivalent of a new country of the present size and
wealth of the United States. This is a rather strik-
ing statement of the possibilities that lie before
us if we exercise determination and take the neces-
sary policy measures. We have within our power
the achievement of an unparalleled conquest — a
conquest without sacrifice on the part of the people
and without damage to our spiritual or cultural
values, a conquest achieved merely by the effective
utilization of our inherent capabilities.

The proposal to set a target for further eco-
nomic growth has several implications: It makes
clear to the world that accelerated growth is an
obligation which we all feel, that we recognize
the new state of interdependence which exists
principally among the highly uidustrialized na-
tions of the world represented here, and that an
achievement such as this is not possible solely
through uncoordinated, unrelated national efforts.
It reflects our determination to use the OECD
for the purposes of achieving the necessary co-
operation; and it represents a determination on
the part of the governments of the member na-
tions to take the steps that are required to achieve
this aim.

Accelerated economic growth is imperative.
Today we live in a world experiencing unparal-
leled technological, political, and social change;
and it is a world threatened by new forces. It is
a world in which we must go forward quickly if
we are to mobilize the strength necessary for the
kind of society that we are all interested in and
for the preservation of that society. So we feel
that not only is there a potentiality of reaching
this goal but that we, the individual nations rep-
resented here, actually have a responsibility to do
so.

This is the means whereby we can achieve the
strength that is requisite to the maintenance of
peace and security. This will provide us with the
means whereby we can fulfill what is an obvious
and great obligation of all of us, to assist the less
developed countries of the world to achieve ade-
quate standards of living and to achieve, them-

selves, the possibility of self-sustaining growth.
We have an obligation, it seems to me, to demon-
strate to the whole world the strength and vitality
of the Western civilization to which we subscribe
and of the free institutions to which we are
committed.

Finally, it seems to me that there is a very
great value in the form of cooperation which is
implied in the adoption of a target for accelerated
economic growth. We, on the American side,
consider it essential that the OECD at its first
ministerial meeting should take a decision for
action which is not only symbolically important
but which is actually important. By setting a
target for further economic growth we will dem-
onstrate our determination to work together for
freer and expanded international trade, to co-
ordinate our monetary and fiscal policies, to ad-
just our taternal economic policies to the needs
of the whole community of OECD nations. Fi-
nally, by adopting a growth target, we give our-
selves a sense of discipline, we create for ourselves
a sense of direction, and we provide a frame of
reference in which we can carry on our economic
labors within the OECD.

In suggesting a growth target I want to make
it very clear indeed that we do not minimize the
need for the maintenance of price stability or the
need to attain and maintain balance-of-payments
equilibrium. The maintenance of equilibrium in
the international balance of payments is a very
complex matter. The balance of payments is sub-
ject to conflicting forces, forces which are difficult
to predict in advance. The nations assembled
here must be prepared to deal constructively ei-
ther with deficits or with surpluses as they may
appear.

Lag in U.S. Growth Rate

I believe it is quite safe to assert that the pro-
posed agreement on a common target for economic
growth will present as formidable difficulties to
the United States, and involve as substantial
commitments from the United States, as for any
other member nation. The gross national prod-
uct of the United States represents approximately
60 percent of the total gross national product of
all the OECD countries combined. During re-
cent years our rate of growth has lagged signifi-
cantly behind the rate of growth in the great
majority of the OECD coimtries.

December 78, 196?

1015

We are suffering from certain rather unusual
economic difficulties. We have an abnormally
high rate of unemployment. We have had a con-
tinuing deficit in our balance of payments. We
have a large unused plant capacity, and we have,
as you all know, assumed international economic
commitments, both with respect to the mainte-
nance of international peace and security and with
respect to the encouragement of economic growth
of the less developed nations of the world, which
are very great indeed. However, our economy in
the United States is already beginning to solve
these problems. We are recovering from the
recession. Industrial production is climbing.
Housing construction employment has increased.
My Government is determined that the United
States will move forward to attain accelerated
economic growth, which will enable us to make
our full contribution to meeting the proposed
goals which we put before this meeting. We are
determined that we ourselves shall adopt policies
that will permit us to attain this proposed rate
of growth without any retreat from our interna-
tional commitments. In fact, an accelerated rate
of economic growth is almost essential if we are
to maintain with other OECD governments these
vast commitments.

The projection of a 50 percent rise in the United
States output between 1961 and 1970— a com-
pound rate of growth, as was noted by the Secre-
tary General, of 4.6 percent a year^ — implies only
a moderate improvement on past trends in the
growth of capacity. In the middle and late 1950's
the rate of growth in our capacity to produce was
of the order of 3i/^ percent annually. This rate
of growth of potential is compounded out of a
productivity growth rate of 2 percent per annum
(in gross national product per person employed)
and a labor force growth rate of 1% percent. In
the earlier postwar period productivity advanced
more rapidly and the rate of growth was higher.
Only part of this higher rate of growth was the
consequence of nonrepeatable factoi-s stemming
from the depression and the war.

Actual gross national product grew at a rate of
only 2.3 percent per annum between 1955 and
1960. The discrepancy between actual and po-
tential growth output is easily explained. Some
slack began to appear toward the end of the 1955-
57 boom, and, more significantly, the recovery

1016

after the recession of 1958 failed to carry the econ-
omy to its then existing potential. The rates of
unemployment at the peaks of the cycle in 1957
and 1960 were 4.2 percent and 5.1 percent
respectively.

It is expected that policies for the improved
training and increased mobility of the labor force
will, before the end of the decade, allow the econ-
omy to operate with a higher pressure of demand
on capacity than seems feasible at present without
inflationary pressure. Both of the peaks in the
period 1955 to 1960 also found the economy with
considerable excess capacity in terms both of plant
and equipment.

However, the year 1961 finds our economy
operating at about 93 percent of its potential out-
put, with a gross national product of $520 billion.
If by 1963 it can attain its potential output (de-
fined as output produced at about 4 percent unem-
ployment) it will then have a gross national
product of $600 billion, stated in prices of the
second quarter of 1961. An average rate of com-
pound growth of 3.8 percent for the 7 years fol-
lowing would be sufficient to carry real GNP to
$780 billion in 1970— a 50 percent gain over 1961.

Prospects of Reaching Potential

Wliat are the prospects that the United States
economy will reach its potential in the present
recovery ? The prospects, we believe, are excellent
given the application of sensible fiscal and mone-
tary policies. The gross failure to achieve poten-
tial at the peak is a fairly recent phenomenon in
America; and, in the present state of economic
knowledge, it is a phenomenon that we are per-
suaded is avoidable. IMy Government is de-
termined to revert to the earlier days when our
performance in this respect was better.

An average growth rate of 3.8 percent after the
achievement of potential is a very modest extrap-
olation of past trends. The 3i/^ percent yearly
rate of growth of potential in the latter half of
the fifties was diminished by the persistent gap
between actual and potential output experienced
in the period. Billions of dollars' worth of in-
vestment in new plant and equipment were for-
gone by the economy, as businessmen with idle
capacity were reluctant to invest. Average labor
productivity, which rises as overhead manage-

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

J

ment, clerical, and maintenance staffs are spread
over a large output, and with investment in im-
proved equipment, inevitably lagged during this
period.

In short, a better record in achieving and main-
taining full employment during the sixties than
was achieved in the fifties can be expected to main-
tain or perhaps raise the rate of growth of po-
tential above its present level, and the modest
increase of three-tenths of a point necessary for
the achievement of our 1970 goal is well within our
grasp.

Thus far we have assimied that unemployment
would fall at the peak of the present recovery to
4 percent and that, at cyclical peaks in the re-
mainder of the decade, unemployment would not
drop below 4 percent. But a 4 percent rate of
unemployment is only an intermediate goal. A
further source of growth from present levels
would be a drop in imemployment at cyclical
peaks to 3-31^ percent, for example. Such a
development would make it possible to exceed the
proposed target growth of 50 percent in 1970.

Between 1950 and 1960 the total labor force
grew at an average annual rate of li/4 percent in
the United States. Demographic projections indi-
cate that between 1960 and 1970 that rate will rise
to 1% percent. Such an acceleration in the growth
of the labor force adds to the difficulties of a full-
employment policy. But the administration is de-
termined to meet that problem in any case. Mere
continuation of the 2 percent annual increase in
productivity per worker will then imply an an-
nual growth in potential of 3% percent, wliich
again imderlines the modesty of the proposed
target.

Merely to maintain the already achieved rate
of growth of productivity will require an increased
volume of investment so that additional workers
may be equipped with capital and so that capital
per worker may increase at faster rates. Accelera-
tion of the rate of growth of productivity will
entail a rise in the fraction of GNP invested in
private plant and equipment from the present
9-91/^ percent to lO-lOi/^ percent — a figure which
was equaled or exceeded throughout the period
1947-57.

Our own sights are set even higher than that
since it is our intent to move to an annual growth
rate of potential output in excess of 4 percent.

Policies in the tax and monetary fields aimed at
achieving an increased volume of investment are
already part of the program of tlie Kennedy ad-
ministration.

The other major components of a growth policy
are the expansion of the amount and share of
resources devoted to education in the broadest
sense, and to scientific and technological research,
the retraining of technologically displaced work-
ers, public assistance for the redevelopment of
depressed areas, and a liberalization of interna-
tional trade on a recii^rocal basis.

The carrying out of such policies will add to
the growth potential of the American economy by
amounts which cannot yet be estimated; but we
expect the United States to be able to do its full
share to meet the proposed growth target which
we are discussing this afternoon.

Problems of Other OECD Countries

Now I am aware that the problems which may
concern other members of the OECD in meeting
the proposed 50 percent increase in our combined
gross products are somewhat different, both in
kind and degree, from those we face in the United
States. On the other hand, I am also aware that
several important OECD countries are currently
growing at a rate much faster than is necessary
to meet the proposed target and have already
maintained this rate of gi'owth for several years.
On balance, therefore, the proposed target seems
to us conservative.

It is my personal belief that the OECD coun-
tries will surpass the target by a substantial mar-
gin. I think that, in assessing the possibilities
of attaining the proposed rate of growth, it is
not enough merely to examine the growth poten-
tial of each member nation. We should not over-
look the extra impetus to growth that should
come from our working together for the achieve-
ment of a common target.

As our distinguished Secretary General
[Thorkil Kristensen] eloquently said — last Au-
gust in Oxford, I believe:

It is very much easier to take courageous, constructive,
expansionist, liberal measures, if many countries do it at
the same time, than if the individual country is doing
it in isolation.

Now I have made these suggestions in support
of a proposal that we set a growth target wliich

December 18, I96T

1017

would call for an increase in the combined
GNP's of the OECD countries by 50 percent be-
tween this year and the end of the decade. It is
our understanding that certain of the delegations
here feel that it would be more appropriate for
us to set this target of a 50 percent increase, not
in terms of the 9 years that remain from now to
the end of the decade but in terms of the decade
of the sixties. Well, we believe that the target
that we have suggested is a reasonable one. We
nevertheless feel that, if this body prefers the
10-year target, we would certainly interpose no
objections to its adoption.

Let me say in closing, Mr. Chairman, that I do
believe that the efforts which are envisaged by
either the 9-year or the 10-year target are rela-
tively modest ; but I must emphasize that the ulti-
mate purposes which we are facing here today are
by no means modest. We have an opportunity to
prove (not only by what we do this afternoon,
but the way in which we carry out the steps neces-
sary to the achievement of the goal that we may
set) that our empirical mixture of public and
private enterprise is far more dynamic and,
simultaneously, more conducive to human well-
being than any other economic arrangement that
the world has devised. We have an opportunity
to prove that personal freedom is compatible with
vigorous economic advancement and that it can
be sustained even in a world of change, uncer-
tainty, and peril. We have an opportunity to
reaffirm — both among ourselves and in our rela-
tions with less developed nations — a central thesis
of our ethics, that self-interest is entirely con-
sistent with a sincere devotion to the interests of
others.

Finally, we have an opportunity to prove again
what has been proved so many times in the past,
that history contains no laws of inevitability and
that the future belongs to whatever men and na-
tions are willing to grasp it.

TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE

Press release 798 dated November 18

The First Ministerial Council of the OECD,
meeting in Paris on November 16 and 17 under
the chairmanship of the Canadian Minister of Fi-
nance, the Honorable Donald M. Fleming, sur-
veyed the economic prospects of the vast

community of member nations comprising more
than five hundred million people in Europe and
North America and examined its world responsi-
bilities.

The Ministers noted the substantial economic
growth that had taken place in most member
countries during the past decade. They agreed
on the desirability of establishing a target for
further growth. Under conditions of price stabil-
ity and the necessary provision for investment,
rapid growth facilitates the harmonious develop-
ment of world economy, helps to promote a liberal
world trading system, provides a necessary foun-
dation for rising living standards, and ensures a
high level of employment. It will enable indus-
trialized member countries to contribute more
effectively to the development of less-advanced
countries both through the provision of financial
and technical assistance and through a widening
of their export markets and the increase of their
export revenues.

Accordingly the Ministers set as a collective
target the attainment during the decade from 1960
to 1970 of a growth in real gross national product
of fifty percent for the twenty member countries
taken together. The rate of growth may vary
from year to year and from country to country.
Moreover, being a collective target, individual
countries may fall short of or exceed it in varying
degrees.

Each country will have to make its contribution
to collective growth in accordance with its own
special circumstances. This contribution will be
supported and made more effective by simultane-
ous expansion in other countries. The setting of
a joint target for economic growth is itself recog-
nition of the increasing interdependence of the
separate economies of the twenty member coun- ■
tries. Given their needs, it is desirable that mem-
ber countries in the process of development should
have a relatively higher rate of growth. A fifty
percent increase in output during the decade will
call for deliberate national economic policies and ■
their coordination through the Organization's pro- T
cedures of consultations and cooperation.

In this respect the Ministers put particular
emphasis on the necessity of a proper equilibrium
in the external payments of member countries as
a condition for the fulfillment of the growth target
mentioned above. It was therefore necessary to
develop still further the close coordination of fi-

i

1018

Deparfment of Sfate Bulletin

nancial and economic policies and the mutual sense
of responsibility between deficit and surplus
countries in order to attain the common objective
of accelerated economic growth while further im-
proving the international payments mechanism.
The various means already available to relieve
temporary pressures on particular currencies were
of great value, but they should be further
developed.

Price stability is of the highest importance in
order to assure to the population the full benefit
of economic growth and to maintain equilibrium
in international payments. Excess demand
should, therefore, be prevented and efforts made
to improve productivity and labor mobility. The
gains through higher productivity should be
fairly distributed, and increases in the level of
money incomes should be kept generally in line
with increases in productivity, which alone pro-
vide the means to a durable increase in the stand-
ard of living. In countries with payments deficits
it is particularly important that the competitive
position is not undermined through cost increases.
Liberal import policies are another means of assur-
ing price stability. The surplus countries have a
special responsibility to use this and other means
available to them which contribute to both external
and internal equilibrium.

The Ministers emphasized that a special effort
must be made to promote growth in less-developed
member countries and thus endeavor to reduce the
very great disparities in incomes per head. In
these countries there are great possibilities for
achieving a higher standard of living through
more intensive use of natural and human resources.
They stressed their conviction that more invest-
ment and more training are necessary conditions
for such a development. To induce a real in-
crease in the inadequate growth rates of such mem-
ber countries the Ministers instructed the Organi-
zation to encourage and assist such countries in
their efforts, including the preparation and
achievement of sound development plans.

In order to achieve the growth target, increas-
ing use of scientific training and research is
needed. Their utilization in agriculture and in-
dustry should be closely studied. The Organiza-
tion should further develop its work in these fields.

The Ministers noted that, thanks to increased
productivity and mechanization, agricultural pro-
duction had risen considerably in the OECD

countries and they recognized that agriculture
would also play an important role in attaining
the collective growth target. The Ministers
agreed that necessary adjustments within agricul-
ture should be carefully studied. They thought
that increased productivity within agriculture
should contribute to general price stability. In
addition, agriculture could, in many countries,
make manpower available for the expansion of
industry. In this connection the importance was
recognized of insuring that the agricultural popu-
lation should share in the rising standard of living
resulting from economic growth. The Ministers
agreed with the OECD Ministers of Agriculture
meeting of October 1961 that agricultural policies
should be the subject of continuous consultation
and confrontation within the Organization in
order to insure that industrial and agricultural
production developed harmoniously.

The Ministers were determined that increased
production should lead to a significant increase in
the aid to the less-developed countries. In 1960,
the aggregate flow of resources, both public and
private, from member countries and Japan, a
member of the Organization's Development As-
sistance Committee, amounted to about $7.5 bil-
lion. The Ministers agreed that a further increase
of development assistance was needed and they
welcomed the intention of the Development As-
sistance Committee to institute, beginning in 1962,
an annual review of aid efforts and policies of its
member countries. The main purpose should be to
increase the efforts and to adapt them better to the
needs and circumstances of the recipient coimtries
through exchange of experience regarding bilat-
eral aid. The Ministers expressed the desire that
the Development Assistance Committee should
encourage greater cooperation among donor coun-
tries in their bilateral aid efforts and that a com-
mon approach should be applied increasingly to
specific problems of economic development assist-
ance. They also recognized the need for full
cooperation with and support of multilateral itt-
stitutions providing development aid, and they
welcomed the work going on to define measures
to encourage private capital exports to less-
developed countries.

The Ministers recognized that successful eco-
nomic expansion in less-developed countries can
best be achieved through carefully prepared
programs based on an assessment of needs and re-

December 18, T96I

1019

sources. They, therefore, welcome individual and
regional efforts by less-developed countries in
drawing up such programs. The Ministers in-
structed the Organization to study the functions
and structure of the contemplated OECD de-
velopment center which could help, in coordina-
tion with existing institutions, to meet the urgent
need for more knowledge and for qualified per-
sons to assist in the development efforts.

The ]Ministers stressed the importance of re-
ducing barriers to the exchange of goods and
services, in particular on the part of the more
industrialized countries, as a means of promoting
economic growth and of providing expanding
markets. Tliey emphasized the need to seek ways
and means, both in the OECD and in other inter-
national forums, to reduce barriers to trade among
OECD countries and between OECD countries
and the rest of the world. The main instrument
of the Organization in achieving this aim should
be periodic confrontations of trade policies. The
Ministers underlined the significance of the nego-
tiations between the European economic com-
munity and other European countries. The ar-
rangements adopted should safeguard the legiti-
mate interests of other countries. They expressed
their satisfaction that the countries engaged in
negotiations were willing to keep the OECD in-
formed of the progress of the negotiations. The
aim of the Organization should be to contribute
to the maximum freedom of trade and to enable
the less-developed countries to obtain increasing
export revenues.

In conclusion, the Ministers noted that these
measures were but first steps in a collective effort
that must extend increasingly beyond the rela-
tionships among their own countries and the mate-
rial well-being of their citizens. Member coun-
tries will pursue together the three objectives of
the OECD convention pertaining to economic
growth, aid and trade in order to ensure a sound
expanding free world economy.

AID Awards Contract to Nigeria

The Department of State announced on No-
vember 29 (press release 823) that the Agency for
International Development has awarded its first
contract to assist industrial growth in an under-
developed nation. At the request of the Nigerian

Government, the Agency on November 20 signed
a $1.9 million, 2-year agreement to help the Ni-
gerian Government expand its economy, create
new industries, and stimulate private investment.
The contract has been placed with Arthur D.
Little, Inc., a research and consulting firm of
Cambridge, Mass.

The new project launches AID's first joint effort
for a comprehensive industrial development pro-
gram ever made in tropical Africa. Experts of
the Little firm will work with officials of the Fed-
eral and Eegional Governments of Nigeria in
making detailed studies designed to identify and
evaluate specific industrial opportunities for pri-
vate investment. The Nigerian Government will
use these studies in developing programs to attract
private capital from both Nigerian and outside
sources. In addition, the American advisers will
be working with local entrepreneurs in three
regional development centers to improve their
product lines, marketing techniques, and financial
structures.

United States To Cooperate With'FAO
in Freedom-From-Hunger Campaign

Remarks hy President Kennedy *

White Hoase press release dated November 22

It is a great pleasure and honor to welcome to
the Wliite House again Mrs. Woodrow WUson
and Miss Marian Anderson as representatives of
the United States Freedom-From-Hunger
Foundation.

It is fitting that on tomorrow, Thanksgiving
Day, the United States will launch its freedom-
from-hunger campaign in cooperation with the
United Nations Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion.'^ As the Pilgrims gave thanks more than
three centuries ago for a bountiful harvest, so we
give thanks in 1961 for the blessings of our agri-
culture and the continued opportxmity that the

' Made at the White House on Nov. 22 at a ceremony
announcing the appointment of 33 members of the United
States Freedom-From-Hunger Foundation, which will
spearhead U.S. participation in the 5-year Freedom-From-
Hunger Campaign of the U.N. Food and Agriculture
Organization. For a list of the members of the Founda-
tion, see White House press release dated Nov. 22.

' For background, see Bulietin of Jan. 18, 1960, p. &i,
and July 18, 1960, p. 117.

1020

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

great productivity of our farms gives us in sharing
our food with the world's hungry.

President Woodrow Wilson responded to that
opportunity in 1914, when food was sent to Europe.
The American people have answered this call be-
fore, in all parts of the world, and they answer
it now. Since last January, under the Food-for-
Peace Program directed by Mr. [George] Mc-
Govern, nearly 28 million tons of food have been
programed for shipment abroad.

The challenge of world hunger is one that we
must meet, knowing that the burden is greater
today than it has ever been before. But it is
heartening to know that we are now joined in a
worldwide alliance, the Freedom-From-Hunger
Campaign, to eliminate hunger from the earth.

As long as there are hungry families — mothers,
fathers, and children — through the world, we can-
not possibly believe or feel that our great agricul-
tural production, in any sense, is a burden. It is
a great asset, not only for ourselves but for people
all over the world; and I think that, instead of
using the term "surpluses," and regarding it, in
a sense, as a failure, we should regard it as one
of the great evidences of our country's capacity
and also as a great resource in order to demonstrate
our concern for our fellow men.

As I have said, as long as any of them are hun-
gry tomorrow, I am sure that Americans will not
sit down at their table without hoping that we
can do more to aid those who sit at no table.

ment of Agriculture with respect to cotton or
products thereof, or to reduce substantially the
amount of cotton processed in the United States
from cotton or products thereof with respect to
which such programs or operations are being
undertaken.

The Tariff Commission is requested to make an
immediate investigation under Section 22 of the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, to de-
termine whether a fee equivalent to the per pound
export subsidy rate on the cotton content of im-
ported articles and materials wholly or in part of
cotton is necessary to prevent the imports of such
articles from rendering or tending to render in-
effective or materially interfering with the De-
partment's programs for cotton and cotton
products, or from reducing substantially the
amoimt of products processed in the United States
from cotton or products thereof, with respect to
which such programs are being undertaken.

The Commission's investigation and report
should be completed as soon as practicable.

A copy of the Secretary's letter is enclosed.^
Sincerely,

John F. Kennedy

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

President Requests Investigation
of Duty on Cotton imports

White House press release dated November 21

Following is the text of a letter from President
Kennedy to Ben D. Dorfman, Chairman of the
U.S. Tariff Commission.

November 21,1961

Dear Mr. Dorfman : I have been advised by the
Secretary of Agriculture that there is reason to
believe that articles or materials wholly or in part
of cotton are being or are practically certain to be
imported into the United Stat«s under such condi-
tions and in such quantities as to render or tend to
render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the
programs or operations undertaken by the Depart-

87th'Congress, 1st Session

Export of Ball Bearing Machines to Russia. Hearings
before the Subcommittee To Investigate the Adminis-
tration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal
Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
February 28, 1961. 26G pp.

Wetlands Acquisition and Oil Pollution of the Sea. Hear-
ing before the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Sub-
committee of the Senate Committee on Commerce on
S. 2187, a bill to implement the provisions of the Inter-
national Convention for the Prevention of the Pollution
of the Sea by Oil, 1954, and S. 2175 and H.R. 7391,
bills to promote the conservation of migratory water-
fowl by the acquisition of wetlands and other essential
waterfowl habitat, and for other purposes. July 31,
1961. 40 pp.

Organizing for National Security : State, Defense, and
the National Security Council. Hearings before the
Subcommittee on National Policy Machinery of the
Senate Government Operations Committee. Part IX.
August 1-24, 1961. 165 pp.

Report of the Activities of the National Advisory Council
on International Monetary and Financial Problems.
Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting
a report for the period July 1 to December 31, 1960. H.
Doc. 241. September 14, 1961. 47 pp.

' Not printed.

December 78, I96I

1021

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ^

Adjourned During November 1961

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 8th Meeting. .

UNESCO Executive Board: 60th Session

2d International Film Festival of India

U.N. ECAFE Regional Cartographic Conference for Asia and the
Far East: 3d Session.

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Working Party
on Conditions of Sale for Cereals.

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on River
Law.

FAO Council: 36th Session

ILO Meeting of Consultants on the Problems of Young Workers . .

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Paymeuts Restrictions ....

Consultative Committee on Cooperative Economic Development
in South and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : 13th Meeting.

OECD Oil Committee

NATO Petroleum Planning Committee

GATT Provisional Cotton Textile Committee: Statistical Subcom-
mittee.

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Organization and Operation of Industrial
Estates.

Subcommittee of the Heads of Examining Patent Offices of the
Council of Europe.

FAO Conference: 11th Session

CENTO Military Committee

OECD Committee for Scientific and Technical Personnel

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commis-
sioner for Refugees: 6th Session.

Committee of Experts on Patents of the Council of Europe. . . .

Inter-American Commission of Women: Executive Committee . .

ILO Governing Body: 150th Session

NATO Medical Committee

OECD Ministerial Meeting

OECD Nonferrous Metals Committee

SEATO Committee of Economic Experts

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group . .

IMCO Expert Working Group on Pollution of the Sea by Oil . . .

FAO Council: 37th Session

International Rubber Study Group: 68th Meeting of Management
Committee.

GATT Ministerial Meeting

Tokyo Oct. 23-Nov. 11

Paris Oct. 25-Nov. 29

New Dellii Oct. 27-Nov. 2

Bangkok Oct. 27-Nov. 10

Geneva Oct. 30-Nov. 3

Geneva Oct. 30-Nov. 3

Rome Oct. 30-Nov. 3

Geneva Oct. 30-Nov. 4

Geneva Oct. 30-Nov. 10

Kuala Lumpur Oct. 30-Nov. 18

Paris Nov. 1 (1 day)

Paris Nov. 1 (1 day)

Geneva Nov. 1-2

Madras

Nov. 1-11

Strasbourg Nov. 2-6

Rome Nov. 4-24

Washington Nov. 6-7

Paris Nov. 6-10

Geneva Nov. 6-10

Strasbourg Nov. 7-11

Washington Nov. 9 (1 day)

Geneva Nov. 13-25

Paris Nov. 14-15

Paris Nov. 16-17

Paris Nov. 17 (1 day)

Bangkok Nov. 20-24

Cieneva Nov. 20-24

London Nov. 21-22

Rome Nov. 25 (1 day)

London Nov. 27-29

Geneva Nov. 27-30

In Session as of November 30, 1961

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotion Ques-
tion.

United Nations General Assembly: 16th Session

GATT Contracting Parties: 19th Session

ICAO Limited European- Mediterranean Frequency Assignment
Planning Meeting.

ICAO South American-South Atlantic Rules of the Air and Air
Traffic Services/Communications Meeting.

U.N. ECAFE Regional Training Seminar on Trade Promotion . .

International Wheat Council: 33d Session

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 4th Session . . .

Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

Geneva May 16-

New York Sept. 19-

Geneva Nov. 13-

Paris Nov. 14-

Lima

Nov. 14-

New Delhi Nov. 20-

London Nov. 20-

Tokyo Nov. 27-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Nov. 30, 1061. Following is a list of abbre\nations: CENTO,
Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, FJconomic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission
for Europe; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; lA-ECOSOC,
Inter-American Economic and Social Council; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International
Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommu-
nication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Devel-
opment; SEATO, So\itheast Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations P-Iducational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization; WiMO, World Meteorological Organization.

1022

Department of State Bulletin

2d U.N. ECAFE/WMO International Seminar on Field Methods Bangkok Nov. 27-

and Equipment Used in Hydrology and Hydrometeorology
U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 2d Meeting of Geneva Nov. 27-

Study Group for Projections on Agricultural Problems.
Inter-American Consultative Group on Narcotics Control: 2d Rio de Janeiro Nov. 27-

Meeting.
Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed Geneva Nov. 28-

session) .

U.N. ECE Working Party on Gas Problems Geneva Nov. 29-

ITU Roundtable Discussions on Revisions of Radio Regulations Geneva Nov. 30-

and Schedule of Conferences.
lA-ECOSOC Meeting at the Expert Level Washington Nov. 29-

Working Toward a World Without War

Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson

UjS. Representative to the General Assembly ^

The earlier portions of the remarks by the dis-
tinguished representative of the Soviet Union
were devoted to a repetition of tlie Soviet version
of the problem of Berlin and of Germany. "While
this is quite irrelevant, I must remind the com-
mittee for the record that it is clear that the
Berlin problem is a problem created by the Soviet
Union for its own purposes. It is the Soviet
Union which is trying to breach the agreements
on Berlin. It is the Soviet Union which has il-
legally erected a wall which divides that city. It
is the Soviet Union which is seeking to perpetuate
the division of Germany.

Regarding the Soviet desire to liquidate what
they call the vestiges of the war, I would remind
the committee that the Soviet Union regards as
vestiges of the war only what is not to its liking,
that is, the Western presence in Berlin, the free-
dom of movement within that city, and the hope
for the reunification of Germany. It evidently
does not regard as a vestige of the war such things
as the division of Gennany and of Berlin.

It calls this a situation brought about by life
itself. But this problem of Germany is not be-
fore us today, and I have no intention of pressing

this matter further but rather propose to turn
my attention to the item on our agenda, which is
disarmament.

If I understood Mr. [Valerian A.] Zorin, he
said that the American plan ^ was ambiguous
about the production, for example, of arms and
fissionable materials. I would invite his atten-
tion to paragraph c of stage III, wliich reads as
follows :

The manufacture of armaments would be prohibited
except for those of agreed types and quantities to be
used by the United Nations Peace Force and those re-
quired to maintain internal order. All other armaments
would be destroyed or converted to peaceful purposes.

But such misstatements will be dealt with when
the details of disarmament are discussed.

I agree with Mr. Zorin that this subject of dis-
armament is the most important question before
this committee and, indeed, before this General
Assembly. I only wish that his misleading and
freqtiently abusive speech had produced some-
thing new and some encouragement for real dis-
armament. I earnestly hope that on examination

'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Nov.
15 (U.S. delegation press release 3837).

' For text of a U.S. proposal entitled "Declaration on
Disarmament: A Programme for General and Complete
Disarmament in a Peaceful World," which was sub-
mitted to the General Assembly on Sept. 25, see Bulletin
of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.

December 78, I96I

1023

the draft resolution which he has presented to me
just now will give us some greater hope than the
speech portends.

War is one of our oldest institutions. It is
deeply imbedded in the traditions, the folliways,
the literature, even the values of most all coun-
tries. It has engaged talented men and pro-
duced national heroes. At the same time, civi-
lized men and women for centuries past have
abhorred the immorality of organized killing of
men by men. Yet let us confess at once, to our
common shame, that this deep sense of revulsion
has not averted wars, nor shortened one by a day.

Wliile I do not say that all wars have been
started for unworthy purposes, let us also con-
fess— morality to the side — that most all past
wars have served to promote what was conceived
to be the national or princely or religious in-
terests of those who fought them — or at least
those who won them. For in past ware there
have been winners as well as losers, the victors
and the vanquished, the decorated and the dead.
In the end, valuable real estate and other riches
have changed hands. Thrones have been won, re-
gimes transferred, rule extended, religions and
ideologies imposed, empires gained and lost, ag-
gressions halted or advanced. Thus wars in the
past have sometimes been a means of settling inter-
national disputes, of changing political control,
of inducing social transformation, and even of
stimulating science and technology.

And I suppose that on moral grounds it is only
a difference of degree whether millions are killed
or only thousands — whether the victims include
children in the debris of a big city building or
only young men lying on a battlefield in the
countryside. Nor has war been a very efficient
way of settling disputes. Yesterday's enemies
are today's friends. First the victor pays for
destruction of his enemy, then for reconstruction
of his friend.

But war in the future would differ funda-
mentally from war in the past — not in degree but
in kind. It is this which seems so difficult to
grasp. Thermonuclear war cannot serve anyone's
national interest — no matter how moral or im-
moral that interest may be, no matter how just or
unjust, no matter how noble or ignoble — regard-
less of the nation's ideology, faith, or social
system.

It is no satisfaction to suggest that the issue of
morality in war thus has become academic. Yet

1024

this is the fact, and perhaps it will serve to clarify
the dialog of war and peace. For we can now free
our collective conscience of nice ethical distinc-
tions and face the stark, amoral fact that war has
ceased to be practical, that no nation can con-
template resort to modern war except in defense
against intolerable exaction or aggression. There-
fore we must abolish war to save our collective
skins. For as long as this nuclear death dance
continues, millions — tens of millions — perhaps
hundreds of millions are living on borrowed time.

I suggested a moment ago that war is such an
ancient institution, so deeply entrenched in tradi-
tion, that it requires a strenuous intellectual effort
to imagine a world free from war. So it does, and
I shall have more to say about this later. But I
submit that the alternative effort is to imagine a
world at the end of another war, when great areas
and great places have been turned into radioac-
tive wasteland, when millions upon millions of
people are already dead while debris from those
great mushroom clouds drifts ghoulishly over the
living, when great parts of our institutions, ideol-
ogies, faiths, and beliefs — even our art and litera-
ture— lie smashed in the smoke and rubble of mate-
rial destruction.

I submit that, however difficult the vision of a
world loithout war may be, it is not only a happier
but an easier vision to imagine than one of a world
after war. In any event, we must choose between
them.

It is against this bleak reality that we meet once
again, Mr. Chairman, to take up the subject of
disarmament.

History of Disarmament Negotiations

The story of man's efforts to do away with arma-
ments is a long and sorry one. At various times
this or that measure of disarmament has seemed
within our grasp. My own country has a proud
record in this respect. We supported the two
Hague conferences. We took the lead in naval
disarmament after World War I. We did our
utmost to make the comprehensive Disarmament
Conference of 1932 a success. And after World
War II we stripped our armed forces to the bone
in the hope and belief that we had made some
progress toward a peaceful world.

Disarmament was one of the first orders of busi-
ness for the United Nations. Fifteen years ago, at
the first meeting of this Assembly, the United

Department of State Bulletin

I

States delegation, of which I was a member, made
a proposal as revolutionary as the scientific dis-
covery which prompted it. At that time we pro-
posed to destroy the few atomic weapons which
the United States alone possessed, to outlaw for-
ever the manufacture of such weapons, to place the
development of atomic energy in all its forms
under the full control of the United Nations, and
to turn over to this Organization all facilities and
all information bearing on atomic science and
technology; all this to prevent an atomic arms
race.

The world does not need to be reminded here of
the tragic consequences of the rejection of that
initiative of a decade and a half ago. Since then
there has been a long series of commissions, com-
mittees, subcommittees, and conferences, inside the
United Nations and out, which have tried to deal
with the question of general disarmament and first
steps toward it.

After the Soviet delegation walked out of the
10-power general disarmament talks in June 1960,^
our main hopes were focused on the 3-power nego-
tiations at Geneva for a treaty to ban the testing
of atomic weapons.- After 2iA years of patient
negotiations, in the course of which significant
progress was made, the United States and Britain
tabled a comprehensive treaty * which they had
every reason to believe would meet the remaining
points of difference with the Soviet Union. The
United States and Britain were prepared to sign
a comprehensive treaty at once — and still are.

Then on the last day of last August came the
shocking news that the Soviet Union would break
the moratorium which it had advocated and vowed
never to break. The United States and Britain
immediately offered to agree with the Soviet
Union to ban at once all tests in the atmosphere
without inspection — to spare mankind the hazards
of radioactive fallout." We regret that, like the
Baruch proposals, this offer was also rejected by
the Soviet Union.®

Since that time the Soviet Union has carried on
a series of nuclear weapons tests with unprece-
dented pollution of the atmosphere. It was
climaxed by the explosion of history's most ap-
palling weapon, a superbomb of more than 50

• For background, see iMd., July 18, 1960, p. 88.
' For text, see ibid., June 5, 1961, p. 870.

° For background and text of a joint U.S.-U.K. proposal
of Sept. 1, see ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475.

• For background, see ibid., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515.

megatons, or more than 50 million tons of TNT.
This weapon's destructive power exceeds any
known military requirements. So its principal
purpose is to serve the political strategy of terror.

This action was taken in disregard of pleas from
governments and peoples all over the non-Commu-
nist world — and, finally, in defiance of an unprec-
edented resolution of the United Nations General
Assembly supported by 87 nations. '

To all our pleas the Soviet Union, for months
past, has invariably replied that it will agree to a
ban on nuclear tests only as part of an agreement
for general and complete disarmament. By insist-
ing on this link between an issue which we had
nearly resolved and the difficult issue of disarma-
ment, the Soviet Union has tightened the knot and
made it harder than ever to untie. Only last
Thursday the General Assembly rejected the idea
of delaying a test ban treaty by calling once again,
by a vote of 71 to 11, for the urgent resumption of
negotiations to outlaw nuclear tests.^

So let me point out at once to the distinguished
representative of the Soviet Union that it is his
country alone which insists on making a genuine
and effective test ban dependent on the achieve-
ment of general disarmament. And because it
does so insist, the Soviet Union, as we now move
into the debate on general and complete disarma-
ment, becomes doubly answerable to world opinion.
The world will look to them in this debate to
answer not one but two burning questions : Do you
or don't you want disarmament? and — once
again — Do you or don't you want an end to nuclear
weapons, in fact or just in rhetoric ?

And yet there is this much connection between
the two subjects: The advance in weapons tech-
nology as a result of tests must ultimately increase
our common peril. It is a measure of the tragic
failure of all our efforts to reach disarmament
agreements. And it is a compelling challenge to
my Government to try again — to make a fresh
start — to insist with the utmost urgency that the
weapons which have made war an obsolete insti-
tution be laid aside quickly before others are forced
in self-defense to carry this insensate race yet an-
other stage toward ultimate folly.

No doubt there are those who will ask how we
can dare realistically to speak of disarmament to-
day, when the winds of conflict blow all about us.

' For text of resolution, see ibid., Nov. 13, 1961, p. 817.
'Ibid., Dec. 4, 1961, p. 936.

December 78, 7961

1025

There are those who will ask whether this is mere
wishful thinking, whether this is more than
escapism.

To that we would reply : Escapism, no ; escape,
yes. For man rnm^t escape, not in wishful dreams
but in hard reality. We mu^t escape from this
spiral of fear, from the outmoded illusion that
lasting security for peoples can be found by bal-
ancing out the wildly destructive power in the
hands of their governments.

As President Kennedy said to the General As-
sembly on September 25 : '^

Today, every inhabitant of this planet must contem-
plate the day when this planet may no longer be habitable.
Every man, woman, and child lives under a nuclear sword
of Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of threads, capa-
ble of being cut at any moment by accident or miscalcu-
lation or by madness. The weapons of war must be abol-
ished before they abolish us.

President Kennedy informed the General As-
sembly then that the United States has prepared a
new set of proposals for general and complete dis-
armament. These proposals were circulated sub-
sequently to all members.'"

He also outlined my Government's conception
of what is needed to create a world without war.
It is a view which embraces first steps, subse-
quent steps, and the ultimate goal at the end of
the road. And it goes far beyond the technical
steps in arms reduction. It requires the resei'va-
tion of outer space for peaceful uses. It includes
international programs for economic and social
progress. And it insists especially upon the e.s-
.sential need to build up the machinery of peace
while we tear down the machinery of war — that
these must go hand in hand, that these, indeed,
must be but two parts of a single program.

For in a world without arms, military power
would be taken out of the hands of nations; but
other forms of power would remain — and mostly
in the hands of the same states which are the most
powerful military states today.

Conflicting ideologies would still be with us.

Political struggles would still take place.

Social systems would still be subject to disrup-
tive pressures from within and without.

Economic strength would still be a factor in,
and an instrument of, national foreign policies.

• Ibid., Oct. IG, 1901, p. (!19.
'"Ibid., p. 650.

And the world would still be the scene of peace-
ful transformations — for it cannot and should not
remain static.

Let us be clear about all this: Disarmament
alone will not purify the human race of the last
vestiges of greed, ambition, and brutality, of false
pride and the love of power. Nor will it cleanse
every last national leader of the least impulse to
international lawlessness. No sane and honest man
can pretend to foresee such a paradise on earth —
even an earth without arms. But it would be a
safer earth, where the cont-est and conflict could
be waged in peace.

Clearly, then, disarmament will not usher in
Utopia. But it will prevent the wanton wastage
of life and the wholesale destruction of material
resources. And it will free the energies of man
to engage in beneficent pursuits. How much could
be done to improve the conditions of man — his edu-
cation, his health, his nutrition, and his housing —
if even a small portion of the fimds and the in-
genuity of man now devoted to improving tlie art
of killing were transferred to improving the art
of living!

Who would keep the peace in a disarmed world?
How would our disputes get settled when arms
have been taken away?

If we can answer these questions, we are much
nearer to a solution of the problem of disarma-
ment. For these questions open up the imex-
plored ground between first steps toward disarma-
ment and the vision at the end of the road. And
the vision of a world free from M'ar will remain
a Utopian illusion until means for keeping the
peace lend it reality.

It therefore seems clear to me that the only
way to general and complete disarmament lies
along two parallel paths which must be traveled
together. One leads to the absence of arms, the
otlier to the presence of adequate machinery for
keeping the peace. As we destroy an obsolete
institution for the settlement of disputes, we must
create new institutions for the settlement of dis-
putes— and simultaneously. M

Let me repeat for emphasis. We do not hold *
the vision of a world without conflict. We do
hold the vision of a world without war — and this
inevitably requires an alternative system for cop-
ing with conflict. We cannot have one without
the other. But if we travel the two roads to-

1026

Department of State Bulletin

gether, if we build as we destroy, we can solve the
technical problems of dismantling the vast appa-
ratus of war.

U.S. Proposal for Disarmament

Let me come now to the United States proposals
for dismantling the towering and costly machin-
ery of war.

To begin with, the United Stat«s emphatically
embraces the commitment to general and complete
disarmament. We proclaim the goal — without
reservation — and in the shortest possible span of
time. And we take this terminology to mean
exactly what it says : the general and complete dis-
armament of all national forces capable of inter-
national aggression and the safe disposal of all
their arms.

It is interesting to note that the conference of
nonalined nations which met in Belgrade in Sep-
tember of this year ^^ demonstrates how widely
shared our goal is. I quote their words:

The participants in the Conference consider that dis-
armament is an imperative need and the most urgent
tasic of manliind. A radical solution of this problem,
which has become an urgent necessity in the present
state of armaments, in the unanimous view of partici-
pating countries, can be achieved only by means of a gen-
eral, complete and strictly and internationally controlled
disarmament.

Mr. Chairman, the United States proposal is,
indeed, a "radical" one.

It calls for large reductions of armaments even
in the first stages — both conventional and nuclear
armaments.

It calls for an end to production of fissionable
materials for weapons purposes, and the transfer
of such materials from existing stocks for non-
weapons use.

The program calls for a stop in the further de-
velopment of independent national nuclear
capabilities.

It calls for the destruction or conversion to
peaceful uses of strategic nuclear weapons delivery
vehicles.

It calls for an end to the production of such
delivery vehicles.

It calls for the abolition of chemical, biological,
and radioactive weapons.

In short, the United States program calls for
the total elimination of national capacity to make

"■ For background, see ibid., Oct. 2, 1961, p. 539.

international war. And, to insure that all these
steps are actually carried out by each side, every
step of the way, the plan calls for the creation of
an International Disarmament Organization
within the framework of the United Nations.

If the United States program is comprehensive,
it also is flexible. It does not pretend to be the
final word — nor would we wish it to be. We ex-
pect it to be examined exhaustively, to be altered
and to be improved. It certainly is not perfect;
but it can stand up to close scrutiny, for it has
been prepared at great pains and in good faith.
It is presented in dead earnest and in the convic-
tion that propaganda on the subject of disarma-
ment is a cynical and cruel mockery of man's
deepest hope.

Need for Adequate Verification

At one point and one point alone the United
States is, and will remain, inflexible : This is on
the familiar question of verification, on the in-
dispensable need for the world to know that dis-
armament agreements are, in fact, being carried
out. Because of the confusion that pei'sists on
this point, I must dwell upon it for a moment.

First of all, verification must be understood not
as a technical point but as a fundamental prin-
ciple— as the essential condition for any significant
progress in disarmament — as its si7ie qua non. To
pretend that there is enough confidence between
the major armed powers to accept disarmament
without verification is to deny the existence of
the arms race itself. For the arms race is nothing
if not living proof of the absence of mutual trust,
and confidence has been rudely sliaken by recent
events.

I will say quite bluntly that mistrust exists on
our side, and how could it be otherwise ? The hos-
tility of Soviet leaders toward my country, its
institutions, and its way of life is proclaimed,
documented, and demonstrated in a thousand
ways. Yet we earnestly seek agreement with
them — through diplomatic methods and through
agreements recorded in words and deeds. So we
may be excused, it seems to me, if we are wary of
agreements deeply involving our national security
with a nation whose recent leader wrote this:
"Good words are a mask for the concealment of
bad deeds. Sincere diplomacy is no more pos-
sible than dry water or iron wood."

December 78, 7967

1027

These are the words of the late Marshal Stalin.
I am aware that his former absolute authority
has been subject to a certain reevaluation recently.
But the present Premier of the Soviet Union, who
served Stalin so loyally, still proclaims his in-
debtedness to Lenin. And after the Treaty of
Brest-Litovsk Lenin said this:

We must demobilize the army as quickly as possible,
because it is a sick organ ; meanwhile we will assist the
Finnish Revolution. Yes, of course we are violating the
Treaty ; we have violated it thirty or forty times.

More recently we have seen wholesale violation
of agreements pledging self-determination to the
peoples of Eastern Europe — not to mention so con-
temporary an event as the erection of a wall
through the middle of a city in violation of a
postwar agreement.

]Mr. Chairman, I do not mention these matters
to belabor the dead, nor to rub salt in wounds both
old and fresh, nor to becloud the disarmament
problem with irrelevant questions. They are not
irrelevant, because there can be no disarmament
without agreement and because clear warnings
and harsh experience have taught us to insist upon
independent and international verification of
agreements with the Soviet Union.

Our deepest hope — our most fervent prayer — is
for proof that this acquired lack of trust will no
longer be justified. Meanwhile we do not ask that
those who are suspicious of us take us at our word.
We offer to them the same guarantees that we have
the right and duty to demand of them. We offer
to submit to verification procedures under inter-
national control at each step of disarmament.

Let me assure you, Mr. Chairman, that the
United States has no interest in controls for the
sake of controls. We do not wish to buy control
or to trade something for it. We have no stake
in playing the host to teams of foreign inspectors
within our borders. But there is no other way to
dispel mistrust, to exorcise suspicion, to begin to
build the mutual confidence upon which peaceful
cooperation ultimately depends.

So we accept the need for adequate verification
procedures. We recognize the right of others to
assure themselves tliat we in fact do what we say
we shall do with respect to disarmament.

But in the meantime we must find a basis for
workable agreement.

Last spring, as delegates here will recall, this
committee agreed to postpone further discussion

of disarmament so that tJie United States and the
Soviet Union could exchange views "on questions
relating to disarmament and to the resumption
of negotiations in an appropriate body whose com-
position is to be agreed upon." "

Beginning on June 19 and ending on Septem-
ber 19, meeting in Moscow, Wasliington, and New
York, representatives of the Soviet Union and
the United States discussed these two questions."
The results of these talks were reported to the
General Assembly by the United States and the
Soviet Union in a Joint Statement of Agreed
Principles, which is before this committee, docu-
ment A/4879.'*

This report shows that, although our conversa-
tions did not bring complete success, neither did
they bring complete failure. We were unable to
agree on a forum for negotiations. But we did
agree on a set of principles to guide negotiations
on disarmament.

The U.S. Government welcomed this limited
agreement with some hope, especially since the
Soviet and American delegates agreed quite ex-
plicitly to the implementation of all disarmament
measures, from beginning to end, imder interna-
tional control. This looked like a very bright spot
on a dark horizon — perhaps a real breakthrough
toward a world without arms.

But, Mr. Chairman, our hopes have been re-
strained by the Soviet refusal to follow through
on this aspect of the agreed principles. In his
address to the plenary meeting of the General
Assembly on September 26, Mr. Gromyko [Soviet
Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko] made the
following statement :

After all, no one knows right now what armaments and
armed forces the states possess. This is quite normal.
For perfectly obvious reasons states do not reveal that
kind of information and the same situation will endure
after the implementation of disarmament measures pro-
vided for in this or that state, pending the completion
of general and complete disarmament.

Wliat can this possibly mean? The meaning
is that to our Soviet colleagues inspection should
apply to the destruction of armaments — but not
to existing armaments or the production of new
ones.

" For a statement by Mr. Stevenson, see ibid., Apr. 17,
1961, p. 568.

" For tests of joint communiques concerning the talks,
see iUd., July 10, 1961, p. 57, and July 17, 1961, p. 106.

" For text, see ibid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.

1028

Department of State Bulletin

Apparently we are being asked to establish an
elaborate international inspection force simply to
witness the destruction of certain quantities and
categories of arms, with no knowledge of what
remains — to watch while one weapon is junked
without seeing whether two others are in produc-
tion to take its place, perhaps in reality to certify
the disposal of inventories of obsolete equipment.
I am reminded of the story of the little boy who
was showing off his conjuring tricks and said to
his parents: "I am going to do some magic for
you, but you have to promise not to look."

The Soviet position thus seems to be the same
as it was when the representative of the Soviet
Union, Mr. Zorin, addressed a letter " to the U.S.
disarmament representative, Mr. [John J.] Mc-
Cloy, on September 21, at the conclusion of the
bilateral Soviet- American disarmament negotia-
tions. Mr. McCloy had noted ^* that the Soviet
Union had refused to accept, in the Statement of
Agreed Principles, a clause reading

Such verification should ensure that not only agreed
limitations or reductions take place but also that retained
armed forces and armaments do not exceed agreed levels
at any stage.

Now, Mr. President, this sentence seemed to us
to represent a sine qua non for any effective verifi-
cation and control. But in his reply Mr. Zorin
insisted that such control — that is, control over the
armed forces and armaments retained by states at
any given stage of disarmament — would turn into
what he called an international system of recog-
nized espionage.

If it is the position of the Soviet Union that
verification of agreed levels of armaments retained
by states under a disarmament plan is espionage,
then clearly there can be no general and complete
disarmament agreement, for armaments destroyed
are of less concern to us than armaments retained.
It is the latter and not the former which states
attacked in war would have to fear. No matter
how many weapons were destroyed, it would be
the weapons which were left that would be utilized
in a military operation. This is a stumbling block
which could be crucial. Unless we can get a clear
and satisfactory agreement on this particular
point, it is difficult to envisage very substantial
progress in disarmament negotiations.

^ For text, see iUd., Nov. 6, 1961, p. 767.
" For text of Mr. McCloy's letter to Mr. Zorin, see ibid.,
Oct. 9, 1961, p. 595.

For under the Soviet concept of disarmament
inspection, the arms race could continue and the
arsenals of war could be larger and deadlier at the
end of the first stage of "disarmament" than at
the beginning. In short, we would disarm in pub-
lic and be perfectly free to rearm in secret.

Mr. Chairman, this interpretation turns com-
mon sense on its head and makes mockery of logic.
This turns reason into gibberish, meaning into
nonsense, words into water.

The purpose of disarmament is to abolish war
precisely by abolishing the means of making
war— wliich is to say, the armaments and armed
forces with which wars are fought. If disarma-
ment does not mean the reduction of the actual
levels of armament, it has no meaning at all.

I can only hope that Soviet delegates will not
persist in their attitude. If I have misimder-
stood the position I shall be happy to be informed,
and we can go forward. For on their face the
principles agreed between the United States and
the U.S.S.R. do provide sound and workable
guidelines for serious disarmament negotiations,
and I prefer to think that they represent an im-
portant step in the right direction.

Question of the Proper Forum

This brings us to the question of the proper
forum. During our exchanges with the Soviet
Union on this point we of the United States tried
to reach agreement on a formula which could then
be recommended to the other states concerned.
Our position on the exact representation was and
still is flexible. These proposals can be found in
document A/4880.^' In fact we suggested four
possible alternative solutions, but to no avail. The
Soviet Union continued to insist on a formula
which we felt was restrictive and based on artifi-
cial and arbitrary criteria.

Quite frankly, we have grown a little weary of
the repeated Soviet demands for changes in the
negotiating forum on disarmament. The history
of the disarmament talks is full of them. The
Ten-Nation Committee was established at Soviet
insistence. This was because they seemed to set
great store by what they called "parity" in num-
bers of delegations between their side and the
West — even though on the Western side there are
several major powers and on their side there has
been only one. Then when the Soviets found that

" For text, see ibid., p. 591.

December 78, 1 96 1

1029

the negotiations in the Ten-Nation Committee
were not to their liking, they abruptly broke off
the talks and demanded an entirely new forimi.

Now the latest Soviet proposal for altering the
forum into three "groups" is all too reminiscent of
the Soviet view, which is quite extraneous to dis-
armament and quite unacceptable to many other
nations: the view that the world can be neatly
divided into three so-called "blocs."

The United States recognizes that all nations
have a vital stake in the cause of peace and dis-
armament. On that basis we supported in past
yeai"s the expansion of the United Nations Dis-
armament Commission to include all members of
the United Nations. We recognize, in fact, that
the world outside the old Ten-Nation Committee
is much larger and more populous than the coun-
tries represented in that Committee. Therefore,
if we do expand its membership, we would be in-
clined to include additional members to insure
the representation and the advice of the world
at large. This is the sense of our proposal to add
10 members to the Ten-Nation Committee which
was carrying on disarmament negotiations in 1960,
on the basis of equitable geographic distribution.

We hope the Soviet Union is ready to discuss
with us the composition of the negotiating forum.
I am sure most of the members of the committee
would welcome an agreement on this point which
would enable us to get started on the substantive
negotiations which have been interrupted ever
since the U.S.S.R. decided it did not like the 10-
nation forum it had demanded. The world wants
disarmament, and so do we, and not everlasting
negotiations about the number of negotiators.

Wliile we consider the first moves toward dis-
armament, we can begin right away to strengthen
our machinery for keeping the peace. We can do
this without hampering our efforts to reach agree-
ment on disannament. Every step to improve the
machinery of peace will make it easier to take the
next step in destroying the machinery of war.

We need not even be at a loss as to where to be-
gin or how to proceed. The experience of tlie
United Nations itself gives us a starting point
and a guideline. In its earliest years the United
Nations liad successful experience with mediation
and conciliation. It defended collective security
and the independence of small nations against
their assailants in Korea. Then, at a time of
urgent need in the Middle East, the United Na-
tions acquired an effective power to police the

lines of an armistice agreement. At another time
of gi-eat need — in the Congo— it added an effective
power to use force, if necessary, to restore order
and to prevent a civil war. Out of such emergen-
cies, the United Nations is becoming a stronger in-
strument for keeping the peace.

It will have to be much stronger still. Our task
now is to strengthen, refine, and develop more
fully the peacekeeping structure of the United
Nations.

We can begin by drawing lessons from the
United Nations' most recent experience in the
Congo. From this operation it is not difficult to
see that effectiveness in such peacemaking mis-
sions depends in large measui'e on four things:
first, the ready availability and mobility of na-
tional units; second, their discipline and training
and capacity to work with contingents of other
nationalities; third, the length of their commit-
ment ; and, fourth, a clear chain of command flow-
ing from United Nations Headquarters.

Improving U.N. Peacekeeping Machinery

When the United Nations is so often pitted in a
race against time, we risk a dangerous vacuvmi
during the interval while military foiTes are being
assembled. And we further risk a dangerous ero-
sion in the political and moral authority of the
United Nations if troops trained for national
forces are thrust without special training into
situations unique to the purposes and methods of
the United Nations, or if such troops are either
kept on the job without rotation, are precipitately
withdrawn when no replacements are at hand,
or are insufficiently supported for lack of adequate
financial resources.

We are all deeply in the debt of those officers
and men who have served and are serving the
cause of peace under the United Nations flag. We
must proceed without delay to strengthen the con-
text in which they act in this pioneering work of
the United Nations as the guardian of jjcace.

The United States has suggested that all na-
tions indicate the kind and quality of military
units they might be prepared to send for service
with (he United Nations. My own countiy has
provided very important logistic support for botli
UNEF [U.N. Emergency Force] in the Middle
East and the United Nations Forces in the Congo.
We now suggest that member countries make avail-
able to the United Nations an inventory of the
forces, equipment, and logistic support which they

1030

Department of Slate Bulletin

woidd be prepared to put at the disposal of the
United Nations for peace-preserving functions.

But to commit such facilities on paper is not
enough. The functions of a United Nations Force
are likely to be different from those of national
forces. The United States believes that national
units should be specially trained for the special
character of United Nations operations. Recent
United Nations experience should be studied so
manuals can be prepared to assist the United Na-
tions in officer training and to help member coun-
tries in training noncommissioned personnel.

Such steps would strengthen the United Nations-
capacity to serve as an international police force.
But a stronger and better organized police force
would be needed only when threats to peace have
reached dangerous proportions. The police force,
therefore, must be supplemented with improved
machinery for settling disputes before they reach
an explosive stage. Our task, here again, is to
build on the existing resources of the United Na-
tions, including the International Court of Jus-
tice, and to avail ourselves more fully of the poten-
tials for action within these existing resources.

The Secretary-General may wish to present to
the United Nations members his own ideas for the
expansion and improvement of United Nations
machinery for observation, factfinding, concilia-
tion, mediation, and adjudication. He imdoubt-
edly will wish to make use of senior members of
his staff in his conciliation activities. The polit-
ical organs themselves may wish on occasion to
avail themselves of the services of rapporteurs.

Moves such as these — and I hope other members
will have otlier suggestions — would permit us to
get on with the job of creating the kind of peace-
keeping machinery that will be essential for deal-
ing with conflicts in a world free from war. And
we can start them at once — even without waiting
for agreement on disarmament.

Taking the First Steps

Every such move will help to reduce danger,
help to lower distrust, help to blunt fear. The
way to start is to start; and a good place to start
is ready to hand. I refer to the proposed treaty
whose objective it is to outlaw further testing of
atomic devices in space, in the atmosphere, on the
ground, or under the ground or the water, which
is still tabled at Geneva. We are flexible about
first steps; we are adamant only on the point that
we begin at once — immediately — to disarm.

U.N. Resolution on Disarmament '

The General Assembly,

Welcoming the agreement between the Govern-
ments of the United States of America and the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as a result of
negotiations between them, that general and com-
plete disarmament should be accomplished and their
agreement on the principles which should guide
disarmament negotiations.

Noting that the two Governments are desirous of
resuming disarmament negotiations in an appro-
priate body, whose comixisition is yet to be agreed
upon,

Considering it essential that these two princiiml
parties should agree to and accept a negotiating
body,

Having regard to the success of negotiations be-
tween these two parties resulting in the emergence
of an agreement on principles,

1. Urges the Governments of the United States of
America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
to reach agreement on the composition of a negotiat-
ing body which both they and the rest of the world
can regard as satisfactory ;

2. Expresses the hope that such negotiations will
be started without delay and will lead to an agreed
recommendation to the General Assembly ;

3. Requests the Governments of the United States
of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics to report to the General Assembly, before
the conclusion of its sixteenth session, on the results
of such negotiations.

•U.N. doc. A/RBS/1660 (XVI); unanimously
adopted by the General Assembly on Nov. 28.

Mr. Chairman, we can begin at once to disarm.
To start now in no sense limits or postpones the
goal of general and complete disarmament; in-
deed, this is the way to reach it faster. For some
steps can be taken sooner than others, without dis-
advantage to any nation or groups of nations.

Let no one doubt our seriousness. Six weeks ago
the President of our nation presented in person
to this session of the General Assembly the boldest
and most comprehensive plan for disarmament
that my nation has ever offered to the world.
Since then he has signed into a law an act creating
a new Arms Control and Disarmament Agency,^*
directly under his authority and containing an
array of expert talent whose counterpart I would
be very happy to see in a similar agency in the
Soviet Union.

'Ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 646.

December 78, 196?

1031

Mr. Chairman, as I said earlier, it is extremely
difficult for the mind to grasp a clear vision of a
world without arms, for it is a condition totally
foreign to the human experience. But as I also
said earlier, it is even more difficult to envision a
world turned to a radioactive wasteland — which
may well be the alternative. Difficult as it is,
then, we must grasp the easier and happier vision.

And I do think we can see, however dimly, the
general outlines of such a world. A world dis-
armed would not be Utopia, but one suddenly
blessed by freedom from war. It would not usher
in world government, but the world community
would have the capacity to keep the peace. It
would not end national sovereignty, but the
sovereign right to commit national suicide would
be yielded up forever.

A disarmed world would still be a world of
great diversity, in which no one nation could se-
riously pretend to have the wit and wisdom to
manage mankind.

It would be a world in which ideas, for the first
time, could compete on their own merits without
the possibility of their imposition by force of arms.

It would be a world in which men could turn
their talents to an agenda of progress and justice
for all mankind in the second half of the 20th
centuiy.

In short, it would not be a perfect world, but a
world both safer and more exhilarating for us all
to live in.

There is nothing inherently impossible in creat-
ing the conditions for a world without war. Our
basic problems are not technical, mechanistic, or
administrative. The basic question is whether
every nation will agree to abandon the means to
coerce others by force.

If they will not, the arms race will go on. For
those who love freedom and have the power to
defend it will not be coerced. And, uncertain as
it is, free people prefer to live on borrowed time
than to yield to terror.

Conceivably the world could survive on this
perpetual brink of universal disaster. Conceiv-
ably fortune would spare us from the fatal act of
a lunatic, the miscalculation of an uninformed
leader, the false step of a nervous young sentry.

But on behalf of my Government and my people
I propose that this Assembly set the world on the
road toward freedom from war. And I propose
that this committee take the first steps by approv-
ing a negotiating forum, endorsing the statement

of agreed principles already worked out by the i
United States and the Soviet Union, and recom-
mending that the new forum get on at once with
the first business of tliis dangerous world — general
and complete disarmament.

I ask Mr. Zorin whether his coimtry cannot so
conduct negotiations now that we and our respec-
tive allies may be able to turn to the rest of the
members here, and to the hundreds of millions for
whom they speak, and say: "We have not failed
you."

Area of U.N. "Headquarters District
and Immediate Vicinity" Enlarged

Press release 826 dated November 30

The Department of State and the Department
of Justice on November 30 announced the enlarge-
ment, effective January 1, 1962, of the area in and
near New York City to which aliens who are
issued visas and admitted solely in transit to and
from the United Nations headquarters district are
limited. The term "headquarters district and its
immediate vicinity" as used in section 11 and sec-
tion 13(e) of the Agreement between the United
States of America and the United Nations Re-
garding the Headquarters of the United Nations,^
which was approved by joint resolution of the
Congress on August 4, 1947, will be redefined as
"that area lying within a twenty-five mile radius
of Columbus Circle, New York, New York."

The aliens affected by the redefinition are the
comparatively few news media representatives and
other invitees to the United Nations, most of whom
would otherwise be ineligible for visas but who are
admitted to the United States solely because of
their responsibilities in connection with the United
Nations and therefore are now restricted to the
headquarters district and its immediate vicinity.
The term "immediate vicinity of the United Na-
tions headquarters district" has heretofore been
defined as that area within Manhattan Island
bounded on the north by East 97th St. and Trans-
verse Road Number 4 ; on the west bj' Ninth Ave.
(between 28th and 49th Sts.), Eighth Ave. (49th
St. to Columbus Circle), and Central Park AVest
(Columbus Circle to Transvei-se Road Number 4) ;
on the south by 28th St. (from Ninth Ave. to First
Ave.) and 26th St. (from First Ave. to East River
Drive) ; and on the east by East River Drive.

'61 Stat. 3416.

1032

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

TREATY INFORMATION

Time Extended for Public Comment
on Warsaw Convention, Hague Protocol

Department Announcement

Press release S24 dated November 29

The State Department refers to press release
679 of October 2, 1961, entitled "Invitation to
Public to Submit Comments; Reconsideration of
Warsaw Convention and the Hague Protocol" ^
and states that the date for the receipt of written
comments regarding the reconsideration of the
Warsaw Convention and the Hagvie Protocol has
been extended from November 15, 1961, to Decem-
ber 1 and the date for the presentation of oral
statements has been extended from December 4 to
December 18. Presentation will be made begin-
ning at 9 :30 a.m. on December 18 in the main con-
ference room (1309A), New Stat© Building, 22d
and C Streets, WW., Washington, D.C.

Persons and organizations desiring to be heard
on December 18 should notify the Interagency
Group on International Aviation, c/o Federal
Aviation Agency, Washington 25, D.C, by De-
cember 1.

There has been established a public docket which
will contain all pertinent comments received on
the relationship of the United States to the War-
saw Convention and the Hague Protocol thereto.
This docket is available in the oiBce of the General
Counsel, Federal Aviation Agency, Miss R.
Chesley Prioleau, GC-2, Room C-226, 1711 New
York Ave., Washington, D.C, telephone WOrth
7-3324.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Copyright

Universal copyright convention. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955.
TIAS 3324.

Ratification deposited: Denmark, November 9, 1961.
Accession deposited: Nigeria, November 14, 1961.

Protocol 1 to the universal copyright convention concern-
ing the application of that convention to the works of

stateless persons and refugees. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember G, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955.
TIAS 3324.

Ratification deposited: Denmark, November 9, 1961.
Protocol 3 to the universal copyright convention concern-
ing the effective date of instruments of ratification or
acceptance of or accession to that convention. Done at
Geneva September 6, 1952. Entered into force August
19, 19.54. TIAS 3324.
Ratification deposited: Denmark, November 9, 1961.

Economic Cooperation

Convention on the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development and supplementary protocols no. 1 and
2. Signed at Paris December 14, 1960. Entered into
force September 30, 1961.

Proclaimed hu the President of the United States: No-
vember 20, 1961.

Finance

Articles of agreement of the International Finance Cor-
poration. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. Entered
into force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620.
Acceptance deposited: Dominican Republic, October 31,

1961.
Notification of withdrawal: Indonesia, November 6,
1961. Effective November 6, 1961.
Articles of agreement of the International Development
Association. Done at Washington January 26, 1960.
Entered into force September 24, 1960. TIAS 4607.
Signatures: Greece, October 31, 1961; Nigeria, Novem-
ber 17, 1961.
Acceptances deposited: Ecuador, November 7, 1961 ; Ni-
geria, November 17, 1961.

Health

Constitution of the World Health Organization. Opened
for signature at New York July 22, 1946. Entered into
force April 7, 1948 ; for the United States June 21, 1948.
TIAS 1808.
Acceptance deposited: Sierra Leone, October 20, 1961.

Property

Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial prop-
erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels December
14, 1900, at Washington June 2, 1911, at The Hague
November 6, 1925, at London J'une 2, 1934, and at Lisbon
October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958.'
Ratification deposited: United Kingdom, September 6,

1961.
Accessions deposited: Haiti, January 17, 1961 ; Iran,

September 10, 1960.

Shipping

Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Consulta-
tive Organization. Signed at Geneva March 6, 1948.
Entered into force March 17, 19.58. TIAS 4044.
Notification Jyy United Kingdom of joint associate mem-
bership of: Sarawak and North Borneo, September
29, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United States Octo-
ber 23, 1961.

Proclaimed by the President of the United States: No-
vember 22, 1961.

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the inter-
national telecommunication convention, 1959. Done at
Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force May 1,
1961 ; for the United States October 23, 1961.
Proclaimed by the President of the United States:
November 22, 1961.

• For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 23, 1961, p. 692.

* Not in force.

December 18, 1961

1033

Trade and Commerce

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts

of scliedules to the General A^'reement on Tariffs and

Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 1959.'

Confirmation of signature deposited: Ghana, November
2, 1961.
Declaration giving effect to provisions of article XVI :4 of

the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at

Geneva November 19, I960.'

Signature: Sweden, November 1, 1961.
Declaration on extension of standstill provisions of article

XVI : 4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.

Done at Geneva November 19, I960.'

Acceptance deposited: Sweden, November 1, 1961.
Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton

textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into

force October 1, 1961.

Acceptance deposited: Norway, November 10, 1961.

United Nations

Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization. Done at London November
16, 1945. Entered into force November 4, 1946. TIAS
1580.
Signature and acceptance: Ireland, October 3, 1961.

BILATERAL

Bolivia

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at La Paz November
15, 1961. Entered into force November 15, 1961.

China

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of July 21, 1961 (TIAS 4825). Effected by ex-
change of notes at Taipei November 15, 1961. Entered
into force November 15, 1961.

El Salvador

Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps
program in El Salvador. Effected by exchange of notes
at San Salvador August 11, November 13 and 20, 1961.
Entered into force November 13, 1961.

Indonesia

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of October 26, 1961. Effected by exchange of notes
at Djakarta November 17, 1961. Entered into force
November 17, 1961.

Pan American Union

Agreement concerning certain funds to be made available
under the Alliance for Progress. Signed at Washing-
ton November 29, 1961. Entered into force November
29, 1961.

Philippines

Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps
program in the Republic of the Philippines. Effected by
exchange of notes at Manila October 11 and 31, 1961.
Entered into force October 31, 1961.

Sudan

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Khartoum Novem-
ber 14, 1961. Entered into force November 14, 1961.

United Arab Republic

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree-
ment of September 2, 1961, as amended ( TIAS 4844 and
4868). Effected by exchange of notes at Cairo Novem-
ber 11, 1961. Entered into force November 11, 1961.

Viet-Nam

Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at Saigon
April 3, 1961. Entered into force November 30, 1961.
Proclaimed hy the President of the United States:
November 10, 1961.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 27-December 3

Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington 2.5, D.C.

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin
which were issued prior to November 27 are Nos.
786 of November 15; 798 of November 18; 802 of
November 20 ; 804 and 805 of November 21 ; and 814
of November 22.

No. Date

•816 11/27

*817 11/27

818 11/28

•819 11/28

•820 11/28

•821 11/28

•822 11/28

823 11/29

824 11/29

825 11/29

826 11/30
t827 11/30

1828 12/1

829 11/30

•830 12/1

•831 12/1
t832 12/1

•833 12/2
•834 12/2

835 12/2

Subject

Johnston designated AID mission di-
rector, Mexico (biographic details).

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

East German Communist intelligence
official defects to West.

Roberts appointed AID Director of
Engineering (biographic details).

Fowler sworn in as AID Deputy
Regional Administrator for Far
East (biographic details).

Bowles : International Association of
Machinists.

Rusk : Academy of Political Science
(excerpts).

AID industrial growth contract with
Nigeria (rewrite).

Time extended for public comment on
reconsideration of Warsaw conven-
tion and Hague protocol.

Assistance to Pan American Union
projects (rewrite).

U.N. headquarters district area en-
larged.

Nunley : National Conference for In-
ternational Economic and Social
Development.

Williams: "Africa's Challenge to
American Enterprise."

Statement on Dominican Republic.

Boerner designated Director, Bureau
of Educational and Cultural Affairs
(biographic details).

Cultural exchange (Africa).

Rusk : National Conference for Inter-
national Economic and Social De-
velopment.

Ball : interview on "Close Up."

Rusk : interview on "College News
Conference."'

Missionaries released by Portugal.

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.

1034

Department of Sfofe Bulletin

December 18, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1173

Agriculture

President Requests Investigation of Duty on Cotton

Imports 1021

United States To Cooperate With FAO in Freedom-

From-Huuger Campaign (Kennedy) .... 1020

American Principles. Redefining the Potentials of
the Democratic Faith (Bowles) 1006

American Republics

Great Seal Dedicated at Torch of Friendship in
Miami (Duke) 10O4

A Milestone in the Alliance for Progress

(Kennedy) 999

U.S. Makes $6 Million Available for Pan American
Union Projects 999

Angola. Four American Missionaries Released at

Lisbon 1010

Asia. The Aspirations of Asia (Johnson) . . . 1011

Aviation. Time Extended for Public Comment on

Warsaw Convention, Hague Protocol .... 1033

Brazil. Brazil Receives First AID Loan .... 1003

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to
Foreign Policy 1021

Cuba. U.S. Rebuts Cuban Charges in OAS of Inter-
vention in Dominican Affairs (Morrison) . . . 1000

Disarmament. Working Toward a World Without
War (Stevenson, text of resolution) .... 1023

Dominican Republic

U.S. Expresses Concern Over Events in Dominican

Republic 1003

U.S. Rebuts Cuban Charges in OAS of Intervention

in Dominican Affairs (Morrison) 1000

Economic Affairs

OECD Sets Collective Target for 50 Percent Growth

in GNP (Ball, text of communique) 1014

President Requests Investigation of Duty on Cotton

Imimrts 1021

Redefining the Potentials of the Democratic Faith

(Bowles) 1006

Germany, East. East German Communist Intelli-
gence Official Defects to West 1009

Intelligence. East German Communist Intelligence

OflScial Defects to West 1009

International Organizations and Conferences
Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 1022

A Milestone in the Alliance for Progress

(Kennedy) 999

OECD Sets Collective Target for 50 Percent Growth

in GNP (Ball, text of communique) 1014

U.S. Makes $6 Million Available for Pan American

Union Projects 999

U.S. Rebuts Cuban Charges in OAS of Intervention

in Dominican Affairs (Morrison) 1000

United States To Cooperate With FAO in Freedom-

From-Hunger Campaign (Kennedy) .... 1020
Mutual Security

AID Awards Contract to Nigeria 1020

Brazil Receives First AID Loan 1003

Great Seal Dedicated at Torch of Friendship in

Miami (Duke) lOOi

A Milestone in the Alliance for Progress

(Kennedy) 999

U.S. Makes $6 Million Available for Pan American

Union Projects 999

Nigeria. AID Awards Contract to Nigeria . . . 1020

Portugal. Four American Missionaries Released at
Lisbon 1010

Presidential Documents

A Milestone in the Alliance for Progress .... 999

President Requests Investigation of Duty on Cotton

Imports 1021

United States To Cooperate With FAO in Freedom-
From-Hunger Campaign 1020

Treaty Information

Current Actions 1033

Time Extended for Public Comment on Warsaw

Convention, Hague Protocol 1033

U.S. Makes $6 Million Available for Pan American
Union Projects 999

United Nations

Area of U.N. "Headquarters District and Im-
mediate Vicinity" Enlarged 1032

Working Toward a World Without War (Steven-

.son, text of resolution) 1023

Name Index

Ball, George W 1014

Bowles, Chester 1006

Duke, Angler Biddle lOOl

Johnson, U. Alexis 1011

Kennedy, President 999, 1020, 1021

Morrison, deLesseps S 1000

Stevenson, Adlai E 1023

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1361

United States
Government Printing Office

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

Washington 25, D.C.

OFFICIAL BUSINESS

PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. »300

(OPO)

the

Department

of

State

AMERICAN REPUBLICS
ESTABLISH AN ALLIANCE
FOR PROGRESS

The text of the "Declaration to the Peoples of America"
and "The Charter of Punta del Este" as well as remarks
by President Kennedy and Secretary of the Treasury Dil-
lon in connection with the special meeting of the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council, August 5-17,
1961, are contained in tliis 11-page leaflet.

Publication 7276

10 cents

Order Form

To: Supt. of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.

Enclosed find:

leash, check, or money
order payable to
Supt. of Docs.)

Please send me copies of:

American Republics Establish an Alliance for Progress

Name:

Street Address:

City, Zone, and State:

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

tt-

.Jl^c^

Vol. XLV, No. 1174

December 25, 1961

THE HOUR OF DECISION: A NEW APPROACH TO

AMERICAN TRADE POLICY • Addresses by
President Kennedy Before the NAM and the AFL-CIO . . 1039

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF

DECEMBER 8 1053

OAS FOREIGN MINISTERS TO CONSIDER EXTRA-
CONTINENTAL INTERVENTION • Statement
by Ambassador deLesseps S. Morrison 1069

SECURITY COUNCIL ACTS TO END SECESSIONIST
ACTIVITIES AND REESTABLISH POLITICAL

UNITY IN THE CONGO • Statements by Ambas-
sador Adlai E. Stevenson and Texts of Three-Power
Resolution and U.S. Draft Amendments 1061

For index see inside back cover

THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Vol. XLV, No. 1174 • Pcbucation 7315
December 25, 1961

For sale by tbe Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington 2B, D.O.

Price:

62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.26

Single copy, 26 cents

Use of funds for printing of this publica-
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget (January 19, 1961).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
eopyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
o» State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated. The Bclletin Is Indexed In the
Readers' Oulde to Periodical Literature.

Tlie Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the xcork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
tlie Secretary of State and otlier
officers of the Department, as uiell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which tlie United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

The Hour of Decision: A New Approach
to American Trade Policy

Addresses hy President Kennedy Before the National Association of Manufactv/rers
and the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations

ADDRESS BEFORE NAM >

Mr. President and gentlemen : I understand that
President McKinley and I are the only two Presi-
dents of the United States to ever address such
an occasion. I suppose that President McKinley
and I ai'e the only two that are regarded as fiscally
sound enough to be qualified for admission to this
organization on an occasion such as this.

I have not always considered the membership
of the NAM as among my strongest supporters.
I am not sure you have all approached the New
Frontier with the greatest possible enthusiasm,
and I was therefore somewhat nervous about ac-
cepting this invitation, until I did some studying
of the history of this organization. I learned
that this organization had once denounced on one
occasion — I'll quot« — -"swollen bureaucracy" as
among the triumphs of Karl Marx and decried
on another occasion new governmental "paternal-
ism and socialism." I was comforted when read-
ing this very familiar language to note that I was
in very good company. For the first attack I
quoted was on Calvin Coolidge and the second on
Herbert Hoover.

I remind you of tliis only to indicate the happy
failure of many of our most pessimistic predic-
tions. And that is true of all of us. I recognize
that in the last campaign most of the members of
this luncheon group today supported my opponent.

'Made at New York, N.Y., on Dec. 6 (White House
press release; as-delivered text).

December 25, ?96?

except for a very few — who were under the im-
pression that I was my father's son. But I hope
that some of your most alarming feelings of a
year ago about the imminent collapse of the whole
business system if I was elected have been some-
what lessened.

We have selected, I think, able men, whom I
hope you have come to have a regard for, to serve
in the responsible positions of the Government.
One of them here, our distinguished Secretary of
Commerce, Governor Hodges, wlto had a long
career in business; Secretary Goldberg, who I
think has earned the respect of business as well
as labor; Secretary of the Treasury Dillon and
his Under Secretary, Mr. Robert Roosa, who was
the Vice President of the Federal Reserve Bank
of New York ; Mr. Robert McNamara, whom many
of you know, the Secretary of Defense ; Mr. John
McCone, who is the head of the Central Intelli-
gence Agency succeeding Mr. Dulles; and Mr.
Rusk, Secretary of State — I think they are all
men of experience, and also, I think, they are
vitally interested in the maintenance of all kinds
of freedom in this country.

I think that, while we may not have been to-
gether a year ago, we are together now, and I will
be the President of the United States for the next
3 years, and I am most anxious that, while we may
not agree on all matters, good will at least will
prevail among us and that we will both recognize
that those of us who work in the National Govern-
ment, and all of you, are motivated by a desire to
serve our country.

1039

Cooperation of Business and Government

Our responsibilities are different, but I believe
that we can have a period, in the next few years, of
cooperation between business and government in
order to advance the common interest.

I have read about the feeling of some business-
men that we are antibusiness, and I would think
that a moment's thought would show how really
imtrue that must be ; and I say it, really, for tliree
reasons.

In the first place, we are conrmiitted to the de-
fense of freedom aroimd the world. When busi-
ness does well in this country, we have full employ-
ment, and this coimtry is moving ahead, then it
strengthens our image as a prosperous and vital
country in this great fight in which we are en-
gaged. When you do well, the United States does
well, and our policies abroad do well. And when
you do badly, all suffer.

Secondly, we are imable to maintain the kind
of high employment which we must maintain,
unless you are making profits, and reinvesting,
and producing; and therefore as we are com-
mitted to the goal — and we must all be in this
country — of trying to make sure that everyone who
wants a job wUl find it, then quite obviously we
must make the system work and the business
community must prosper.

And thirdly, and to put it on its most narrow
basis, we are — in the National Government, and I
know — a rather unpopular partner in every one
of your businesses. Our revenues come from you.
When you are making profits, then we are able to
meet our bills. When you fail, then we fail. So
for every reason government and business are
completely interdependent and completely in-
volved. And while we may differ on the policies
which may bring this country prosperity, there is
no disagreement, I am sure, on either side about
the tremendous importance of you gentlemen mov-
ing ahead, and prospering, and contributing to the
growth of this country.

And I hope, if nothing else, that my presence
here today indicates that my remarks represent
the views of all of us who occupy a position of
responsibility in Washington today.

It is not an exaggeration to say that this en-
deavor of building a prosperous America, in a
world of free and prosperous states, making the
most of our human and material resources, and
avoiding the harmful effects and fluctuations of

inflation and recession, are of course matters of
the greatest importance to us all.

And it is not an exaggeration to say that tliis
endeavor proceeds imder conditions today more
fraught with peril than any in our history.

Seizing the Initiative

As communism continues its long-range drive to
impose its way of life all around the world, our
strongest desire is not unnaturally to seize the
initiative' — to get off the defensive — to do more
than react to the Soviets. But while this is not an
imreasonable urge, its concrete application is more
difficult. In the military arena, the initiative rests
with the aggressor — a role that we shun by nature
and tradition — and our alliances are largely, there-
fore, defensive. In the paramilitary arenas of sub-
version, intimidation, and insurrection, an open
and peaceful society is again at a disadvantage.

But there is one area in particular where the
initiative can and has been ours — an area of stra-
tegic importance in which we have the capacity for
a still greater effort — and that is in the area of
economic policy.

The Marshall plan was an example of our initi-
ative in this area. So were point 4 and OECD
[Organization for Economic Cooperation and De-
velopment] and the Alliance for Progress. This
year's new long-range program to aid in the
growth of the underdeveloped regions of the world
and the unalined nations can bring us still further
gains, not merely as a blow against communism
but as a blow for freedom. Of equal if not greater
importance is the stunning evolution of Western
European economic unity from treaty to concrete
reality. And it is the success of this still-growing
movement which presents the West, at this time,
with an historic opportunity to seize the initiative
again. The United States is, in fact, required to
do so for its own self-interest and progress.

Combining and Coordinating Our Strength

The Communist bloc, largely self-contained and
isolated, represents an economic power already by
some standards larger than that of W^estem
Europe and gaining to some degree on the United
States. But the combined output and purchasing
power of the United States and Western Europe
is more than twice as great as that of the entire
Sino-Soviet bloc. Though we have only half as

1040

Department of State Bulletin

much population and far less than half as much
territory, our coordinated economic strength will
represent a powerful force for the maintenance
and growth of freedom.

But will our strength be combined and coordi-
nated— or divided and self-defeating? "Will we
work together on problems of trade, payments, and
monetary reserves — or will our mutual strength be
splintered by a network of tariff walls, exchange
controls, and the pursuit of narrow self-interest
in unrelated if not outright hostile policies on aid,
trade, procurement, interest rates, and currency?

This is not a debate between "deficit" nations
and "surplus" nations. It is not speculation over
some "grand design" for the future. It is a hard,
practical question for every member of the West-
ern community — involving most immediately for
this nation our policies in two mutually dependent
areas : our balance of payments and our balance of
trade.

Our Balance of Payments

Wliile exaggerated fears can be harmful, we
would not inspire needed confidence abroad by
feigning satisfaction with our international bal-
ance-of-payments position. In essence, that posi-
tion reflects the burden of our responsibilities as
the free world's leader, the chief defender of free-
dom, and the major source of capital investment
around the world. As the cost of these responsi-
bilities grows, and is not offset by foreign expendi-
tures here, the monetary deficit in our relations
with the rest of the world grows, except to the
extent that our trade surplus (of exports over
imports) can increase with it. During the pre-
vious 3 years, as competition in international
markets increased, in spite of the fact that we had
a generous balance in our favor in trade, our trade
surplus did not keep pace with our needs. At
the same time, higher interest rates in other coun-
tries as well as speculation in the price of gold at-
tracted some American short-term capital away
from our shores. Our balance of payments was in
deficit at a rate of nearly $4 billion a year; and,
with its consequences extended by a weakened con-
fidence in the dollar, we suffered over that 3-year
period a net loss of $5 billion in our gold reserves.

The complete elimination of this problem is
clearly some time off — but so are any ultimately
dangerous consequences. The United States still

holds some 43 percent of the free world's monetary
gold stock, a proportion far larger than our share
of its trade and clearly sufficient to tide us over
a temporary deficit period — and I emphasize the
words "temporary deficit period" — while we
mount an offensive to reverse these trends. Our
exports and export surplus have both been ris-
ing. The net claims of Americans against for-
eigners have doubled during the last decade, and
the annual increase in the value of our assets
abroad — which now total nearly $45 billion and
must always be put in the balance sheet when we
are considering the movement of gold dollars — ■
has regularly exceeded our payments deficit.
Contrary to the assertion that this nation has been
living beyond its means abroad, we have been in-
creasing those means instead.

This year, moreover, our wholesale prices have
been steadier. In fact, in spite of recovery, our
wholesale prices are a fraction less than they were
in February, and in a very real sense, for the last
3 years, the United States has had generally stable
prices. Confidence in the dollar has been up-
held— ^the speculation fever against the dollar has
ceased — the outflow of gold has been reduced from
$2 billion, in the 10 months before February 1961,
to $450 million in the last 10 months, and, due
partly to the temporary decline in the imports
that accompanied the recession, our general pay-
ments deficit in 1961 will be less than half of the
1960 deficit.

There is cause for concern, in short, but I do
not believe that there is cause for alarm. We
should be blind neither to our basic strengths nor
to our basic problems. A long-term deficit re-
quires long-term solutions, and we must not be
panicked by setbacks of a short-run nature or the
inevitable results of a reviving economy which has
increased our imports and therefore leaves us in
a less favorable position than we might have
expected 2 or 3 months ago.

For negative, shortsighted remedies will do more
to weaken confidence in the dollar than strengthen
it; and this administration, therefore, during its
tei-m of office— and I repeat this and make it as a
flat statement — has no intention of imposing ex-
change controls, devaluing the dollar, raising trade
barriers, or choking off our economic recovery.

What we will do, and have been doing, is to
take a series of positive steps to reduce our outpay-
ments and to increase our receipts from abroad.

December 25, 1 96 1

1041

Meeting Our Basic Commitments

First of all, we recognize, as already stressed,
that this country cannot solve this problem alone.
Our allies have a vital interest in its solution. Be-
cause, let me repeat, if it were not for our national
security commitment abroad, which defends our
own interests and that of our allies, the United
States would have gold pouring in rather than
pouring out. It is this commitment, which is ex-
tremely large and constant, which gives us our
problem and should be so recognized. Our allies,
therefore, have a vital interest in the solution.
Thus we have sought to increase the share of the
contribution which other industrialized states are
making to the less developed world, and are seek-
ing their assumption of a larger share of the cost
of our joint defense requirements.

We lose $3 billion a year because of our defense
expenditures. It costs us hundreds of millions
of dollars to keep our troops in Western Germany.
We lose nearly $300 million a year to France alone
because of our defense expenditures in those areas.
That $3 billion, therefore, represents a charge in
the interests of our national security, which is
vitally important. That drain is serious. And it
was because of that reason that President Eisen-
hower last year suggested the exceptional step
of bringing back our dependents from Western
Europe, which would have saved $250 million.
But $3 billion represents the contribution which
we make to our defense establishments abroad.

The reason why the British, as you know, have
been considering withdrawing some of their troops
from bases stationed around the world is because
of their balance-of-payments difficulty. The rea-
son that they have been reluctant to station addi-
tional troops in Western Germany has been
because of the same reason. In other words, there-
fore, the matter which we are now discussing, of
trade, involves not only our economic well-being
but the basic commitments of the United States
to dozens of coimtries around the world.

Unless our balance of trade, and our surplus,
is sufficient, for example, to pay for this 3 billions
of dollars, then we have no remedy but to start
pulling back. So that for those who address them-
selves to tliis subject in the coming months, they
must realize that it goes to the heart of our sur-
vival as well as our economic vitality.

We are working with foreign governments now
and central banks on new techniques for dealing

in foreign currencies ; on coordinating our devel-
opment aid, fiscal, debt management, monetary,
and other policies through the OECD; on pre-
parmg a new standby lending authority for the
International Monetary Fund ; on the prepayment
of our allies' long-term debts during this period
of adverse trends; and on increasing the propor-
tion of their own military procurement in the
United States, a very important move, because of
the arrangements that have been recently made,
that is expected to cut our payments deficit by at
least another half a billion dollars next year.

Procurement Policy

Secondly, to hold our own outlays abroad to the
absolute essentials, we have emphasized procure-
ment in this country for our military aid and over-
seas defense and insisted upon it for three-quarters
of our economic aid. This means that our eco-
nomic aid to these coimtries does not go as far as
it once did. The South Koreans can buy fertilizer
from Japan at half the cost that they can buy it
here in tlie United States, and much less shipping.
But because we are determined to protect our gold,
and therefore our dollar, we have imposed the Buy
American policy, which means now that our losses
because of economic aid abroad, our general pro-
gram which amoimts to about $4 billion, is now
down, as far as our dollar loss, to $500 million, and
we are hopeful that we can squeeze it even down
further.

We have also substituted local currency expendi-
tures for dollar expenditures to cover local costs
wherever possible, and sought to discourage (by a
change in the customs law) heavy expenditures
abroad by tourists to supplement restrictions al-
ready placed on military families. I will say I
was alarmed to hear the other day of a study in
the Defense Department of this question of de-
pendents abroad which indicated that those who
had no dependents abroad spent more money
abroad than those with dependents ; so it indicates
that for every solution there are additional
problems.

Encouraging Movement of Funds to U. S.

Third, to encourage a greater movement of
funds in this direction and to discourage transfers
in these other directions, we have set up a new
program to attract foreign visitors; secured pas-

1042

Department of State Bulletin

sage of a tax exemption encouraging foreign cen-
tral banks to invest their capital in U.S. securities ;
kept our own short-term interest rates higli enough
to avoid unnecessary outflows; and urged our
allies to free their own private capital for invest-
ment here. At the same time we have directed the
Treasury, for the first time in a generation, to buy
and sell foreign currencies in the international
exchange markets so as to strengthen its ability to
oifset unfavorable developments affecting the
value of the dollar.

Removing Artificial Tax Preference

Fourth, we have asked the Congress — and this
is a matter which is controversial and to which
this group has taken exception — we have asked the
Congi-ess to remove the artificial tax preference
for American investment in highly developed
countries with no capital shortage and the unjusti-
fiable tax avoidance loopholes available to those
Americans investing in so-called "tax haven" na-
tions. "We do not seek to penalize those who wish
to invest their capital abroad. We are committed
to the free flow of capital, but we also want to
make sure that our tax laws do not encourage the
outward movement of capital in a way which does
not serve our national purpose.

I am aware that many of you will argue that
the investment abroad of these funds will mean
that ultimately and in the long run these moneys
will be coming back. But how long a rim ? And
how long can we afford, without taking every re-
sponsible step to try to bring this in balance in the
short run ? We can't wait till 1970, if we're losing
two or three billion dollars a year. And we are
now, for the first time, down to about $16,900,-
000,000 in gold in the United States.

So that I want to emphasize that, however un-
satisfactory you may feel it is, it is not being done
to harass business but only because it represents
one additional effort to try to bring the dollar into
balance. And if we can increase our trade so that
our surplus in trade is sufficient to make up these
figures, then this kind of tax would be unnecessary.

Or, if this organization has some other plan or
program — which does not affect our national se-
curity— which is more equitable, we will be glad to
listen to that. But we are concerned that wliile
capital moves freely, the tax policies do not stimu-
late it.

And I emphasize this in saying again that I do

not believe that exchange controls, based on the
experience of the British and others and our
unique role as the banker of the world, would be
either workable or helpful. But the recent flow of
our capital to nations already fully developed has
been a serious drain, in the short rmi, on our cur-
rent balance-of-payments position. The eventual
return from that capital is no help to us today.
And at a time when we are hard pressed to pay
for the maintenance of our forces in Europe with-
out imreasonably increasing our payments deficit
and our gold outflow, I am sure you must realize
that it makes no sense to be encouraging an exodus
of capital through tax laws that were more ap-
propriate at a time when Europe was deficient in
capital. You probably are familiar with these fig-
ures : In 1960 the long-term outward flow of capi-
tal funds was $1,700,000,000. The return was $2,-
300,000,000, and therefore you might argue that
we are getting more back than we are sending out.
But when those figures are broken down, we see
that the outward investment into the developed
countries, such as Western Europe, was $1,500,-
000,000, and the return was only $1 billion, a loss
therefore in dollars and potentially in gold of a
half billion dollars to these countries, while in the
underdeveloped countries, where we would like to
see American capital be invested, we took in $1,-
300,000,000 and invested $200,000,000.

So that I would say, gentlemen, that all of the
proposals which we will have to put forward in the
coming months and years to try to bring tliis into
balance — and I will say that we are going to re-
duce without weakening our defenses our expendi-
tures for military purchases from $3 billion to $2
billion — we do have to use every available means
that we have. And if this organization has sug-
gestions as to how it may be done, we want to hear
them. The best way, of course, is by increasing
our exports.

Increasing Exports

Fifth, and most important of all, we are seeking
to increase our exports and thus our surplus of ex-
ports over imports. I shall discuss our opportuni-
ties, but it is worth while recounting now that we
have embarked on a stepped-up campaign of ex-
port promotion and trade fair exhibits — increased
our agricultural exports — and to indicate the kind
of problems that we are going to have, we send to
Western Europe in agricultural exports nearly $2

December 25, 7967

1043

billion, which is one of our great dollar earners.
We take in, in agricultural exports from Europe,
only about $80 million, a balance of trade for us of
nearly $1,920,000,000. And yet, as the Common
Market begins to get more and more developed,
with all of these countries beginning to face sur-
plus problems, there isn't any doubt that one of
our most important problems in maintaining this
kind of dollar flow would be to maintain the free
flow of our agricultural commodities into the Com-
mon Market. There's going to be no more difficult
task than that, and therefore we have to recog-
nize that this, too, may affect our balance of pay-
ments.

We have broadened the Export-Import Bank's
loan guarantee system, created a new program of
export credit insurance, and in a variety of ways
sought to help you to keep American prices com-
petitive. This requires — if we are to avoid the
inflation that will price our goods out of the world
markets — price and wage restraint by both indus-
try and labor and responsible budget policies by
the Government. It requires — if we are to offer
modem products efficiently produced at a low
cost — a higher rate of investment in new equip-
ment, encouraged by the fullest use of existing
capacity in a strong recovery, by the investment
tax credit now pending before the House Ways and
Means Committee, and by the depreciation reform
now under study and already put into effect on
textile machinery.

This organization has taken a position against
our tax credit, and the reason is that you do not
feel it is sufficient and you support a much more
general overhaul of our depreciation. I support
that, too, but our tax credit will cost $1,800,000,000
in our revenue. We have suggested — and I know
this has been impopular — certain taxes to make up
that revenue, because quite obviously we cannot
carry out a tax reduction, in these critical times,
witli our budget problems as difficult as they are.
Therefore, while we would like, under ideal con-
ditions, and had hoped, for example, to have a
sur]Dlus this year before our additional expendi-
tures for defense in July, it is very difficult for us
to send up a broad tax depreciation scheme which
might cost $3 billion with the expectation that
other tax reductions would be added to it, at a
time wlien we balance our budget with the greatest
difficulty.

So that we are not unsympathetic, and I can

think of very few tax changes that would be more
useful to the country in stimulating employment
and keeping us competitive, particularly with
Western Europe. And the only reason we have
not gone further in it, and the only reason we have
limited ourselves to the proposal which is now
before the House Ways and Means Committee, is
because we do not have the available revenue to
provide for a tax reduction this year.

So that I am hopeful, in making yoiu* position
known to the Congress this year, that while you
will continue to commit yourselves to depreciation
changes — and as I say, we have made some prog-
ress in textiles — you will also recognize what our
budgetary problems are and work with us in at-
tempting to get the best arrangements we can at
this time and plan for more satisfactory arrange-
ments in the future.

Responsibility of Business Community

In short, achieving a healthy equilibrium in our
iiitemational accounts depends in part upon the
cooperation of our allies, in part upon action by
the Congress, in part upon the self -discipline exer-
cised by this administration in its executive and
budgetary policies (and here I repeat my inten-
tion to submit a balanced budget in January) , and
in part upon you and other members of the busi-
ness community. (Labor, too, has its responsi-
bility for price stability, and I shall stress this
tomorrow in addressing the AFL-CIO.) I rec-
ognize that your efforts will be governed in part
by the kind of atmosphere the Government can
help to create. That is why we intend to submit
our balanced budget. The Goveriunent must not
be demanding more from the savings of the coun-
try, nor draining more from the available supplies
of credit, when the national interest demands a
priority for productive, creative investment — not
only to spur our growth at home but to make sure
that we can sell, and sell effectively, in markets
abroad.

But your own responsibility is great, and there
are three things in particular that you can do:
Be competitive, through lower costs and prices and
better products and productivity. Be export-
minded. In a very real sense, the British used to
say they exported or died. We are going to meet
our commitments. We've got to export. And we
have to increase our exports, and however im-
pressive it has been in the past it must be better

1044

Department of State Bulletin

in the future for the security of tliis country.
And finally, he calm, in the sense of refraining
from talk which really does not represent the
facts and which causes a concern about where we
are going abroad. It is my hope that, when we
submit our balanced budget in January, those
who look at our fiscal situation from abroad and
make their judgment will recognize that we are
in control, that we are moving ahead, and that
the United States is a good bet.

All of us must share in this effort, for this in
part, as I have said, is a part of the national
security. I don't want the United States pulling
troops home because we are miable to meet our
problems another way.

But we can be calm because our basic inter-
national position is strong : Tliis year's deficit will
be lower than last year's, our gold stores are
lai'ge and the outflow is easing, we are going to
make progress next year in diminishing it still
further, we will submit a balanced budget, we
are not undergoing a daniaging inflation. AVe
can, over the next few years, offset with the help
of our allies a billion dollars, as I have said, of
our $3-billion overseas defense outlays; reduce,
with the help of the Congress, the money which
goes because of tax advantages; cut back still
further that portion of our foreign aid procure-
ment which is not already spent here; and take
the other steps I have mentioned, including an
increase in our exports, for which all the addi-
tional tools we need are well within our reach.

Our Balance of Trade

One of those tools, one which we urgently need
for our own well-being, is a new trade and tariff
policy. The Keciprocal Trade Agreements Act
expires in June of next year. It must not simply
be renewed — it must be replaced. If the West is
to take the initiative in the economic arena, if the
United States is to keep pace with the revolution-
ary changes wliich are taking place throughout
the world, if our exports are to retain and expand
their position in the world market, then we need
a new and bold instnmient of American trade
policy.

For the world of trade is no longer the same.
Some 90 percent of the free world's industrial
production may soon be concentrated in two gi-eat
markets — the United States of America and an
expanded European Common Market. Our own

example — of 50 States without a trade barrier be-
hind a common external tariff — helped to inspire
the Common Market. Our support, ever since
the close of World War II, has been thrown be-
hind greater European unity. For we recognized
long ago that such unity would produce a Europe
in which the ancient rivalries which resulted in
two world wars, for us as well as for them, could
rest in peace — a Europe in which the strength and
the destiny of Germany would be inextricably tied
with the West — and a Europe no longer depend-
ent upon us but, on the contrary, strong enough to
share in full partnership with us the responsi-
bilities and initiatives of the free world.

Now this new "house of Europe" that we sought
so long, imder different administrations, is actu-
ally rising, and it means vast new changes in our
outlook as well. With the accession of the United
Kingdom and other European nations to the Com-
mon Market, they will have almost twice as many
people as we do. It will cover nations whose econ-
omies have been growing twice as fast as ours,
and it will represent an area with a purchasing
power which some day will rival our own. It
could be — it should be — our most reliable and
profitable customer. Its consumer demands are
growing, particularly for the type of goods that
we produce best, for American goods not previ-
ously sold and sometimes not even known in Euro-
pean markets today. It is an historic meeting of
need and opportimity; at the very time that we
urgently need to increase our exports, to protect
our balance of payments, and to pay for our troops
abroad, a vast new market is rising across the
Atlantic.

Need for New Trade Policy

If, however, the United States is to enjoy this
opportunity, it must have the means to persuade
the Common Market to reduce external tariffs to
a level which permits our products to enter on a
truly competitive basis. That is why a trade
policy adequate to deal with a large number of
small states is no longer adequate. For almost 30
years the Eeciprocal Trade Agreements Act has
strengthened our foreign trade policy. But today
the approaches and procedures provided for in
that act are totally irrelevant to the problems and
opportunities that we confront. Its vitality is
gone — a fresh approach is essential — and the

Decembet 25, J 961

1045

longer we postpone its replacement, the more pain-
ful that step will be when it finally happens.

For this is no longer a matter of local economic
interests but of high national policy. We can no
longer haggle over item-by-item reductions with
our principal trading partners but must adjust our
trading tools to keep pace with world trading
patterns — and the EEC [European Economic
Community] cannot bargain effectively on an
item-by-item basis.

I am proposing, in short, a new American trade
initiative which will make it possible for the eco-
nomic potential of these two great markets to be
harnessed togetlier in a team capable of pulling
the full weight of our common military, economic,
and political aspirations. And I do not under-
rate at all the difficulties that we will have in de-
veloping this initiative.

I am 710^ proposing — nor is it either necessary
or desirable — that we join the Common Market,
alter our concepts of political sovereignty, estab-
lish a "rich man's" trading community, abandon
our traditional most-favored-nation policy, create
an Atlantic free-trade area, or impair in any
way our close economic ties with Canada, Japan,
and the rest of the free world. And this, of
course, is a problem of the greatest importance
to us also. We do not want Japan left out of this
great market, or Latin America, which has de-
pended so much on the European markets it may
find it now increasingly difficult because of com-
petition from Africa to sell in Europe — which
could mean serious trouble for them and tlierefore
for us in the long run, both political as well as
economic.

I am not proposing — nor is it either necessary
or desirable — that in setting new policies on im-
ports we do away altogether with our traditional
safeguards and institutions. I believe we can pro-
vide more meaningful concepts of injury and
relief and far speedier proceedings. We can use
tariffs to cushion adjustment instead of using them
only to shut off competition. And the Federal
Government can aid that process of adjustment
through a program I shall discuss further to-
morrow— not a welfare program, or a permanent
subsidy, but a means of permitting the traditional
American forces of adaptability and initiative to
substitute progress for injury.

For obviously our imports will also increase — •
not as much as our exports, but they will increase.

And we need those imports if other nations are to
have the money to buy our exports and the incen-
tive to lower their own tariff barriers. Because no-
body is going to lower their barriers unless the
United States makes a bargain with them which
they feel to be in their own economic interest. We
need those imports to give our consumers a wider
choice of goods at competitive prices. We need
those imports to give our industries and Defense
Establishment the raw materials they require at
prices they can afford — and to keep a healthy pres-
sure on our own producers and workere to improve
efficiency, develop better products, and avoid the
inflation that could price us out of markets vital
to our own prosperity.

Finally, let me make it clear that I am riot pro-
posing a unilateral lowering of our trade barriers.
Wliat I am proposing is a joint step on both sides
of the Atlantic, aimed at benefiting not only the
exporters of the countries concerned but the econ-
omies of all of the comitries of the free world. Led
by the two great Common Markets of the Atlantic,
trade barriers in all the industrial nations must be
brought down. Surely it will be said that the bold
vision which produced the EEC will fall short if
it merely transfers European protectionism from
the national to the continental level.

Benefits to Entire Economy

But if we can obtain from the Congress, and suc-
cessfully use in negotiations, sufficient bargaining
power to lower Common Market restrictions
against our goods, every segment of the American
economy will benefit. There are relatively few
members of the business community who do not or
could not transport, distribute, or process either
exports or imports. There are millions of Ameri-
can workers whose jobs depend on the sale of our
goods abroad — making industrial sewing ma-
chines, or trucks, or aircraft parts, or chemicals, or
equipment for oil fields or mining or construction.
They may process lubricants or resin, they may dig
coal or plant cotton. In fact, the average Ameri-
can farmer today depends on foreign markets to
sell the crops grown on one out of every six acres
he plants — in wheat, cotton, rice, and tobacco, to
name but a few examples. Our consumers, as men-
tioned, will benefit most of all.

But if American industry cannot increase its
sales to the Common Market and increase this na-
tion's sui-plus of exports over imports, our interna-

1046

Department of Sfate Bullefin

tional payments position and our commitments to
the defense of freedom will be endangered.

If American businessmen cannot increase or
even maintain their exports to the Common
Market, they will surely step up their invest-
ment in new American-owned plants behind those
tariff walls so they can compete on an equal basis —
thereby taking capital away from us, as well as
jobs from our shores, and worsening still further
our balance-of-payments position.

If American industry cannot increase its outlets
in the Common Market, our own expansion will
be stifled, the growth target of 50 percent in the
sixties, adopted last month by the 20 nations of
OECD for their combined gross national product,
will not be reached, and our business community
will lack the incentives to lower prices and im-
prove technology which greater competition would
otherwise inspii'e. The industries which would
benefit the most from increased trade are our most
efficient ; even though in many cases they pay our
highest wages, their goods can compete with the
goods of any other nation. Those who would
benefit the least, and are unwilling to adjust to
competition, are standing in the way, as the NAM
Economic Advisory Committee pointed out last
year, of greater growth and a higher standard of
living. They are endangering the profits and jobs
of others, our efforts against inflation, our balance-
of-payments position, and in the long run their
own economic well-being because they will suffer
from competition in the United States inevitably,
if not from abroad — for, m order to avoid exertion,
they accept paralysis.

Capitalism on Trial

Finally, let me add, if we cannot increase our
sales abroad, we will diminish our stature in the
free world. Economic isolation and political
leadership are wholly incompatible. The United
Kingdom, faced with even more serious problems
in her efforts to achieve both higher growth and
reasonable balance of payments, is moving with
boldness, welcoming, in the Prime Minister's
words, "the brisk shower of competition." We
cannot do less. For if the nations of the West can
weld together on these problems a common pro-
gram of action as extraordinary in economic his-
tory as NATO was unprecedented in militaiy his-
tory, the long-range Communist aim of dividing
and encircling us all is doomed to failure.

In every sense of the word, therefore, capitalism
is on trial as we debate these issues. For many
years, in many lands, we have boasted of the
virtues of the marketplace under free competitive
enterprise, of Ajnerica's ability to compete and
sell, of the vitality of our system in keeping
abreast with the times. Now the world will see
whether we mean it or not — whether America will
remain the foremost economic power in the
world — whether we will evacuate the field of
power before a shot is fired, or go forth to meet
new risks and tests of our ability.

The hour of decision has arrived. We cannot
afford to "wait and see what happens" while the
tide of events sweeps over and beyond us. We
must use time as a tool, not as a couch. We must
carve out our own destiny. This is what Ameri-
cans have always done, and this, I have every con-
fidence, is what we will continue to do in each new
trial and opportunity that lies ahead.

ADDRESS BEFORE AFL-CIO^

Mr. Meany [George Meany, president, AFL-
CIO], clergy. Governor [Farris] Bryant, gentle-
men, and ladies: It's warmer here today than it
was yesterday. I want to express my pleasure at
this invitation. As one whose work and conti-
nuity of employment has depended in part upon
the union movement, I want to say that I have
been on the job, training for about 11 months, and
feel that I have some seniority rights in the matter.

I am delighted to be here with you and with
Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg. I was up
in New York stressing physical fitness, and in line
with that Arthur went over with a group to
Switzerland to climb some of the mountains there.
They all got up about 5, and he was in bed — got
up to join them later — and when they all came
back at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, he didn't come
back with them. They sent out a search party,
and there was no sign of him that afternoon or
night. The next day the Red Cross went out, and
they went around calling, "Goldberg — Goldberg —
it's the Red Cross." And this voice came down
from the moimtain, "I gave at the office."

Those are liberties you can take with members
of the Cabinet, but I want to say it is a pleasure

'Made at Miami, Fla., on Dee. 7 (White House presa
release; as-delivered text).

December 25, 1961

1047

to be here on this important anniversary for all of
us, the 20th anniversary of Pearl Harbor.

I suppose, really, the only two dates that most
people remember where they were are Pearl
Harbor and the death of President Franklin
Koosevelt. We face entii'ely different challenges
on this Pearl Harbor. In many ways the chal-
lenges are more serious, and in a sense long-
reaching, because I don't think that any of us
had any doubt in those days that the United
States would survive and prevail and our strength
increase.

Importance of American Labor Movement

Now we are face to face in a most critical time
with challenges all around the world, and you in
the labor movement bear a heavy responsibility.
Occasionally I read articles by those who say that
the labor movement has fallen into dark days. I
don't believe that, and I would be very distressed
if it were true.

One of the great qualities about the United
States, which I don't think people realize who
are not in the labor movement, is what a great
asset for freedom the American labor movement
represents, not only here but all around the world.
It is no accident that Communists concentrate
their attention on the trade union movement.
They know that people — those who work are peo-
ple who are frequently left out, that in many
areas of the world they have no one to speak for
them, and the Communists mislead them and say
that they will protect their rights. So they go
along.

But in the United States, because we have had a
strong, free labor movement, the working people
of this country have not felt that they were left
out. And as long as the labor movement is strong
and as long as it is committed to freedom, then I
think that freedom in this country is stronger. So
I would hope that every American, whether he was
on one side of the bargaining table or the other, or
whether he was in a wholly different sphere of life,
would recognize that the strength of a free Ameri-
can labor movement is vital to the maintenance of
freedom in this country and all around the world.

Strong Labor Movement Essential to Democracy

And I am delighted that there are here today, I
understand, nearly 150 trade union leaders from
nearly 32 countries around the world. I believe —

1048

and I say this as President — that one of the great
assets that this country has is the influence which
this labor movement can promote aroimd the world
in demonstrating what a free trade union can do.

I hope that they will go back from this meeting
recognizing that in the long run a strong labor
movement is essential to the maintenance of democ-
racy in their comitry. It is no accident that there
hasn't been a strike in the Soviet Union for 30,
35, or 40 years. The Communists, who in Latin
America, in Africa, or Asia say that they repre-
sent the people, cannot jjossibly — under any rule
of reason or debate — say that a labor movement is
free when it is not able to express its rights, not
only in relationship to the employer but also to
speak out and recognize the limitations on govern-
mental power. "We are not omniscient — we are
not all-powerful — this is a free society, and man-
agement and labor, and the farmer and the citizen
have their rights. We did not give them their
rights in government. And I hope that those who
go from this hall to Latin America, to Europe, to
Africa, will recognize that we believe in freedom
and in progress in this country, that we believe that
freedom is not an end in itself, but we believe that
freedom can bring material abimdance and pros-
perity. And I want you to know that I consider
this meeting and the house of labor vital to the
interests of this country and the cause of freedom
in the coming days.

What unites labor, what unites this country is
far more important than those things on which we
may disagree. So, gentlemen and ladies, you are
not only leaders of your unions but you occupy a
position of responsibility as citizens of the United
States; and therefore I felt it most appropriate to
come here today and talk with you.

Cooperation of American Labor

First, I want to express my appreciation to you
for several things. For example, I appreciate the
effort that those of you who represent the interests
of men and women who work at our missile plants
have made, the fact that you have given and that
the men and women who work there have lived up
to the no-strike pledge at our missile and space
sites has made an appreciable difference in the
progress that we are making in these areas — and
the country appreciates the efforts you are malcing.

Secondly, we have for the first time a Presi-
dential advisory couunittee on labor-management

Deparlmenf of State Bulletin

I

policy, which for once did not break up on the pas-
sage of the Wagner Act in 1935 but instead meets
month by month in an attempt to work out and de-
velop economic policy which will permit this coun-
try to go forward vmder conditions of full employ-
ment. And I want to thank you for the participa-
tion you have given that.

Third, as I said, I want to thank the labor
movement for what it is doing abroad in strength-
ening the free labor movement, and I urge you to
redouble your efforts. And as I have said, the
freedom of these countries rests in many parts
on the labor movement. We do not want to leave
the people of some comitries a choice between plac-
ing their destiny in the hands of a few who hold
in their hands most of the property, and on the
other side the Communist movement — we do not
give them that choice. We want them to have the
instruments of freedom to protect themselves and
provide for progress in their country, and a strong,
free labor movement can do it — and I hope you
will concentrate your attention in the next 12
months in that area — in Latin America, and all
aroimd the world.

The fact is that the head of the Congo—
[Cyrille] Adoula — who has been a strong figure
for freedom, came out of the labor movement, and
that is happening in country after coimtry, and
this is a great opportunity and responsibility for
all of us, to continue to work together.

And finally I want to take this opportunity to
express my thanks to the AFL-CIO for the sup-
port that it gave in the passage of our legislative
program in the long session of the Congress. We
did not always agree on every tactic, we may not
have achieved every goal, but we can take some
satisfaction in the fact that we did make progress
toward a $1.25 minimum wage, that we did expand
the coverage for the first time in 20 years, that we
did pass the best Housing Act since 1949, that we
did finally after two Presidential vetoes in the
last 4 years pass a bill providing assistance to those
areas suffering from chronic unemployment, that
we did pass a long-range water pollution bill, that
we did pass increased Social Security benefits, a
lowering of the retirement age in Social Security
from 65 to 62 for men, temporary xmemployment
compensation, and aid to dependent children.

And we are coming back in January, and we are
going to start again.

Increasing Employment

The gross national product has climbed since
January from $500 billion to an estimated $540
billion in the last quarter, and it is a pleasure
for me to say that the November employment
figures received this morning show not only 2
million more people than were working in Feb-
ruary but we have now an all-time high for No-
vember, 67,349,000 people working. But more
importantly, imlike the usual seasonal run in No-
vember, which ordinarily provides for an increase
in unemployment of about a half a million, we
have now brought the figure for the first time
below the 7 percent where it has hovered down
to 6.1 percent, and we're going to have to get it
lower.

I would not claim we have achieved full re-
covery or the permanently high growth rate of
which we are capable. Since the recession of
1958, from which we only partially recovered in
going into the recession of 1960, too many men
and women have been idle for too long a time.
And our first concern must still be with those
unable to get work. Unemployment compensa-
tion must be placed on a permanent, rational basis
of nationwide standards, and even more import-
antly those who are older and retired must be per-
mitted under a system of Social Security to get
assistance and relief from the staggering cost of
their medical bills.

The time has come in the next session of the
Congress to face the fact that our elder citizens do
need these benefits, that their needs cannot be ade-
quately met in any other way, and that every Mem-
ber of the Congress should have the opportunity to
go on the record, up or down, on this question —
and I believe if it comes to the floor, as I believe it
must, they are going to vote it up and through
before they adjourn in July or August.

Problems of Young People

Now there are six areas that I believe that we
need to give our attention to, if the manpower
budget is to be balanced. First, we must give
special attention to the problems of our younger
people. Dr. [James B.] Conant's recent book
{SluTTis and Suburhs] only highlighted a fact
which all of you are familiar with, and that is
the problem of those who drop out of school be-
fore they have finished because of hardships in

December 25, 7961

1049

their home, inadequate motivation or counseling,
or whatever it may be, and then drift without
being able to find a decent job. And this falls
particularly heavily upon the young men and
women wiio are in our minority groups.

In addition to that, 26 million young peo-
ple will be crowding into the labor market in
the next 10 years. This can be a tremendous asset,
because we have many tasks that require their
talent, but today there are 1 million young Ameri-
cans under the age of 25 who are out of school and
out of work. Millions of others leave school early,
destined to fall for life into a pattern of being
untrained, unskilled, and frequently unemployed.
It is for this reason that I have asked the Con-
gress to pass a Youth Employment Opportunities
Act, to guide these hands so that they can make
a life for themselves.

Equally important, if our young people are
to be well trained — and skilled labor is going to be
needed in the next years — and if they are to be
inspired to finish their studies, the Federal Gov-
ernment must meet its responsibility in the field
of education. I'm not satisfied if my particular
community has a good school. I want to make
sure that every child in this country has an ade-
quate opportunity for a good education.

Thomas Jefferson once said, "If you expect a
country to be ignorant and free, you expect what
never was and never will be." It is not enough
that our own hometown have a good school; we
want the United States as a country to be among
the best educated in the world. And I believe
that we must invest in our youth.

Retraining the Unemployed

Secondly, we need a program of retraining our
unemployed workers. All of you who live so close
to this problem know what happens when tech-
nology changes and industries move out and men
are left. And I have seen it in my own State of
Massachusetts, where textile workers are unem-
ployed, unable to find work, even with new elec-
tronic plants going up all around them. We want
to make sure that our workers are able to take
advantage of the new jobs that must inevitably
come as teciinology changes in the 1960's. And
I believe, therefore, that retraining deserves the
attention of this Congress in the coming days.

Fair Opportunity for Minority Groups

And the third group requiring our attention
consists of our minority citizens. All of you know
the statistics of those who are first discharged, and
the last to be rehired too often are among those
who are members of our minority groups. "We
want everyone to have a chance, regardless of their
race or color, to have an opportunity to make a
life for themselves and their families, to get a de-
cent education so that they have a fair chance to
compete, and then be judged on what's in here
and not on what's outside. And the American
labor movement has been identified with this
cause, and I know that you will be in the future.

And we are making a great effort to make sure
that all those who secure Federal contracts — and
there are billions of dollars spent each year by
the Federal Government — will give fair oppor-
tunity to all of our citizens to participate in that d
work. ■

Plant Reinvestment

Fourth, we want to provide opportunities for
plant reinvestment. One of the matters which is
of concern in maintaining our economy now is the
fact that we do not have as much reinvestment in
our plants as we did, for example, in 1955, 6, and
7; and we want this economy and this rise to be
continuous, and I believe we have to give as much
incentive as is possible to provide reinvestment in
plants, which makes work and will keep our econ-
omy moving aliead.

And therefore I have suggested a tax credit,
which I am hopeful — the American labor move-
ment has not placed on its list of those matters yet
tliat it has supported — that it will consider tliis
pi-oposa! as a method of stimulating the economy,
so tiiat this recovery does not run out of gas in 12
months or 18 months from now — as tiie 1958-1959
recovery — after the recession of 1958 — ran out in
1900.

Grants-in-Aid for Public Works

Fiftii, to add to our arsenals of built-in stabi-
lizers so we can keep our economy moving ahead,
it is my intention to ask the Congress at its next
session for standby authority somewhat along the
lines of the bill introduced by Senator [Joseph S.]
Clark of Pennsylvania to make grants-in-aid to

1050

Department of Stale Bulletin

communities for needed public works when our
unemployment begins to momit and our economy
to slow down.

Stimulating Trade Abroad

Sixth and finally, we must expand our job op-
portunities by stimulating our trade abroad. I
know tliat this is a matter to which the labor move-
ment has given a good deal of attention. Mr.
Meany made an outstanding speech on this matter
several weeks ago, and it is a matter which is of
concern to this administration. I am sure you
wonder, perhaps, why we are placing so much
emphasis on it, and I would like to say why we are,
very briefly.

Tlie first is, this country must maintain a favor-
able balance of trade or suffer severely from the
point of view of our national security. We sell
abroad now nearly $5 billion more than we import,
but unfortunately that $5 billion goes abroad in
order to maintain the national security require-
ments of the United States.

We spend $3 billion of that in order to keep our
troops overseas. It costs us nearly $700 to $800
million to keep our divisions in Western Germany
and $300 million to keep our troop establishments
in France. And what is true in France and Ger-
many, which are outposts of our commitments, is
true in other areas.

So tliat if we are not able to maintain a favorable
balance of trade, then of course we will have to
do as the British have had to do, which is begin to
bring our troops back and lay the way open for
other actions. So that this is a matter which in-
volves very greatly our security, and unless you
believe that the United States should retreat to
our own hemisphere and forget our commitments
abroad, then you can share with me my concern
about what will happen if that balance of trade
begins to drop.

European Common Marlcet

Now the problems that we face have been in-
tensified by the development of the Common
Market. This is our best market for manufac-
tured products. Wliat I am concerned about is
that we shall be able to keep moving our trade into
those areas; otherwise what we will find is that
American capital which cannot place its goods in
that market will decide, as they are doing now, to

build their plants in Western Europe, and then
they hire Western European workers — and you
suffer, and the coimtry suffei'S, and the balance of
payments suffers.

So this is a matter of the greatest importance
to you and in fact to all Americans. It is, for ex-
ample, of the greatest importance to American
farmers. They sell $2 billion of agricultural com-
modities to Western Europe. We bring in $80
million of agricultural commodities from Western
Europe. In other words, we make almost $2 bil-
lion of our foreign exchange from that sale of
agricultural commodities, and yet Western Europe
has great agricultural resources which are in-
creasing and we are going to find it increasingly
difficult unless we are able to negotiate from a
position of strength with them. So this matter is
important.

The purpose of this discussion is to increase
employment. The purpose of this discussion is
to strengthen the United States, and it is a matter
which deserves our most profound attention. Are
we going to export our goods and our crops, or
are we going to export our capital? That's the
question that we are now facing.

Exporting Capital to Underdeveloped Areas

And I know that those of you who have been
concerned about this laiow this to be a major prob-
lem. Last year — 1960 — we invested abroad
$1,700,000,000, and we took in from our invest-
ments abroad $2,300,000,000, which sounded like
it was a pretty good exchange. But if you an-
alyze these figures you will see that we took in
from the underdeveloped world, which needs cap-
ital—we took in $1,300,000,000 and we sent out in
capital for investment $200,000,000. And yet this
is the area that needs our investment. While in
Western Europe we sent out $1,500,000,000 and
took in $1,000,000,000, so that if this trend should
continue and more and more Western Europe be-
came the object of American investment, it affects
us all and affects the people who work with you.

We are attempting to repeal those tax privileges
which make it particularly attractive for Ameri-
can capital to invest in Western Europe. We
passed laws in the days of the Marshall plan when
we wanted American capital over there, and as
the result of that there are provisions on the tax
book which make it good business to go over

December 25, 7961

1051

there. Now we want it all to be fair, and we
have stated we are not putting in exchange con-
trols, which we will not; but we recommended
in January the passage of a bill which would lessen
the tax privileges of investing in Western Europe
and which would have given us $250 million in
revenue and in balance of payments.

The tax privileges or the attractions should be
in the underdeveloped world, where we have been
taking capital out rather than putting it in, and
not in Western Europe, where the capital is suffi-
cient and which does not serve that great national
purpose. So this is a matter of concern for all
of us, and it is a matter which we must consider
in the coming months.

The Common Market is a tremendous market.
It has more people than we do. Its rate of growth
is twice ours. Its income is about three-fifths of
ours and may some day be equal to ours. This can
be a great asset not only to them but to us — a
great strength tying the United States, Western
Europe, Latin America, and Japan together as a
great area of freedom. And I think that it rep-
resents one of the most hopeful signs since 1945.
It is one place where the free world can be on the
offensive, and I am anxious that the United States
play its proper role to protect the interests of
our people and to advance the cause of freedom.
And I ask the careful consideration of the Ameri-
can labor movement in this area.

Protection for Industries Affected by Imports

One of the problems which we have is to recog-
nize that those who have been affected by imports
have received no protection at all for a number of
years from the United States Government. Wlien
I was a Senator in 1954, I introduced legislation
to provide assistance to those industries which are
hard hit by imports. I am going to recommend
in January a program which I hope the Congress
will pass, which will provide a recognition of the
national responsibility in the period of transition
for those industries and people who may be ad-
versely affected.

I am optimistic about the future of this country.
This is a great country, with an energetic people,
and I believe over the long period that the people
of this country and of the world really want free-
dom and wish to solve their own lives and their
own destiny. I am hopeful that we can be as-
sociated with that movement. I am hopeful that

you will continue to meet your responsibilities to ,
your people, as well as to the country. I hope that I
we can maintain a viable economy here with full
employment. I am hopeful we can be competitive
here and around the world. I am hopeful that
management and labor will recognize their respon-
sibility to permit us to compete, that those of you
who are in the area of wage negotiation will rec-
ognize the desirability of our maintaining as stable
prices as possible, and that the area of produc-
tivity and stable prices — that your negotiations
will take adequate calculation and account of this
need for us to maintain a balance of trade in our
favor. In the long run it's in the interests of your
own workers.

Let me repeat : If we cannot maintain the bal-
ance of trade in our favor, which it now is, of $5
billion, and indeed increase it, then this country
is going to face most serious problems. In the last
3 years, even though the balance of trade in our
favor has been $5 billion, we have lost $5 billion
in gold ; and if this trend should go on year after
year, then the United States, as I have said, would
have to make adjustments which would be ex-
tremely adverse to the cause of freedom around
the world.

The solution rests with increasing our export
trade, with remaining competitive, with our busi-
nesses selling abroad, finding new markets, and
keeping our people working at home and around
the world.

And it is a fact that the six countries of the
Common Market, which faced the problems that
we now face, have had in the last 4 years full em-
ployment and an economic growth twice ours.
Even a country which faced staggering economic
problems a decade ago — Italy — has been steadily
building its gold balance, cutting down its unem-
ployment, and moving ahead twice what we have
over the last 4 years.

So what I am talking about is an opportunity,
not a burden. This is a chance to move the United
States forward in the 1960"s, not only in the eco-
nomic sphere but also to make a contribution to
the cause of fi-eedom.

And I come to Miami today and ask your help,
as on other occasions other Presidents of the
United States, stretching back to the time of
Woodrow Wilson and Roosevelt and Truman, have
come to the A.F. of L. and the CIO— and each
time this organization has said "Yes."

1052

Department of Sfofe Butlelin

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of December 8

Press release 805 dated December 9

Secretary Rusk: The last time we met, 1 dis-
cussed with you tlie ruthless campaign by which
the Comnumist regime in North Viet-Nam has
been trying to conquer South Viet-Nam.^ I said
then that this campaign posed a threat to the inde-
pendence and territorial integrity of a free coun-
try and its people and was a serious threat to tiie
peace. I want to underline that earlier state-
ment.

We are releasing today a report on what is
happening in Viet-Nam. It documents the elabo-
rate program of subversion, terror, and armed
infiltration carried out under the direction of the
authorities in Hanoi.

It points out — with extensive documentation for
the world to see — the methods by which North
Viet-Nam has introduced its espionage agents,
military personnel, weapons, and supplies into the
south in recent years. This report shows that this
already considerable effort by North Viet-Nam
has been accelerated sharply in recent months.
Kidnapings, assassinations of public officials, and
oilier forms of terrorism have increased. The
number and size of armed engagements have
grown. The pace of infiltration from the north,
across the demilitarized zone, througli Laos, and
l)y sea, has been stepped up. These documents
slio\V clearly that the Nortli Vietnamese Commu-
nists have repeatedly violated the Geneva Ac-
cords.^ I believe that this report makes it clear
that South Viet-Nam needs additional he!}) in
defending itself.

The Government of South Viet-Nam realizes
tliis and has welcomed support from the non-Com-
munist world. The I'liited States is now taking

' Foi- a tijinsfript of the Secretary's news conference of
Nov. 17, .see Bulletin of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 918.

' For texts, see American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955:
liasio Documcnfn, vol. I, Department of State publication
()446, p. 7.50.

December 25, J96J

621774—61 3

Department Releases Report on Threat
to Peace in South Viet-Nam

The Department of State announced ou December
8 (press release 858 dated December 7) that It had
released a two-part report entitled A Threat to the
Peace: North Viet-Nam's Effort To Conquer South
Viet-Xam (Department of State publication 7308).
Parts I and II may be purchased from the Superin-
tendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington 25, D.C., for 25 cents and 55
cents, respectively.

steps to help South Viet-Nam develop the mili-
tary, economic, and social strength needed to pre-
serve its national integrity. It is our hope that
other nations will join us in providing assistance
to South Viet-Nam until such time as the Com-
munists have halted their acts of violence and
terror.

U.S. Support for U.N. Program in the Congo

I should like to reiterate United States support
for the current pi'ogram of Secretary-Geneial U
Thant to restore freedom of movement for United
Nations forces in the Katanga and to implement
its mandate there. The United States has m the
past and will in the future consistently work for
the reintegration of the Province of Katanga by
reconciliation.^ The Secretary -General has made
clear his readiness to help in the reconciliation.
The United States deeply regrets that elements in
the Katanga have chosen to resort to violence
once more. As you know, the United States is
providing upon request unarmed transport air-
craft for the needs of the United Nations Congo
operation. Transport aircraft already available

' For statements made by U.S. Representative Adlal E.
Stevenson in the Security Council Nov. 16, 21, and 24,
see p. 1061.

1053

to the Unitpcl Nations for their iiiteriiationui
movenient of troops and supplies to the ('ongo
ai"e now also being used within the Congo to carry
troops and supplies in support of United Nations
operations there. Our aim is the consolidation of
the country under a stable government which will
be able to pursue freely the true national interests
of the Congolese.

Premier [Cyrille] Adoula is a man of intelli-
gence, moderation, and nationwide stature and
should be able to achieve this task. He has made
clear his determination to keep his country free
from control from any foreign quarter. To suc-
ceed in all of this, he has to overcome secessionists,
including the secession of Katanga, and the threat
of extremist politicians, and the threat of economic
stagnation. If Katanga is not peacefully reinte-
grated, the Congo will face civil war and anarchy
and be open to Communist penetration.

It is our policy to help the Congolese people to
resolve these difficulties and to give the United Na-
tions, whose aid they have souglit, our best sup-
port to achieve its mandate. We regret the loss of
life caused by renewed fighting against the U.N.,
but we believe that the U.N. must not be prevented
from fulfilling its mandate. We hope that the
leaders of Katanga will recognize that their pres-
ent path leads nowhere and that the Katanga will
soon be reconciled with the rest of the Congolese
people.

Some of you may have seen the statement made
in a broadcast this morning by Mr. Linner [Sture
C. Linner, Officer in Charge of U.N. Operations in
the Congo] in the Congo, in which he pointed out
that the United Nations operations there are not
being conducted to impose a political solution.
The primary mission of the U.N. forces is to pro-
tect themselves, to maintain their communications,
and to provide a situation in which the political
processes among Congolese leaders can move on to
a responsible and peaceful settlement. We fully
subscribe to the U.N. program in that regard.

Meetings at Paris

I shall be leaving this weekend for meetings in
Paris. Firet, with the foreign minister of the
United Kingdom, France, and the Federal Eepub-
lic of Germany, and then for the annual ministe-
rial meeting of the NATO Council, where we shall
be joined by not only the foi-eign ministers but
ministers of defense and of fiiumce.

Secretary Rusk To Visit Spain

I'ress rt-Ii-ase 857 dated December 7

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain, Senor
Fernando Maria Castiella y Maiz, lias invited Secre-
tary Rusk to visit Madrid and lunch with him on
Mr. Ruslc's way back to Washington from the NATO
Ministerial Meeting at Paris. The Secretary of
State has accepted with pleasure Senor Castiella's
invitation and will visit Madrid on December IG.
He will also pay a courtesy call on General Franco.
Mr. Rusk will return directly to Washington the
.same day.

We shall, of course, in the foreign ministers'
meeting, be talking about the German problem. I
want to underline the importance of keeping our
eyes on the main ball as we think about the Ger-
man problem. That there are margins of dif-
ference among the Western governments as to how,
specifically, we might proceed to deal with this
question is a matter of general knowledge. But
the differences which really count are those which
exist between Moscow and the West. That is the
heart of the matter. That is the cause of the ■
crisis. That is the problem to be resolved. \

The West is united on an imderstanding and
appreciation of the vital interests that are in-
volved, but the problem of peaceful settlement is
whether the Soviet Union will recognize and re-
spect these long-established rights and vital in-
terests in that situation.

At the NATO meeting we anticipate that a num-
ber of things will be discussed which will main-
tain the increasing momentum of the Atlantic
Community, in its economic development, in its
growing military strength, and in the strengthen-
ing ties between the Atlantic Community and the
rest of the free world. We feel that the NATO
and the Atlantic Community are on the move and
that the momentum of this movement should be
maintained.

Situation in Dominican Republic

I regret that it is not possible to announce today
that we have received infoi-mation that the situa-
tion in the Dominican Republic has reached a
peaceful settlement. Thei'e was some hope yes-
terday tliat the leaders of that count ry might have
been able to find a basis for agreement.

1054

DeparlmenI of Sfale Bulletin

I think those of us who are at some distance
from that situation might well pause and think
compassionately about the problem which those
people face. It is not easy to set aside the fears
and the suspicions and the hatreds which have
developed over a period of decades of violence
and overnight to establish a going constitutional
government on a broad basis of consent.

I must say I have been impressed with the nerve-
racking and sustained eifort which has been made
in recent weeks by the leadership of the Domini-
can Kepublic on all sides to tiy to find an answer,
but after many years it is too much to supjiose
that this can come easily. But we remain hopeful
that those leaders will be able to find a basis on
which the Dominican Republic can take up its
great national tasks once again and move back
into its traditional role in the Organization of
American States and move on to achieve tlie aspi-
rations which we know are there among its people.

Now I am ready for some questions.

Assistance to South Viet-Nam

Q. Mr. Secretary^ to go hack to your opening
statement on Viet-Nam., your statement, like the
report which is hei/tg issued today, gives no guide-
lines at all as to what help the United States
would like to see other nations provide or the
mechanisin hy which they anight provide it. Can
you he more specific in ichat you have in mind?

A. Well, I think there are a number of ways in
whicli other nations can help. There is first, of
cflui-se, the sense of political support for the Gov-
ernment of Viet-Nam as it meets this serious
threat from the north. Then there are many tasks
which are present in South Viet-Nam on which
assistance is needed. They are economic assist-
ance, technical assistance, administrative help, and
measures of the sort which we have in mind to
improve the effectiveness of the South Vietnamese
armed forces. Improvements in their mobility,
their communications, and their equipment, and
things of that sort.

I would think that the mechanisms are those
which are already established in South Viet-Nam,
and I know that the South Vietnamese Govern-
ment has had discussions and is having discussions
with others on this particular point.

Q. Mr. /Secretary, in that same connection, how
do you regard the statements of Communist China

that they will not remain indifferent to United
States assistance to South Viet-Nam? Do you feel
that this inight lead to an escalation of loar prep-
arations?

A. Well, I think, as our report brings out, the
Communist powers themselves have not been in-
different to South Viet-Nam for the last several
years. One of the problems is that they have not
used their influence to insist upon full compliance
on the part of the other side with the Geneva Ac-
coi'ds. I don't myself believe that those expres-
sions from Peiping can be treated as a shield be-
liind which Nortli Viet-Nam takes over Soutli
Viet-Nam.

U.N. Operations in the Congo

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you helieve that Great
Britain fully understands that ovr support of the
current operation hy the U.N. in Katanga does not
constitute imposition of a political solution hy
force of arms?

A. Following consultations in New York with
the Secretary-General and following clarification
of the situation by U.N. representatives on the
ground, I think there is general understanding
that it is not the intention of the United Nations
to, shall we say, conquer Katanga or to impose a
particular political solution. This has been re-
iterated by the U.N., but it is important that the
position of the U.N. in the Katanga, as elsewhere
in the Congo, be a secure one if the U.N. is to
carry out its veiy heavy resi^onsibilities in that
countiy.

Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you draw the line he-

tween what you call conciliation in Katanga and
imposing a political settlement? DoesnH the use
of force hy the U.N. against the Katangese rep-
resent a form of pressure for a particular political
settlement?

A. I think that we ought to remind ourselves
that this recent outbreak of fighting occurred after
several days of harassment by Katangese against
U.N. personnel, both civilian and military.
Whether or not these particular soldiers or indi-
\dduals who carried out these harassments were
acting under the full authority of the Katangese
authorities is something that is not entirely clear
in every case. One of the problems in the Congo
has been the question of responsibility and disci-
pline on the part of many of those who have taken

December 25, J96J

1055

action from time to time. But the U.N. position
there was becoming weakened, and it was being
subjected to harassment. If tliese actions had con-
tinned, tliere would have been a loss of communi-
cations among the U.N. elements in Elisabethville
and in the airport, and they would have been sub-
jected to very considerable dangers. I think the
elementary first step is to assure the position of the
U.N. in that situation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you Juive spoken of our sup-
plying of internal transport in the Congo. Do we
have any request for or do you envisage any fur-
ther American confriitition to the effort there
materially?

A. As you know, the United States, over tlie
last many months, has made very large contribu-
tions to the U.N. effort in the Congo financially,
materially, and in assistance with such things as
transportation. Some of this has been by plane,
some by ship. I would think that we would con-
tinue to support the very large needs of the
United Nations in the Congo, but we have not had
the request for anything, shall we say, of a mili-
tary character beyond this assistance of trans-
portation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, earlier this year there loas
considerable hope of strengthening what U.S. of-
ficials call the exenttive capacity of the United
Nations to act. Even though there is some agree-
ment on objectives in the Congo, there seems to
be some disagreement about the extent of the use
of force. Hoxo are ^oe to develop that executive
capacity to act while there are differences between
the United States, Britain, and France?

A. I would minimize the differences to wliich
you refer at this point. I do think that the new
Secretary-General, Mr. U Thant, has moved with
dispatch and with clarity on this present Congo
situation in the vei-y earliest weeks of his assump-
tion of office. I would suppose that the executive
and administrative functions of the United Na-
tions are in good hands.

Q. Mr. Secretanj, when the U.N. went into
action i/n Katanga last Septemher, virtually as
soon as the frst shots were fired there was a call
by Britain for a cease-fre. Now they have been
fghfing for 4 days. Are you considering calling
for a cease-fire?

A. I think that would be for the U.N. authori-
ties there to dpterniine. T think we need to try

to re-create, if we can, the situation on the spot.
You have a limited number of U.N. forces. Their
situation does reijuire local security. That local
security was under pressure and harassment. I
think that the fii-st requirement for a cease-fire
is the assurance and consolidation of the U.N.
position there in Elisabethville.

Hope for ICC Action in Viet-Nam

Q. Mr. Secretary, getting bach to the report on
Viet-Nam, there is a statement therein suggesting
that the Indian attitude in the [International^
Control Commission is responsible for the lack of
international inspection and perhaps even action.
Does this suggest failure on our part to persuade
Mr. Nehru to alter his stand?

A. No, I think this part of the report refers
more to tlie, shall we say, historical situation over
a period of a long time. I think the report itself
]ioints out that the real problem has been the
Polish member of the ICC. I think there are
indications now that the ICC will, in fact, take
up for investigation many of the complaints
which have been put befoi-e it.

You will recall that the Government of South
Viet-Nam quite recently filed with the ICC a let-
ter which put to the ICC a number of the com-
plaints which were also included in this report
here. "We hope very much that the ICC will turn
its attention promptly to an investigation of these
charges.

Problems To Be Discussed at Paris Meetings

Q. Mr. Secretary, in light, sir, of the sfalements
made in the French National Assembly by the
French Foreign Minister, can you tell us irhat you
regard as the prospects for full 'Western agree-
ment on an apjyroach to negotiations on Berlin,
and also, if full agreement is not possible, sir, do
you regard it as possible that there may be simply
direct negotiations beticecn the United States and
the Soviet Union?

A. I wouldn't want to try to anticipate answers
to those questions. One of the reasons for going
to Paris -2 days early is to sit down with my col-
leagues, with the principal Western Powers, and
talk about just these matters.

Q. Mr. Secretary, one of the questions which is
to confront you in Paris. If I rrmemher correctly,
is the problem of making NATO a fourth nuclear

1056

Department of State Bulletin

poiccr. Can you tell us what your thoughts are
on this ju^t before you leave?

A. This is a question, of course, wliich will be
discussed. NATO does have nuclear resources in
its support as a part of its general strategy. The
President, in Ottawa, indicated that we expected
at a suitable time to take action with respect to
Polaris submarines,^ but I would not wish to com-
ment today on details.

Communism in Cuba

Q. Mr. Secretary., Mr. Castro recently an-
nounced that he is, after all, a. tneniber of tlie Com-
munist Party. Could you give us your reaction to
that and possibly any background as to tohy you
think this announcement tvas timed at this par-
ficuhr time?

A. On your second point, I am not able to ex-
plain the timing of the statement. I gather the
timing of the statement has created a certain prob-
lem within the Communist world, if one can judge
from the absence of their distribution of this state-
ment widely, as one might have thought likely.
As for the content of his statement and others that
have been made in the last 2 or 3 days by other
leaders down there, certainly this saves us the con-
siderable task of proving to other people in con-
clusive terms what we have known for some time,
because they now have said it themselves.

Q. Mr. Secretary, Comm.unist Hungary has
hinted tluit it might discuss the fate of Cardinal
Mindszenty ivith the United States and the gen-
eral question, of improving relations. Secretary-
General U Thant w.as invited to go to Hungary.
Could you tell us, sir, what you think about this
new development, especially whether there is any
direct contact between the United States and
Hungary on the fate of the Cardinal?

A. There are facilities for direct contact, of
course, between ourselves and Hungary. I would
not suppose that this is a question — it is not a ques-
tion which can be worked out through public ex-
changes but would have to be taken up in other
channels. I frankly do not know what the sig-
nificance of these statements as yet may be.

Q. Mr. Secretary, when you spoJce about the
Congo, you mentioned the reintegration of Ka-

' Bulletin of June 5, 1961, p. 839.
December 25, 7961

tanga. I was wondering whether you favor a cen-
tralized or a federal system for the future of the
Congo?

A. I think it would not be right for us to say
that we have a plan for the Congo which we would
try to press upon them. What we do think is
that these constitutional matters ought to be
worked out among the Congolese leaders them-
selves, and, as we have seen in otlier situations of
this sort, there is a considerable range of possi-
bilities open. The combination of an effective cen-
tral government, on the one side, and a consider-
able degree of autonomy for local provinces or
regions, on the other, is something that has not
proved insoluble. But this is something that has
to be talked out among the Congolese leaders, and
we don't have a blueprint for the Congo up our
own sleeves.

Q. Back to South Viet-Nam — conversations
have been under way for some time following the
Taylor mission between the United States Govern-
ment and the Diem government. What is the
status of those conversations, and have they pro-
duced firm agreements yet on major points or
things that ought to be done?

A. I think there has been very welcome head-
way in those talks in temis of what can be done
by the Government of South Viet-Nam and by
ourselves and others to move more effectively and
promptly to the protection of that country against
the assaults that are being directed against it. We
have be«n very much encouraged by the exchanges
we have had in the last 10 days.

Q. What others, Mr. Secretary? You men-
tioned the South Vietnamese and the United
States. What other countries?

A. I don't think I should name other countries
under the circumstances. I think that will eventu-
ally become known.

Q. Mr. Secretary, it has been reported there was
a growing movement among certain delegations at
the U.N. for execution of the tvjo-China policy to
resolve the matter of Red China''s membership.
Woidd you state the Governmenfs present attitude
on two Chinas in the U.N.?

A. The attitude of the United States was set
forth at the U.N. by Ambassador Stevenson in his
principal speech on this subject at the Greneral As-

1057

sembly. That did not embrace a two-Chinas pro-
gram. Indeed, the one thing that is quite certain
in this situation is that both the Government of
the Republic of China and the authorities in
Peiping themselves utterly reject any such ap-
proach to the question.

OAS Consideration of Extracontinental Intervention

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you comment on the
recent vote of the Organization of American
States on the Colomhian proposal,^ and are you
mtisfled with the actian which has been taken?

A. I think that was a very important forward
step. If you will analyze both the voting and the
speeches which were made at the time the action
was taken, you will note that the voting itself was
14 to 2 but that those who abstained did not them-
selves reject the utility of or the need for a for-
eign ministers' meeting. Some of them abstained
on what might be called juridical grounds and
wanted to discuss further the basis and the out-
comes of the meetings of the foreign ministers.
But we were very much encouraged and impressed
by the general recognition that a meeting of the
foreign ministers on this matter should be held.

Q. Mr. Secretary, India is involved in two dis-
putes, one with Portxigal over Ooa and the other
with the Coinmunist Chinese over the border.
Could you give us what the present thinking of
the U.S. is toward the Indiun claimis in both of
these instances and whether or not there is serious
danger of conflict in either?

A. We, of course, support the Indian view with
respect to their northern borders. Those borders
have been well established in law, if not, in every
locality, demarcated exactly on the ground. But
the McMahon line generally is something that the
rest of the world has accepted.

On the other matter we do not have clear and
accurate reports as to just what is happening.
This is one of those questions which we feel ought
not to be resolved by force, and we welcome the
indications of both parties that this is not in their
minds. But I would not wish at this distance to
complicate a delicate situation by commenting on
it today.

Q. Mr. Secretary, high and low the State De-
partment has been reorganized. You have gotten

7iew agencies for disarmament, for foreign aid.
Ha^s this produced an interruption in what you
would consider the normal conduct of work?

A. No, I would think that the speed and the
ability with which Mr. [Fowler] Plamilton and
Mr. William Foster have taken on the AID ad-
ministration and the Disarmament Agency have
greatly simplified the work of the Secretary of
State.

Q. Mr. Secretar-y, a couple of days ago a Gov-
ernment official told a congressional committee
that the United States has attempted to block the
sale of British aircraft to China. Could you give
us some idea of the thinking behind that attempt?

A. We were not very happy about that sale of
aircraft to Comnmnist Cliina, but this is one of
those transactions in the commercial field which
governments must decide for themselves. T think
I might just let it rest at that.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said quite pointedly that
North Viet-Nam had violated the Geneva Accord.
While we are not a signatory of the accord, we did
have an arrangement with the ICC and South
Viet-Nam about the mimber of military personnel
we would have in South Viet-Nam. We have also
observed the kind of material we sent in
there. Do we noio feel bound by these prior
arrangements?

A. I think that puts the question the wrong
way around. Tliere is no qiiestion that the North
Vietnamese have been systematically violating the
1954 Geneva Accords. Indeed, the title of the re-
port which we are issuing to the public today,
A Threat to the Peace, is taken from Under Sec-
retary Bedell Smith's statement ^ at the time of
the Geneva Accords as to our attitude toward
that situation.

Now, actions are being taken by the other side
to breach these accoi-ds. It is not a violation of
an agreement of this sort to take steps to protect
oneself against the other party's breach, even
though in the absence of such a breach those steps
might not be considered normal.

If the North Vietnamese bring themselves into
full compliance with the Geneva Accord, there
will be no problem on the part of South Viet-
Nam or anyone supporting South Viet-Nam.

' See p. 1060.
1058

' Bui-LETIN of Aug. 2, 10.54, p. 162.

Deparimeni of Sfate Bulletin

1

Q. Mr. Secretary., can you tell us whether we
are discussing with friendly and allied cowntries
tJie degree of assistance and the kind of assistance
they might furnish to South Viet-Nam?

A. South Viet-Nam is being actively discussed
with a number of other countries.

Q. Thank you, sir.

Letters of Credence

Costa Rica

The newly appointed Ambassador of Costa
Rica, Jose Rafael Oreammio Flores, presented his
credentials to President Kennedy on December 5.
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's I'eply, see Department of State press
release 846 dated December 5.

President and Mrs. Kennedy To Visit
Venezuela and Colombia

White House press release dated December 5

President and Mrs. Kennedy will visit Caracas,
Venezuela, and Bogota, Colombia, on the 16th and
ITtli of December. The President intends to par-
ticipate in the dedication of projects being carried
out under the Alliance for Progress program in
both countries.

The purpose of the visit is to dramatize and
spotlight the cooperative effort being made by the
United States and the Republics of South Ajnerica
to accelerate the economic and social development
of the Western Hemisphere. The Presidential
trip will demonstrate the intense concern of the
United States for those programs aimed at im-
proving the welfare of the greatest number of
people. The projects to be dedicated will include
low-cost housing, primary education, and rural
community improvement. The trip to Bogotd
and Caracas will symbolize the effort which is
now going on in most of the American nations.

The President will leave the United States on
December 15 and will proceed to Puerto Rico,
where he will spend the night at the Governor's
mansion. La Fortaleza. He will leave the next
morning for Caracas, where he will visit projects,
spend the evening, and leave for Bogota on De-
cember 17. He will spend tliat day in Bogota,

returning to the United States on December 18.
Although the President's schedule does not per-
mit him to visit other countries at this time, he
hopes to visit other parts of Latin America in
the future.

U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific
Cooperation Established

The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 4 (press release 844) that the following will
be the U.S. members of the United States-Japan
Committee on Scientific Cooperation: Detlev W.
Bronk, Caryl P. Haskins, Harry C. Kelly (chair-
man), Edwin H. Land, Robert F. Loeb, Emanuel
R. Piore, and William W. Rubey.

Li their joint communique of June 22, 1961,^
President Kennedy and Prune Minister Ikeda
agreed that a United States-Japan coimnittee
should be formed to seek ways to strengthen scien-
tific cooperation between the two countries.

The committee will be a consultative body.
Its functions will be to explore ways to facilitate
scientific cooperation between Japan and the
United States for peaceful purposes and to i-eport
and, as appropriate, make recommendations to
the two Governments. Recommendations of the
committee would not commit either of the two
Governments ; approval or support of any recom-
mended action or project would in each case
depend upon normal governmental procedures.

The first meeting of the committee will take
place December 13-15 at Tokyo.

Department Announces Release of IJC
Report on Lake Ontario Water Levels

Press release 855 dated December 7

The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 7 the public release of the report of the Inter-
national Joint Commission, United States and
Canada, on the Water Levels of Lake Ontario,
dated April 5, 1961.^ The matter was referred to
the Commission for investigation and report by

' Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 57.

"A limited number of copies are available on request
from the U.S. Section of tlie International Joint Commis-
sion, United States and Canada, Federal Trade Building,
Washington 25, D.C.

December 25, 1 961

1059

tlie GovcriiniPiits of the United States and Canada
on Jnne 25, 1952, pursuant to article IX of the
Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909. Under tliis
Reference, the United States and Canada asked
the Commission to study the various factors affect-
ing the fluctuations of I^ako Ontario water levels
and to determine whether action could be taken by
either or both Governments to bring about a more
beneficial range of levels. The investigation was
carried out in conjunction with related studies
concerning applications for the development of
power in the International Rapids section of tlie
St. Lawrence River.

The Commission's investigations were organized
to evaluate tlie effects of various factors on the
levels of Lake Ontario, to determine possibilities
for regulation of Lake Ontario so as to reduce the
range of water levels, to determine desirable
changes in existing works or other measures in the
public interest, and to evaluate the effects of
changes in existing works and other measures on
various interests — riparian, navigation, and power.

The Commission previously recommended for
Lake Ontario a range of stage of 244.0 feet to 248.0
feet as nearly as may be, which was accepted by
the Governments in December 1955. In its Order
of Approval, dated July 2, 1956, the Commission
set forth that regulation of the outflows of Lake
Ontario and of the flows through the International
Rapids section of the St. Lawrence River should
be carried out in accordance with certain criteria,
including the above range of stage. Another cri-
terion provides that, in the event of water supplies
in excess of past supplies, the regulatory works
shall be operated to provide relief to riparian
owners both upstream and downstream and, in tlie
event of supplies less than those of the past, to
provide relief to navigation and power interests.

A plan of regulation was instituted on April 20.
1960, on the basis of reconunendations of the Com-
mission, and therefore no further action by the two
Governments was recommended in the Commis-
sion's report. Tlie Governments of the United
States and Canada have expressed their apprecia-
tion and thanks to the Commission for the I^ake
Ontario water-levels report, which represents a
great deal of intensive study and which should
prove a useful reference work for many years to
come for all those concerned with or affecled by
futui'e develoi)ments in Lake Ontario.

1060

U.S. and Ireland Conclude
Air Transport Talks

I'lcss rplease Siil dated December 7, for release December 8

Delegations representhig the United States and
Irish Governments met at Dublin beginning No-
vember 27 to discuss the operations of their re-
spective airlines under the provisions of the Air
Transport Agreement ' between the two comitries.
The talks were concluded on Decemljer 7.

Full and frank discussions were held on several
aspects of the agreement. The U.S. delegation left
with the Irish delegation certain proposals which
would provide U.S. airlines with the opportmiity
of conducting services to Dublin and beyond, as
well as continuing operations at Shannon. These
proposals will be submitted to the Irish (iovern-
ment for consideration.

The U.S. delegation is returning to Wash-
ington, and, if necessary, the talks will be resumed
in the new year.

Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy

87th Congress, 1st Session

War Claims and Euemy Property Legislation. Hearings
before a subcommittee of the House Interstate and
Foreign Commerce Committee on H.R, 5028, a bill to
amend the Trading With the Enemy Act, as amended,
so as to provide for certain payments for the relief and
rehabilitation of needy victims of Nazi persecution,
and H.R. 7283 and H.R. 7479, bills to amend the War
Claims Act of 1!)48, as amended, to provide compensa-
tion for certain World War II losses. August 2-3, I'Jtil.
2«!) pp.

The University in Latin America : Argentina and the
Alliance for Progress. A study-trip report to the House
Kducation and Labor Committee. September lo, liKSl.
IS pp. [Committee print]

World Communist Jlovement : Selective Chronology,
1S18-1957. Prepared by the Legislative Reference Serv-
ice of the Library of Congress. Volume I, 1818-1945.
H. Poc. 24.5. September 15, 1!H31. 2,S2 pp.

International Air Transportation Problems. Hearing be-
fore the Aviation Subcommittee of the Senate Com-
mittee on Commerce. September 22. 19Cil. 00 pp.

Forty-.second Report to Congress on Lend-Lease Oiiera-
tions. Message from the President transmitting a re-
port for the year ending December 31, 1!IG0. H. Doc.
20."). October 10, 1901. 43 pp.

.\ New Look at Foreign Economic Policy in Light of the
('old War and the Extension of the Common Market in
Europe. Statement prepared by Christian A. Hertor
and William L. Clayton for the Subcommittee on
Foreign Eccmomic Policy of the Joint Economic Com-
mittee. October 2;{. 1901. 10 pp. [,Ioint Committee
jirintl

' .->9 Stat. 1402, 61 Stat. 2872, and TIAS 4007.

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Security Council Acts To End Secessionist Activities
and Reestablisli Political Unity in the Congo

Following are statements made hy Adlai E.
Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the United Na-
tions, during consideration in the Security Council
of the sitimtion in the Republic of the Congo and
text of a three-poxoer resolution which was
adopted by the Coum.cil on November £4j together
with text of U.S. draft amendments to the three-
power resolution.

STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 16

U.S. /U.N. press release 3842

The Council has met once again on the question
of the Congo, faced by both new and old diffi-
culties, in conditions that are both ominous and
also hopeful.

We are, I am sure, grateful to the Foreign Min-
isters of Sweden, of the Congo (Leopoldville),
and of Belgium for their contributions to our dis-
cussions. For my delegation I want to say that
we are most happy to see at the table in the seat
of Belgium one of the founders of this Organi-
zation and one of the great architects of peace and
reason in these troubled times. Dr. Henri Spaak.

For its part the United States approaches the
critical problem with fresh resolve. "We are de-
termined that the pioneer United Nations effort in
the Congo should succeed. We are determined
that a truly imified Congo shall emerge. We are
determined that the Congolese people will some
day govern themselves free from outside interfer-
ence, free to put their house in order and to get on
with the task of improving the welfare of their
people.

In all of this we are moved and nurtured by
the spirit of the late Secretary-General, Dag
Hammarskjold. His task — our task^ — as we see
it, is unfinished. To his successor [U Thant],

whom my delegation is gratified to welcome to the
Council for the first time, the United States
pledges its full support. We are confident that he
will bring to his task the wisdom of the East, the
tenacity of purpose and wise counsel and leader-
ship so essential to cope with present difficulties.
His is a heavy burden in which all of us should
share. This is particularly true of those countries
whose manpower has been made available to the
United Nations and of those which have provided
political, material, and financial support in this
great undertaking.

While reports are still not entirely clear, the
situation appears even more grave than before.
Individuals in the Province of Orientale, ap-
parently under the leadership of Antoine Gizenga,
are presently operating in Kivu Province in de-
fiance of the central government. Their failure to
cooperate in fact with the central government
serves only the cause of greater disimity and
instability.

And now comes confirmation of the latest re-
volting acts — the massacre of 13 Italian airmen
serving the United Nations, presimiably by
soldiers from Stanleyville. We are profoundly
shocked by these actions, and our heartfelt sym-
pathy goes to their relatives as well as to the Gov-
ernment of Italy. Their names are added to the
long list of those who have lost their lives in the
cause of peace in the service of the United Nations.

Therefore we welcome the quick action taken by
the Secretary-General yesterday in authorizing
United Nations officials on the ground to take
every measure possible to restore law and order.
We hope this can be done soon since disorder,
instability, and drift can only jeopardize the thin
fabric of peace which exists in the Congo today.

The United States believes that separatism and
defiance — from whatever quarters — must end.

December 25, 7961

1061

What we are pledged to accomplish on behalf of
the central government is to assist in the preserva-
tion of the country's integrity as an independent
nation with the same frontiers that it possessed at
the time the United Nations action began.

The refusal of the authorities of southern Ka-
tanga to cease their secessionist activities poses a
threat to that unity. If chaos is to be avoided, it
is necessary that the Katanga authorities cease
their interminable delays and undertake im-
mediately with tlie central government serious,
direct discussions for tlie prompt reestablisliment
of political unity in the Congo.

U.S. Position on Congo Unity

The moral pressure of the United Nations and
of the governments it represents should, we be-
lieve, be brought most emphatically to bear to this
end. Let me make clear the attitude of the
United States toward this problem.

We support fully, as I have said, the concept of
a united Congo. The Congo has a 75-year history
as a single unity. As such it acceded to inde-
pendence under a constitution which, though pro-
visional, was agreed to by all Congolese political
leaders. The United Nations itself has endorsed
the principle of Congolese unity in a number of
resolutions. Not a single country in the world
has recognized the claims of Katanga leadei-s to
separate nationhood.

There is, therefore, no legal warrant for the
concept of a separate Katanga as preached by
Mr. [Moise] Tshombe and his associates or a re-
bellious Orientale led by Mr. Gizenga.

The present Katanga authorities clearly have
no claim to speak for the entire province. The
Katanga parliament is a rump organization
formed of not more than 25 of the 60 legal mem-
bers of the original Assembly, and the ethnic
groupings wliicli support tlie present regime con-
stitute, as we understand it, less than half of the
province's inliabitants.

The reasons for the attitude of Katanga's leaders
are not difficult to find. Prior to independence
the province contributed over 50 percent of the
country's tax revenues. And all of this has been
lost to the central government since July 11, 1960,
and much of it is going into maintaining and
strengtiiening tlie foi-ces of Mr. Tshombe.

As to Orientale, the liopes of the central gov-

ernment and of the United Nations that Gizenga
intended to cooperate loyally in the maintenance
of a unified Congo were ill-founded. And he and
his supporters now seem to be in open rebellion.
This is a situation of no less gravity, perliaps in
the long run of even greater gravity, than that in
Katanga.

It is certainly in the interests of everyone to
secure the peaceful and complete integration of
all of these areas. There can be no real future for
a secessionist Katanga or a secessionist Orientale.

The Congolese, like any people anywhere in
the world, will not rest until these provinces once
again assume their rightful place in their country.
For their leaders to persist in their ambitions can
only bring civil war and misery. In such a holo-
caust they would certainly not be the winners.

Nor, if civil war were to break out, would the
Congolese Government be in a much better posi-
tion. The probable result would be the destruc-
tion of an invaluable national asset and great loss
of life. If these men persist in this secessionist
ambition, they might go down in history as the
perpetrators of one of the most tragic follies in
the history of Africa. This is precisely what we
all want to avoid. At the same time, the oppor-
tunities for constructive participation with the
central government are challenging and great.
Katanga or Orientale has a vital role to play in
the Congo, but that role must be a national one.

Suggestions for Achieving Unity

The question, then, is how to achieve this ob-
jective. The United States has a number of
suggestions.

The present mandate, as it has been imple-
mented in practice by the United Nations authori-
ties, is reasonably adequate. However, it lias
become increasingly apparent tliat the intention
of the United Nations has been frustrated in a
number of important areas.

First, it was the intention of tlie General As-
sembly at its Fourth Emergency Special Session
to prevent all outside military assistance to the
Congo except through the United Nations.' The
Council subsequently endorsed tliis position.
Resolution A/1474 called upon "all States to re-
frain from the direct or indirect provision of arms

' For background and text of a resolution, see Buujtin
of Oct. 10, 1900, p. 583.

1062

Deparfmenf of State BuUetin

or other materials of war" to the Congo. Un-
fortunately there has been a steady trickle of arms
to Katanga. I do not minimize the difficulty of
shutting tight the tap. Nevertheless it seems clear
to my Government that greater responsibility for
neutralizing such weapons should now be vested
in the United Nations.

Secondly, the Security Council resolution of
February 21, 1961,^ was vague on the subject of
removal of mercenaries. It simply urged that
measures be undertaken. Again, primary reliance
was placed by the United Nations on cooperation
by member states. But we have reached the point
where the mercenaries involved now are irrespon-
sible soldiers of fortune, many of whom could
never return to their own countries and who are
not subject to any effective national control. We
believe, therefore, that the Secretary-General
should take vigorous action to end the problem of
mercenaries. He should be allowed sufficient
flexibility to employ such methods as he deems
appropriate. And we hope he will soon have the
assistance of Mr. Tshombe himself, who will be
convinced by conference and conciliation of the
futility of further resistance.

Thirdly, the provisions of the February 21 Se-
curity Council resolution on retraining of the Con-
golese armed forces have remained unimplemented
and a dead letter. The United States believes that
these armed forces should now be strengthened and
retrained by the Congolese Government with
United Nations assistance, so that, in time, the
Congolese armed forces will, by themselves, be able
to implement national policy and objectives. We
also believe that nothing would be more likely to
bring secessionists to their senses than energetic
implementation of this part of the mandate. It
seems obvious in this connection that the Congolese
armed forces, in the light of the situation in south-
em Katanga and in Orientale, should possess a
small but effective air force, and we believe the
United Nations should provide appropriate assist-
ance to that end.

Now let me turn for a moment to the resolution
submitted by the representatives of Ceylon, Li-
beria, and the United Arab Republic.^ We believe
that it has elements which are entirely construc-
tive. However, in our judgment it is not fully

' For text, see ibid., Mar. 13, 1961, p. 368.
' U.N. doc. S/4985.

responsive to the present situation. Its focus ap-
pears to us to be predominantly on one aspect of
the problem to the exclusion of the others. There
are also a number of important omissions, particu-
larly in the light of developments over the past 36
hours. Surely the Council will not be acting
responsibly if it seeks to focus on one danger while
shutting its eyes to another. If Tshombe's un-
willingness thus far to meet with the central
government authorities has prevented the achieve-
ment of political unity, how mucli more dangerous
are the defiant actions and declarations of the
authorities in Orientale Province.

I am sure that the sponsors of the resolution
before the Council will agree that further consul-
tations are essential if we are to take effective action
here on all important aspects of the Congolese
question. The United Nations Operation in the
Congo has had its sponsors and its detractors. At
this critical moment it is important that United
Nations members, and in particular those who
have supported the United Nations Operation in
the Congo — politically, materially, and finan-
cially— and those members whose forces today
stand firm to prevent greater chaos and anarchy,
band together to assure that this Council's action
will help rather than hinder in the achievement
of United Nations objectives.

In this connection the United States has devel-
oped some concrete suggestions which we will put
forward at a subsequent meeting of the Council
in the form of a draft resolution.

FIRST STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 21

U.S./U.N. press release 3848

Tlie question before us is, of course, of the very
gravest importance to the Government and to the
people of the Congo and to the United Nations
itself. What we do or what we fail to do here
today may be decisive in determining the future
of the Congo and of the most significant operation
in which our Organization has engaged. We feel,
therefore, that the language of this new mandate
is of the utmost importance and merits tlie most
careful draftsmanship.

Yesterday the delegate of Liberia suggested a
revision of paragraph 8 of the three-power text
submitted by Ceylon, Liberia, and the United Arab
Eepublic. It appears in document S/498.'i/Rev. 1,

December 25, 1 96 1

1063

paragraph 8. Its effect would be to make clear
the opposition of the Security Council to secession
■wherever it may occur in the Congo, as ■well as
specifically to demand that such activity in the
Katanga cease forthwith. Speaking for my dele-
gation, we welcome this revision of paragraph 8
as a distinct improvement in the text.

The United States delegation can support almost
all of the provisions of the three-power draft now
before the Council. We feel, however, that it
would be desirable for the draft to be expanded,
to be strengthened, and to be clarified in certain
respects. Our amendments, circulated last night
in document S/4989, are really additions which
we hope that the Council members will agree
strengthen and broaden the three-power draft.
They do not contradict it. They give somewhat
broader authority to the Secretary-General, both
in the action that he may take and where he may
take it.

To better enable members to follow these amend-
ments, we have prepared a composite resolution so
that you can quickly identify the new language we
are proposing, and I believe copies of this have
been circulated — copies of this informal document
have been circulated to members of the Council to
aid in the consideration of the proposals that I
shall advance.

Now let me describe briefly the various amend-
ments that we wish to offer.

First, while we believe that the primary cur-
rent cause of trouble in the Congo is secession in
the Katanga, the Government of the Congo is also
plagued with other attacks against its authority.
Whatever may be the origin or whatever may be
the motives of such attacks, they weaken the
effectiveness of the central government and they
threaten the United Nations efforts to assist the
Congo. We believe the Security Council, there-
fore, should express itself clearly against all such
activities and authorize the Secretary-General to
take appropriate measures against them. We
have therefore suggested that the fifth preambular
paragraph of the three-power draft be expanded
slightly to read as follows:

Deploring all armed action and secessionist activities
in opposition to the authority of the Government of the
Republic of the Congo, Including specifically those car-
ried on with the aid of external resources and foreign
mercenaries, and completely rejecting the claim that
Katanga is a "sovereign independent nation," ....

Now, if you would please turn to operative par-
agraph 2 — I am not gomg to discuss these in the
sequence in which they are presented but rather
gather those together which relate to the same
subject — to make operative paragraph 2 parallel
this declaration in the preambular portion of
the resolution, in other words, to cover the same
problem of armed action against the Government
of the Congo, we propose that the operative
paragraph 2 be amended to read:

Further deprecates all armed action against United
Nations forces and personnel and against the Government
of the Republic of the Congo. . . .

I think the reason for that is self-evident.

In this connection we would favor adding to
the preamble an expression of regret for the ac-
tions of violence against United Nations personnel
from such armed action. This seems to be an
appropriate addition in ■view of the loss of life of
United Nations forces which they have suffered,
including most recently the barbaric slaying of 13
Italian airmen, which Prime Minister [Cyrille]
Adoula so eloquently denounced. We have there-
fore suggested the addition of a paragraph to the
preamble following the "Deploring" paragraph
reading as follows :

Noting with deep regret the recent and past actions of
violence against 'DN personnel. . . .

Since the formation of the government of the
Congo headed by Prime Minister Adoula, any
question concerning the exclusive authority to con-
duct foreign policy in the Congo has vanished.
Only one government exists, and the claims of any
province to independence are inadmissible. For
tliat reason we favor adding to the three-power
draft explicit recognition of the sole authority of
the central government, and we propose, there-
fore, that another preambular paragraph be
added reading as follows :

Recognizing the Government of the Republic of the
Congo as exclusively responsible for the conduct of the
external affairs of the Congo. . . .

Next, we favor giving the Secretary-General
broad authority to rid the Congo of foreign mer-
cenaries. However, the use of force by the United
Nations is a most serious matter, as we all know.
It should only be authorized in as precise terms
as the Security Council can possibly state for
the protection of the Secretary-General and for
imiversal understanding. For that reason we

1064

Department of State Bulletin

would favor a drafting change in operative para-
graph 4, deleting the ambiguous phrase "hostile
elements" and substituting therefor the exact lan-
guage of paragraph A-2 of our resolution of last
February 21, to which the three-power draft al-
ready refers. The phrase "hostile elements"
could cause needless alarm and uncertainty as to
the intention of the United Nations and creates a
very imprecise authority for United Nations ac-
tion. We understand the intention of the spon-
sors is to give tlie Secretary-General authority
that he needs for defense of United Nations
forces against whoever may forcibly oppose their
actions. We believe this authority becomes more
precise if the paragraph adopts the language of
the February resolution on the subject of merce-
naries. So the suggestion is that it read as
follows :

Authorises the Secretary-General to take vigorous ac-
tion, including the use of a requisite measure of force,
if necessary, for the immediate apprehension, detention
pending legal action and/or deportation of all foreign
military and para-military personnel and political advisers
not under the UN command, and mercenaries as laid
down in paragraph A-2 of the Security Council resolu-
tion of 21 February 1961. . . .

Our next proposal relates to secession. We be-
lieve that secession in the Katanga, as well as the
use of armed force against the authority of the
Government elsewhere, is often the result of out-
side influence, including the use of arms imported
from abroad. We feel that the three-power res-
olution was defective in that it did not give the
Secretary-General the broadest possible mandate
to neutralize the effect of such arms everywhere in
the Congo, especially aircraft and heavy weapons.
In this connection, we approve the decision — the
very historic decision, I suspect — to resist aircraft
of the so-called Katanga Air Force if again used
for military purposes. In order to give the Secre-
tary-General explicit authority to deal with the
problem, we favor the addition of the following
paragraph to the three-power draft :

(6) Authorizes the Secretary-General, in consultation
with the Government of the Republic of the Congo to
neutralize, where necessary to prevent their use for mil-
itary purposes against the United Nations, the Republic
of the Congo, or the civilian population, aircraft and
other weapons of war which have entered the Congo con-
trary to its laws and UN resolutions. . . .

One of the great needs in the Congo today is,
we feel, for a rebuilding of the Congolese armed

forces. This is a need we have recognized in past
resolutions. Recent examples in which discipline
disappeared in certain Congolese army units dem-
onstrate that this problem, which we discussed at
length last February, is still with us. We there-
fore propose the addition of a paragraph wliich
would give new emphasis to United Nations ef-
forts for assisting the Congolese Government in
rebuilding its armed forces, which would read
as follows :

(11) Requests the Secretary-General to assist the Gov-
ernment of the Republic of the Congo to reorganize and
retrain Congolese armed units and personnel and to assist
the Government to develop its armed forces for the tasks
which confront it. . . .

Finally, one of the most discouraging problems
which faces us in the Congo is the continuing
disimity of the country. We believe the Secretary-
General should once again be empowered to take
steps to promote the unity of the Congo, includ-
ing, of course, in the first instance, peaceful meas-
ures of conciliation and negotiation. We there-
fore propose the addition of the following:

(13) Further authorises the Secretary-General to take
all such steps in accordance with the resolutions of the
Security Council as he considers necessary, including
those of negotiation and conciliation, to achieve the im-
mediate political unity and territorial integrity of the
Congo.

Several delegates have suggested in this amend-
ment that the word "authorizes" should be
changed to "requests," and we are completely in
accord with the suggestion. I should like, there-
fore, to offer it as a slight verbal alteration to our
amendment No. 7, that is, that the second word
read "requests" rather than "authorizes."

Mr. President [Valerian A. Zorin, U.S.S.R.],
we believe that the sentiments which I have at-
tempted to express and the amendments I have
presented are in accordance with the views of
almost, if not all, members of this Council. We
believe that they reflect the needs of the United
Nations and the experience of the United Nations
in the Congo. We believe our amendments are en-
tirely consistent with what we understand to be
the intent of the three-power resolution. We con-
sider them vital aspects of our current effort to
assist effectively the Government of the Congo
and the new Secretary-General in their respective
tasks. We hope, therefore, that they will have
the full approval of the Council.

December 25, 1961

1065

SECOND STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 21

U.S. /U.N. press release 3S49

The distinguished representative of Ceylon was
good enough to refer to me in his remarlis as the
"Kepresentative of the United Nations." Well, as
long as we are congratulating each other today, I
must say I am deeply grateful for this promotion.
I have always felt that I should speak for all of
the United Nations, but I have concluded that
there might be some objection.

Now I am going to forgo any argument with the
representative of the Soviet Union [Mr. Zorin]
regarding his charge that these amendments were
designed to distract attention from the principal
problem, in order not to protract this meeting.
The object of these amendments is transparently
clear. It is not to distract attention. It is rather
to concentrate attention on all of the problems so
that the Secretary-General's mandate is clear and
comprehensive and we would not have to have
another Security Council meeting to remedy the
situation.

The objections advanced by the distinguished
representative of the Soviet Union seem to relate
to one paragraph, that is. No. 5 of our amend-
ments. He suggests that the word "neutralize" be
replaced by the word "remove." Now the purpose
of this paragraph was to remedy a defect or an
oversight in the three-power draft, which only
prevents entry of arms into the Katanga. It does
not authorize the Secretary-General to eliminate
their use. This paragraph was intended to pre-
vent the use of arms.

Speaking for the United States delegation, we
would accept "remove" as proposed by the Soviet
Union, albeit reluctantly, because it is a more
limiting word in our language tlian "neutralize."
It is obviously harder to go into enemy country
and remove an airplane, for example, than it is to
shoot it down. But we will accept that change as
requested, providing we can also alter the subse-
quent language slightly so that it would read:
". . . to remove or to prevent the use for military
purposes against the United Nations," and so
forth, thus giving the Secretary-General complete
latitude to remove or prevent by other means. I
do not believe the representative of the Soviet
Union would take exception to that alteration.

Finally, in the last line of that paragraph, he
suggested that the language be limited to weapons

1066

of war which have entered Katanga. I would
gladly accept that, too, and say ". . . weapons of
war which have entered Katanga or any other
region of the Congo contrary to the laws of the
Congo and U.N. resolutions." Surely it was not
the intention of the representative of the Soviet
Union to limit the defense capability of the
Secretary-General to only one area.

Mr. President, if anyone thinks that it would
strengthen the resolution as a whole, we would
gladly add to the language of amendment No. 1
some more language in the third sentence reading
as follows: ". . . specifically those carried on by
the Provisional Administration of Katanga with
the aid of external resources and foreign mei'ce-
naries," and so on.

With those additions, sir, I would hope very
much that the Council might conclude to act on
these amendments as a whole * so that we could
proceed to the adoption of a resolution at this
morning's session.

THIRD STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 21

U.S. /U.N. press release 3S50

Mr. President, I take the liberty of speaking
only on the assumption that there is no one else
who wants to speak, in view of your inquiry a
moment ago.

I must say, sir, that in view of the Soviet threat
of a veto at the last minute this morning and the
strong statements of the distinguished Foreign
Minister of the Congo which we have heard this
afternoon, I am wondering if we should not ad-
journ before voting in order to see if something
can be worked out which would be acceptable to
all and constitute a positive service to the Congo,
to the Secretary-General, and to the United Na-
tions.

After 10 days of meetings here, paralysis and
no action whatever would be a positive disservice
to the Congo. In spite of the present discouraging
impasse, I do not personally despair of doing some-
thin<r to save the situation and to advance the
interests of the international community in peace
and order and progress in the Congo.

[In a further intervention, Ambassador Stevenson
said : 1

' U.N. doc. S/4989/Rev. 1.

Department of State Bulletin

I had hoped to avoid a further intervention,
Mr. President, but in view of your last statement
I am obliged to say some further words.

Everyone in this room who has expressed him-
self lias approved this resolution, as amended, ex-
cept the Soviet Union, and that includes the Congo
itself. And yet you say that it is not you but we
who are obstructing the Council's action. Wliat
you are saying is that we are all obliged to accept
your version of what should be done, mcluding
the Congo, or you won't play. I regret this very
much because I do not admire dictatorship in any
form.

But I regret it more because of its effect on the
Congo, to which the United States has contributed
a great deal of money and a great deal of help
through the United Nations and will contribute
more, even as others who are here have contributed
both blood and treasure. I noticed your boast
that the Soviet Union had contributed nothing.

It is not helpful to use this occasion as just an-
other exercise in rhetorical anticolonialism. This
is an emergency, a crisis in the affairs of the
Congo that demands prompt attention. A resolu-
tion, as amended, that all have approved who have
spoken lies before you. Accept it, I beg you, and
let Mr. Bomboko [Foreign Minister Justin Bom-
boko] go back to the Congo and that unhappy
country start a new chapter with a new mandate
for our new Secretary-General. If you camiot, I
must then press my motion for adjournment under
Rule 33 without further debate.

STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 24

U.S. /D.N. press release 3859

Before proceeding to a vote I should like the
privilege of saying a word in explanation of the
position of my Government.

We will vote for the three-power resolution as
amended with great reluctance so that the Foreign
Minister of the Congo, Mr. Bomboko, will not
return to his tormented country emptyhanded
after all of these days of talk.

We appreciate the efforts of so many delegations
and virtually all of the members of this Council
to get unanimity on a satisfactory, comprehensive
mandate for the Secretary-General.

We deeply regret the Soviet vetoes and are dis-
turbed by what they imply for the future of the

Congo. In spite of these vetoes of paragraphs
desired by the representative of the Congo and
clearly defining the authority of the Secretary-
General, we will vote for this resolution because we
believe that the Council should take a firm stand
against the activities in tlie Katanga and specif-
ically in support of the central government. We
do so in light of our view of previous resolutions
and executive actions by the Secretariat, which
have convinced us that this new resolution can in
no way be a diminution but only an addition to
authority previously granted. We have full con-
fidence that the Secretary-General will continue
to carry out all of these resolutions to the full
effect.

We reserve the right to introduce these amend-
ments again in the General Assembly.

U.S. DRAFT AMENDMENTS °

1. Revise the paragraph of the preamble which begins
"Deploring, etc." to read :

"Deploring all armed action in opposition to the au-
thority of the Government of the Republic of the
Congo, specifically secessionist activities and armed
action now being carried on by the Provincial Ad-
ministration of Katanga with the aid of external re-
sources and foreign mercenaries, and completely re-
jecting the claim that Katanga is a "sovereign in-
dependent nation,"

2. Add thereafter two new preambular paragraphs :

"'Noting with deep regret the recent and past ac-
tions of violence against UN personnel," and

"Recognizing the Government of the Republic of the
Congo as exclusively responsible for the conduct of
the external affairs of the Congo,"

3. Revise operative paragraph No. 2 to read :

"Further deprecates all armed action against United
Nations forces and personnel and against the Govern-
ment of the Republic of the Congo,"

4. Revise operative paragraph No. 4 to read :

"Authorizes the Secretary-General to take vigorous
action, including the use of requisite measure of force,
if necessary, for the immediate apprehension, deten-
tion pending legal action and/or deportation of all
foreign military and para-military personnel and i)olit-
ical advisers not under the UN command, and mer-

' U.N. doc. S/4989/Rev. 2. Amendment No. 7 was with-
drawn by the U.S. representative on Nov. 24, and on that
date the Council voted on the remaining amendments with
the following results : Nos. 1, 2, and 4 were adopted ; No.
5 was not adopted, having failed to receive the required
majority ; and Nos. 3 and 6 were not adopted because of
the negative vote of a permanent member, the vote in each
case being 9-1 (U.S.S.R.), with 1 abstention (France).

December 25, 1961

1067

cenaries as laid down in paragraph A-2 of the Security
Council resolution of 21 February 1961,"

5. Add a new paragraph (6) as follows, renumbering
subsequent paragraphs accordingly :

"(6) Authorizes the Secretary-General, in consul-
tation with the Government of the Republic of the
Congo to remove or to prevent the use for military
purposes against the United Nations, the Republic of
the Congo, or the civilian population, of aircraft and
other weapons of war which have entered Katanga or
any other region of the Congo contrary to the laws of
the Congo and UN resolutions ;"

6. Add a new paragraph (11) (after original No. (9))
as follows :

"(11) Requests the Secretary-General to assist the
Government of the Republic of the Congo to reorganize
and retrain Congolese armed units and personnel
and to assist the Government to develop its armed
forces for the tasks which confront it ;"

7. Add a new penultimate paragraph. No. (13), as
follows :

"(13) Further requests the Secretary-General to
take all such steps in accordance with the resolutions
of the Security Council as he considers necessary, in-
eluding those of negotiation and conciliation, to
achieve the immediate political unity and territorial
integrity of the Congo."

THREE-POWER RESOLUTION «

The Security Council,

Recalling its resolutions S/4387, S/4405, S/4426 and
S/4741,'

Recalling further General Assembly resolutions 1474
(ES-IV), 1592 (XV), 1599 (XV), 1600 (XV) and 1601
(XV), «

Reaffirming the policies and purposes of the United
Nations with respect to the Congo (Leopoldville) as set
out in the aforesaid resolutions, namely :

(a) To maintain the territorial integrity and the po-
litical independence of the Republic of the Congo ;

(b) To assist the Central Government of the Congo
in the restoration and maintenance of law and order;

(e) To prevent the occurrence of civil war in the
Congo ;

(d) To secure the immediate withdrawal and evacua-
tion from the Congo of all foreign military, para-niilitary
and advisory personnel not under the United Nations
Command, and all mercenaries ; and

(e) To render technical assistance.

Welcoming the restoration of the national Parliament of
the Congo in accordance with the Loi fondamcntale and

° U.N. doc. S/5002 ( S/4985/Rev. 1, as amended ) ;
adopted by the Council on Nov. 24 by a vote of 9-0, with 2
alistentions (France, U.K.).

' For texts, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 161 ; Aug. 8,
19G0, p. 223; Sept. 5, 1960, p. 385; and Mar. 13, 1961,
p. 368.

• For texts, see ibid., Oct. 10, 1960, p. 588; Jan. 9, 1961,
p. 62 ; and May 22, 1961, p. 784.

the consequent formation of a Central Government on
2 August 1961,

Deploring all armed action in opposition to the author-
ity of the Government of the Republic of the Congo,
specifically secessionist activities and armed action now
being carried on by the Provincial Administration of
Katanga with the aid of external resources and foreign
mercenaries, and completely rejecting the claim that
Katanga is a "sovereign independent nation".

Noting with deep regret the recent and past actions of
violence against United Nations personnel,

Recognizing the Government of the Republic of the
Congo as exclusively responsible for the conduct of the
external affairs of the Congo,

Bearing in mind the imperative necessity of speedy
and effective action to implement fully the policies and
purposes of the United Nations in the Congo to end the
unfortunate plight of the Congolese people, necessary
both in the interests of world peace and international
co-operation, and stability and progress of Africa as a
whole,

1. Strongly deprecates the secessionist activities ille-
gally carried out by the provincial administration of Ka-
tanga, with the aid of external resources and manned
by foreign mercenaries ;

2. Further deprecates the armed action against United
Nations forces and personnel in the pursuit of such
activities ;

3. Insists that such activities shall cease forthwith,
and calls upon all concerned to desist therefrom;

4. Authorizes the Secretary-General to take vigorous
action, including the use of requisite measure of force, if
necessary, for the immediate apprehension, detention
pending legal action and/or deportation of all foreign
military and para-military personnel and political ad-
visers not under the United Nations Command, and mer-
cenaries as laid down in paragraph A-2 of the Security
Council resolution of 21 February 1961 ;

5. Further requests the Secretary-General to take all
necessary measures to prevent the entry or return of such
elements under whatever guise and also of arms, equip-
ment or other material in support of such activities ;

6. Requests all States to refrain from the supply of
arms, equipment or other material which could be used
for warlike purposes, and to take the necessary measures
to prevent their nationals from doing the same, and also
to deny transportation and transit facilities for such
supplies across their territories, except in accordance with
the decisions, policies and purposes of the United Nations ;

7. Calls upon all Member States to refrain from pro-
moting, condoning, or giving support by acts of omission
or commission, directly or indirectly, to activities against
the United Nations often resulting in armed hostilities
against the United Nations forces and personnel ;

8. Declares that all secessionist activities again.st the
Republic of the Congo are contrary to the Loi fondamcn-
tale and Security Council decisions and siiecifically de-
mands that such activities which are now taking place
in Katanga shall cease forthwith ;

9. Declares full and firm support for the Central Gov-
ernment of the Congo, and the determination to assist

1068

Deparfment of State Bulletin

that Government in accordance with the decisions of the
United Nations to maintain law and order and national
integrity, to provide technical assistance and to imple-
ment those decisions ;

10. Urges all Member States to lend their support, ac-
cording to their national procedures, to the Central Gov-
ernment of the Republic of the Congo, in conformity with
the Charter and the decisions of the United Nations ;

11. Requests all Member States to refrain from any
action which may directly or indirectly impede the poli-
cies and purposes of the United Nations in the Congo
and is contrary to its decisions and the general purpose
of the Charter.

OAS Foreign Ministers To Consider
Extracontinental Intervention

The Council of the Organization of American
States met at Washington December 1^ to consider
a -proposal of the Government of Colornbia that a
meeting of foreign ministers he convoked Janu-
ary 10 to consider threats to peace and the politi-
cal independence of the American states that may
emerge from an intervention of extracontinental
powers designed to hreak American solidarity.
Foll'Owing is a statement made before the Coun-
cil by Ambassador deLesseps S. Morrison, U.S.
Representativ e .

Press release 840 dated December 4 ; as-delivered text

This is a critical moment for the inter-American
system. At our meeting on November 14 we
agreed to set this date on which to act on the pro-
posal of the Government of Colombia. In the
intervening 3 weeks we have all had an ample
opportunity to consult our governments and to
exchange views on how best to proceed in accom-
plishing the objectives of the Colombian initiative.
From these conversations it is clear that a consid-
erable majority of the American governments
recognizes the pressing need for a meeting of for-
eign ministers to consider the dangerous situation
created by the intervention of international com-
munism in this hemisphere facilitated by the Cas-
tro regime's now publicly proclaimed alinement
with the Sino-Soviet bloc. While most of the gov-
ernments comprising this considerable majority,
including my own, favor moving ahead with the
Colombian proposal as presented, a few continue
to be concerned over the juridical basis for such
a Meeting of Consultation.

My Government from the outset has maintained
that the threat which confronts all the American
Republics today is clearly a matter which appro-
priately should be dealt with under the Rio
Treaty.^ The tlireat is not abstract but actual. It
is not in the future but real and present. The
principal elements of the threat are Cuba's pro-
claimed alinement with the extracontinental sys-
tem of international communism and its declared
purpose and known efforts to extend that system
to other countries of the hemisphere through agi-
tation, subversion, and civil strife. There is not
a country here represented that to one degree or
another has not felt the impact of the Castro re-
gime's interventionist activities.

This situation is without doubt an "urgent mat-
ter of common concern" as stated in article 39 of
the charter. But it is much more than that. It is
clearly a situation which not only might but actu-
ally does endanger the peace of America as con-
templated in article 6 of the Rio Treaty. And for
those who in these circumstances place such im-
portance on the grammatical construction of arti-
cle 6, 1 would add that this situation, involving as
it does flagrant subversion, endangers and thus
affects the political independence of the American
states.

The United States delegation report on the

Quitandinha conference, which was referred to in

the meeting on November 14, in our opinion makes

abundantly clear the very broad scope of article

6 when it states :

. . . the procedures and obligations in article 6 are de-
clared to be operative whenever :

a. The inviolability or integrity of the territory ;
6. the sovereignty; or [and I stress the word "or"]
c. the political independence of any American State is
affected by :

1. An act of aggression other than an armed attack;

2. An extracontinental or intracontinental conflict ; or
[and I again stress the "or"]

3. Any other fact or situation that might endanger the
peace of America.

"The reference to 'any other fact or situation
that might endanger the peace of America'," con-
tinues the report, "was considered by the framers
to be sufficiently broad to include most if not all
of the occasions specified in the various proposals
[made during the Conference] as calling for con-
sultation." Among these proposals was one ad-

^ For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 21, 1947, p. 565.

December 25, 7961

1069

vanced by Uiniguay covering the "violation of the
essential rights of man or the departure from the
democratic system" as requiring "the joint and
voluntary action of the countries of the
continent."

My delegation is thoroughly convinced that the
liistory of the formulation, as well as the precise
language, of article G fully supports the juridical
soundness of the Colombian initiative in calling
for the meeting of foreign ministers to be held
under the Rio Treaty. Furthermore, the nature
of the danger which faces us is such that the need
for collective action imder the Rio Treaty con-
fronts the Organization of American States with
its foremost immediate challenge. My Govern-
ment enthusiastically supports the resolution pro-
posed by the Government of Colombia.

Now I should like to say a few words about the
basic issue before the Council. This issue, which
has come into much sharper focus during the past
3 weeks, is the intervention of an extracontinental,
totalitarian system in this hemisphere, using Cas-
tro's Cuba as a base. Dr. Castro, with his well-
timed speech of December 1, has now, finally, re-
moved any doubts about this. The issue was
already, of course, quite clear, but it is always
helpful to have it defined by the protagonist him-
self. Incidentally, such an abrupt revelation by
the maximum leader of the revolution of a con-
faction long held may catch some members of his
supporting cast unawares, but they will quickly
recognize that sudden about-faces are inherent in
the Communist system. We have all watched
with amusement in recent weeks, for example,
Communist parties throughout the world trying
to rationalize the de-Stalinization program of
Khrushchev.

Castro's speech of December 1 is a remarkably
candid confession of intrigue and deception by a
man who for close to 10 years studiously hid his
real political orientation. Now he tells us that he
was basically influenced by Marxist-Tjcninist
theory when he was in the university, that his
revolutionary thinking was well formed by the
time of his "History Will Absolve Me" speech in
1953, and that some of the ideas in that statement
were deliberately disguised so as not to affect ad-
versely his movement. Now he boasts of taking
the help of other revolutionary groups during the
straggle against Batista, while opposing efforts at

unity until he could gain the upper hand. He
makes clear that the same cynical considerations
underlay the establislmient of a moderate govern-
ment during his first months in power while he
went about consolidating his apparatus. With
startling frankness, he states that, if his radical
views had been known, those opposed to him to-
day would have been fighting him from the very
start. This is the record of a man who deceived
the Cuban people who had placed their trust in
him and betrayed a revolution that was welcomed
and admired the world over. This is something
for those to ponder who are still tempted to be-
lieve that temporizing with Communist tactics is
likely to be successful or that freedom and inde-
pendence are not constantly endangered by the
Communist movement.

Castro also made clear that he has chosen the
path of communism, via socialism, traced by
Marx, Engels, and Lenin. He said :

In effect, we had to apply scientific socialism. That
is why I began to tell you with all candor that we believe
in Marxism, that we believe that it is the most correct,
most scientific, the only true theory, the only true revo-
lutionary theory. Yes, I state it here, with complete
satisfaction and with full confidence. I am a Marxist-
Leninist and I will continue to be a Marxist-Leninist
until the last day of my life.

One is reminded of his promises made some
time ago to return Cuba to the path of individ-
ual liberty and representative democracy, when
at his Moncada trial in 1953 he proclaimed :

The first revolutionary law will return to the people
their sovereignty and proclaim the Constitution of 1940
as the true supreme law of the State until such times as
the people decide to modify or change it.

In the early days of his regime. Dr. Castro told
the Cuban people that his revolution was tan
cubana conw las palmas. He used to say: La
revoliiclon ctibana no es roja slno vcrde olivo.
He described fidelismo as neither capitalism nor
communism but hunianisTno. He liked to say
that capitalism was Ubertad sin fan and com-
munism was fan sin libertad. Humanismo, he
said, meant fan con libertad. And now he fur-
ther mocks the Cuban people by telling them that
if they are frightened over the prospects of being
led down the road to communism, they really
should not be worried, as it will take 30 years of
socialism to get there.

1070

Deparfmenf of Sfafe BuWeVin

Despite all the disclaimers, Dr. Castro likewise
clarifies again his design for Latin America by
proclaiming that guerrilla warfare will work in
other nations of this hemisphere if they will but
try it. Castro's "guerrilla warfare" is synony-
mous with Khrushchev's "ware of national liber-
ation" through which international communism
proposes to imdermine and destroy established
governments and extend its influence throughout
the world.

Dr. Castro has now lifted his personal mask,
revealing the treachery of his rise to power. He
has at last personally and publicly alined himself,
as well as his regime, with the Sino-Soviet bloc,
prescribing his formula for extending Castro-
communism throughout the hemisphere. In doing
this, he again has empliasized a fundamental truth
regarding communism; namely, that wherever it
has seized power and whenever it retains control,
it has done so on the basis of deceit and oppres-
sion, destroying individual freedom and flouting
the will of the majority of the people.

It is well that we contemplate carefully this
record. Castro's Marxist-Leninist regime advo-
cates economic and social change in our hemi-
sphere through violence and oppression. Our gov-
ernments, through the Bogota and Punta del Este
charters,'' have chosen to work toward the same
objectives of economic and social change within
the framework of liberty, national independence,
and respect for individual rights. Are we now to
defend the course which we have chosen against
those who impede our forward march through
agitation and subversion? My delegation firmly
believes that the independent governments of the
Organization of American States have a grave re-
sponsibility to act collectively to protect the sov-
ereignty and political independence of the peoples
of this hemisphere from any extension of the
treachery of fdelismo and to let the Cuban people
know that they are not alone and that they are
not abandoned in their struggle to regain their
God-given freedom.'

= For texts, see iUi., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537, and Sept. 11,
1961, p. 463.

' On Dec. 4 the Council approved the Colombian resolu-
tion by a vote of 14 to 2 (Cuba and Mexico), with 5 ab-
stentions (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, and Ecua-
dor).

United States Delegations
to International Conferences

NATO Ministerial Meeting

The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 5 (press release 848) the members of the U.S.
delegation to the 28th Ministerial Meeting of the
North Atlantic Council at Paris December 13-15.
The U.S. representatives will be Secretary of State
Dean Eusk (chairman of the delegation). Secre-
tary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon, and Secre-
tary of Defense Robert S. McNamara.^

TREATY INFORMATION

Educational Exchange Agreement
Concluded With Ethiopia

Press release 854 dated December 6

The United States and Ethiopia concluded an
agreement on December 6 for the establishment of
a program of educational exchange between the
two comitries. The agreement was signed by the
Minister of State for Education, Otto Gabre Mes-
kal Kifle-Egzy, for Ethiopia and by American
Ambassador Arthur L. Richards. The only other
country in Africa to have an active educational
exchange agreement with the United States is the
United Arab Republic. The United States now
has active educational exchange agreements with
41 countries throughout the world.

The agreement with Ethiopia authorizes the
two-way exchange of students, trainees, teachers,
research scholars, and professors in all fields. It
also authorizes the establishment of a binational
commission to plan and administer the program
in Ethiopia. The equivalent of $250,000 in Ethi-
opian currency is made available for the initial 3
yeai-s of the program.

The agreement with Ethiopia was the first to be
concluded under the Fulbright-Hays Act (P.L.
256, 87th Congress), signed by the President on

' For the names of the other members of the U.S. delega-
tion, see press release 848 dated Dec. 5.

HefLQmbet 25, 1961

1071

September 21.^ The new act broadens the scope
of previous legislation and provides more liberal
terms for the participating country.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

Convention on international civil aviation. Done at
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force April 4,
1947. TIAS 1591.
Adherence deposited: Sierra Leone, November 22, 1961.

Economic Cooperation

Convention on the Organization for Economic Coopera-
tion and Development and supplementary protocols no.
1 and 2. Signed at Paris December 14, 1960. Entered
Into force September 30, 1961.
Ratification deposited: Netherlands, November 13, 1961.

Finance

Amendment of article III of the articles of agreement
of the International Finance Corporation of May 25,
1955 (TIAS 3620). Adopted September 1, 1961. En-
tered into force September 21, 1961.

Fisheries

International convention for the Northwest Atlantic
Fisheries. Dated at Washington February 8, 1949. En-
tered into force July 3, 1950. TIAS 2089.
Adherence deposited: Poland, November 21, 1961.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention with six an-
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered
into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United States Oc-
tober 23, 1961.

Ratifications deposited: China, October 19, 1961 ; Korea
and Paraguay, October 26, 1961.

Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) annexed
to the international telecommunication convention of
December 22, 19.52 (TIAS 3266), with appendixes and
final protocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 1958. En-
tered into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 4390.
Notification of approval: British East Africa, October
19, 1961.

Wheat

International wheat agreement, 1959, with annex.
Opened for signature at Washington April 6 through
24, 19.59. Entered into force July 16, 1959, for part I
and parts III to VIII, and August 1, 1959, for part II.
TIAS 4302.
Accession deposited: Sierra Leone, November 30, 1961.

BILATERAL

Congo (Leopoldviile)

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended, with exchange of letters. Signed at
Leopoldviile November 18, 1961. Entered into force
November 18, 1961.

Germany

Agreement amending the agreement of October 8, 1956, as
amended (TIAS 3660 and 4599), relating to the sale
to the Federal Republic of Germany of certain military
equipment, materials, and services. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Bonn November 24, 1961. Entered
into force November 24, 1961.

■Morocco

Agreement for the exchange of International money or-
ders between the postal administrations of the United
States and Morocco. Signed at Rabat October 31, 1961,
and at Washington November 30, 1961. Enters into
force on a date to be agreed upon by the parties.

Portugal

Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 454; 73 Stat. 610; 7 U.S.C.
1731-1736), with exchange of notes. Signed at Lisbon
November 28, 1961. Entered Into force November 28,
1961.

United Kingdom

Agreement amending the agreement of May 10 and 13,
1957, as amended (TIAS 3843 and 4156), relating to
the disposition of equipment and materials furnished
by the United States under the mutual defense assist-
ance program and found surplus to the needs of the
armed forces of the United Kingdom. Effected by ex-
change of notes at London November 7 and 10, 1961.
Entered into force November 10, 1961.

DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE

' For remarks by the President, see Bulletin of Oct. 9,
1961, p. 603.

Consulate General at Dar-es-Salaam
Elevated to Embassy

The Department of State announced on December 9
(press release 866) that the U.S. consulate general at
Dar-es-Salaam, Tanganyika, was elevated to an embassy
on that day. Tanganyika achieved independence on De-
cember 9 after administration by the British under
United Nations trusteeship.

William R. Duggan, the U.S. consul general at Dar-es-
Salaam and principal officer there since September 1958,
has been named Charge d' Affaires ad interim.

Recess Appointments

The President on October 25 appointed Frank M. Coffin
to be Deputy Administrator of the Agency for Interna-
tional Development. (For biographic details, see De-
partment of State press release 760 dated November 2.)

The President on November 26 made the following re-
cess appointments :

George W. Ball to be Under Secretary of State.

Frederick G. Dutton to be Assistant Secretary for Con-
gressional Relations. (For biographic details, see De-
partment of State press release 849 dated December 5.)

1072

Department of Sfate Bulletin

W. Averell Harriman to be Assistant Secretary for Far
Eastern Affairs. (For biograpliic details, see Department
of State press release 841 dated December 4.)

Edmond Hutchinson to be Regional Administrator for
Africa, Agency for International Development. (For
biographic details, see White House press release dated
November 26.)

George C. McGhee to be Under Secretary of State for
Political Affairs.

Walt W. Rostow to be Counselor of the Department of
State and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press release
852 dated December 6.)

The President on November 30 appointed William A.
Crawford to be Minister to Rumania. (For biographic
details, see White House press release dated Novem-
ber 30.)

Appointments

Richard N. Goodwin as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Inter-American Affairs, effective November 30.

Designations

Alfred V. Boerner to be Director of the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs, effective December 1.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 830 dated December 1. )

PUBLICATIONS

100th Anniversary of Publication
of Foreign Relations Volumes

development of the international position and
policy of the United States during this eventful
century. The Department is gratified to note that
the American Historical Association, which is
holding its annual convention in Washington,
December 28-30, has scheduled a discussion of the
Foreign Relations series in commemoration of its
100th anniversary.

The series now numbers 210 volumes, the most
extensive regular publication of its type in the
world. Among the most recent volumes to appear
in this series are those dealing with the momen-
tous World War II conferences at Cairo, Tehran,
and Potsdam. The very titles of these volumes
vividly reflect the shift in U.S. foreign policy
from 19th-century aloofness and isolation to 20th-
century participation and leadership in the af-
fairs of the world.

In this year of the Civil War Centennial it is
of interest to note that the first document in the
first volume of Foreign Relations was a circular
instruction of February 28, 1861, from the Secre-
tary of State to the American ministers in the
capitals of Europe, urging them to see to it that
the sovereigns to whom they were accredited un-
derstood that their long-term interests would not
be served by recognizing the Southern Confed-
eracy.

Mr. Lincoln's message to Congress, printed in
the first volume of Foreign Relations, concluded
with these ringing words:

"The struggle of to-day is not altogether for
to-day — it is for a vast future also. With a re-
liance on Providence, all the more firm and earnest,
let us proceed in the great task which events have
devolved upon us."

Department Announcement

Press release 851 dated December 6

One hundred years ago this month, President
Abraham Lincoln delivered his first annual mes-
sage to Congress. For the first time in history
the papers on foreign affairs that accompanied the
message were bound in permanent form and is-
sued by the Government Printing Office under the
title Diplomatic Correspondence. Thus began the
series of annual volumes, now known as Foreign
Relations of the United States, that have been com-
piled in the Department and published for the
information of all who have been interested in the

Recent Releases

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may te
obtained from the Department of State.

The Foreign Service of the United States — Origins, De-
velopment, and Functions. Pub. 7050. Department and
Foreign Service Series 96. xiii, 430 pp. $3.50.
A comprehensive basic reference work on the growth of
the Foreign Service from Revolutionary times to the
present day. This volume, prepared in the Historical
OflBce of the Department of State, includes appendixes, a
bibliography, and an index.

Documents on Disarmament, 1960. Pub. 7172. xii, 419
pp. $1.25.

December 25, 1 96 1

1073

A sequel to Documents on Disarmament, 19^5-1959, this
volume contains an additional collection of papers, ar-
ranged in chronological order, on disarmament negotia-
tions and related questions.

25th Semiannual Report to Congress, Educational and
Cultural Exchange Program, January 1-June 30, 1960.
Pub. 7191. International Information and Cultural
Series 76. 73 pp. Limited distribution.
A report summarizing activities of the educational and
cultural exchange programs of the Department of State
for the second half of fiscal year 1900.

U.S. Participation in the International Atomic Energy
Agency — Report by the President to Congress for the
Year 1960. Pub. 7214. International Organization and
Conference Series 19. 39 pp. Limited distribution.
This report covers the work of the Board of Governors
and the meeting of the fourth regular session of the Gen-
eral Conference on IAEA, and the work of the Secretariat.

Publications of the Department of State, January 1, 1958-
December 31, 1960. Pub. 7219. 116 pp. 60<;.
A list of publications of the Department arranged alpha-
betically by subject for ease of reference.

An Act for International Development, a Program for the
Decade of Development — Summary Presentation, (Re-
vised). Pub. 7224. General Foreign Policy Series 174.
xxi, 189 pp. 75^.

A six-part volume describing the new foreign aid program
which President Kennedy outlined in his message to the
Congress on March 22, 19G1.

United Nations— Guardian of Peace. Pub. 7225. Inter-
national Organization and Conference Series 20. 46
pp. 25^.

Remarks made by Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative
to the United Nations, on a nationwide closed-circuit tele-
vision program organized by the American Association
for the United Nations and originating at New York, N.Y.,
March 2, 1961.

Chile: Rebuilding for a Better Future. Pub. 722S.
Inter-American Scries 70. 26 pp. 25^.
An illustrated background including details of U.S.
aid to Chile, information on the country's history, econ-
omy, political development, and other aspects of Chilean
life, as well as a brief r6suui6 of official U.S.-Chilean
relations.

The Berlin Crisis — Report to the Nation by President
Kennedy, July 25, 1961. Pub. 7243. European and Brit-
ish Commonwealth Series 63. 21 pp. 154.
A White House radio-television report to the American
people explaining the legal right.s and commitments of the
Western Powers and the first steps being taken by the
United States in this cri.sis.

Career Opportunities as a Foreign Service Officer (Re-
vised). Pub. 7245. Department and Foreign Service Se-
ries 102. 31 pp. 20#.

A booklet describing the examination, the work and
training of the ofl5cer, and the benefits to be derived from
a career in the Foreign Service.

The UN . . . Meeting Place of Nations (Revised). Pub.
7247. International Organization and Conference Series
21. 12 pp. 10(f.

Leaflet summarizing the various functions and organiza-
tions of the United Nations.

The Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty: Gateway to Peace.
Pub. 72.54. Disarmament Series 3. 34 pp. 20(*.
Provisions of the proi)osed new treaty of the Geneva Con-
ference and the many problems preventing Its adoption
are discussed in this pamphlet.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 4-10

Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Sabject

U.S. participation in international
conferences.

Coombs : "Let's Talk Sense About
Foreign Students."

Brown : "People on the Move."

Johnson : "Asia Today."

Morrison : OAS Council.

Harriman sworn in as Assistant Sec-
retary for Far Eastern Affairs (bio-
graphic details).

Johnson : "The Emerging Nations of
Asia."

Chapman : AFL-CIO Maritime Trades
Department.

U.S.-Japan committee on scientific co-
operation (rewrite).

Contribution of women's organiza-
tions to projects overseas.

Costa Rica credentials (rewrite).

Meyer sworn in as Ambassador to
Lebanon (biographic details).

Delegation to NATO Ministerial Meet-
ing (rewrite).

Dutton sworn in as Assistant Secre-
tary for Congressional Relations
(biographic details).

Ambassador Attwood returns to
Guinea.

Centennial of Foreign l\!ations vol-
umes.

Rostow sworn in as Counselor of De-
partment and Chairman of Policy
Planning Council (biographic de-
tails).

Niger independence ceremonies.

Educational exchange agreement with
Ethiopia.

IJC report on water levels of Lake
Ontario.

Washington visit of women delegates
to 16th General Assembly.

Rusk visit to Spain.

Publication on Viet-Nam (rewrite).

Reception for Washington diplomatic
corps.

Tubby: "The Challenge to Govern-
ment, the Media, and Educational
Institutions."

Air talks with Ireland.

McGhee: "Atlantic Unity — Key to
World Community."

Delegate to university convocation
ceremonies in Ethiopia.

Statement on Dominican sugar.

Rusk : news conference of December 8.

Post raised to embassy at Dar-es-
Salaani, Tanganyika (rewrite).

Washington visit of women delegates
to Kith General Assembly.

Rusk : arrival at Paris.

Ball : U.N. action in the Congo.

• Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Bdi,letin.

No.

Date

*836

12/4

*837

12/4

t838

•839

840

•841

12/4
12/4
12/4
12/4

t842

12/5

•843

12/5

844

12/4

•845

12/5

846

•847

12/5

12/5

848

12/5

•849

12/5

•850

12/6

851

12/6

•852

12/6

*S53
854

12/6
12/6

855

12/7

•856

12/7

857

8.58

♦859

12/7

12/7
12/7

t860 12/7

861

12/7

t862

12/8

•863

12/8

t864

12/8

865

12/9

866

12/9

•8G7

12/9

tsus

12/10

tM;:i

12/10

1074

Department of Stale Bulletin

December 25, 1961

Index

Vol. XLV, No. 1174

Africa. Hutchinson appointed AID regional admin-
istrator 1073

American Republics

Goodwin appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary . 1073
OAS Foreign Ministers To Consider Extraconti-

nental Intervention (Morrison) 10G9

Secretary Ruslc's News Conference of Decem-
ber 8 1053

Asia. Harriman appointed Assistant Secretary . 1073

Aviation. U.S. and Ireland Conclude Air Trans-
port Talks lOGO

Canada. Department Announces Release of IJC
Report on Lake Ontario Water Levels .... 1059

Colombia. President and Mrs. Kennedy To Visit

Venezuela and Colombia 1059

Congo (Leopoldville)

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Decem-
ber 8 1053

Security Council Acts To End Secessionist Activities
and Reestablish Political Unity in the Congo
(Stevenson, texts of resolution and U.S. draft
amendments) 1061

Congress, The. Congressional Documents Relating

to Foreign Policy lOGO

Costa Rica. Letters of Credence (Oreamuno

Flores) 1059

Cuba. OAS F'oreign Ministers To Consider Extra-
continental Intervention (Morrison) .... 1069

Department and Foreign Service

Appointments (Goodwin) 1073

Consulate General at Dar-es-Salaam Elevated to

Embassy 1072

Designations (Boemer) 1073

Recess Appointments (Ball, ColBn, Crawford, Dut-

ton, Harriman, Hutchinson, McGhee, Rostow) . 1072

Economic Afifairs

Department Announces Release of IJC Report on

Lake Ontario Water Levels 1059

The Hour of Decision : A New Approach to Ameri-
can Trade Policy (Kennedy) 1039

Educational and Cultural Affairs

Boerner designated director. Bureau of Educational
and Cultural Affairs 1073

Educational Exchange Agreement Concluded With
Ethiopia 1071

Ethiopia. Educational Exchange Agreement Con-
cluded With Ethiopia 1071

International Organizations and Conferences

OAS Foreign Ministers To Consider Extraconti-

nental Intervention (Morrison) 1069

U.S. and Ireland Conclude Air Transport Talks '. lOCO

Ireland. U.S. and Ireland Conclude Air Transport
Talks 1060

Japan. U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Co-
operation Established 1059

Labor. The Hour of Decision : A New Approach

to American Trade Policy (Kennedy) .... 1039

Mutual Security

Coffin appointed Deputy Administrator, AID . . 1072

Hutchinson appointed AID regional administrator
for Africa 1073

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

NATO Ministerial Meeting (delegation) .... 1071

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of December 8 . 1053

Presidential Documents. The Hour of Decision :
A New Approach to American Trade Policy . . 1039

Publications

Department Releases Report on Threat to Peace in
South Viet-Nam 1053

100th Anniversary of Publication of Foreign Re-
lations Volumes 1073

Recent Releases 1073

Rumania. Crawford appointed Minister .... 1073

Science. U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Co-
operation Established 1059

Spain. Secretary Rusk To Visit Spain .... 1054

Tanganyika. Consulate General at Dar-es-Salaam

Elevated to Embassy 1072

Treaty Information

Current Actions 1072

Department Announces Release of IJC Report on

Lake Ontario Water Levels 1059

Educational Exchange Agreement Concluded With
Ethiopia 1071

U.S. and Ireland Conclude Air Transport Talks . 1060

United Nations

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of December S . 1053

Security Council Acts To End Secessionist Ac-
tivities and Reestablish Political Unity in the
Congo (Stevenson, texts of resolution and U.S.
draft amendments) 1061

Venezuela. President and Mrs. Kennedy To Visit

Venezuela and Colombia 1059

Viet-Nam

Department Releases Report on Threat to Peace

in South Viet-Nam 1053

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of December 8 . 1053

Name Index

Ball, George W 1072

Boerner, Alfred V 1073

Coffin, Frank M 1072

Crawford, WUliam A 1073

Dutton, Frederick G 1072

Goodwin, Richard N 1073

Harriman, W. Averell 1073

Hutchinson, Edmond 1073

Kennedy, President 1039

McGhee, George C 1073

Morrison, deLesseps S 1069

Oreamuno Flores, Jos4 Rafael 1059

Rostow, Walt W 1073

Rusk, Secretary 1053

Stevenson, Adlai E 1061

U.S. fiOVERNUENT PR1UTIN6 OFFICE; Itit

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AMERICAN REPUBLICS
ESTABLISH AN ALLIANCE
FOR PROGRESS

The text of the "Declaration to the Peoples of America"
and "The Charter of Punta del Este" as well as remarks
by President Kennedy and Secretary of the Treasury Dil-
lon in connection with the special meeting of the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council, August 5-17,
1961, are contained in this 11-page leaflet.

Publication 7276

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American Republics Establish an Alliance for Progress

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