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CJV9 * 9 3 5 1 .. Ji.3 





53 J>^\n>^ 

Vol. XLV, No. 1162 

October 2, 1961 

ATION 539 



THE CURRENT WORLD SCENE • by Ernest K. Lindley . 546 



President' s Message to the Congress and Text of AgTeemcnt . 556 


SLACKEN IN 1961 • Article by George L. Warren ... 565 

For index see inside back cover 



Vol. XLV, No. 1162 • Publication 7275 
October 2, 1961 

Boston Hitiiic iihiftl^ 
Su^erlnteadedt of i)6iH[itf^ife 

,^0V 11961 


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Readers' Oulde to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a vceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government tcith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as uvU as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or nuty 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

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President Kennedy Receives Representatives of Belgrade Conference, 
Explains U.S. Position on Current World Situation 

On September 12 and 13 President Kennedy 
met with President Sukarno of the Repuhlic of 
Indonesia and President Modibo Eeita of the 
Republic of Mali, who were acting as represent- 
atives of the states represented at the Conference 
of Nonalined Nations which met at Belgrade, 
Yugoslavia, September 1-6.^ Following is an ex- 
change of remarks between President Kennedy 
and Presidents Sukarno and Keita upon their ar- 
rival September 12, a statement by President 
Kennedy issued at the close of their talks on Sep- 
tember 13, and the text of identical letters de- 
livered to Presidents Sukarno and Keita person- 
ally by the President at the White House on Sep- 
tember 13, together with the text of a message to 
President Kennedy from the Belgrade conference. 


White House press release dated September 12 

President Kennedy 

I take great pleasure in welcoming once again 
to the United States President Sukarno. We ap- 
preciated the opportunity of your visit with us 
last spring, and we are delighted that you have 
come to visit us again. 

It is a great pleasure and satisfaction to wel- 
come President Keita to the United States for 
the first time, and we hope that though his visit 
may not be long he will come to understand our 
country and our people better for his visit with us. 

On behalf of the people of the United States 
and the Government of the United States, I ex- 
tend a wann welcome to our two distinguished 
visitors, who come representing the leaders, the 

' For test of President Kennedy's message to the con- 
ference, see Bulletin of Sept. 18, 1961, p. 478; for a 
White House statement announcing the visit of Presi- 
dents Sukarno and Keita, see ibiS.., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 518. 

states, and the people who were assembled at the 
recent conference in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. 

We realize that they come on a mission of peace, 
and we want them to know that the people of this , 
country share their great desire that the problems 
which disturb the tranquillity of the world be 
settled in a peaceful manner, in a manner which 
represents the desires of the people who are in- 
volved to live their own lives in freedom, a peace 
which is real, which permits an orderly settle- 
ment of difficult problems, a peace which repre- 
sents the basic aspirations of people everywhere — 
a matter of such great importance, quite rightly, 
to the people who met in Yugoslavia — to live out 
their own lives in the way they choose. 

So we are delighted, Mr. President, to welcome 
you. We are grateful to you for making the 
long voyage. We recognize that in coming, as 
you have, around the world to visit us here in the 
United States, your objectives are those which 
you share with us: a desire that the world may 
continue to move forward and that the people of 
the world may live out their lives in the way 
they wish and in the peace they want. 

Mr. President. 

President Sukarno 

My dear President Kennedy, today I am again 
in Wasliington, and for the fourth time. It was 
indeed, as you said, a long voyage from Belgrade 
to Washington, but it was a very pleasant one. 

I thank you, Mr. President, for the kind recep- 
tion and for your kind words. We both — Presi- 
dent Keita and I — have come here as, as you said, 
emissaries of the Belgrade conference of un- 
alined nations. The previous times I came here 
as a representative of the Indonesian Eepublic, a 
representative of 92 million people. But today 
I have come here, together with President Keita, 
as an envoy of the Belgrade conference, represent- 
ing about 750 million people. 

Ocfober 2, 7961 


Our task is not a task of mediation. No, our 
task is to communicate the thoughts and concerns 
of the Belgrade conference to you, Mr. Presi- 
dent — our tlioughts and concerns about the pres- 
ent situation in tlie world. 

The world in which we are living now is a world 
in transition, and a world in transition to a new 
world is always full of conflicts — minor conflicts, 
medium conflicts, big conflicts — big conflicts es- 
pecially when big powers are involved. 

I spoke about our thoughts and our concerns 
of the Belgrade conference about the present sit- 
uation. "VVe members of the Belgrade conference, 
25 nations — we do not command physical power, 
we do not command military power, we do not 
command big economic power. But we nonalined 
nations are the least inhibited in developing our 
thoughts and conceptions for the formation of a 
new world, a new world of freedom, of prosperity, 
of friendship and cooperation and brotherhood 
amongst nations. 

I am sure that, as you said, Mr. President, also 
the American people and you — yourself, Mr. 
President, you also — are very concerned about the 
world situation. And that is why I express the 
hope that our talks will bear fruit, in order to 
save this world from calamity and catastrophe. 
Thank you. 

President Keita ' 

Mr. President, I come here as representative of 
the Belgrade conference with my friend President 
Sukarno. I come here for my first contact with 
this great country and the great people of the 
United States, people and country about whom 
I have heard so much for so many years. 

And yet I come here at a moment which is ex- 
tremely serious. I come here to bring to you, 
Mr. President, and to the American people the 
greetings not only of the 25 nations of the Bel- 
grade conference but also of the people which I 
represent myself, the people of Mali. 

And we are bringing to you a grave burden, 
Mr. President. We are bringing to you a mes- 
sage of trust, because we are quite certain that 
the people of the United States wish to live in 
peace and only in peace. 

We bring to you also a message of brotherhood, 
because we know that man, whichever be the color 

of his skin, wants to live together and work to- 
gether in this common civilization, the ci^dliza- 
tion of the universe. 

We bring to you also, Mr. President, a message 
of peace. We bring to you this message because 
the young countries need peace. We need peace 
even more than the great countries and the great 
powers need it, because, as President Sukarno said, 
we have neither military nor economic power. 
And, moreover, we have the need of the help 
of the great nations to build up our own countries, 
to build up our own economies. 

However, as I said, we need more than anytliing 
peace, and that is why we need the peace and peace 
alone even more than the great powers need it. 

I would take advantage of my presence here, 
Mr. President, to establish a contact with the great 
people of the United States, the people whose 
struggle for its own develoi^ment we have fol- 
lowed. Thank you. 


White House press release dated September 13 

We have welcomed the visit of President Sukar- 
no and President Keita on behalf of the nations 
which recently met in Belgrade, because we have 
viewed with growing concern the heightening ten- 
sion in world affairs. Statesmen everywhere have 
an urgent responsibility to make every effort to 
preserve the peace and to solve their ditlerences by 
peaceful means. This can be done if all approach 
these differences with full understanding of the 
rights, obligations, and vital interests of others. 

The situation in Berlin is filled with danger. I 
have made it clear that the position of the West 
and of the West Berliners will be defended. I 
have also made it clear that we are ready to dis- 
cuss these matters with other governments, includ- 
ing the Government of the Soviet Union, and to 
search for the means to preserve an honorable 
peace.^ If that is the purpose on all sides, there 
is no need for resort to force. 

The Foreign Ministers of the Western Powers 
are meeting in Washington tomorrow [Septem- 
ber 14].* Next week the Secretary of State will 

' As translated from the French. 

'For President Kennedy's report to the Nation on the 
Berlin crisis, see Buixctin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267. 
' See p. 545. 

Department of State Bulletin 

liead the United States delegation to the General 
Assembly of the United Nations. "We understand 
that Foreign Minister [Andrei A.] Gromyko will 
also be present. This will provide an opportunity 
for serious talks about Germany and other prob- 
lems if the Soviet side proves willing. The chan- 
nels of diplomacy are open for the exploration of 
constructive steps toward a reduction of tension. 
Other means are available when they can serve a 
useful purpose. Meanwhile, it is clearly of the 
utmost importance that there be no unilateral acts 
which will make peaceful progress impossible. 


White House press release dated September 15 

September 13, 1961 
Dear Mr. President : I have studied with care 
the message from the Conference of Nonaligned 
Nations which you were good enough to present 
in person. The United States Government is 
aware that the nonaligned powers assembled at 
Belgrade represent an important segment of world 
opinion, and, especially, that their peoples share 
with ours a vital stake in the maintenance of the 
peace. In our continuing deliberations within the 
United States Government and with our Allies, we 
will give the message fi'om the conference most 
careful consideration. 

As regards the proposal that I enter into direct 
negotiations with Premier Khrushchev, we are 
prepared to use existing and appropriate channels 
to establish the possibility of surmounting the 
present impasse. It has been and continues to be 
our policy to seek to settle our problems with 
others by peaceful means. We have not attempted 
to create crises, and we believe it is incumbent upon 
all responsible governments to explore all possible 
avenues, including negotiations at the highest 
levels, for mutually acceptable solutions of cur- 
rent international problems. However, unless 
such negotiations are carefully prepared before- 
hand they risk failure and may lead to deteriora- 
tion of the situation. We therefore feel that at a 
time of great tension it is particularly necessary 
that negotiations of the kind proposed by the Bel- 
grade Conference not only have careful prepara- 
I tion but also a reasonable chance of success. 

The Foreign Ministers of the Western powers 
are meeting in Washington tomorrow. Next week 

the Secretary of State will head the United States 
delegation to the General Assembly of the United 
Nations. We understand that Foreign Minister 
Gromyko will also be present. This will provide 
an opportunity for serious talks about Germany 
and other problems if the Soviet side proves 
willing. The channels of diplomacy are open for 
the exploration of constructive steps toward a 
reduction of tension. Other means are available 
when they can serve a useful purpose. Meanwhile, 
it is clearly of the utmost importance that there 
be no unilateral acts which will make peaceful 
progress impossible. 

Given a realistic approach and a sincere desire 
on the other side as well as ours to reach a mutually 
acceptable solution, we see no reason why eventual 
negotiations should not be successful in coping 
with the present crisis. However, we do not intend 
to enter into negotiations under ultimata or 
threats. It is also clear that we do not propose to 
discuss either abdication of our responsibility or 
renunciation of the modalities for carrying out 
those responsibilities. 

Nevertheless, we believe it possible to find a solu- 
tion which can accommodate vital interests on 
both sides of the crisis. 

The United States has carefully noted the state- 
ments in the Belgrade Declaration recognizing 
that the Berlin and German situations are of vital 
importance to future developments in interna- 
tional relations. It has consistently been, and will 
continue to be, our policy to settle differences with 
realism and responsibility. We would note that 
this crisis has been initiated by Soviet not by 
American action. We endorse the Declaration's 
reference to the rights of all nations to unity, self- 
determination, and independence, and its condem- 
nation of intimidation, intervention, and 
interference in the exercise of the right of self- 
determination. We presume that these principles 
apply equally to the people of Germany and 

Our policies in this area have sought to respect 
these principles. We have absolutely no intention 
of resorting to force or threats of force to solve 
the Berlin and Germany problems, but we are 
determined to honor our commitments and are pre- 
pared to meet force with force if it is used against 
us. While the United States and its Allies are all 
agreed there must be negotiations on the problem, 
the Soviet Union must give indication of a readi- 

Ocfober 2, 7961 


ness to engage in discussion based on mutual 
respect. The only conditions it has yet exhibited 
any willingness to consider are conditions which 
involve the surrender of Western rights. 

The United States continues to believe that con- 
clusion of an adequately controlled test ban agree- 
ment is a matter of greatest urgency. We wish to 
reaffirm, however, our belief that test ban negoti- 
ations should be resumed separately from nego- 
tiations on general and complete disarmament. 
The Soviet resumption of atmospheric testing has 
increased the urgency which attaches to the signa- 
ture of a complete treaty test ban. Complex nego- 
tiation on general disarmament should not be per- 
mitted to delay the achievement of this significant 
step forward. 

I would emphasize again my regret that the 
Soviet Union has rejected the offer of the United 
Kingdom and the United States Government to 
halt atmospheric tests creating fallout." 

Only after a searching review of vital U.S. 
security interests and after the utmost provocation 
did we announce our intent to resume underground 
tests." The non-aligned nations may be assured 
of our continued willingness to negotiate an effec- 
tive treaty ; but, meanwhile, the national security 
interests of our country and of our Allies in the 
Free World must be protected. The United States 
looks forward to full consideration of the test ban 
issue in the forthcoming United Nations General 
Assembly which we hope will move the Soviet 
Union to abandon its opposition to effective con- 
trols and toward acceptance of a test ban 

The United States is pleased to note that the 
participants in the recent conference in Belgrade 
mentioned the importance of an effective system 
of inspection and control. This is the crux of the 
matter. It is clear from United States proposals 
in the nuclear test negotiations that the United 
States contemplates inspection and control pro- 
cedures in the disarmament field in which the non- 
aligned countries, as well as others, would 

For some months the United States has been 
conducting an intensive study of the problem of 

" For background, see Bolletin of Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475, 
and Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515. 
' See p. 543. 

general disarmament which resulted in a request 
to Congress to create a disarmament agency.' The 
study has also resulted in the development of a 
comprehensive plan for general and complete dis- 
armament which is in the final stage of prepara- 
tions for public presentation. This plan provides 
for a program which will insure that the disarma- 
ment is general and complete ; that war is no longer 
an instrument for settling international disputes; 
and that disarmament is accompanied by the 
creation of reliable procedures for peaceful settle- 
ment of disputes and maintenance of peace in 
accordance with the principles of the United 
Nations Charter. 

The American commitment to these objectives 
goes deep. Our colleagues in the world commun- 
ity will not find us faint-hearted in this cause. 

Talks between the United States and the Soviet 
Union resumed September 6 in New York in a 
further effort to bring the two sides closer together 
and to work out a satisfactory disarmament forum. 
The proposals put forth by the United States by 
these talks provide for participation of non- 
aligned countries in future broad disarmament 
negotiations. They also provide for negotiations 
under the auspices of the United Nations if the 
Soviet Union will agree. The United States be- 
lieves the General Assembly will have an oppor- 
tunity to go into the matter since a Committee of 
the Whole exists in the form of the Disarmament 
Commission, which can be convened at any time. 

In conclusion, let me say, Mr. President, that 
we found elements in the message and in the 
Declaration which reflected a genuine desire to 
bring about a relaxation of tensions and which, 
if applied in a truly neutral and objective man- 
ner, could be of positive benefit in easing world 

We respect, as always, the desire of other nations 
to remain non-aligned. We mideretand with 
sympathy and share their passion for peace. We 
are, as always, prepared to cooperate with all 
initiatives to bring about an improvement in the 

' For text of a letter from President Kennedy trans- 
mitting a draft of legislation to establish a disarmament 
agency, together with a letter to the President from John 
J. McCloy, Adviser to the President on Disarmament, and 
test of a draft bill, see Bitlletin of July 17, 1961, p. 99; 
for statements by Secretary Rusk and Mr. McCloy in sup- 
port of the bill, see ibid., Sept. 4, 1961, p. 412, and Sept. 18, 
1961, p. 492. 


Department of State Bulletin 

world situation. We look forward to continued 
friendly relations with the governments and 
peoples participating in the Belgrade meeting. 

John F. Kennedy 

His Excellency 
Dr. Soekarno, 
President of the 
Refuhlic of Iridonesia 

His Excellency 
MoDiBO Kefta, 
President of the 
Republic of Mali 


We, the Heads of States and Government of our 
respective countries attending the Conference of Non- 
Aligned Countries held at Belgrade from September 1 
to September 0, venture to address Your Excellency on 
a subject of vital and immediate importance to all of 
us and to the world as a whole. We do so not only on 
our own behalf, but at the unanimous desire of the Con- 
ference and of our peoples. 

We are distressed and deeply concerned at the de- 
terioration in the international situation and the prospect 
of war which now threatens humanity. Xour Excellency 
has often pointed to the terrible nature of modern war 
and the use of nuclear weapons, which may well destroy 
humanity, and has pleaded for the maintenance of world 

Yet we are at the brink of this very danger that 
menaces the world and humanity. We are fully aware 
that Your Excellency is as anxious as any of us to avoid 
this dreadful development which will not only end the 
hopes that we all have cherished for the advancement 
of our peoijles but is a challenge to human survival. We 
are certain that Tour Excellency will do everything in 
your power to avert such a calamity. 

Having regard, however, to the gravity of the crisis 
that menaces the world and the urgent need to avert 
the developments that may precipitate it, we take the 
liberty of urging on the Great Powers concerned that 
negotiations should be resimied and pursued so that the 
danger of war might be removed from the world and man- 
kind adopt ways of peace. In particular, we earnestly 
request for direct negotiations between Tour Excellency 
and the President of the Council of Ministers of the 
U.S.S.K., who represent the two most powerful nations 
today and in whose hands lies the key to peace or war. 
We feel convinced that, devoted as both of you are to 
world peace, your efforts through persistent negotiations 
will lead to a way out of the present impasse and enable 
the world and humanity to work and live for prosperity 
and peace. We feel sure that Your Excellency will ap- 
preciate that this letter is written because of our love 
of peace and our horror of war and the compelling desire 
that a way out must be found before mankind is faced 
with a terrible disaster. 

President Announces Resumption 
of Nuclear Tests 

White House Statement 

White House press release dated September 15 

President Jolm F. Kemiedy announced [on 
September 15] that the United States conducted 
an underground nuclear weapons development 
test of low yield at the Nevada test site at 1 p.m. 
The detonation has produced no fallout. This is 
in marked contrast to Soviet nuclear tests in the 

The United States was forced reluctantly to 
make the decision to resume testing after years of 
attempting to reach a nuclear test ban with the 
Soviet Union when the Soviet Union without 
warning but after a great deal of preparation 
resumed testing in the atmosphere. W& have an- 
nounced 10 such Soviet tests — 3 of them in the 
megaton range. 

Today's test was the first in the joint Atomic 
Energy Commission-Department of Defense pro- 
gram to strengthen the defense of the free world. 
The resumption of extensive Soviet testing has 
made this action necessary to fulfill the responsi- 
bilities of the U.S. Government to its own citizens 
and to the security of other free nations. 

In addition, as the program progresses, tests 
will be utilized to provide information in support 
of the U.S. programs to improve means of de- 
tecting and identifying nuclear explosions for 
possible use in an international nuclear test control 
system (Vela),^ and to study the use of nuclear 
detonations for peaceful purposes (Plowshare). 

The United States once again affirms its readi- 
ness to negotiate a controlled test ban agreement 
of the widest possible scope. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Portugal, 
Pedro Theotonio Pereira, presented his creden- 
tials to President Kennedy on September 15. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Pres- 
ident's reply, see Department of State press re- 
lease 635 dated September 15. 

' For a statement by Arthur H. Dean on the Vela pro- 
gram, see Bulletin of Aug. 28, 1961, p. 375. 

Ocfofaer 2, 7 96 J 


United States and Japan Exchange 
Notes on Nuclear Tests 


Press release 630 dated September 13 

September 13, 1961 
The Secretary of State presents his complunents 
to His Excellency the Ambassador of Japan and 
has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of his 
note of September 6, 1961, with regard to the 
statement made by the President of the United 
States of America on September 5, 1961,=" concern- 
ing the resumption of nuclear weapon tests in 
the laboratory and imderground. 

The United States Government desires, as a 
matter of the greatest urgency, to conclude an 
effectively controlled treaty banning nuclear 
weapon tests, and is therefore entirely sympa- 
thetic with the relevant considerations set forth 
in the note of the Japanese Government. The 
United States Government particularly shares the 
earnest wish of the Japanese Government, ex- 
pressed in the final paragraph of its note: 

. . . that agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests 
in the atmosphere, as proposed jointly by the United 
States and the United Kingdom Governments to the So- 
viet Government on September 3, will be realized ; and that 
furthermore, an international agreement to suspend all 
nuclear tests which will be accompanied by effective in- 
spection and control measures will be established without 

The United States Government and the United 
Kingdom Government, beginning on March 21, 
1961, when negotiations were resumed at the Con- 
ference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests at Geneva, presented the Soviet Government 
with a series of new compromise proposals de- 
signed to reach agreement on all major outstand- 
ing issues in these negotiations. ^ The Soviet 
reply to these proposals offered by the Western 

' Handed to Japanese Ambassador Koichiro Asakai by 
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs Walter P. 
McConaughy at the Department of State on Sept. 13. 

" Bulletin of Sept. 18, 19C1, p. 475. 

'For the text of a draft treaty on the discontinuance 
of nuclear weapon tests introduced in the conference on 
Apr. 18, 19C1, see ihid., June 5, 1961, p. 870; for texts of 
a U.S. note of June 17 to the Soviet Government and a 
Soviet aide memoire of June 2, see ibid., July 3, 1961, 
p. 18. 

Grovemments was to refuse to negotiate, to make 
radical retrograde proposals on several important 
issues already agreed upon at the conference table, 
and finally to demand that either all Soviet pro- 
posals be accepted or that the question of the 
nuclear test ban be merged with the future com- 
plex negotiations over general and complete dis- 
armament. Nevertheless, the United States and 
the United Kingdom persisted in their attempts 
to reach early agreement. As recently as Au- 
gust 29, 1961, the United States and the United 
Kingdom introduced new proposals designed to 
meet, as far as possible, Soviet positions on vital 
issues of the conference. 

The developments in these negotiations are well 
known to the Japanese Government which has 
kept itself currently informed on their progress 
through consultations with the United States Gov- 
ernment and which, in addition, has made sub- 
stantial and valuable contributions to the discus- 
sions of this subject during past meetings of the 
General Assembly of the United Nations. 

The Soviet resumption of nuclear weapon tests 
and refusal to negotiate an agreement was greeted 
with shock and regret by the United States Gov- 
ernment * and by the whole world. With the hope 
of sparing mankind from the potential dangers of 
nuclear fallout, the President of the United States 
and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom 
urged the Chairman of the Council of Ministers 
of the U.S.S.R. to record promptly agreement on 
their proposal not to conduct nuclear tests which 
take place in the atmosphere and which produce 
radioactive fallout.^ Their aim was to protect 
mankind from the hazards of atmosphere pollu- 
tion engendered by such testing and to contribute 
to the reduction of international tensions. Re- 
grettably the Soviet Union lias now rejected this 
further initiative of the United States and the 
United Kingdom to halt nuclear testing.* 

The Soviet Union's program of testing is pro- 
gressing rapidly, suggesting that extensive secret 
preparations for test resmnption were undertaken 
during a major portion of this year's session of 
the Geneva conference. In addition, the Soviet 
Union has annoimced its testing program is de- 
signed to develop a super terror weapon— a 100 

' Ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475. 

'For text of the U.S.-U.K. proposal, see ibid., p. 476. 

' Jbid., Sept. 25, 19C1, p. 515. 


Department of State Bulletin 

megaton bomb. It was in the face of these tlireats, 
and only after a rigorous and thorough review 
of vital security interests, that the President of the 
United States announced the intention of this 
government to begin a program of underground 
nuclear testing which would cause no fallout. 

The United States Government shares the re- 
gret of the Japanese people and the Japanese 
Government that the Soviet Union has refused to 
conclude a nuclear test ban agreement and that 
it has also rejected the proposal that nuclear tests 
not be conducted in the atmosphere. It sees in 
this action a disdain for the security and well- 
being of all mankind. Unfortiuiately, these ac- 
tions of the Soviet Union have inevitably forced 
the United States to imdertake the necessary meas- 
ures for the protection of tlie security interests 
of the United States and of the free world. 

The United States Government, like the Japa- 
nese Government, reaiSrms its earnest desire that 
an international agreement to suspend nuclear 
tests under effective international inspection and 
control will be concluded without delay. To this 
end, the United States has asked for full and 
complete consideration of tlie urgent need for an 
effectively controlled treaty banning nuclear 
weapon tests at the forthcoming Sixteenth Gen- 
eral Assembly of the United Nations.' 

The United States Government expresses the 
hope that the Government of Japan will lend its 
support to this objective as it has in the past. 

passing by the United Nations General Assembly of reso- 
lutions for suspension of nuclear tests and prevention of 
dissemination of nuclear weapons. Through these efforts 
Japan has hoped that those countries concerned would 
suspend all nuclear testing and that an international 
agreement accompanied by an effective control system be 
reached at the earliest possible date. 

The Japanese Government deeply regrets that the So- 
viet Union has announced its unilateral decision to re- 
sume nuclear testing on August 30th, despite the fact 
that negotiations on the suspension of nuclear testing 
among the countries concerned were still being continued 
at Geneva and that tests have already been carried out 
in the atmosphere on three occasions. The Japanese 
Government, therefore, immediately filed a strong pro- 
test with the Soviet Government. 

Regardless of the presence or otherwise of any fallout, 
the decision taken by the U.S. Government to resume 
nuclear tests in the laboratory and underground is a 
matter of regret for the Japanese Government. The 
Japanese Government reiterates the deep concern of the 
Japanese people concerning the resumption of nuclear 
testing by the U.S. Government and hereby submits its 

The Japanese Government earnestly requests the U.S. 
Government to respond to the fervent and sustained wish 
of the Japanese people for the suspension of nuclear tests 
and to reconsider the decision and to suspend its execution. 

In the interest of the peace and welfare of all mankind, 
it is the earnest wish of the Japanese Government that 
agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests in the at- 
mosphere, as proposed jointly by the United States and 
the United Kingdom Governments to the Soviet Govern- 
ment on September 3, will be realized ; and that further- 
more, an international agreement to suspend all nuclear 
tests which will be accompamied by effective inspec- 
tion and control measures will be established without 


September 6, 1961 
The Ambassador of Japan presents his compliments 
to the Honorable the Secretary of State and, with re- 
gard to the statement made by the President of the 
United States of America on September 5th last con- 
cerning the resumption of nuclear tests in the laboratory 
and underground, has the honor, under instructions from 
the Japanese Government, to state as follows : 

Having the misfortune of being the first and only 
country to have experienced the physical effects of dread- 
ful nuclear explosions, Japan has consistently addressed 
to any country conducting nuclear tests vigorous pro- 
tests demanding the suspension of such tests in the hoi)e 
that such misfortune shall never again befall mankind. 
Moreover, Japan has always exerted great efforts for the 

'Ibid., July 31, 1961, p. 184. 

' Handed to Assistant Secretary McConaughy by Am- 
bassador Asakai at the Department of State on Sept. 6. 

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss 
Measures To Meet Soviet Threats 


Press release 637 dated September 16 

The Foreign Ministers of France [Maurice 
Couve de Mm-ville], the United Kingdom [Lord 
Home], the United States [Secretary Eusk] and 
the Federal Republic of Germany [Heinrich von 
Brentano] met in Washington September 15 and 
16. This meeting represents a further step in the 
process of continuing consultation among the Four 
Powers, designed to coordinate policies and actions 
to meet Soviet threats. 

The Ministers discussed the dangerous heighten- 
ing of world tension brought about since their last 

October 2, 1 96 1 


meeting by Soviet unilateral actions in Berlin, 
such as those of August 13, and by the Soviet deci- 
sion to resume extensive nuclear testing in the 
atmosphere. The Ministers reviewed the progress 
reports submitted to them on the political, eco- 
nomic and military measures which the Four 
Powers are imdertaking to meet the situation. 

The Ministers agreed that a peaceful solution to 
the problem of Germany and Berlin can be 

achieved if both sides are prepared to undertake 
discussions which take account of the rights and 
interests of all concerned. They agreed tliat an 
effort should be made to ascertain if there exists a 
reasonable basis for negotiations with the Soviet 

This meeting will be followed by the normal 
process of consultation in the North Atlantic 

The Current World Scene 

hy Ernest K. Lindley ^ 

Your invitation to speak here complimented me 
highly. When you first extended it, I believe 
that you and your associates were under the im- 
pression that I was still a journalist. When I 
told you that I had gone into the State Depart- 
ment, you cheerfully assured me, after a few 
hours of hesitation, that I would be welcome 

I understood the hesitation. I had hesitated a 
good deal longer before I put aside, even tem- 
porarily, an occupation in which I had been en- 
gaged for more than 37 years, not counting part- 
time journalism during my school and college 
years. For more than 23 of those years I was a 
signed columnist and, at intervals, a commentator 
on radio and TV, not badly paid for giving free 
advice not only to Secretaries of State but to other 
Cabinet members and even to Presidents. On 
occasion I even ventured to commend or chide the 
Supreme Court. The advice was given freely — 
in two senses. It was generous in quantity. And 
it cost the recipients only the nominal cost of a 
newspaper or magazine or, when broadcast, only 
the price of listening to the commercial. 

AVlien some old friends, led by George C. Mc- 
Ghee, Counselor of the State Department and 

' Address made before the national convention of the 
Federal Bar Association at Washington, D.C., on Sept. 
15 (press release 634). Mr. Lindley is a Special As- 
sistant to the Secretary of State and a member of the 
Policy Planning Council of the Department of State. 

Chairman of its Policy Planning Council, in- 
vited me to come into the Department, I de- 
murred, as I had done in the cases of similar 
invitations in the past. I couldn't see why the 
Government should pay me for giving the advice 
it was already getting for nothing. And I didn't 
see why I should take a paj- cut and confine my 
advice to one department when I could earn a 
good deal more by continuing to advise the whole 
United States Government — and a good many 
foreign governments as well. 

I am afraid I succumbed to flattery. My 
friends in the State Department reminded me that 
these are parlous times and that they were wres- 
tling with some rather perplexing problems. 
They pointed out that for years I had been solv- 
ing complex problems neatly and quickl}' — usually 
in not more than 800 words per problem, at the 
rate of at least one a week and sometimes as often 
as one a day. They said it was my patriotic duty 
to teach the secret of this streamlined method to 
the policymaking officials of the State Depart- 

So, for 3 months now, I have been in the State 
Department. I regret to say that its backlog of 
problems doesn't seem to be appreciably smaller 
now than it was in mid-June. I have discovered 
that it takes a little longer to solve problems on 
the inside than on the outside. That isn't due in 
any large measure to red tape or other traditional 
bureaucratic obstacles. Certainly it is not due to 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

lack of effort or to short hours of ■work. Nor is 
it due to lack of brainpower. I have never seen 
any group of men work harder, faster, or longer 
hours than do the top 30 or 40 people in the State 
Department and many on their staffs. Few of 
them work less than 6 days a week, and some of 
them usually work 7. Last Sunday was the first 
day off since May for the Secretary of State, and 
it was not altogether a day of rest, as he had to 
deal with some important dispatches and read 
some of the official papers he took home with him. 
As a journalist taking a first look from the in- 
side, I am impressed also with the high level of 
intelligence, knowledge, and general competence 
in the upper reaches of the State Department — 
and indeed in the middle and many of the lower 
reaches. I had known some of these men pre- 
viously, from slightly to moderately well. In more 
than 28 years of "covering" Washington I had 
seen the State Department grow in quality as well 
as in size. I had seen brilliant yoimg Foreign 
Service ofEcers, such as "Chip" Bohlen and Alexis 
Jolmson, develop into seasoned professional dip- 
lomats, second to none in the world. In journalist 
surveys abroad during the postwar years I had 
noticed and written of the progressive improve- 
ment of our representation in many areas of the 
world. I knew also many of the so-called "fresh 
faces" — the Presidential appointees and others in 
the Department. Actually, most of them are 
"retreads" — men with extensive prior experience 
in world affairs. Indeed, I wrote last spring, 
before I had the remotest thought of going into 
the State Department myself, that there had been 
assembled there and in related agencies concerned 
with international affairs, including the Treasury, 
the most impressive array of brains and experience 
■within my years of observation as a Washington 
correspondent. After watching them at close 
range for 3 months, I find no reason to amend tliat 
conclusion. On the contrary, I have learned that 
many of the officials and officers I had not known 
before have the same order of superior talent as 
those I had in mind when I wrote in the spring. 
Among them I emphatically include my colleagues, 
most of them unknown to the public, in that inner 
recess, or think-cell, the Policy Planning Coun- 
cil. I consider it a high privilege to be associated 
with them. They liave given me three of the most 
stimulating months of my life. 

Communist Strategy for Worldwide Victory 

Wlien we review the current world scene, it is 
evident that our most serious problems spring 
from the existence of lawless forces which are 
determined to destroy the free way of life. When 
Khrushchev boasts that he will "bury" us, he is 
not merely a philosophical Marxist putting his 
faith in an historical inevitability. He is also a 
Leninist, alert and eager to expedite that allegedly 
inexorable process. And let us not forget that 
Lenin taught, and all true Leninists believe, that 
any means, any trickery, any deceit, is justifiable 
if it promotes the ultimate worldwide victory of 

Khrushchev outlined his global strategy with 
relative candor in his speech of January 6 of this 
year to a group of high Soviet Communist theo- 
reticians. That speech was a report on conclusions 
of the Moscow conference of Communist leaders 
from 81 nations in November and December 1960. 
Khrushchev's address was entitled "For New 
Victories of the World Communist Movement." 
It set forth a program of action. 

Of central interest was Khrushchev's explana- 
tion of the meaning of "peaceful coexistence." 
He said it meant, first of all, competition in pro- 
duction and living standards. (So far, fair 
enough. We welcome that sort of competition.) 
But, he explained, "peaceful competition" means 
much more. It means the spread of communism 
by all means short of a great war. I quote from 

Thus, tbe policy of peaceful coexistence, as regards its 
social content, is a form of intense economic, political, 
and ideological struggle of the proletarian against the 
aggressive forces of imperialism in the international 

From "peaceful coexistence," Khrushchev did 
not exclude the use of force. He specifically in- 
cluded "wars of liberation" and "popular upris- 
ings." The only kind of war he said by all means 
must be avoided is a global thennonuclear war. 
(Such a war would of course inflict mortal dam- 
age on the Soviet Union.) But, as we have seen 
again in recent weeks, Ivlirushchev does not shrink 
from terroristic threats of nuclear onslaught on 
nations which resist Soviet aggression. 

The focal point of gravest danger now, of 
course, is Berlin. The Berlin crisis is a manu- 
factured crisis — 100 percent a Communist product. 

Ocfofaer 2, J 96 J 


It probably stems in part from the failures of the 
Communist regime in the Soviet Zone of Germany, 
a regime imposed and maintained by force and 
undoubtedly hated by a vast majority of the 
people it rules. One continual proof of its un- 
popularity was the flow of refugees from the 
Soviet Zone to West Berlin and the Federal 
German Eepublic. From 1949, when records be- 
gan to be kept, imtil August of this year they 
numbered more than 2,600,000 — in addition to 
those who had fled earlier. Contrary to Com- 
munist propaganda, this exodus was not en- 
couraged by the Western Powers, the Federal Re- 
public, or the Government of West Berlin. In 
fact high officials of the Federal Eepublic often 
appealed to Germans in the Soviet Zone to re- 
main there. They did not want to see East Ger- 
many depleted of its most stalwart elements. 
Over tlie years the East German authorities re- 
sorted to increasingly stringent measures to halt 
the exodus. But they were unable to, especially by 
the escape route through Berlin. Finally last 
month they took the desperate step of sealing the 
border between East and West Berlin. The con- 
crete wall which tliey have erected along the sector 
line is a confession of dismal failure and visible 
proof that the Soviet Zone is in fact a prison — 
as indeed are all the Soviet satellites. 

Communist objectives in regard to Berlin un- 
questionably go far beyond closing the main 
escape hatch from East Germany. The contrast 
between the prosperity and freedom of West Ber- 
lin and conditions in East Berlin and East Ger- 
many is a standing indictment of the Communist 
system. The Communists prate of "peaceful com- 
petition." For more than a decade Berlin has 
been a test tube of peaceful competition, with re- 
sults whicli the Communists obviously find ex- 
tremely distasteful, if not fatal to their claims 
that their system is superior. Undoubtedly the 
Communists would like either to take over or 
strangle West Berlin. 

Beyond that, Khrushchev unquestionably would 
like to humiliate the West. One of his constant 
objectives is to disrupt the defensive alliances of 
the free world and expel American military 
power from the Eurasian continent and adjacent 
islands. To cause the United States, France, 
Britain, and their NATO allies to shrink away 
from their solemn commitments to preserve tlie 


freedom of West Berlin would be a giant stride 
toward that objective. 

Issues Regarding West Berlin 

For the Western allies the "gut" issues in re- 
gard to West Berlin are the viability of West 
Berlin, the Western presence in the city, and ac- 
cess to and from it. These are the interlocking 
essentials which we are determined to defend. 
Khrushchev accuses the West of threatening war 
because he intends to sign a peace treaty with the 
Soviet Zone regime. Nobody can prevent him 
from signing a treaty or any other piece of paper 
with that or any other of his puppets. That, as 
has often been said, would be only an exercise in 
ventriloquism. The threat of conflict arises from 
his contention that such a "peace treaty" would 
annul Western rights in regard to Berlin. Those 
rights were not conf en-ed by the Soviet Union but 
derive from the defeat of the Nazi regime. They 
were confirmed by many agreements to which the 
Soviet Union pledged its word. 

The Soviet Union has violated many of its 
solemn agreements with regard not only to Berlin 
and Germany but to Eastern Europe. In fact it 
has violated most of them where it could impose 
its will by force. The stationing of East German 
troops in Berlin, the sealing of the sector border, 
and related actions are further violations of Soviet 
pledges. One must hope that the Soviet success 
in violating so many agreements with impunity 
has not deceived Khrushchev into thinking that 
the Communists can, with impunity, actually wipe 
out or whittle away Western rights regarding 

Khrushchev has spoken of negotiations. But, as 
usual, he seems to rest on the assumption that 
"T^'^^at's mine is mine, and what's yours is nego- 
tiable." His statements to President Kennedy at 
Vienna - and to others since then have not afforded 
much hope of useful negotiations. 

Nevertheless, as President Kennedy and Secre- 
tary Rusk have declared, we are prepared to enter 
into "meaningful" negotiations. The channels of 
communication between Ikloscow and the West are 
open. Secretary Rusk and other Western foreign 
ministers will be in New York next week for the 
United Nations General Assembly. Soviet For- 

' For background, see Bulletin of June 26, 1961, p. 991. 
Department of State Bulletin 

eign Minister Gromyko also will be there. 
Perhaps we shall soon begin to find out whether 
there are possibilities of meaningful negotiations. 

Other Theaters in the Global Struggle 

The Berlin crisis should not cause us to forget or 
neglect other theaters in the global struggle. 
Wliile the Soviets continue to tiy to divide and 
weaken the West, they persistently pursue also 
their grand strategy of trying to separate the West 
from the underdeveloped nations, of trying to win 
the friendship and eventually the allegiance and 
control of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America. Their purpose is, in short, to encircle 
and eventually to strangle us. 

The old imperialist systems have all but com- 
pletely vanished from Asia and are rapidly dis- 
appearing from Africa too. The Asian and 
African peoples have rejected totally and finally 
the notion that the white man is entitled to any 
special privileges, as have the young, educated 
leaders of racial minorities in our country. They 
are liberating themselves also from their 
traditional societies — tribal, patriarchal, or feudal. 
They are determined to liberate themselves from 
ignorance and poverty. They know that man need 
not live like an animal at the bare level of 

Most of these nations are weak. Some have been 
beset by chaos from war or civil disturbance, often 
of Commmiist origin. In most the educated 
people capable of governing and of building 
modern economies are only a thin crust. All need 
technical aid, and nearly all need capital. 

In the struggle for Asia and Africa the West 
suffered initially from the fact that most of the 
former imperial masters were Western. But it 
had one great initial advantage — that the Asian 
and African revolutions were inspired chiefly by 
Western ideas. More than that, they have been 
led, for the most part, by men educated in Western 
universities or in schools and universities in Asia 
and Africa where Western ideas were inculcated. 
I know many of these men. Most of them think 
as we do about political democracy and the rights 
of man. 

The Communists have tried hard to gain control 
of the Asian and African nationalist movements, 
so far with little success. Undoubtedly they will 
keep on trying, using all the weapons in their 

arsenal from propaganda through economic seduc- 
tion to force. 

As a journalist I long supported a bigger foreign 
aid program and more money for educational and 
cultural exchanges. I found myself continually 
perplexed by the persistence of the notion that 
these programs were not accomplishing anything. 
I had traveled enough to be sure in my own mind 
that they had accomplished a great deal. Indeed, 
as a taxpayer I have never begrudged a dollar of 
my money spent on foreign aid and educational 
exchanges. I don't think much of my share of the 
tax load has been more usefidly spent in the past 
or could be more usefully spent in the future. 

The central issue in this global straggle is the 
right of self-determination. It is, in the words 
of Secretary Rusk,^ ". . . the announced determi- 
nation to impose a world of coercion upon those 
not already subjected to it ... . At stake is the 
survival and growth of the world of free 
choice . . . and free cooperation . . . ." That 
central issue, he pointed out, "is posed between the 
Sino-Soviet empire and all the rest, whether allied 
or neutral ; and it is now posed in every continent." 

Regrettably, quite a few leaders of non- 
Communist nations don't realize this, and others, 
while realizing it, find it inexpedient to say so 
publicly. They want self-determination for 
Asians and Africans but don't show much concern 
about self-determination for the people of Berlin 
or for the peoples under Communist tyranny in 
Europe and Asia. 

Increased Realism About Communism 

But I don't think we should be too discouraged 
by these manifestations of parochialism or indif- 
ference. In 1955 I attended the Asian-African 
conference at Bandung and visited some 15 Asian 
comitries en route. Two years ago I revasited 
nearly all of those same countries. On that sec- 
ond survey I found much heartening evidence of 
increased realism about communism — a wider 
realization that communism is the enemy, not the 
friend it professes to be, of Asian nationalism. I 
found a wider understanding of Communist tac- 
tics. For this shift in attitude. Communist ac- 
tions were partly responsible — especially the 

" For an address by Secretary Rusk before the National 
Press Club on July 10, 1961, see Hid., July 31, 1961, p. 175. 

October 2, 1961 


rough tactics of the Chinese Commitnists and of 
local Communists. But I found also a better un- 
derstanding of American purposes. Time and 
experience had convinced many doubting Asians 
that American policy is really anti- imperialist and 
that it seeks only to help free people to preserve 
their independence and acliieve a better life. 

Experience is a great teacher. As time passes, 
more and more leaders in non-Communist nations 
will come to realize, I believe, that communism is 
as much their enemy as it is ours. 

Personally I should like to see the label "neu- 
tralist" abolished, not just because most of the 
non-Communist nations which are not allied with 
us object to it but because there are several kinds 
of "neutralism." 

The label "nonalined," which many of them 
prefer, also conceals diverse attitudes. One self- 
proclaimed "nonalined" government is a voluntary 
Soviet satellite. A few others tend more to the 
Soviet side than to the free world's. Some lurch 
back and forth hoping to gain a momentary ad- 
vantage or a little more economic or military aid. 
Some are just scared. Some are naive. Some, 
although not allied with the West, know that their 
freedom and hopes of economic development de- 
pend on the strength and help of the West. Some, 
although technically neutral for various specific 
reasons, are as stanch as we are in their devotion 
to the principles of freedom. Very few are not 
determined to preserve their own independence. 
(Were I still a journalist, I would cite examples 
in each of these categories.) 

Although we hope that, in time and with more 
experience, more of the "nonalined" nations will 
see the true nature of this global struggle, we 
don't expect them always to agree with us. The 
world community of free peoples which we seek 
will be a world of diversity. We liope that it 
will be a world governed by law and faithful 
adherence to the principles of the United Nations 

Our ultimate hopes ride with the ideas and 
examples of political freedom, of individual 
rights, of law, and with their power to transform 
the Communist tyrannies. Personally I have 
never doubted that we can win this struggle if we 
make and unflaggingly sustain a greater effort. 
In talking as a journalist with leaders of other 
nations I sometimes asked what, in a few words, 
they would most like to say to the American 

people. The response I am about to repeat was 
made by a devout Moslem about halfway around 
the world. It was more eloquent than some, but 
contained the gist of many. lie said this: "God 
has given it to the United States of America, at 
this juncture in the history of mankind, to be 
able to save civilization. We are with you. All 
men who love freedom are with you. Together 
we can win this struggle, provided you never 
forget that it has to be won, provided you never 
falter, never flinch, never yield." 

U.S. Hopes for Cease-Fire in Katanga, 
Supports Integrity of Congo Nation 

Department Statement 

Press release 638 dated September 16 

The United States is deeply concerned at the 
figliting in Katanga. Reports about the nimiber 
of casualties and the local military situation are 
still fragmentary. The United States strongly 
hopes that these hostilities will be brought to a 
speedy conclusion. 

The aim of the United Nations in the Congo 
is established in Security Council and General 
Assembly resolutions. Under these resolutions 
the U.N. executive has helped provide the internal 
security and external support which was necessary 
to enable the Congolese to arrange their own po- 
litical destiny in their own way. The United 
States has supported and continues to support 
the integrity of the Congolese nation, which is 
called for by U.N. resolutions. 

We understand that the Secretary-General, who 
is now in the Congo, is making every effort to 
achieve a cease-fire and get talks about reconcilia- 
tion started again. It is essential that moves to 
this end be pushed to a rapid conclusion so that 
the Katanga can play a constructive role in the 
life and govermnent of the Congo. 

Restoration of order and the effective presence 
of the United Nations in all sections of the Congo 
would open the way for peaceful processes to 
give effect to the policy of the United Nations, 
adopted by the Security Council on February 21, 
1961,^ ". . . that the solution of the problem of 

* For text, see Bulletin o( Mar. 13, 1961, p. 368. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

the Congo lies in the hands of the Congolese 
people themselves without any interference from 
outside and that there can be no solution without 

Chairman of Council for National 
Reconstruction of Korea To Visit U.S. 

White House Annoiuncement 

White House press release dated September 12 

President Kennedy has extended an invita- 
tion to Lt. Gen. Pak Chung Hee, the Chairman 
of the Supreme Council for National Keconstruc- 
tion of the Kepublic of Korea, to pay a visit to 
Washington on November 14 and 15. President 
Kennedy is looking forward with great pleasure 
to meeting Chairman Pak. President Kennedy 
and Chairman Pak will discuss subjects which 
are currently engaging the attention of both 

Department Urges Maryland To Pass 
Public Accommodations Bill 

Statement hy Pedro Sanfuan 
Assistant Chief of Protocol'^ 

I have had the honor to be asked to come before 
you as a representative of the Department of State 
to acquaint you with a most serious situation 
affecting the lives of all Americans. 

The key to the solution of this problem is largely 
in the hands of the Legislature of the State of 
Maryland. Before some of you start wondering 
why the Department of State is interested in what 
may appear to some to be an internal matter within 
the State of Maryland, let me beg you to consider 
this rather as a request by the Department of State 
for the assistance of the State of Maryland in 
insuring the success of the foreign policy of the 
United States. 

I have come to inform you that the Department 
of State strongly supports the public accommo- 
dations bill which is up for your consideration and 
to explain to you why the Department of State 
supports such legislation. 

' Made before the Legislative Council of the General 
Assembly of Maryland at Baltimore, Md., on Sept. 13 
(press release 629). 

Since World War II and the creation of the 
United Nations, the face of the earth has been 
changing rapidly. The nations of the Western 
World, which in previous decades were colonial 
powers, have adopted the policy of granting inde- 
pendence to their former colonies and protector- 
ates. What was once considered the Dark 
Continent of Africa is today made up of a large 
number of young nations, growing with vitality 
and vigor and torn between their cultural ties with 
Western institutions and their apprehensions about 
the good intentions of their former colonial 

As you know, most of these nations are repre- 
sented in the United Nations General Assembly, 
where most are part of a considerable and influ- 
ential uncommitted bloc. In alliance with the 
nonalined nations of Asia, these new African 
nations are the deciding factor in almost any issue 
that is brought before the United Nations — and 
almost any international issue can be brought for 
consideration by the United Nations. 

The United States is anxious to see that these 
nations which have recently come onto the world 
scene maintain their independence and preserve 
their neutrality. We ask no more than that they 
should be impartial observers and just critics of 
the two ways of life which are fighting for sur- 
vival in what has so far remained a cold war. We 
believe that democracy, which respects the rights 
of the individual and jealously guards the dignity 
of all men, will in the long run outlast a system 
of government which sacrifices individual dignity 
in order to attain arbitrary goals determined by a 
tyrannical minority in the name of the welfare of 
the state. 

No force of propaganda, no scheme or plan of 
subversion, no pack of lies, however clever and 
deceptive, can withstand the overwhelming force 
of honesty, sincerity, and good will. In winning 
the confidence of these uncommitted nations we 
must rely on our two best weapons, which are 
honesty and sincerity. We believe in human dig- 
nity, in the equality of all men, and in the inalien- 
able basic rights of the individual. How effective, 
how persuasive can these arguments be if in our 
own country, and in plain view of the rest of the 
world, we fail to practice what we preach ? 

How can we persuade these Africans and these 
Asians, whose skins range from dark to black, that 
we believe in human dignity when we deny our 

October 2, 7961 


own citizens the right to this basic dignity on the 
basis of skin color? How can we expect the 
respect and friendsliip of new nonwhite nations 
when we humiliate the representatives of these 
nations by denying them the right to be served in a 
highway restaurant or in a city cafe? How can 
we expect these diplomats, on whom their govern- 
ments have placed the full responsibility to make 
decisions in the name of their country and whose 
duty it is to see that their national prestige is not 
tarnished during their tour of duty here — how 
can we expect these diplomats not to notice when 
the proprietor of a roadside cafe on Route 40 or a 
waitress in a Howard Johnson's restaurant 
informs them that they cannot be served because 
they are automatically presumed to be inferior to 
the average white American citizen ? 

Since Khrushchev brought it up in September 
1960, the Communist countries at the United 
Nations have been pressing this point in order to 
win the support of the large bloc of uncommitted 
nations represented at the United Nations. The 
Communists have been making headway, and each 
day we come closer and closer to the vote which 
will move the United Nations out of New York 
and out of the United States because the United 
States does not uniformly recognize the equality 
and the dignity of all nations and all peoples, as is 
guaranteed by the charter of the United Nations. 

Recently during a period of 2 weeks four 
African ambassadors were humiliated by private 
restaurant owners on Route 40 in Maryland. One 
of them was refused a cup of coffee while he was 
en route to present his credentials to the President 
of the United States. I would like to put this in the 
clearest terms possible — that when an American 
citizen humiliates a foreign representative or 
another American citizen for racial reasons, the 
results can be just as damaging to his country as 
the passing of secret information to the enemy. 

Why does the Federal Government at this time 
seek the assistance of every loyal American in the 
State of Maryland ? The State of Maryland has 
come a long way in recognizing civil rights and in 
insuring equal opportunities to all its citizens 
regardless of color. But the much-traveled route 
between the United Nations in New York and the 
Wiite House in Washington is through the State 
of Maryland, and it is here, as statistics prove, that 
the majority of these incidents are likely to take 
place in spite of your desegregated schools or the 

Governor's Mansion, where visitors are welcome 
regardless of their color. 

We are told many individual proprietors would 
willingly seat all customers, provided that all other 
proprietors did likewise. This is then the very 
simple issue which the Department of State has 
to present before you today for your consideration. 
The Government needs your help in selling 
democracy to the world. It needs your help in 
eliminating a source of embarrassment to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States and to the govern- 
ment of the State of Maryland. Your State is 
getting an undeserved reputation for backward- 
ness because the law in Maryland permits dis- 
crimination in places of public accommodation. 

The issue before the world today is whether 
democracy works better than tyranny or tyranny 
better than democracy. Your aid and support in 
passing the public accommodations bill will elimi- 
nate a source of embarrassment that greatly 
damages our relations with not only the neutral 
nations of the world but many nations which are 
stoutly with us in the fight for freedom. This bill, 
if passed, will prove that democracy docs work, 
that in a democracy the rights and privileges of 
the individual are protected in accordance with the 
will of the people. 

At the beginning of World War II the Federal 
Government went to private industry and asked 
for better weapons to fight the war. The Govern- 
ment got these weapons, and we won the war. 
The Department of State comes to you now with a 
similar request: Give us the weapons to conduct 
this war of human dignity. The fight for decency 
against commimism is everyone's war in America. 

State Advisory Committee 
Holds Third Conference 

The Department of State announced on Septem- 
ber 12 (press release 627) that the third confer- 
ence of the State Advisory Committee to the 
Department of State was held on that day under 
the chairmanship of the Chief of Protocol, Angier 
Biddle Duke.^ It was agreed by representatives 
of 30 States who attended the conference and by 
representatives of the White House and the De- 

^ For background, see Bui-letin of May 15, 1961, p. 
732, and July 3, 1961, p. 32. 


Department of State Bulletin 

partment of State that a defmite program to en- 
courage and expand the travel of foreign diplo- 
mats and foreign visitors in the United States 
would be developed and coordinated by the Spe- 
cial Protocol Service Section imder Pedro A. 
Sanjuan, Assistant Chief of Protocol. Liaison is 
to be maintained by this section with different 
departments and agencies of the Federal Govern- 
ment bringing foreign visitors to the United 
States and with the representatives of the different 
State Governors in order to insure a more effective 
method of increasing and improving all means of 
facilitating travel for foreign diplomats and 
visitors in this coimtry. 

The State representatives, who expressed eager- 
ness to take part in the successful implementation 
of U.S. foreign policy, have agreed to send to the 
Special Protocol Service Section an inventory of 
the cultural, historical, and scenic assets of each 
State best suited to convey to foreign visitors a 
broad and inclusive picture of American culture. 

One of the chief subjects of discussion was 
"Operation Weekend," the Department's plan for 
encouraging, planning, and coordinating the travel 
of high-level delegates to the U.N. General 
Assembly session scheduled to begin on Septem- 
ber 19.2 

President Sends Message to Conference 
on Science and World Affairs 

Following is the text of a message from Presi- 
dent Kennedy to the Conference on Science and. 
World Affairs which convened at Stowe, Vt., on 
September 5. 

White House press release (Hyannis, Mass.) dated September 4 

I had looked forward to sending my best wishes 
to the Conference on Science and World Affairs 
imder happier and more optimistic conditions than 
now prevail. The somber turn of events within 
the past week, a course against which your past 
Conferences have strongly counseled, makes all the 
more urgent the matters you meet to discuss. As 
you take up the problems of scientific coopei'ation 
and disarmament, I urge that you search with 
renewed diligence and imagination for practical 

' For an agenda and a list of the names of the partici- 
pants, see Department of State press release 627. 

Ocfober 2, J 96 1 

609132—61 3 

ways in which to set forth on both these paths to 

Science remains universal, and the fi^uits of 
science, if wisely chosen, provide a means by which 
humanity can realize a full and abundant life. 
Yet the vitalitj' of science, its ability to enrich our 
culture and our understanding, and the material 
benefits it pi'omises all depend in large measure 
upon international pooling of knowledge and 
effort. National leaders who share this view must 
look to scientists such as yourselves for the ini- 
tiative and guidance to transform the desire to 
cooi^erate into actual achievement. We hope that 
out of the suggestions and proposals that you 
make, new ways can be found to extend the benefits 
of science, and to foster the trust and mutual un- 
derstanding that is essential to a prospering world. 

In the other area of your discussions, you will 
have an opportunity to advance the world-wide 
search for a solution to the central threat of our 
time, nuclear war. Your past Conferences have 
revealed that special knowledge and concern make 
you particularly sensitive to the meaning of this 
threat. The task of disarmament is not easy, and 
progress, the world has found, is not inevitable. 
But, when men of good will meet in such frank- 
ness as your discussions typify, the door to peace 
is open, reason can guide us forward, and all na- 
tions can begin to face their full responsibilities 
to mankind. 

I am hopeful that your deliberations, in their 
quiet and beautiful Vermont setting, will be 
informed bj' the objectivity of your science and 
inspired by the desire of men everywhere for peace. 
Despite setbacks, there is no more noble or urgent 
cause than the development of practical ways to 
bring closer the goal of reliable disarmament. 

Claims May Be Filed Under Austria's 
Property Restoration Fund 

Press release 633 dated September 14 

The Department of State has been informed 
that claims may now be filed under the Fimd for 
the Settlement of Certain Property Losses of Po- 
litical Persecutees (Fonds zur Abgeltung von 
Vennoegensverlusten politisch Verf olgter) , estab- 
lished imder recent Austrian legislation ^ pursu- 

' Bulletin of May 8, 1961, p. 691. 


ant to an agreement ^ between the United States 
and Austria implementing article 26 of the Aus- 
trian State Treaty. Claims may be filed by 
pei-sons who were subject to racial, religious, or 
political persecution in Austria from March 13, 
1938, to May 8, 1945, and whose bank accounts, 
securities, mortgages, or money were the subject 
of forced transfers or were confiscated by Nazi 
authorities. The Fund will also settle claims of 
the persecutees for payments of the discrimina- 
tory taxes known as "Keichsfluchtsteuer" and 
"Suelineleistung der Juden (JUVA)." The Fund, 
which will have a capital in the equivalent amount 
of $6 million, will be exempt from Austrian 
taxes, and payments from the Fund will not con- 
stitute income on which the recipients are liable 
for Austrian taxes. 

Awards are to be made from the Fund to claim- 
ants living on July 2, 1961, in the following order : 
(a) the former owner; (b) the spouse of the 
former owner; (c) the children of the first degree 
of the former owner, in equal parts ; (d) if a child 
otherwise eligible for an award is deceased, the 
share of such child shall be distributed to his 
surviving children in equal parts; or (e) the 
parents or surviving parent of the former owner. 

Claimants are entitled to apply to the Fund re- 
gardless of their present residence. Applications 
must be submitted by August 31, 1962, and should 
be addressed to the Fonds zur Abgeltung von 
Vermoegensverlusten politisch Verfolgter, Tabor- 
strasse 2-6, Vienna II. Forms may be obtained 
from the above address or from the Austrian 
Embassy, 2343 Massachusetts Ave., Washington, 
D.C., or at the nearest Austrian consulate. 
Austrian consulates are located in New York, New 
Orleans, Chicago, Detroit, Portland (Oreg.), 
San Francisco, Los Angeles, Dallas, Miami, At- 
lanta, Cleveland, Boston, and Seattle, and in- 
quiries for further information should be directed 
to Austrian representatives. 

U.S. and Panama Open Air Talks 

Press release 628 dated September 12 

The United States and Panama opened civil 
aviation consultations in Washington on Septem- 
ber 12. The talks, requested by tlie Govenuneut 
of Panama, concern the bilateral air transport 

services agreement of 1949, as amended in 1952.^ 
With a present route from Panama, via inter- 
mediate points in the Caribbean, to Miami, the 
Government of Panama seeks to obtain access for 
its airlines to additional points within the United 

The chairman of the U.S. delegation is Henry 
T. Snowdon, chief, Aviation Division, Depart- 
ment of State. Alan S. Boyd, Chairman of the 
Civil Aeronautics Board, represents that agency. 
Marco A. Kobles, Minister of Government and 
Justice of the Republic of Panama, is the chair- 
man of the Panamanian delegation. 

U.S. To Aid Republic of the Congo 
in Agricultural Development 

Press release 625 dated September 12 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 12 the signing of a contract between the 
International Cooperation Administration of the 
U.S. Government and the Agricultural Technical 
Assistance Foimdation, Inc., for agricultural de- 
velopment in the Republic of the Congo. The 
new conti-act is in further implementation of the 
extensive educational program being carried out 
in the Congo by the United Nations. 

The U.N. civilian operation in the Congo has 
been workmg, in consultation with the Congo 
Government and the Congo Polyteclmic Institute 
(a private education institute), on the develop- 
ment of educational programs in the Congo not 
only in agriculture but also in medicine and public 
health, home economics, engineering and mechan- 
ics, business and secretarial training, and pre- 
imiversity studies. 

The Congo Polyteclmic Institute envisions the 
establishment of these programs throughout the 
Congo in approximately 22 different centers in 
an effort, during the next 5 years, to give accele- 
rated training to 17,000 Congolese. The total 
program will require a minimum of 150 qualified 
instructors. A recent report from Dr. Omar L. 
Harzler, coordinator in the Congo of C.P.I., indi- 
cates there are now 31 instructors who have been 
cleared by the persomiel committee of the insti- 
I ute and who are either in the Congo already or 
wlio are soon to arrive to begin their work. 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 4253. 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1932 and 

Deparfment of Sfale Bullefin 

Within 5 years European and American person- 
nel will be replaced by competent Congolese 
personnel for the ongoing program of the Congo 
Polytechnic Institute. 

The Agricultural Technical Assistance Founda- 
tion, with headquarters in Los Angeles, is an 
American nonprofit corporation developing agri- 
cultural education and extension in the Congo 
through the Congo Polytechnic Institute. 
ATAF's program of assistance to agricultural de- 
velopment in the Congo will be supported not only 
by ICA but by foundations, industries, individ- 
uals, and other private agencies. There will be a 
minimum of three technical agricultural schools 
established responding to the needs of the tropical, 
semitropical, and highland regions of the Congo. 
All instruction will be given in French. At least 
5 of the proposed 22 centers will be in operation 
by October of this year. The ATAF looks upon 
this educational program as one of the signifi- 
cant efforts to bring greater stability to the Congo 
through the training of more competent leader- 
ship in education, agriculture, industry, and 

Import Restrictions Imposed 
on Certain Cotton Products 


Whereas, pursuant to sectiou 22 of the Agricultural 
Adjustment Act, as amended (7 U.S.C. 624), the Secre- 
tary of Agriculture advised the President that he had 
reason to believe that certain cotton products produced in 
any stage preceding the spinning into yarn are being or 
are practically certain to be imported into the United 
States under such conditions and in such quantities as 
to render or tend to render ineffective, or materially 
interfere with, the price-support program and other pro- 
grams or operations undertaken by the Department of 
Agriculture with respect to cotton or products thereof, or 
to reduce substantially the amount of cotton processed 
In the United States from cotton or products thereof with 
respect to which any such program or operation is being 
undertaken ; and 

Whebeas, on January 18, 1961, under the authority of 
the said section 22, the President requested the United 

' No. 3428 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 8535. 

States Tariff Commission to make an investigation with 
respect to this matter ; and 

Whebeas, in accordance with the said section 22, as 
implemented by Executive Order No. 7233 of November 23, 
1935, the Tariff Commission has made such investigation 
and has reported to me its findings and recommendations 
made in connection therewith ; and 

Whebeas, on the basis of the investigation and report 
of the Tariff Commission, I find that the articles with 
respect to which import restrictions are hereinafter pro- 
claimed are being or are practically certain to be imported 
into the United States under such conditions and in such 
quantities as to render or tend to render ineffective, or 
materially interfere with, the price-support program and 
other programs or operations undertaken by the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture with respect to cotton or products 
thereof; and 

Whebeas I find and declare that the import restric- 
tions hereinafter proclaimed are shown by such investiga- 
tion of the Tariff Commission to be necessary in order 
that the entry, or v^ithdrawal from warehouse, for con- 
sumption of the said articles will not render or tend to 
render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the price- 
support program and other programs or operations under- 
taken by the Department of Agriculture with respect to 
cotton or products thereof : 

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the 
United States of America, acting under and by virtue of 
the authority vested in me by section 22 of the Agricul- 
tural Adjustment Act, as amended, do hereby proclaim 
that the total aggregate quantity of cotton products pro- 
duced in any stage preceding the spinning into yarn, 
except cotton wastes, which may be entered, or withdrawn 
from warehouse, for consumption in any 12-month ijeriod, 
beginning September 11 in 19C1 and in subsequent years 
shall not exceed 1,000 pounds, which permissible total 
quantity I find and declare to be proportionately not less 
than 50 per centum of the total quantity of such articles 
entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption 
during the representative period from January 1, 1940, to 
December 31, 1953, inclusive. 

In wptness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 

Done at the City of Washington this 11th day of Sep- 
tember in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred 
[seal] and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the one hundred and 

By the President: 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

October 2, 1961 



President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation Agreement Witii France 

Following are texts of a message to the Con- 
gress from, President Kennedy and accompanying 
docwments concerrvlng an agreement with France 
for cooperation in the operation of atomic weap- 
ons systems for mutual defense purposes, together 
with the text of the agreement. 


White House press release dated September 7 

Letter of Transmittal 

To the Congress of the United States: For 
some time members of the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization have been taking steps toward the 
introduction of the most modern weapons into 
NATO forces. Among these measures is the in- 
troduction into forces of our NATO Allies of 
weapons capable of delivering iniclear warheads. 
Such steps have been proceeding for some time 
following the considered judgment and agreement 
of the NATO Governments. The objective is to 
achieve the most effective pattern of NATO mil- 
itary defensive strength. In view of the well- 
known purely defensive purposes of the Alliance, 
the introduction of modem weapons into NATO 
forces to take account of technological develop- 
ments is in no way a cause for legitimate concern 
on the part of other countries. 

Article III of the North Atlantic Treaty calls 
upon the members of the Alliance to maintain their 
capacities to resist armed attack through effective 
self-help and mutual aid. As part of its contribu- 
tion to the strength of the Alliance, the United 
States has entered into a lumiber of agreements 
thi-ough which we cooperate with NATO Allies 
in the uses of atomic energy for mutual defense 
purposes. These agreements have been concluded 
pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as 

amended. All of these agreements are designed 
to implement the NATO objectives for maintain- 
ing the most modeni weapons and techniques in 
NATO forces. 

We have just concluded an agreement with the 
Government of France which is essentially the 
same as agreements previously concluded with a 
number of other NATO Allies for cooi^eration in 
the uses of atomic energy for mutual defense 
purposes. This agreement will make possible ef- 
fective cooperation with France in NATO mutual 
defense planning and in the training of French 
NATO forces. Training of certain French NATO 
forces which play a significant role in European 
defense cannot proceed to conclusion until this 
agreement becomes effective. This agreement 
should be brought into effect as quickly as possible, 
in order that we can promptly and fully utilize 
the potential of French military forces in the 
development of our NATO defensive strength. 
In light of the probable time remaining for this 
session of the Congress and in view of the provi- 
sions of Sec. 123d of the Atomic Energy Act 
of 1954, as amended, it appears that normally 
it would not be possible to bring this agreement 
into effect until the next session of the Congress. 
Accordingly, I would appreciate action by the 
Congress during the current session which would 
permit the agreement to come into force promptly. 

I understand and respect the importance of 
mature consideration in the Congress of agree- 
ments of this sort, but I believe that in the present 
case there are compelling reasons for rapid action. 
The gravity of the international situation, and in 
particular the Soviet threat to the freedom of 
West Berlin, have made it a matter of first im- 
portance that the unity of the North Atlantic 
nations sliould be sustained. The Government 
of France, in this crisis, has behaved with great 
firmness, and the stamich and determined position 


Department of State Bulletin 

of President de Gaulle, in particular, has rein- 
forced the West. In these circumstances, I deem 
it of great importance that we should proceed 
promptly with such a joint undertaking as this 
one, carefully matured in prolonged negotiation. 
As has already been explained in informal discus- 
sions with interested Members of the Congress, 
the present agreement provides for a limited re- 
lease of information to carefully selected person- 
nel. Careful arrangements have been made to 
insure that all necessary security requirements are 
met, and the inclusion of France among NATO 
countries participating in this general undertak- 
ing is an important step forward at a moment 
in which such a step has a wider significance than 
usual. It is for these reasons that I urge upon 
the Congress appropriate special actions to permit 
the agreement to come into force. 

In accordance with the Atomic Energy Act of 
1954, as amended, I am submitting to each House 
of the Congress an authoritative copy of the agree- 
ment with the Government of France. I am 
transmitting also a copy of the letter from the 
Secretaiy of State which forwarded to me an 
authoritative copy of the agreement, a copy of 
the joint letter from the Deputy Secretary of De- 
fense and the Chairman of the Atomic Energy 
Commission recommending my approval of the 
agreement, and a copy of my memorandum in 
reply thereto which contained my approval. 

John F. Kenjstedt 

The White House, September 7, 1961. 

Letter to President From Secretary Rusk 

August 3, 1961 
Dear Mk. President: I have the honor to lay 
before you with a view to its transmission to the 
Congress, pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of 
1954, as amended, an authoritative copy of an 
Agreement between the Government of the United 
States of America and the Government of the 
French Kepublic for Cooperation in the Opera- 
tion of Atomic Weapons Systems for Mutual De- 
fense Purposes, signed at Paris on July 27, 1961. 
This agreement was signed on behalf of the 
United States pursuant to the authorization 
granted in your memorandum of July 21, 1961 
. to the Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of 
the Atomic Energy Commission. A copy of this 

memorandum was transmitted to the Department 
of State. 

Faithfully yours, 

Dean Rusk 
The President, 
The White House. 

Letter to President From Chairman of Atomic 
Energy Commission and Deputy Secretary of Defense 

July 20, 1961 

Dear Mr. President: There is hereby sub- 
mitted for your consideration and approval a pro- 
posed Agreement between the Government of the 
United States of America and the Government 
of France for Cooperation on the Uses of Atomic 
Energy for Mutual Defense Purposes. 

The proposed Agreement will permit, under 
the authority of Sections 91c and 144b of the 
Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, the 
transfer of classified information and certain 
equipment necessary for the purpose of improving 
the state of training and operational readiness of 
the armed forces of France. The December 1957 
NATO Heads of Government meeting ^ estab- 
lished the concept of a stockpile of arms for the 
strengthening of NATO's defenses, and this 
present Agreement is an important part of the 
implementation of this concept. The carrying 
out of this Agreement should do much to advance 
our mutual defense interest, including the vital 
cause of strengthening the NATO defensive al- 
liance, and will thereby aid materially in the de- 
fense of the United States. 

Article II of the Agreement provides for the 
transfer of classified information, including "Re- 
stricted Data" or "Formerly Restricted Data," 
necessary to the development of defense plans; 
the training of personnel in the employment of 
and the defense against atomic weapons and other 
military applications of atomic energy ; the evalu- 
ation of the capability of potential enemies in 
the employment of atomic weapons and other 
military applications of atomic energy; and the 
development of delivery systems capable of carry- 
ing atomic weapons. 

Article III of the Agreement provides that the 
United States will transfer non-nuclear parts of 
atomic weapons systems involving Restricted 
Data (other than non-nuclear parts of atomic 
weapons) for the purpose of improving the state 

' For background, see Btjixetin of Jan. 6, 1958, p. 3. 

Ocfober 2, 796? 


of training and operational readiness of the armed 
forces of France. However, in view of Section 
91c of the Atomic Energy Act, the applicability 
of which is reflected in Article IV of the Agree- 
ment, no transfer can be made if it would con- 
tribute significantly to the recipient nation's 
atomic weapon design, development or fabrica- 
tion capability. It is not possible to determine 
at this time the types, quantities and conditions 
of transfer, whether by sale, lease or loan, of those 
parts wliich it will become necessary to transfer 
for our mutual defense during the period of the 
Agreement. Accordingly, imder the terms and 
conditions of the Agreement, it will be necessary 
to determine from time to time the types, quan- 
tities and conditions of transfer and such deter- 
mination shall be submitted for your approval. 

The Agreement would remain in force until 
terminated by agreement of both parties, thus 
assuring continued protection for the information 
and equipment transferred in accordance with the 
provision of the Agreement. However, coopera- 
tion for the transfer of information and equip- 
ment under Articles II and III of the Agreement 
may be discontinued by either party in the event 
of the termination of the North Atlantic Treaty. 

In accordance with the provisions of Sections 
91c and 144b of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, 
the Agreement specifically provides in Article I 
that all cooperation under the Agreement will be 
undertaken only when the communicating or 
transferring party determines that such coopera- 
tion will promote and will not constitute an un- 
reasonable risk to its defense and security. 
Article I of the Agreement also provides, in ac- 
cordance with the Act, that all cooperation under 
the Agreement will be undertaken only while the 
United States and France are participating in 
an international arrangement for their mutual 
defense and security and making substantial 
and material contributions thereto. Cooperation 
under Articles II and III of the Agreement would 
be undertaken only when these conditions prevail. 

Article IV of the Agreement stipulates that the 
cooperation imder the Agreement will be carried 
out by each of the parties in accordance with its 
applicable laws. Article IV also makes clear that 
there will be no transfer under the Agreement of 
atomic weapons, non-nuclear parts of atomic 
weapons or special nuclear material. 

In addition to the foregoing provisions on the 

terms, conditions, duration, nature and scope of 
cooperation, the Agreement provides that the par- 
ties will maintain agreed security safeguards and 
standards. The Agreement also contains par- 
ticular commitments that the recipient of any 
equipment or information that is obtained pur- 
suant to the Agreement will not transfer it to 
unauthorized persons and will not transfer it be- 
yond the jurisdiction of the recipient party, except 
in limited circumstances specifically provided in 
the Agreement. 

France is now participating with the United 
States in an international arrangement pursuant 
to which France is making substantial and ma- 
terial contributions to the mutual defense and 
security. It is the view of the Department of De- 
fense and the Atomic Energy Commission that 
this Agreement is entirely in accord with the 
provisions of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as 
amended. It is the considered opinion of the 
Department of Defense and the Atomic Energy 
Commission that the perfoi-mance of the proposed 
Agreement will promote and will not constitute 
an unreasonable risk to the common defense and 
security of the United States. 

Accordingly, it is recommended that you 

(a) approve the program for the transfer of 
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapon systems in- 
volving Restricted Data under the terms and con- 
ditions provided in this letter and the proposed 
Agreement; however, types, quantities and con- 
ditions of transfer of such parts are subject to 
your later approval ; 

(b) determine that the performance of this 
Agreement will promote and will not constitute 
an unreasonable risk to the common defense and 
security of the United States; and 

(c) approve the proposed Agreement and au- 
thorize its execution for the Government of the 
United States in a manner specified by the Sec- 
retary of State. 

The Secretary of State concurs in the foregoing 

Glenn T. Seaborg Eoswell L. Gilpatric 

Chairman Deputy 

Atomic Energy Com- Secretary of Defense 

The PREsroENT 
The White House 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Memorandum From President for Secretary of De- 
fense and Chairman of Atomic Energy Commission 

JuLT 21, 1961 

In your joint letter to me of July 20, 1961, you 
recommended that I approve a proposed Agree- 
ment between the Government of the United 
States of America and the Government of France 
for Cooperation on the Uses of Atomic Energy for 
Mutual Defense Purposes. 

France is participating with the United States 
in an international arrangement pursuant to which 
it is making substantial and material contribu- 
tions to the mutual defense and security. The 
proposed Agreement will permit cooperation 
necessary to improve the state of training and 
operational readiness of the armed forces of 
France, subject to provisions, conditions, guar- 
antees, terms and special determinations, which 
are most appropriate in this important area of 
mutual assistance, in accordance with the agree- 
ment in principle reached in December 1957. 

Having considered your joint recommenda- 
tions and the cooperation provided for in the 
Agreement, including security safeguards and 
other terms and conditions of the Agreement, I 

(1) approve the program for the transfer of 
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapon systems in- 
volving Kestricted Data under the terms and con- 
ditions pro^nded in your joint letter and the pro- 
posed Agreement; however, types, quantities and 
conditions of transfer of such parts are subject to 
my further approval ; 

(2) determine that the performance of this 
Agreement will promote and will not constitute 
an unreasonable risk to the common defense and 
security of the United States ; and 

(3) approve the proposed Agreement and au- 
thorize its execution for the Government of the 
United States in a manner designated by the 
Secretary of State. 

John F. Kennedy 


Agreement Between the Government of the United 
States op America and the Government of the 
French Republic for Cooperation in the Operation 
OF Atomic Weapons Systems fob Mutual Defense 


The Government of the United States of America and 
the Government of the French Republic, 

Considering that they have concluded a Mutual De- 
fense Assistance Agreement, pursuant to which each 
Government will make available to the other equipment, 
materials, services, or other military assistance in accord- 
ance with such terms and conditions as may be agreed ; 

Considering that their mutual security and defense re- 
quire that they be prepared to meet the contingencies of 
atomic warfare ; 

Considering that they are participating together in an 
international arrangement pursuant to which they are 
maliing substantial and material contributions to their 
mutual defense and security ; 

Recognizing that their common defense and security 
will be advanced by the exchange of information con- 
cerning atomic energy and by the transfer of certain 
types of equipment ; 

Believing that such exchange and transfer can be un- 
dertaken without risk to the defense and security of 
either country ; and 

Taking into consideration the United States Atomic 
Energy Act of 1954, as amended, and all applicable 
statutes of France, which were enacted or prepared with 
these purposes in mind; 

Have agreed as follows : 

Article I 

General Provisions 
While the United States and France are participating 
in an international arrangement for their mutual defense 
and security and making substantial and material contri- 
butions thereto, each Party will communicate to and 
exchange with the other Party information and transfer 
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems involving 
Restricted Data to the other Party in accordance with 
the provisions of this Agreement, provided that the com- 
municating or transferring Party determines that such 
cooperation will promote and will not constitute an un- 
reasonable risk to its defense and security. 

Abticle II 
Exchange of Information 
Each Party will communicate to or exchange with the 
other Party such classified information as is jointly deter- 
mined to be necessary to : 

A. the development of defense plans ; 

B. the training of personnel in the employment of and 
defense against atomic weapons and other military appli- 
cations of atomic energy ; 

C. the evaluation of the capabilities of potential ene- 
mies in the employment of atomic weapons and other 
military applications of atomic energy ; and 

D. the development of delivery systems compatible with 
the atomic weapons which they carry. 

Article III 

Transfer of Non-Nuclear Parts of Atomic Weapons 

The Government of the United States will transfer to 
the Government of the French Republic, subject to terms 
and conditions to be agreed, non-nuclear parts of atomic 

Ocfober 2, 7961 


weapons systems Involving Restricted Data as such parts 
are jointly determined to be necessary for the purpose of 
improving the French state of training and operational 

Abticle IV 


A. Cooperation under this Agreement will be carried 
out by each of the Parties in accordance with its appli- 
cable laws. 

B. Under this Agreement there will be no transfer by 
either Party of atomic weapons, non-nuclear parts of 
atomic weapons, or special nuclear materials. 

C. The information communicated or exchanged, or 
non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems transferred, 
by either Party pursuant to this Agreement shall be used 
by the recipient Party exclusively for the preparation or 
implementation of defense plans in the mutual interests 
of the two countries. 

D. Nothing in this Agreement shall preclude the com- 
munication or exchange of classified information which is 
transmissible under other arrangements between the 

Article V 


A. Classified information and non-nuclear parts of 
atomic weapons systems communicated or transferred 
pursuant to this Agreement shall be accorded full security 
protection under applicable security arrangements between 
the Parties and applicable national legislation and regu- 
lations of the Parties. In no case shall either Party main- 
tain security standards for safeguarding classified infor- 
mation and non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems, 
made available pursuant to this Agreement, less restric- 
tive than those set forth in the applicable security ar- 
rangements in effect on the date this Agreement comes 
into force. 

B. Classified information communicated or exchanged 
pursuant to this Agreement will be made available through 
channels existing or hereafter agreed for the communica- 
tion or exchange of such information between the Parties. 

C. Classified Information, communicated or exchanged, 
and any non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems 
transferred pursuant to this Agreement shall not be com- 
mimicated, exchanged or transferred by the recipient 
Party or persons under its juri.sdiction to any unauthorized 
persons or, except as provided in Article VI of this Agree- 
ment, beyond the Jurisdiction of that Party. Each Party 
may stijmlate the degree to which any of the information 
and non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems com- 
municated, exchanged or transferred by it or persons under 
its jurisdiction pursuant to this Agreement may be dis- 
seminated or distributed ; may specify the categories of 
persons who may have access to such information or non- 
nuclear parts of atomic weapons systems ; and may impose 
such other restrictions on the dissemination or distribution 
of such Information or non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons 
systems as it deems necessary. 


Abticle VI 
Nothing in this Agreement shall be interpreted or 
operate as a bar or restriction to consultation or coopera- 
tion in any field of defense by either Party with other 
nations or international organizations. Neither Party, 
however, shall so communicate classified information or 
transfer or permit access to or use of non-nuclear parts 
of atomic weapons systems made available by the other 
Party pursuant to this Agreement unless : 

A. It is notified by the originating Party that all ap- 
propriate provisions and requirements of the originating 
Party's applicable laws, including authorization by com- 
petent bodies of the originating Party, have been complied 
with which would be necessary to authorize the originat- 
ing Party directly so to communicate to, transfer to, 
permit access to or use by such other nation or interna- 
tional organization; and further that the originating 
Party authorizes the recipient Party so to communicate 
to, transfer to, permit access to or use by such other 
nation or international organization ; or 

B. The originating Party has informed the recipient 
Party that the originating Party has so communicated 
to, transferred to, permitted access to or use by such 
other nation or international organization. 

Article VII 

Classification Policies 

Agreed classification policies shall be maintained with 
respect to all classified information and non-nuclear parts 
of atomic weapons systems communicated, exchanged or 
transferred under this Agreement. 

Abticle VIII 

KcsponsihilitiJ for Use of Information and Non-Nuclear 
Parts of Atomic Weapons Systems 
The application or use of any information (including 
design drawings and specifications) or non-nuclear parts 
of atomic weapons systems communicated, exchanged or 
transferred under this Agreement shall be the responsi- 
bility of the Party receiving it, and the other Party does 
not provide any indemnity or warranty with respect to 
such application or use. 

Abticle IX 


The recipient Party shall use the classified information 
communicatetl, or revealed by equipment transferred 
hereunder, for the purposes specified herein only. Any 
inventions or discoveries resulting from possession of 
such information on the part of the recipient Party or 
persons under its jurisdiction shall be made available to 
the other Party for all purposes without charge in ac- 
cordance with such arrangements as may be agreed and 
shall be safeg\iarded in accordance with the provisions of 
Article V of this Agreement. 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

For the purpose of this Agreement : 

A. "Atomic weapon" means any device utilizing atomic 
energy, exclusive of the means for transporting or pro- 
pelling the device (where such means is a separable and 
divisible part of the device), the principal purpose of 
which is for use as, or for development of, a weapon, a 
weapon prototype, or a weapon test device. 

B. "Classified information" means information, data, 
materials, services, or any other matter with the security 
designation of "Confidential" or higher applied under 
the legislation or regulations of either the United States 
or France, including that designated by the Government 
of the United States as "Restricted Data" or "Formerly 
Restricted Data," and that designated by the Govern- 
ment of the French Republic as "Atomic". 

O. "Non-nuclear parts of atomic weapons" means 
parts of atomic weapons which are specially designed 
for them and are not in general use in other end prod- 
ucts and which are not made of, in whole or in part, 
special nuclear material ; and "non-nuclear parts of 
atomic weapons systems involving Restricted Data" 
means parts of atomic weapons systems, other than non- 
nuclear parts of atomic weapons, which contain or re- 
veal atomic information and which are not made of, in 
whole or in jiart, special nuclear material. 

D. As used in this Agreement, the term "atomic in- 
formation" means : 

1. So far as concerns information provided by the 
Government of the United States, information which is 
designated "Restricted Data" and "Formerly Restricted 

2. So far as concerns information provided by the Gov- 
ernment of the French Republic, information which is 
designated "Atomic". 

Abticle XI 
This Agreement shall enter into force on the date on 
which each Government shall have received from the 
other Government written notification that it has com- 
plied with all legal requirements for the entry into force 
of this Agreement, and shall remain in force until termi- 
nated by agreement of both Parties except that either 
Party may terminate its cooperation under Articles II or 
III upon the expiration of the North Atlantic Treaty. 

In witness whereof, the undersigned, duly authorized, 
have signed this Agreement. 

Done at Paris, in duplicate, in the English and French 
languages, both texts being equally authentic, this 27th 
day of July 1961. 

For the Government of the United States of America : 

Cecil B. Lton 

For the Government of the French Republic : 

Ekic de Cakbonnel 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings' 

Scheduled October 1 Through December 31, 1961 

North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Working Party on High Seas Salmon Tokyo Oct. 1- 

Distribution of the Committee on Biology and Research. 

UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies Tokyo Oct. 2- 

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 49th Statutory Meeting. 
U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: Working Party on Rural Electrification. 
U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: Group of Experts for the Study of 

Hydroelectric Resources in Europe. 

U.N. ECE Timber Committee: 19th Session 

PAHO Directing Council: 13th Meeting; Regional Committee of WHO for the 

Americas: 13th Meeting. 

ILO Technical Meeting on Small-Scale and Handicraft Industries New Delhi Oct. 3- 

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: 20th Session Geneva Oct. 4- 

Copenhagen Oct. 2- 

Geneva Oct. 2- 

Geneva Oct. 2- 

Geneva Oct. 2- 

Washington Oct. 3- 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 15, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT, 
Comite consiiltatif international telegraphique et telfiphonique; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far 
East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic Commission for Latin America; FAO, Food and Agri- 
culture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organiza- 
tion; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, 
Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization; OAS, Organization of American States; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; 
SEATO, Southeast Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific 
and Cultural Organization; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteoro- 
logical Organization. 

Ocfober 2, 196? 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled October 1 Through December 31, 1961 — Continued 

FAO Near East Forestry Commission: 3d Session Iraq Oct. 7- 

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade Geneva Oct. 9- 

International Union of Official Travel Organizations: 16th General Assemblv. Munich Oct. 9- 

ITU CCITT Study Group A on Data Transmission " . Geneva Oct. 9- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Rail Transport . Geneva Oct. 9- 

UNESCO Diplomatic Conference on the International Protection of Performers, Rome Oct. 9- 

Producers of Phonograms, and Broadcasters. 

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Highway Transport Madras Oct. 9- 

Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law: Standing Committee Vienna Oct. 9- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Tariffs Geneva Oct. 11- 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 2d Session of Special Working Geneva Oct. 12- 


South Pacific Commission: 22d Session Noumea Oct. 12- 

Inter-American Children's Institute: 42d Meeting of Directing Council . . . . Washington Oct. 16- 

ILO/ECE Seminar on Family Living Studies Vienna Oct. 16- 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Statistical Committee Geneva Oct. 16- 

ICEM Executive Committee: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 16- 

SEATO Committee on Information, Cultural, Education, and Labor Activ- Bangkok Oct. 16- 


U.N. ECE Working Party on Construction of Vehicles Geneva Oct. 16- 

U.N. Pledging Conference New York Oct. 17- 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 6th Session of Standing Com- Geneva Oct. 18- 


UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 1st Session . . . . Paris Oct. 19- 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Biology Committee . . . Tokyo Oct. 23- 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 35th Session Rome Oct. 23- 

ILO Meeting of Experts on Electrical Accidents and Related Matters . . . . Geneva Oct. 23- 

ICEM Council: 15th Session Geneva Oct. 23- 

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group Geneva Oct. 23- 

Consultative Committee for Cooperative Economic Development in South and Kuala Lumpur .... Oct. 30- 

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : 13th Meeting. 

ILO Meeting of Consultants on the Problems of Young Workers Geneva Oct. 30- 

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions Geneva Oct. 30- 

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee" New York Oct. 30- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on River Law . . . Geneva Oct. 30- 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Ad Hoc Working Party on Geneva Oct. 30- 

Conditions of Sale for Cereals. 

FAO Cocoa Study Group: Executive Committee Rome October 

FAO Cocoa Study Group: 8th Session of Committee on Statistics Rome October 

UNESCO Executive Board: 60th Session Paris October or 


U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Organization and Operation of Industrial Estates . Madras Nov. 1- 

FAO Council: 36th Session Rome Nov. 2- 

FAO Conference: 11th Session Rome Nov. 4- 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 8th Meeting Tokyo Nov. 6- 

ILO Asian Advisory Committee: 11th Session Geneva Nov. 6- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road Transport . Geneva Nov. 6- 

ILO Governing Body: 150th Session (and its committees) Geneva Nov. 13- 

U.N. ECE Inland Committee: Working Party on Transport Costs . Geneva Nov. 13- 

GATT Contracting Parties: 19th Session Geneva Nov. 13- 

ICAO Limited European- Mediterranean Frequency Assignment (VHF) Paris Nov. 14- 

Planning Meeting. 

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 4th Session Bangkok Nov. 14- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Inland Water Geneva Nov. 15- 


SEATO Committee of Economic Experts Bangkok Nov. 20- 

U.N. ECAFE Regional Training Seminar on Trade Promotion New Delhi Nov. 20- 

International Wheat Council: 33d Session London Nov. 20- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Transport of Geneva Nov. 20- 

Dangerous Goods. 

U.N. ECE Conference of European St.atisticians: Working Group Geneva Nov. 20- 

IMCO Expert Working Group on Pollution of the Sea bv Oil London Nov. 21- 

FAO Council: 37th Session Rome Nov. 24r- 

U.N. ECAFE/WMO Interregional Seminar on Hydrology Bangkok Nov. 27- 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Study Group on Projections Geneva Nov. 27- 

for Agricultural Problems. 

TCAO South American-South Atlantic Rules of the Air and Air Traffic Services/ Lima November 

Communications Meeting. 

IMCO Council: 6th Session London November 

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 4th Session Trivandrum, India . . Dec. 4- 

FAO Technical Working Party on Coconut Production, Protection, and Proc- Trivandrum Dec. 4- 

essing: 1st Session. 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 13th Session Geneva Dec. 4r- 

562 Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 4th Session 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road Transport . 

U.N. Consultative Group on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders . 

U.N. ECAFE Regional Seminar on Energy Resources and Electric Power De- 

FAO International Rice Commission: 9th Meeting of Working Party on Rice 
Production and Protection. 

FAO International Rice Commission: 8th Meeting of Working Party on Rice, 
Soil, Water, and Fertilizer Practices. 

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Housing and Building Sta- 

U.N. ECAFE Subcommittee on Electric Power 

Joint OAS/UNESCO/ECIA Meeting on Education and Economic Develop- 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 5th Session 

NATO Ministerial Council 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session (resumed) 

Geneva Dec. 4r- 

Geneva Dec. 4- 

Geneva Dec. 5- 

Bangkok Dec. 6- 

New Delhi Dec. 1 1- 

New Delhi Dec. 1 1 

Geneva Dec. 11- 

Geneva Dec. 18- 

Bangkok Dec. 18- 

Santiago December 

London December 

Paris December 

New York December 

Secretary Rusk Greets International 
Navigation Congress 

Remarks l)y the Secretary ^ 

The President of the United States has asked 
me to bring you his personal greetings and best 
wishes for a successful Congress. He hopes that 
those of you from other countries will thoroughly 
enjoy your visit in the United States. We are 
proud to be your hosts and are anxious to extend 
to you a full measure of our traditional hos- 

President Kennedy is a keen advocate of in- 
creasing international exchange of information 
and of more and more productive scientific col- 
laboration. He believes this is the true course 
toward greater international understanding and 
world peace. 

All of us are aware of the issues which divide 
nations, and all are concerned about tlie sense of 
crisis which marks this present period. Wliile 
efforts are being made to resolve these problems 
by peaceful means, it is of the utmost importance 
that we increase in eveiy possible way those 
avenues of cooperation which exist below — or 
above — tlie political level. President Kennedy 
has referred to those great issues confronting man 
where nature itself makes allies of us all.^ The 
struggle by man to make himself at home in his 

' Made before the 20th Congress of the Permanent 
International Association of Navigation Congresses at 
Baltimore, Md., on Sept. 11 (press release 623). 

'For text of President Kennedy's state of the Union 
message, see Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1961, p. 207. 

physical universe, to harness its forces for his 
own benefit, to repel its attacks against his exist- 
ence, and to multiply its resources for his own 
enrichment is a matter of deepest common interest 
to us all. Indeed, against tlie context of this great 
adventure of tlie human species, our manmade 
quarrels ought somehow to be brought under more 
rational control. 

I am happy that your host city is the tliriving 
port of Baltimore, which attracts some 6,000 ships 
each year from around the world. Here Fort 
McHenry, made immortal by the words of our 
"Star-Spangled Banner," stands as a symbol of 
America's heritage. I am glad that many of you 
plan to see our nation's Capital in Washington. 

In your science, as in all sciences, vast changes 
have taken place since the first International 
Navigation Congress convened in Europe in 1885. 
I am told that during the Congress held at Paris 
in 1900 the principal question related to the "Ap- 
plication of Machinery to the Water Supply of 
Canals." I note that during the present Con- 
gress you are to consider "Measures To Be 
Adopted for the Accommodation of Nuclear- 
Powered Ships in Maritime Ports." 

We can best find the solutions to problems 
common to all our countries and work effectively 
in promoting the welfare of all if nations can meet 
in good faith to consider them togetlier, as you 
will undertake to do here. 

Such an approach to maritime problems com- 
mon to the world is particularly desirable, for 
the efficiency with which commerce can be car- 
ried on between nations is of basic importance to 

Ocfober 2, 7961 


improving living standards in countries just now 
beginning to develop and maintaining the 
strength of other nations. 

I recall certain thoughts in a report published 
about 3 years ago by the Rockefeller Foundation * 
on the great importance of economic growth: 

We are just beginning to understand the full poten- 
tials of international developments in a world in which 
distances are shrinking, barriers to trade are being re- 
duced, and more than a billion people are living in newly- 
developing economies. We are inextricably a part of a 
free world economy striving for growth. That fact offers 
a major challenge and opens a great opportunity for our 
nation to work with the other free nations to promote 
economic growth and the broad use of its proceeds to 
support the maximum opportunity for the individual. 

Commerce must expand among free nations if 
progress is to be made toward a world in which 
peace and human dignity will be the international 
way of life. 

Stimulating increased commerce between na- 
tions poses challenges to the engineer and the 
builder which are just as important as those pre- 
sented to leaders in political and economic af- 
fairs, for here ways must be found to reduce the 
cost of exchanging large quantities of bulk car- 
goes to barest minimum. 

We must be able to move materials from areas 
of abundance to areas of shortage with utmost 

We must help countries now beginning to de- 
velop to realize the fullest benefits from their 
inland waterway potentials for internal economic 

We must facilitate the distribution of essential 
material resources that will permit every country 
to combat poverty, sickness, and general unliap- 
piness. These problems pose technical questions 
concerning the improvement of harbors and water- 
ways for which we look to you, the world's lead- 
ers in navigation development, for some answers. 

World history proves that commerce among na- 
tions does not bring the highest down to the level 
of the lowest but improves the lot of all. 

Agencies such as the World Bank, the Develop- 
ment Loan Fund, and the International Coopera- 
tion Administration have been active in this field. 
Under tlie foreign aid program the United States 

' The Challenge to America: Its Economic and Social 
Aspects, Report of Panel IV of the Special Studies Proj- 
ect, Rockefeller Brothers Fund (Doubleday and Co., Inc., 
Garden City, N.T., 1958). 


has provided assistance to many countries for 
port development. This has been done on a grant 
basis ranging from short-term technical consulta- 
tion for port management all the way to design 
and plans and even to the funding and overseeing 
of construction. Loans for similar projects have 
also been carried out under the Development Loan 

Much of our foreign aid program is with under- 
developed countries lacking adequate port facili- 
ties. This affects the planning and execution of 
commodity import programs financed by the for- 
eign aid agency, including emergency shipments 
of wheat and other foods to alleviate famine and 
distress. The lack of adequate ports in some cases 
becomes a limiting factor to the assistance we 
can provide through emergency food programs. 

We have provided help to some countries in the 
field of engineering for dredging programs for 
channel and harbor development. We helped by 
providing technicians and in some cases we have 
provided dredges. In countries such as Korea 
and Viet-Nam we have assisted navigation in the 
restoration of lighthouses and aids to navigation. 

May I mention a specific example to further 
illustrate developments in our program of inter- 
national technical cooperation. 

In 1956 in San Jose, Costa Eica, an Inter- 
American Port and Harbor Conference was spon- 
sored by the Organization of American States. 
This conference set forth a declaration of prin- 
ciples stating desirable goals in the field of de- 
velopment, administration, and operation of ports 
in the Americas. 

Out of this conference came a "Declaration of 
San Jose," a program of goals and a statement of 
actions necessary to reach these goals. As a mem- 
ber of the family of nations bound closer together 
by these resolutions to improve the efficiency of 
our ports and thus stimulate greater trade among 
the American states, the United States was proud 
to be a signatory to this declaration. We have 
since been represented as a member of the seven- 
nation Permanent Technical Committee on ports 
authorized by the conference to carry out its 

Tlie Alliance for Progress proposed by Presi- 
dent Kennedy * was established by the declaration 
to the peoples of America made by representatives 

' BuuLETiN of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

Department of State Bulletin 

of the American Republics in Punta del Este last 
month," to which declaration the United States 
wholeheartedly subscribes. The declaration in- 
cluded a resolution entitled "Studies on Latm 
American Ports." ^ This program involves "a 
technical study on the ports in Latin America, 
with a pertinent evaluation of necessary invest- 
ments having as its objective a greater efficiency 
in operating those ports, with a view to lowering 
costs and promoting trade in Latin American 

I confirm here that the collaboration requested 
of the Government of tlie United States in this 
resolution will be given warmly and without 

Let me, in conclusion, remind you that this 
Congress is one of many international meetings 
now going on to get on with the world's work 
despite the clouds which appear on the political 
horizon. Today, for example, there are a dozen 
international meetings going on somewhere in the 

° For background and text of declaration, see ibid., 
Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459. 

' Not printed here ; for text, see OAS doc. ES-RE)-Doc. 
145 (English) Rev. 3 Corr. 

world at which the United States is officially rep- 
resented. I happened to count them today, but I 
did not need to — because the same is true of every 
working day throughout the year. Today there 
are several meetings concerned with trade, one on 
the training of women in the South Pacific, an- 
other on development in the Caribbean, another 
on industrial statistics in the Far East. You will 
make good progress here, I have no doubt, on the 
special problems of navigation. But it occurs 
to me that your work takes on additional meaning 
as a part of a great human endeavor to bring men 
together to solve their common problems. 

I look forward to the opportunity to meet you 
in person at the reception which is to follow. I 
hope that each of you, from my own country 
and from other nations, may carry home with you 
the knowledge that your work in behalf of im- 
proving the techniques of navigation development 
and their application will continue to have my 
fullest mterest and support and that of our 

Again, may I extend to all of you a warm wel- 
come on behalf of the President of the United 

Pressures for Migration From Europe Slacken in 1961 


hy George L. Warren 

The Comicil of the Intergovenunental Commit- 
tee for European Migration, on which 30 govern- 
ments are represented, held its 14th session at 
Geneva between May 11 and 17, 1961. The Exec- 
utive Committee of 9 member governments met 
between May 3 and 17, 1961. The Dominican Re- 
public, Peru, Uruguay, the Holy See, the Republic 
of San Marino, and the Sovereign Order of Malta 
were represented in attendance as observers. The 
United Nations, the United Nations specialized 
agencies, the Organization for European Eco- 
nomic Cooperation, the Council of Europe, the 
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees, and nongovenmiental organizations 
interested in migration were also represented. 

The Intergovernmental Committee for Euro- 
October 2, ?96T 

pean Migration was organized on the initiative of 
the United States at the Brussels Conference on 
Migration in 1951. Originally preoccupied with 
facilitating the movement of indigenous migrants 
and refugees out of overpopulated areas in Eu- 
rope, the Migration Committee has in recent years 
devoted more attention to assisting Latin Ameri- 
can governments to secure and place the skilled 
and semiskilled workers recruited from the emi- 

• 31 r. Warren is Adviser on Refugee and 
Migration Affairs, Defartment of State. 
He served as U.S. representative at the ses- 
sions of the Council and the Executive 
C ommittee. 


gration countries in Europe, particularly Greece, 
Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain. 

Jose Manuel Aniel-Quiroga of Spain was elected 
cliairman of the Council for the 14th session. 
Afranio del Mello-Franco, Filho, of Brazil was 
elected first vice chairman; Eran Laor of Israel, 
second vice chairman; and Armand A. Kuijpers 
of Belgium, rapporteur. The Council held nine 
meetings. Ambassador Aniel-Quiroga presided 
also at the meetings of the Executive Committee. 

George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugee and Mi- 
gration Affairs, Department of State, was the U.S. 
representative at the sessions of the Executive 
Committee and the Council. Representative 
Francis E. Walter was alternate U.S. represent- 
ative at the Council sessions. 

Director's Report on Operations and Finances in 1960 

The Director reported total movements in 1960 
of 99,759, of which 1,059 were refugees of Euro- 
pean origin moved from mainland China 
through Hong Kong. Total expenditures in 

1960 amounted to $30,409,925, of which $2,920,642 
were for the account of the administrative budget. 
There were carryovers of funds for expenditure in 

1961 of $905,482 from operations in 1960 and of 
$242,709 imder the administrative budget. ICEM 
moved the millionth migrant imder its auspices in 
April 1960. The election of Bolivia as a new mem- 
ber government in December 1960 compensated for 
the resignation of the Federation of Rhodesia and 
Nyasaland. Because of the improved economic 
situation in Europe, pressures for emigration from 
Europe were reduced in 1960, although the move- 
ment of refugees overseas was maintained at the 
level of previous years. The higher volume of 
intra-European movements was considered to be a 
temporary development. There were insistent de- 
mands from the Latin American countries for as- 
sistance in securing more skilled and semiskilled 
workers in better balance in their immigration 

Progress Report of Director for 1961 

Movements in the first quarter of 1961 were ap- 
parently proceeding at the same approximate level 
as in 1960. The Director reported on his recent 
visit to Latin America and specifically on prelimi- 
nary conferences with officials of Colombia and 

Venezuela with respect to projects of technical 
assistance to be undertaken in those countries. 
Colombia has requested technical assistance in de- 
termining manpower requirements to be met 
tlirough immigration, and Venezuela has asked 
for assistance in developing temporary immigra- 
tion policies and programs and in drafting basic 
permanent immigration legislation. 

Changing Economic Conditions in Europe 

Following a private meeting of certain emigra- 
tion countries in Europe in February 1961, the 
Federal Republic of Germany took the initiative 
in presenting a memorandum to the Council citing 
the growing demand for workers in the European 
countries and the consequent need for ICEM to 
review its migration policies and programs. The 
memorandum stated that pressures to emigrate 
from European countries had diminished and ex- 
pressed the view that most of the refugees had 
either been resettled abroad or integrated in the 
economies of the countries of first or second 
asylum in Europe. The representative of Ger- 
many noted that his country had, in fact, become 
a country of immigration as well as a country of 
emigration and with this duality of interest would 
not be in a position to propose changes in direction 
which ICEM might take. He did, however, ex- 
press the concern of his Government that in ex- 
tending technical assistance ICEM should avoid 
overlapping and duplication of the activities of 
other international agencies providing technical 
assistance. His Government would continue to 
support ICEM but would look to other govern- 
ments for practical proposals as to ways in which 
ICEM might adapt its activities in response to 
changing conditions in the emigration countries. 

While all member governments agreed that 
conditions in the emigration countries had changed 
and that ICEM would need to seek adaptations of 
programs, the representatives of Greece and Spain 
particularly insisted that more, rather than less, 
emigration was needed from their countries and 
that the intra-European movement of workers was 
predominantly for temporary employment, did 
not constitute permanent migration, and in fact 
raised serious social problems, such as the separa- 
tion of families. The representative of Italy, 
having first expressed sympathetic support for 


Department of State Bulletin 

the German intervention, later supported the po- 
sitions of Greece and Spain and urged an expan- 
sion of ICEM's technical assistance activities on 
behalf of the Latin American coimtries. 

The Latin American governments were quick 
to respond. Under the leadership of Brazil, they 
imanimously tabled a paper citing the contribu- 
tion which they had made in previous years in 
receiving immigrants and refugees from Europe 
and stating their current urgent need for 10,000 
skilled and semiskilled workers annually. These 
they confidently expected the emigration countries 
in Europe would help to supply through the me- 
dium of ICEM. The plea for workers was ac- 
companied by a reminder that ICEM had failed 
to date to supply adequately the services and 
teclinical assistance which were so desperately 
needed in the Latin American coimtries if the 
needed workers were to be secured. 

In the discussion which followed the request of 
the Latin American governments was frequently 
referred to as modest and achievable. But the 
U.S. representative pointed out that 10,000 
workers with their families would mean approxi- 
mately 35,000 persons and that this total of move- 
ment would be at least twice the annual movement 
under ICEM auspices to Latin America in recent 
years. Furthermore, to select, recruit, move, and 
place that number of workers would require 
greatly improved and expanded teclinical assist- 
ance by ICEM to the Latin American countries in 
establishing better planned immigration and more 
adequate immigration administrations. 

Many representatives pointed out the necessity 
of better i^lanning in the development of ICEM's 
technical assistance activities and of closer co- 
ordination with other projects of technical assist- 
ance, particularly those administered by the Inter- 
national Labor Office. It was recognized that 
ICEM had a role to play in assisting Latin 
American countries to add to their manpower re- 
sources through the skillful selection, recruitment, 
and placement of trained and semitrained immi- 
grants from abroad. 

As all the implications of the German and Latin 
American interventions and of the comments of 
the other governments could not be explored ade- 
quately during the session and many governments 
desired more time for consideration of the ques- 
tions posed, the Council decided to refer the Ger- 

man and Latin American papers and the record of 
the discussions on them to a working party to meet 
in September 1961 and to report to the next ses- 
sion of the Council. The governments were re- 
quested to submit their further comments in ad- 
vance for consideration by the working party. 
The working party will consist of the five govern- 
ment members of the present Subcommittee on 
Budget and Finance (Australia, Brazil, Italy, the 
Netherlands, and the United States), who were 
authorized in turn to coopt a sixth member. It is 
expected that Canada will be invited to join the 

Report of Subcommittee on Budget and Finance 

The Subcommittee on Budget and Finance had 
met in its fourth session for 5 days at The Hague 
immediately preceding the Comicil session. Hav- 
ing reviewed the budget and plan of operations for 
1961, the subcommittee reconmiended adoption of 
the budget as submitted by the Director and re- 
vised by the subcommittee. In response to sugges- 
tions by the subcommittee, the administration was 
now taking more frequent readings of actual move- 
ments and of their financial implications and was 
thus able to supply more precise and more timely 
estimates of movements, income, and expenditures. 
The work of the subcommittee had also assisted 
governments to secure earlier information on the 
firm requirements of contributions to operations in 
the financial year, with the result that the adminis- 
tration had been assured of funds actually in hand 
also earlier in the year. 

In a previous report the subcommittee had ex- 
pressed the hope that data requested of the ad- 
ministration on the trends of contributions to 
transport from the four sources of such contribu- 
tions — the emigration countries, the immigration 
countries, the migrants, and ICEM's free funds 
(funds not allocated by the contributor to any 
particular movement) — would supply clues to im- 
proved methods of financing transport. The data 
had been received, but the subconmiittee reported 
that its hopes for an immediate solution of the 
problem had not been realized. The subcommittee 
did report that the proportion which ICEM's free 
funds provided in meeting the costs of transport 
was dangerously high, considering that such 
f mids were diminishing and that, unless there were 
increases in contributions to transport from the 

October 2, J 96 1 


other main sources, the emigration and immigra- 
tion governments and the migrants, movements 
would be increasingly jeopardized. The subcom- 
mittee also found that it was not feasible to at- 
tempt to establish standards or formulas for the 
application of the free funds in specific amounts 
or percentages to particular routes of transport be- 
cause the factors affecting different movements, at 
different times, are so variable and many are 
beyond the control of ICEM. 

Four members of the subcommittee believed that 
the emigration and immigration countries should 
assume responsibility for bearing a larger share 
of transport costs by concluding bilateral agree- 
ments to this effect, calling upon ICEM's free or 
international funds for participation only when 
there is a need for supplementary assistance which 
can be clearly demonstrated. Australia dissented, 
however, and maintained the view that present 
methods of financing transport are adequate and 
sufficiently flexible to meet changing conditions. 

On the recommendation of the Executive Com- 
mittee, the Council expanded the subcommittee's 
terms of reference to include matters connected 
with the administrative budget in order to give the 
subcommittee greater freedom of action in explor- 
ing all of ICEM's financing problems and in 
recognition of the fact that the problems of the 
administrative and operational budgets are very 
closely related. 

Budget and Plan of Operations for 1961 

On the recommendation of the Executive Com- 
mittee, the Council approved revised estimates of 
movements during 1961 totaling 101,950: 98,270 
for the European program and 3,680 for the Far 
East program. The total of operational expendi- 
tures approved was $25,271,000, of which 
$3,046,857 would be required in lump-siun contri- 
butions from governments, in addition to the per 
capita contributions for transport. As of March 
31, 1961, adequate income appeared in sight for 
most categories of expenditure with the exception 
of international operations, technical assistance, 
and the transport of refugees. Some $100,000 in 
additional income remained to be raised to cover 
all requirements in these categories. Compared 
with previous years, the financial position of the 
Committee at the spring session in 1961 appeared 
to be rather favorable. 

Resignation of Sweden 

On instructions from his Government, the rep- 
resentative of Sweden announced the intention of 
his Government to resign from membership in the 
Committee in 1961. The reason given was that 
Sweden was interested solely in the settlement of 
refugees, as distinguished from indigenous mi- 
grants, and planned to recruit immediately an 
additional 1,000 refugees in Austria for settlement 
in Sweden, which would not involve overseas 
movements requiring the services of the 

Membership of United Kingdom 

On application by the United Kingdom and 
recommendation by the Executive Committee, the 
Government of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland was unanimously 
admitted to membership and its representative 
invited to take his seat at the coimcil table during 
the session. 

Contributions to Administrative Budget 

The entry of the United Kingdom into member- 
ship raised the question of a review of the scale of 
percentages of contributions to the administrative 
budget. This action would also be responsive to 
the requests of certain governments, notably Ar- 
gentina and Brazil, that their percentages be re- 
vised downward. The basic scale of percentages 
of contributions had not, in fact, been revised since 
it was originally adopted in 1951, and many 
changes in relative economic positions, interests in 
ICEM activities, and the capacity to pay of mem- 
ber governments had taken place in the interven- 
ing 10 years. There was some support for an 
immediate adjustment in 1961 of the percentages 
of five governments whose percentages appeared 
to be unduly out of line, but in the face of objection 
to hasty action the revision of the scale for 1961, 
as well as for 1962, was referred to the Subcom- 
mittee on Budget and Finance to be considered at 
its meeting in September. For the purpose of this 
review only, the Council appointed the Govern- 
ment of Canada as a sixth temporary member of 
the subcoimnittee. The subcommittee was re- 
quested by the Council to take into account the 
factor of member government interest in the 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

activities of the Committee along with capacity to 
pay and other pertinent factors in recommending 
a revised scale of percentages. 

Sessions of Executive Committee and Council 

A formal proposal of the Director to hold one 
session of the Comicil and two sessions of the 
Executive Committee annually was rejected by 
the Council. The Director's contention that cer- 
tain savings would result from the adoption of his 
proposal was not challenged. However, the Coun- 
cil considered that two sessions of the Council, as 
at present, would be required annually during the 
period in which ICEM is searching for adapta- 
tions of its program to the changing conditions in 
which its activities are conducted. 

Appeal Board 

The representative of Greece proposed the estab- 
lishment of an appeal board to consider staff situ- 
ations in which staff members might have reason 
to feel that their rights had been infringed by 
decisions of the administration. He pointed out 
that many international organizations had such 
appeal boards. After discussion of the suggestion, 
the Council established a working party consisting 
of the chairman of the Executive Committee, a 
representative of the administration, and a repre- 
sentative of the Staff Association to study the pro- 
posal and to report to the Council through the 
Executive Committee at the next session. 

Speakers at Council Session 

During the course of the session, the Council 
was addressed by the following speakers: Felix 
Schnyder, U-N". High Commissioner for Refugees ; 
Francis E. Walter, alternate U.S. representative; 
Fermin Sanz Orrio, Minister of Labor of Spain ; 
and Ferdinando Storchi, Under Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs of Italy. 

Date of ISth Session 

The Council adjourned its 14th session on May 
17, 1961, in a spirit of optimism and agreed to 
convene the 15th session on or about October 23, 
1961, at Geneva. The Executive Committee will 
convene on October 16, 1961. 


United States and Sweden Sign 
Supplementary Tariff Agreement 

Press release 636 dated September 15 

The United States on September 15 signed an 
agreement with Sweden supplementary to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The 
supplementary agreement provides for a tariff 
concession by the United States on certain types 
of boxes. 

This concession compensates Sweden for the 
increase, on December 10, 1957, of the United 
States rate of duty on spring clothespins.^ A 
concession on spring clothespins had been made 
in 1949 under the General Agreement. The 
increase in the U.S. import duty on spring 
clothespins in 1957 was made pursuant to the 
escape-clause provisions of the Trade Agreements 
Extension Act of 1951 and to the terms of article 
XIX of the General Agreement. It was put into 
effect to prevent injury to the domestic spring 
clothespins industry. Article XIX provides that 
when a country raises the tariff on a product 
which is the subject of a concession under the 
General Agreement that country will consult with 
the affected countries. The supplementary agree- 
ment, resulting in the granting of a compensatory 
concession by the United States, is the product 
of these consultations with Sweden. 

Following are a summary analysis of the new 
concession on boxes, whicli will be applied as part 
of the U.S. schedule to the General Agreement, 
and texts of the agreement and of notes exchanged 
with the Embassy of Sweden. 


The supplementary agreement signed on 
September 15 provides for a reduction in the U.S. 

' For text of Proclamation 3211 of Nov. 9, 1957, with- 
drawing a trade agreement concession on spring clothes- 
pins, see Bulletin of Dec. 16, 1957, p. 959. 

October 2, 1 96 1 


rate of duty on boxes of paper, papier mache, or 
wood, covered or lined; covered or lined v^ith 
paper but not covered or lined with cotton or other 
vegetable fiber (Tariff paragi-aph 1405, Statistical 
class number 4785.200) . As a result of this con- 
cession the ad valorem equivalent of the tariff rate 
on these boxes will be reduced from 7.4 percent 
to 5.4 percent. Sweden is the major foreign sup- 
plier of this product to the United States. In 
1960 U.S. imports of these boxes were valued at 
$1.3 million, of which Sweden shipped $700,000. 
Other important suppliers are West Germany and 
Japan. United States production of this item is 
many times the volume of imports. 

This concession was granted as compensation 
for the increase, effective December 10, 1957, of the 
U.S. rate of duty on spring clothespins (Tariff 
paragraph 412, Statistical class number 4280.150). 
The duty on clothespins was raised from 10 cents 
per gross to 20 cents per gross (the ad valorem 
equivalents of these rates are, respectively, 25 
percent and 50 percent). Imports of spring 
clothespins from Sweden averaged $287,000 in the 
3 years before the 1957 escape-clause action which 
resulted in the inci-eased duty. Since 1958 imports 
from Sweden have had an average annual value of 


Agreement Supplementart to the General Agreement 
ON Tariffs and Trade 

The Government of the United States of America and 
the Government of Sweden ; 

Considering the reciprocal concessions and advantages 
for the promotion of trade provided for in their respective 
Schedules annexed to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade (hereinafter referred to as the General 
Agreement) ; 

Taking cognizance of Proclamation No. 3211, issued by 
the President of the United States of America on 
November 9, 1957, under Article XIX of the General 
Agreement, with respect to the concession provided for 
in the first item 412 in Part I of Schedule XX to the 
Annecy Protocol of Terms of Accession to the General 
Agreement (hereinafter referred to as "Schedule XX 
(Anneey-1949)") ; 

Taking cognizance of the authorization by the Con- 
tracting Parties to the United States to proceed with 
negotiations to modify or withdraw such concessions 
under the terms of Article XXVIII :4 ; 

Recognizing the desirability of maintaining the general 
level of reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions 
in the General Agreement ; 

Agree as follows : 

(1) As a result of Article XXVIII negotiations, the 
concession provided for in the first item 412 in Part I of 
Schedule XX (Annecy-1949) may be withdrawn from 
said schedule ; 

(2) As complete compensatory adjustment for such 
action by the United States of America under Article XIX 
of the General Agreement, on and after October 18, 1961 
and so long as such treatment under Article XIX con- 
tinues, the United States, notwithstanding the second 
general note to Schedule XX to the Torquay Protocol of 
Terms of Accession to the General Agreement, shall apply 
to the products described in the attached Schedule treat- 
ment indicated therein, as though such treatment were 
provided for in the corresponding items in Part I of 
Schedule XX (Annecy-1949) and subject to the provisions 
of the Schedule attached hereto and of the General 

(3) Upon completion of such Article XXVIII negoti- 
ations with all contracting parties participating therein 
regarding compensatory adjustment for the withdrawal 
provided for in paragraph 1, the United States of America 
shall apply to the products described in the attached 
Schedule treatment no less favorable than the treatment 
indicated therein, as though such treatment were pro- 
vided for in the corresponding items in Part I of Schedule 
XX (Annecy-1949) and subject to the provisions of the 
Schedule attached hereto and of the General Agreement, 
with the understanding that as soon as practicable such 
treatment will be specifically included in Schedule XX 

In witness whereof the undersigned, being duly 
authorized by their respective Governments, have signed 
this agreement. 

Done at Washington, in duplicate, this September 15, 

For the United States of America : 
Leonard Weiss 
Acting Director, 
Office of International Trade 

For Sweden: 
GuNNAB Jarring 
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 

Tariff Act 

of 19S0. 



Description of Products 

Rates of Duty 
A B 

1405 Boxes of paper or papier mache 
or wood provided for in para- 
graph 1405, Tariff Act of 1930 : 
Covered or lined with paper 2^4^ per 2^ per 
but not covered or lined with lb. and lb. and 
cotton or other vegetable 4%% ad 4% ad 
fiber val. val. 


Department of Slate Butlet'm 

Subject to the provisions of this agreement, to the 
pertinent provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade, and to the provisions of section 350(a) (4) (B) 
and (C) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as now amended, the 
rates specified in the rate-colimins in this Schedule will 
become effective as follows : 

(a) Rates in column A will become initially effective 
on October 18, 1961, and rates in column B will become 
initially effective in each case upon the expiration of a 
full period of one year after the related rate in column 
A became initially effective. 

(b) For the purposes of subparagraph (a) above, the 
phrase "full period of one year" means a period or pe- 
riods aggregating one year exclusive of the time, after 
a rate becomes initially effective, when, by reason of 
legislation of the United States or action thereunder a 
higher rate of duty is being applied. 


United States 

Department of State 

September 15, 1961 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the supple- 
mentary trade agreement signed this date regarding 
compensation for the escape clause action on spring 
clothespins. During the interim period between the time 
the compensatory concession described in the said agree- 
ment is placed in effect by the United States and the time 
the Article XXVIII negotiations recited in said agree- 
ment are completed, the following conditions will be 
effective as to the said compensatory concession : 

In the event that the action by the President of the 
United States of America, by Proclamation No. 3211 of 
November 9, 1957, is modified or terminated so as to result 
in lower rates of duty for any of the products described 
in the first item 412 in Part I of Schedule XX to the 
Annecy Protocol of Terms of Accession to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade with respect to which 
the said action of November 9, 1957 was taljen, the Gov- 
ernment of the United States will consult promptly with 
the Government of Sweden regarding any appropriate 
measures to be taken with respect to the concessions 
in the Schedule attached to the agreement of this date 
between said parties. If agreement is not reached, the 
Government of the United States of America, on 90 days' 
written notice to the Contracting Parties to the General 
Agreement, may increase rates provided for in the afore- 
said Schedule to the agreement of this date to such extent 
as may be appropriate in the circumstances but in no 
case to a higher rate than the rate provided for the 
product involved in Schedule XX to the Torquay Protocol 
of Terms of Accession to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade on the date of the signature of the 
aforesaid agreement. 

I propose that the present note, and a note from you 
in reply confirming and accepting the foregoing proposal, 
be considered as an agreement between our two Govern- 
ments concerning the aforementioned supplementary trade 
agreement signed this date. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my high- 
est consideration. 

For the Secretary of State: 

Leonard Weiss 

His Excellency 
GuNNAR Jarring, 
Amhassador o/ Sweden 


Washington, D.C. 
September 15, 1961 

Royal Swedish Embassy 
No. 273 

Sir, I have the honour to refer to your note of today's 
date which reads as follows : 

[See U.S. note.] 

I have the honour to confirm and accept the proposal 
as set forth in the above-quoted note. Accordingly your 
note and the present note is considered an agreement 
between our two Governments concerning the aforemen- 
tioned supplementary trade agreement signed this date. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest 

Gunnar Jarring 

The Honourable 
Dean Rusk, 
The Secretary of State, 
Washington, D.C. 

United States and Japan Conclude 
Bilateral Textile Agreement 

Press release 631 dated September 13 


On September 8, 1961, representatives of the 
United States and Japan concluded negotiations 
for a bilateral cotton textile agreement as per- 
mitted by the Geneva cotton textile arrangement 
dated July 21, 1961.^ The final text of the draft 
agreement is now under review for approval by 
the two Governments. The draft agreement, 
which covers cotton textile exports from Japan 

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 336. 

Ocfober 2, 7961 


to the United States for 19G2, is to go into effect 
beginning Januai-y 1, 1962, replacing the arrange- 
ment existing between the two countries during 
the past 5 years. 

The chairman of the U.S. delegation was War- 
ren M. Christopher, Special Consultant to the 
Under Secretary for Economic Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State. Members of the delegation were : 
Avery F. Peterson, Deputy Assistant Secretary 
for Far Eastern Economic Affairs, Department 
of State; Hickman Price, Jr., Assistant Secretary 
for Domestic Affairs, Department of Commerce; 
Philip H. Trezise, Minister-Counselor for Eco- 
nomic Affairs, U.S. Embassy, Tokyo ; and Leo R. 
Wcrts, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter- 
national Labor Affairs, Department of Labor. 



Arrangements for 1962 Between the Go\'Ernments of 
Japan and the United States Concerning the Ex- 
port OF Cotton Textiles From Japan to the United 


In accordance with the provision in the Arrangej[ent8 
Regarding International Trade in Cotton Textiles 
done at Geneva and dated July 21, 19G1 (Geneva Ar- 
RANGE.\rENTs), permitting "mutually acceptable bilateral 
arrangements on other terms," the Governments of Japan 
and the United States adopt the following arrangement 
for the twelve months beginning January 1, 1962. 

1. The purpose of this arrangement is to maintain 
orderly marketing of Japanese cotton textiles in the 
United States by avoiding excessive concentration in any 
particular period or on any particular item and by con- 
tinued efforts to achieve broader diversification of cotton 
textile exports from Japan to the United States. 

2. To achieve this purpose, the Japanese Government 
shall maintain, for the period of twelve months beginning 
January 1, 1902, an aggregate limit on cotton textile 
exports to the United States, and limits on major groups 
and on certain categories within those groups. 

3. (1) If Japan considers that, as a result of ceilings 
established under this arrangement, a third country is 
being afforded an inequitable opportunity to increase its 
exports of cotton textiles to the United States, the Japa- 
nese Government may call for consulation with the United 
States Government, and the United States Government 
will take appropriate remedial action such as (a) reason- 
able modifications of this arrangement, (b) a request, 
pursuant to Section I.A. of the Geneva Abeangements, 
to the third country to restrain its exports to the United 
States, or (c) action against the third country to prevent 
circumvention or frustration of the Geneva Arrange- 
ments or of this arrangement. 

(2) The Japanese Government will take appropriate 
action to prevent the circumvention or frustration of this 
arrangement by transshipments of goods to the United 
States through third countries, by substitution of directly 
competitive textiles for cotton textiles, or by other means. 

4. Wherever a specific ceiling has been established, the 
basis for control will be the number of units (e.g. square 
yards, dozens, pieces, pounds, etc.) established as a 
ceiling. The conversion into equivalent square yards Is 
for the purpose of providing a common statistical basis 
for measurement of the overall program. Wherever 
pounds are mentioned, the conversion shall be at the 
rate of 4.6 square yards per pound. The parties will 
consult with each other to establish a basis for the 
conversion of other units to square yards, if necessary. 

5. Exports from Japan to the United States of particu- 
lar items shall be distributed equally by quarters as far 
as practicable and as necessary to meet seasonal demands. 

6. The over-all limit for Japanese exports of cotton 
textiles to the United States shall be 275 million square 
yards in the twelve months beginning January 1, 1962. 

7. The over-all limit shall be subdivided into 5 major 
groups as follows : 

Million Square Yards 

Group I— Cotton Cloth 125. 5 

II — Made-up Goods, Usually Included 
in U.S. Cotton Broad Woven Goods 

Production 35 

III — Woven Apparel 90. 5 

IV— Knit Goods 14 

V — Miscellaneous Cotton Textiles 10 

Total 275 

8. Within the over-all annual total, the ceilings for 
Groups I, II, III, IV, and V may be exceeded by not more 
than five percent, provided that this provision for "flexi- 
bility" shall permit an increase only in the "Other" cate- 
gories referred to in Paragi-aphs 9, 11, 13 and 15, and in 
Group V. 

9. The following limits shall be applicable within the 
total of 125.5 million square yards for Group I — "Cotton 
Cloth" : 

milion Square Tarda 

1. Ginghams (including Gingham Stripes) — 46.2 

2. Velveteens 2. 75 

3. AU other Fabrics 76.55 

Within the category of "All Other Fabrics", the total 
of which shall not exceed 76.55 million square yards, the 
following specific limits shall not be exceeded : 

Million Square Tarda 

a. Sheeting 30.0 

b. Shirting (80x80 type) 20.0 

c. Other Shirting 32.0 

d. Twin and Sateen 39. 

e. Poplin 30.0 

f. Yarn Dyed Fabrics (except Ginghams) 29.0 


Deparfment of Stale Bulletin 

10. The following additional provisions are applicable 
to the cloth distribution in paragraph 9 : 

(1) Within the overall limit for Group I, any shortfall 
with respect to ginghams or velveteens may be transferred 
to category 3 — "All Other Fabrics". 

(2) Within the limit of 76.55 million square yards, for 
fabrics other than ginghams or velveteens (i.e., fabrics a. 
through f . ) , the total exports of fabrics made from combed 
warp and filling shall not exceed 33 million square yards. 

11. The following specific limits shall apply within the 
total for Group II — "Made-up Goods Usually Included in 
U.S. Cotton Broad Woven Production" : 

Unil No. 

1. Pillowcases (plain) 1,000 doz_. 450 

2. Dish Towels 1,000 doz.. 840 

3. All Other Made-up Goods.. 1,000 lbs. . 5,573 

Within the category of "All Other Made-up Goods," 
the total of which shall not exceed 5.573 million pounds, 
the following specific ceilings shall not be exceeded: 

Unit No. 

a. Handkerchiefs 1,000 doz.. 1,260 

b. Table Damask l,000s.y.. 11,375 

12. Within the over-all total for Group II, any shortfall 
in categories 1 and 2 may be transferred to category 3 — 
"All Other Made-up Goods." 

13. The following specific limits shall apply within the 
total for Group III — "Woven Apparel": 

Unit No. 

1. Blouses. 1,000 doz.. 1,575 

2. Sport Shirts 1,000 doz.. 787.5 

3. Shorts and Trousers 1,000 doz.. 1,000 

4. All Other Woven Apparel.. 1,000 lbs.. 6, 642 

Within the category of "All Other Woven Apparel," 
the total of which shall not exceed 6.642 million pounds, 
the following specific ceilings shall not be exceeded: 

Unit No- 
ll,. Raincoats 1,000 doz.. 60 

b. Dress and Work Shirts 1,000 doz.. 315 

0. Brassieres and Other Body 1,000 doz.. 800 

Supporting Garments. 
d. Dressing Gowns and Robes. 1,000 doz.. 70 

14. Within the over-all total for Group III, any short- 
fall in categories 1 through 3 may be transferred to cate- 
gory 4 — "All Other Woven Apparel". 

15. The following specific limits shall apply within the 
total for Group IV— "Knit Goods": 

Unit No. 

1. All Men's and Boys' T- 1,000 doz.. 643 

2. Knit Shirts— Other than 1,000 dor.. 809 

3. Gloves and mittens 1,000 doz.. 472.5 

4. All Other Knit Goods 1,000 lbs... 397.4 

October 2, 7 96 J 

16. Within the over-all total for Group IV, any short- 
fall in categories 1 through 3 may be transferred to cate- 
gory 4 — "All Other Knit Goods". 

17. Within the over-all total for Group V are Included, 
among others, such categories as cotton floor coverings, 
fish nets and netting, cotton thread, etc. 

18. To avoid excessive concentration, it is understood 
that whenever there is excessive concentration of Japanese 
exports in any particular cotton textile items except those 
for which specific quotas and ceilings are established and 
such concentration is causing or threatening disruption of 
the United States domestic market (or if there are other 
problems, e.g. possible problems resulting from an exces- 
sive concentration of exports of end items made from a 
particular type of fabric, such as the use of gingham In 
the manufacture of an excessively large portion of ex- 
ported blouses, sport shirts, etc.), the United States Gov- 
ernment may call for consultation with the Japanese Gov- 
ernment to determine an appropriate course of action. 
In determining such appropriate course of action, imports 
from third countries and the degree of impact of imports 
on the industries concerned at the time of consultation 
shall be taken into account. Pending agreement on fur- 
ther action, the Japanese Government shall hold the 
exports of the items in question at 110 percent of the 
exports of such items during the twelve months prior to 

Current Actions 



Articles of agreement of the International Finance Ciorpo- 
ration. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. Entered into 
force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620. 
Signature and acceptance: New Zealand, August 31, 1961. 


Declaration of understanding regarding the International 
Convention for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries. Done 
at Washington April 24, 1961.' 
Acceptance deposited: Canada, September 15, 1961. 

Oil Pollution 

International convention for the prevention of pollution of 
the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at London May 12, 
1954. Enters into force for the United States Decem- 
ber 8, 1961. 

Signatures: Belgium, Canada, Ceylon,* Denmark, Fin- 
land, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Greece,' 
Ireland, Italy,'' Japan," Liberia," Mexico, Netherlands, 
New Zealand," Norway, Sweden, Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics,* United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia." 
Acceptances deposited: Belgium, April 16, 1957 ; Canada, 
December 19, 1956; Denmark, November 26, 1956; 
Finland, December 30, 1958; France, July 26, 1957; 
Federal Republic of Germany (applicable to Land 

' Not in force. 

" Subject to acceptance or ratification. 


Berlin), June 11, 195C ; Ireland, February 13, 1957; 
Mexico, May 10, 1956 ; Netherlands (Including Nether- 
lands New Guinea), July 24, 1958; Norway, Janu- 
ary 26, 1957; Poland, February 28, 1961; Sweden, 
May 24, 1956; United Kingdom, May 6, 1955; United 
States, September 8, 1961." 

Trade and Commerce 

Declaration on provisional accession of Israel to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
May 29, 1959. Entered into force for the United States 
December 19, 1959. TIAS 4384. 
Signature: Australia, July 24, 1961. 
Statement confirming signature deposited: Federal 

Republic of Germany, June 16, 1961. 
Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force for the 
United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 4498. 
Signature: Turkey, June 23, 1961. 
Statement confirming signature deposited: Federal 

Republic of Germany, July 10, 1961. 
Declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva November IS, I960.' 
Signatures: Federal Republic of Germany (subject to 

ratification), June 12, 1961 ; AustraUa, June 13, 1961 ; 

■South Africa, June 20, 1961 ; Turkey, June 23, 1961 ; 

Indonesia, June 30, 1961 ; Italy, July 6, 1961. 



Treaty of friendship, establishment and navigation, and 
protocol. Signed at Brussels February 21, 1961.* 
Ratification advised hy the Senate: September 11, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the disposal of surplus U.S. property 
in Canada. Effected by exchange of notes at Ottawa 
August 28 and September 1, 1961. Entered into force 
September 1, 1961. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of June 18, 1958, as amended (TIAS 4042 and 
4068). Effected by exchange of notes at Colombo Au- 
gust 24, 1961. Entered into force August 24, 1961. 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of March 13, 1959, as amended (TIAS 4211 and 
4242). Effected by exchange of notes at Colombo 
August 24, 1961. Entered into force August 24, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a weather 
facility in Punta Arenas. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Santiago March 29 and August 12, 1961. Entered 
into force August 12, 1961. 


Amendment to the agreement of August 4, 1955 (TIAS 
3310), for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic 
energy. Signed at Washington June 11, 1960. 
Entered into force: September 13, 1961 ; provisionally 
in force from August 4, 1960. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement relating to the establishment of a joint pro- 
gram of space research. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Washington September 8, 1961. Entered into force 
September 8, 1961. 


Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at 
Saigon April 3, 1961.' 
Ratification advised iy the Senate: September 11, 1961. 



Robert N. Margrave as Director, Office of Munitions 
Control, effective July 9. 

' Subject to reservations and an understanding. 
* Not in force. 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: September 11-17 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 


Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 






U.S. participation in international 



Rusk : International Navigation 



Program for visit of Presidents of 
Indonesia and Mali. 



ICA helps finance school in Congo. 



Delegation to 16th U.N. General As- 
sembly sworn in (biographic de- 



State advisory committee (rewrite). 



Air talks with Panama. 



Sanjuan : Maryland Legislative 



Reply to Japanese note on nuclear 



Textile agreement with Japan. 



Program for visit of President of 
Peru (rewrite). 



Austrian fund for settlement of per- 
secutee property loss. 



Lindley: "The Current World 



Portugal credentials (rewrite). 



Supplementary tariff agreement 
with Sweden. 



Communique of Western foreign 




Department statement on fighting 
in Katanga, 


*Not printc 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

October 2, 1961 


Vol. XLV, No. 1162 

Atomic Energy 

President Announces Resumption of Nuclear 

Tests 543 

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation 

Agreement With Prance (Kennedy, Rusk, Gilpat- 

rie, Seaborg, text of agreement) 556 

United States and Japan Exchange Notes on 

Nuclear Tests (texts of notes) 544 

Austria. Claims May Be Filed Under Austria's 

Property Restoration Fund 553 

Aviation. U.S. and Panama Open Air Talks . . 554 

Claims. Claims May Be Filed Under Austria's 
Property Restoration Fund 553 

Communism. The CurrentWorld Scene (Llndley) . 546 

Congo (Leopoldville) 

U.S. Hopes for Cease-Fire in Katanga, Supports 

Integrity of Congo Nation 550 

U.S. To Aid Republic of the Congo in Agricultural 

Development 554 

Congress, Tlie. President Urges Approval of 
Atomic Cooperation Agreement With France 
(Kennedy, Rusk, Gilpatric, Seaborg, text of 
agreement) 556 

Department and Foreign Service. Designations 

(Margrave) 574 

Economic Affairs 

Import Restrictions Imposed on Certain Cotton 

Products (text of proclamation) 555 

Secretary Rusk Greets International Navigation 
Congress (Rusk) 563 

United States and Japan Conclude Bilateral Textile 

Agreement (text of draft agreement) .... 571 

United States and Sweden Sign Supplementary 
Tariff Agreement (texts of agreement and 
notes) 569 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Department Urges Maryland To Pass Public Accom- 
modations Bill (Sanjuan) 551 

State Advisory Committee Holds Third Con- 
ference 552 

Europe. Pressures for Migration From Europe 

Slacken in 1961 (Warren) 565 


President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation 
Agreement With Prance (Kennedy, Rusk, Gil- 
patric, Seaborg, text of agreement) 556 

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss Measures To 

Meet Soviet Threats (text of communique) . . 545 


The Current World Scene (Llndley) 546 

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss Measures To 

Meet Soviet "Threats (text of communique) . . 54.5 

Indonesia. President Kennedy Receives Represent- 
atives of Belgrade Conference. Explains U.S. 
Position on Current World Situation (Keita, 
Kennedy, Sukarno, text of message from Belgrade 
conference) 539 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 561 

President Kennedy Receives Representatives of 
Belgrade Conference, Explains U.S. Position on 
Current World Situation (Keita, Kennedy, Su- 
karno, text of message from Belgrade confer- 
ence) 539 

Pressures for Migration From Europe Slacken in 
1961 (Warren) 565 


United States and Japan Conclude Bilateral Textile 

Agreement (text of draft agreement) .... 571 

United States and Japan Exchange Notes on 

Nuclear Tests (texts of notes) 544 

Korea. Chairman of Council for National Recon- 
struction of Korea To Visit U.S 551 

Mali. President Kennedy Receives Representa- 
tives of Belgrade Conference, Explains U.S. 
Position on Current World Situation (Keita, 
Kennedy, Sukarno, text of message from Belgrade 
conference) 539 

Mutual Security. U.S. To Aid Republic of the Congo 

in Agricultural Development 554 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President 
Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation Agreement 
With France (Kennedy, Rusk, Gilpatric, Sea- 
borg, text of agreement) 556 

Panama. U.S. and Panama Open Air Talks . . . 554 

Portugal. Letters of Credence (Pereira) . . . 543 

Presidential Documents 

Import Restrictions Imposed on Certain Cotton 
Products 555 

President Kennedy Receives Representatives of Bel- 
grade Conference, Explains U.S. Position on Cur- 
rent World Situation 539 

President Sends Message to Conference on Science 

and World Affairs 553 

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation 

Agreement With France 556 

Refugees. Pressures for Migration From Europe 

Slacken in 1961 (Warren) 565 

Science. President Sends Message to Conference on 

Science and World Affairs (text of message) . . 553 

Sweden. United States and Sweden Sign Supple- 
mentary Tariff Agreement (texts of agreement 
and notes) 569 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 573 

President Urges Approval of Atomic Cooperation 
Agreement With France (Kennedy, Rusk, Gil- 
patric, Seaborg, text of agreement) 556 

United States and Japan Conclude Bilateral Textile 

Agreement (text of draft agreement) .... 571 

United States and Sweden Sign Supplementary 
Tariff Agreement (texts of agreement and 
notes) 569 


The Current World Scene (Llndley) 546 

Western Foreign Ministers Discuss Measures To 

Meet Soviet Threats (text of communique) . . 545 

United Kingdom. Western Foreign Ministers Dis- 
cuss Measures To Meet Soviet Threats (text of 
communique) 545 

United Nations. U.S. Hopes for Cease-Fire in 
Katanga, Supports Integrity of Congo Nation . . 550 

Name Index 

Gilpatric, Roswell L 557 

Keita, Modibo 540 

Kennedy, President 539, 553, 555, 556 

Liudley, Ernest K 546 

Margrave, Robert N 574 

Pak Chung Hee 551 

Pereira, Pedro Theotonio 543 

Rusk, Secretary 557, 563 

Sanjuan, Pedro 551 

Seaborg, Glenn T 557 

Sukarno, Dr 539 

Warren, George L 565 





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New pamphlets on vital topics — 

BERLIN— 1961 

In the words of Secretary of State Dean Rusk, "This pamphlet 
sets forth some of the basic facts about Berlin, the repeated assaults 
on its freedom, and our obligations. It outlines also our patient and 
persistent efforts to resolve the issues involved by peaceful means. 
I believe that it will provide useful background for all citizens. Public 
understanding of the necessity for both firmness and diplomacy will 
contribute to the prospects for peace." The 48-page Backgrov/nd 
pamphlet also contains a number of documents relating to the situation 
in Berlin. 

Publication 7257 

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The Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests 
began on October 31, 1958, with the United States, the United King- 
dom, and the Soviet Union as participants. More than 300 sessions 
later, the United States and United Kingdom put on the table at 
Geneva a proposed new treaty aimed at ending the fear of nuclear 
tests and radioactive fallout through a pledge by all signatory nations 
not to test nuclear weapons — a pledge to be made meaningful by 
international inspection. 

Provisions of the treaty and problems involved in its adoption are 
discussed in this 34-page pamphlet released in mid- August 1961. 

Publication 7254 

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BERLIN— 1961 



Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 

:) :>.it\^Q 

Vol. XLV, No, 1163 

October 9, 1961 






by Under Secretary of State Ball and Secretary of the Treasury 
Dillon 579 

MENT NEGOTIATIONS • Texts of V.S.-U.S.S.R. Report 
to General Assembly and Supplementary U.S. Documents . 589 


by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson 597 


Assistant Secretary Williams 600 


by G. Etzel Pearcy 604 

For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLV, No. 1163 • Publication 7278 
October 9, 1961 

Boston Public Library 
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Washington 25, D.O. 


(2 Issues, domestic $, foreign $12.25 

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tlon approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Bulletin as tiie source will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin is Indeicd in the 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government trith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as tcell as 
special articles on various phases of 
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tchich the United States is or may 
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Publications of the Department, 
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Free-World Growth and Progress 

The Boards of Governors of the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the 
International Monetary Fiend, the International 
Finance Corporation, and the International De- 
velopment Association held their annual meetings 
at Vienna September 18-22. Following are texts 
of statements made by Under Secretary of State 
George W. Ball at the BanK's meeting and hy Sec- 
retary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon at the 
Fund's meeting. 


Press release 646 dated September 19 ; as-delivered text 

On behalf of the Government of the United 
States I should like to add a special word of our 
shock and sorrow at the death of Dag Hammar- 
skjold and to express the hope that, through the 
efforts of the governments represented here, the 
deliberations and actions of the United Nations, 
and particularly those of the special agencies of 
the United Nations that are meeting here today, 
we may advance the cause of peace, for which Dag 
Hammarskjold devoted his untiring energies and 
for which he gave his life. 

No one can study the annual report of the In- 
ternational Bank for Eeconstruction and Develop- 
ment, nor listen to the statement made to us this 
morning by its distinguished President [Eugene 
E. Black], nor observe its operations throughout 
the past few years, without the conviction that 
it has outgrown its name. The International 
Bank today is no longer merely a remarkable 
financial institution but a major instrument of 
human advancement. Under the perceptive and 
imaginative leadership of its President and other 
officers, its Executive Directors and its staff, it 
has provided not only material help but wise coun- 
sel to nations, both new and old, that are caught 

up in the great ferment that is sweeping the world. 

The nature of this ferment is still difficult to 
comprehend. Its elements are political, economic, 
social, cultural, and scientific. It affects more 
than half of the world's peoples. It involves the 
release of massive forces through a kind of seismic 
social convulsion — the crumbling of old systems 
and the creation, often in violence and blood, of 
new nations and institutions. 

What we are experiencing today is distinct from 
the waves of political revolution we have known 
at earlier times. That half of the world's popu- 
lation embroiled in this ferment is asking for 
more than national independence. Most of the 
peoples involved in this surging movement have 
already secured the juridical right to rule them- 
selves. But all too often this is only the beginning 
of the task of building the essential institutions 
of statehood. 

The people in what we have come to call the less 
developed areas of the world are giving insistent 
voice to many and varied demands — demands 
which we should not, indeed which we cannot, 

They are demanding access to the basic material 
requirements of life — food, clothing, and shelter — 
which previous generations have known so mea- 
gerly. They are demanding other material com- 
forts and conveniences that are available to the 
peoples of the more developed societies. They 
are demanding personal freedom and dignity, 
better education for themselves and their chil- 
dren, and the opportunity for cultural and spirit- 
ual growth. Finally, they are demanding the 
right to live out their lives in peace and security. 

Quite obviously, all these demands cannot be 
satisfied quickly even by the most far-reaching 
and successful programs of economic develop- 
ment. Yet economic development remains an in- 
dispensable element in their fulfillment. If the 
revolution which we are witnessing today is to 

October 9, J 96 7 


succeed — and its frustration could mean only ca- 
tastrophe — then the more developed nations must 
provide, through public assistance and private in- 
vestment (and I do not for a moment underesti- 
mate the importance of private investment), that 
measure of resources needed to transform and 
modernize at least half the globe. 

All of this has been said before and much bet- 
ter. But today I want to emphasize two con- 
siderations that are not always adequately 

First is the element of time and urgency. Most 
of the older industrial societies achieved their 
present levels of economic and technical develop- 
ment over a period of centuries, but the less de- 
veloped nations of today will not wait. Two bil- 
lion people are no longer prepared to accept the 
miserable conditions of life which their ancestors 
patiently endured. They are persuaded that the 
vaulting technology of the modem world offers 
the phj^sical means by which centuries of stag- 
nation can be overcome. 

The second element that complicates our task 
is our lack of reliable insight into what we are 
doing and where we are going. We know very 
little about the anatomy of economic and social 
growth. An abundance of preconception mas- 
querades as principle ; an abundance of theory sub- 
stitutes for experience. Yet the lessons implicit 
in the histoiy of industrialized societies are largely 
irrelevant, for we are dealing with disparate cul- 
tures, with violent emotional impulses, and with 
explosive political pressures. We find ourselves 
constantly moving into new terrain. We must 
experiment, appraise, and try to learn by doing, 
without losing our forward momentum. 

Special Contribution of IBRD 

It is here that the IBRD and its affiliated insti- 
tutions are making a special contribution — the 
contribution of experience patiently acquired, 
thoughtfully appraised, and incisively applied. 
In a real sense the Bank has been a pioneer, mov- 
ing with firm through the tangled forest 
of economic development. 

It is because of its willingness to depart from 
precedent that the Bank has evolved from being 
merely a lender of money to an institution that 
is playing a part in shaping the world revolution 
of development. In this process the Bank, 
through its varied initiatives, has contributed to 

our understanding of the process of development, 
and the means of encouraging that process, far 
more than most of us realize. 

The Bank, for example, has not been bound by 
any doctrinaire commitment to the principle that 
the marketplace must be the sole arbiter of in- 
vestment. Many less developed coimtries possess 
neither the institutional structure nor a sufficient 
entrepreneurial tradition to make this feasible. 
If resources are to be injected into the investment 
stream in such a manner as to contribute most 
efficiently to economic growth, then they must be 
employed systematically to build those basic ele- 
ments of production — transportation, roads, power 
plants, and factories — that are indispensable to 
the growth process. And this obviously implies 
a considerable measure of planning at the national 
level in which the state must necessarily take the 

The recognition of this paradox — that intelli- 
gent planning for a less developed economy may 
be essential to the progressive achievement of eco- 
nomic freedom as the society moves toward a 
higlier level — has been implicit in much that the 
Bank has done. 

At the same time the Bank has come to under- 
stand that national planning is itself an esoteric 
art which most less developed societies cannot 
practice effectively without help and guidance. 
As an international organization bringing together 
the skills of many nations, the Bank has equipped 
itself to provide that guidance in ways that take 
into account the sensitivities of the developing 

Perhaps the most refined form of the Bank's 
activities in this connection has been the organ- 
ization of consortia. In providing the leadership 
for consortia the Bank has had an extraordinary 
opportunity to encourage, review, and criticize 
national economic plans. I am sure that few of us 
are fully aware of the amount of painstaking ef- 
fort that has been expended in the leadership of 
consortia or of the quantity or quality of useful ^ 
advice which the Bank's technicians have provided 
to the developmg countries. 

But the perfection of the consortium is not the 
only contribution which the Bank has made to 
the art and practice of national planning. It has 
created an Economic Development Institute to 
train senior government officials, and the man- j 
agement of the Bank has recently proposed a 


Department of State Bulletin 

Development Advisory Service which the Execu- 
tive Directors have approved. Through this De- 
velopment Advisory Service the Bank may pro- 
vide expert help in development planning on a 
continuous basis, through career-type pei-sonnel. 
It may establish resident missions, where re- 
quested, to assist in tlie preparation and execution 
of broad development programs. It may furnish 
technical advice and assistance in the actual ad- 
ministration of particular programs of lesser 
scope. This, it seems to me, is a useful extension 
of the Bank's activities and one which deserves 
our full support. 

One reason why the Bank has succeeded in its 
diverse tasks is that it has perceived the need to 
adapt its tools to the requirements of the responsi- 
bilities it has undertaken. 

Tlie establishment of the International Devel- 
opment Association is, I think, a manifestation 
of this perception. The IDA is now an effective 
member of the community of international lend- 
ing institutions. But, as we can see from its first 
amiual report, the demands on the International 
Development Association are increasing. We may 
well need to face an enlargement of IDA fmids 
in the near future. 

U.S. Aid Program 

With the facilities of IDA serving as a comple- 
ment to its own, the IBRD should be able to in- 
crease its effectiveness. Yet action through inter- 
national mechanisms such as the Bank and its 
affiliated institutions is, of course, only one phase 
of the massive effort that is needed to meet the 
demands confronting us. 

The United States has long recognized that the 
economically advanced countries cannot fulfill 
their responsibility solely through their partici- 
pation in the work of the Bank. During the last 
few months my Government has been engaged in 
a major renovation and strengthening of its own 
arrangements for bilateral assistance. President 
Kennedy's new program, which the Congress has 
just approved, rests on two major premises. 

The first is the same premise which has ani- 
mated much of the work of the Bank— that 
sustained economic and social progress under con- 
ditions of freedom can be achieved only by regard- 
ing the development process from the point of view 
of the recipient nation as a whole. Development 
programs can best succeed where there is a deter- 

mination on the part of the peoples to mobilize 
their own resources for the purposes of working 
out overall country programs in which each proj- 
ect is related to all other projects. Hiunan needs 
are too acute and capital resources too limited for 
money to be devoted to isolated projects which con- 
tribute little to the total national economy of an 
underdeveloped country. 

The other major premise which played a part in 
the development of President Kennedy's new pro- 
gram has been the conviction that the task of rais- 
ing the level of life in the less developed countries 
is one which the economically advanced nations 
must share. It is an undertaking far beyond 
the resources of any one nation. 

It was with this in mind that my Government 
has welcomed the initiative taken by the IBRD 
in the sponsorship of consortia. It is with this in 
mind also that we have become an active partici- 
pant in the Development Assistance Group, soon 
to become the Development Assistance Committee 
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development. This group will provide a 
means for systematic consultation to increase the 
total volume of resources for development and to 
improve their utilization. 

We have great hopes for the new Development 
Assistance Committee. We are convinced that, as 
it gains experience, it can play an even more use- 
ful role. Yet, here also, we are moving in an area 
of empiricism and only time and experience will 
show exactly how the work of the Committee will 

But I do want to make one point quite clear. 
The Development Assistance Committee is merely 
another tool for all of us to use in responding to 
the f oiTnidable demands imposed by the revolution 
of development. In helping to mobilize the re- 
sources of the industrialized countries through all 
appropriate mechanisms — including consortia 
xmder certain circumstances — it will be in no sense 
a competitor of the Bank. Its activities will be 
harmonized so as to supplement and complement 
the Bank's own most useful efforts. 

The efforts of which I have spoken so far — bi- 
lateral, international, and national — offer hope 
and encouragement for the future. Primarily 
they are concerned, however, with only a single 
aspect of the development process, the provision of 
technical services and the investment of external 
capital resources to insure economic growth. 

October 9, J 96 1 


Yet we all know that economic development 
cannot be an end in itself. It is merely one 
means — albeit an indispensable one — of satisfying 
human aspirations. Economic development is 
aimed ultimately at the achievement of broad 
humanitarian goals. But if the goals are actually 
to be realized we must face up to the uncomfortable 
fact that economic development will have to be 
accompanied by other political, social, cultural, 
and economic processes — and this presents a major 

Issue of Uncontrolled Government 

Economic development cannot serve its real 
purpose if its benefits are enjoyed exclusively by 
a wealthy elite, while the great masses remain in 
poverty. Nor can there be any assurance of last- 
ing benefits from economic development in any 
nation where the government is the master of so- 
ciety and not its servant. 

It is with respect to this point, I think, that the 
debate among the more advanced countries as to 
the most desirable system of economic and social 
organization is most often misunderstood, par- 
ticularly in the less developed nations. All too 
frequently the controversy is regarded as merely 
a dispute concerning the merits of governmental 
intervention in the economic processes of society. 

Nothing could be further from the truth; the 
argument is far more fundamental than that. 
Every modem society — however advanced or 
primitive — takes for granted a measure of govern- 
mental control over the economy. The critical 
issue of our times is not "government control" but 
uncontrolled government. Where the people of 
any nation lack the power to choose their rulers, 
can criticize them only at personal peril, and have 
no effective means of influencing their behavior, 
these people can easily be reduced to slavery and 
there is no guarantee that any degree of economic 
development \vill actually benefit anyone except 
the rulers themselves. 

The Population Explosion 

A second major problem stems from the fact 
that the successful achievement of our humanitar- 
ian objectives depends to a considerable extent 
upon the ability of economic growth to keep pace 
with demographic developments. The "popula- 

tion explosion" has become a familiar term in re- 
cent years. Even so, its true dimensions are 
difficult to grasp. Some time this year, the three- 
billionth human being will be born. On the basis 
of a statistical average, 200 births occur every 
minute. It is also a stark fact of demography that 
the major portion of these births are taking place 
in the less developed regions of the world. 

The prevailing rate of population growth affects 
not only the net rate of economic advancement 
but also the volume of resources and the nature of 
the national programs required to achieve rapid 
development. Even under the best of circum- 
stances, the less developed nations will fight a 
losing battle unless they can obtain, and use with 
maximum efficiency, a huge volmne of capital and 
teclmical skills. In this context, the population 
explosion, if continued, will place an ever-increas- 
ing burden on the moi-e advanced countries and 
international lending institutions. It will place a 
burden as well on the developing countries, to 
achieve greater effectiveness in mobilizing internal 
resources for development. 

The population problem must, of course, be 
taken into accoiuit in drafting national develop- 
ment programs. Areas with plentiful manpower 
may find it useful to stress development acti^-ities 
of a labor-intensive nature. Nations with small 
populations relative to resources may more appro- 
priately consider labor-saving activities. And the 
rate of population growth will, of course, require 
close attention to the proper balance between in- 
creasing the production of basic foodstuffs and 
quickening the pace toward industrialization. 

Rapid population growth, therefore, conditions 
the prospects for achieving the true objectives of 
economic development. It is a problem intimately 
bound up with the social and cultural traditions — 
and inhibitions — of each particular country. It 
is a problem which, in all its aspects, calls increas- 
ingly for the exercise of the most mature wisdom. 
But while we cannot soh'e this problem here to- 
day we can at least define our goal. We want a 
world in which every birth is accompanied by a 

There is a third major problem which is too 
often neglcctetl. In our preoccupation with the 
process of development at the national level we 
have given all too little thought, I fear, to the total 
economic impact of the development revolution 
on t lie world as a whole. 


Department of State Bulletin 

We can hardly expect the less developed nations 
to attain a level of self-sustaining growth if they 
are unable to earn a growing volume of convert- 
ible foreign exchange in world markets. Any 
program for economic development may become an 
absurdity unless it realistically takes account of 
world trading patterns and prospects. 

World Trading Patterns 

There are several facets to this complex prob- 
lem. First, the less developed nations must be 
able to find reasonably stable markets for the raw 
materials they produce. The foreign aid provided 
under even the most ambitious assistance program 
for a developing nation can be totally negated if 
that nation suffers an abrupt cyclical decline in 
the world market price for a major raw material 
it exports. This is particularly true of those coun- 
tries which are dependent upon one or two basic 
commodities for the bulk of their foreign ex- 
change earnings. 

Quite apart from these cyclical fluctuations, we 
know also that certain primary commodities show 
a continuous tendency toward increasing output. 
As a result, the aggregate supply of these prod- 
ucts may come to exceed any conceivable future 
demand at reasonable prices. Obviously, any de- 
velopment program aimed at increasing a coim- 
try's capacity for producing commodities in world 
surplus will be self-defeating. In persistent sur- 
plus situations we must face the hard necessity of 
devising mechanisms, within a worldwide frame- 
work, to stabilize prices and production. 

This is a problem which is preoccupying the 
United States Government today. We are giving 
a great deal of thought and effort to its solution. 
But I must emphasize that it cannot be solved 
by the creation of special preferential systems be- 
tween groups of primary producing countries and 
one or more industrialized countries. Such dis- 
criminatory solutions, in the long run, will only 
delay and complicate the working out of these 
problems on a worldwide basis. 

Another aspect of this question which enters 
into the total equation of development planning is 
the impact of worldwide industrialization on 
world markets. As the less developed countries 
progress toward economic advancement they will 
begin to move progressively into the edges of in- 
dustrialization. Initially they may concentrate 

on the production of articles needed to meet the 
expanding demands of their own peoples. But 
if they are ever to be capable of continuing the 
development process through their own efforts, 
if they are to reach the beckoning goal of self- 
sustaining growth, then they must be able to sell 
their production on the world markets. 

It goes without saying that in many of the de- 
veloping nations the most valuable productive 
resource is low-cost labor. With a large reservoir 
of unskilled labor and a shortage of capital it is 
only natural that such countries should tend to 
concentrate their production in labor-intensive in- 
dustries. In an ideal world one might expect the 
industrial nations to move consciously toward 
more sophisticated production, leaving to the de- 
veloping nations an expanding field for simpler 
manufactures. But this is not an ideal world, 
and we all know well enough that the structural 
adjustments which this implies, even though 
marginal so far as most economies are concerned, 
cannot be easily or quickly accomplished. 

I would expect, therefore, that we are only at 
the beginning of a process in which the govern- 
ments of the industrialized nations must take the 
lead in providing an orderly opportunity for the 
expansion of markets for the production of the 
underdeveloped nations. In the absence of a 
srreat deal of will and effort and consultation 
among nations there is grave danger that the nor- 
mal and necessary changes in trading patterns will 
be artificially distorted by restrictive reflexes on 
the part of major consuming nations. In that 
event the hope for a prosperous world in which 
resources are most effectively used would be 
cruelly delayed or frustrated. 

Broad Approach to Development Planning 

In my remarks this morning I have recited a 
catalog of problems. Economic development it- 
self, the improvement of political and social or- 
ganization, the population explosion, and the 
relationship of economic development to the 
world tradmg system — all of these are complex 
and difficult— formidable troubles for an already 
troubled world. 

I would not suggest that the IBRD— nor any 
other national or international agency engaged in 
economic development — has the power to solve 
these problems. We cannot possibly assure a per- 

Ocfofaer 9, 7967 


feet adjustment between economic planning on the 
one hand and the relevant political, social, demo- 
graphic, and commercial factors on the other. 
However, we must do our best to make certain 
that our plans and efforts in the field of economic 
development do not wholly ignore these vital 
problems — that we take account of them to the 
extent permitted by the dimensions of our knowl- 
edge and by the built-in limitations of the environ- 
ment in wliich we work. 

Development plamiing is complex, and those 
responsible for such planning may be forgiven a 
certain reluctance to accept the introduction of 
new complexities. But we shall do ourselves no 
service unless we make sure that those objectives 
are not frustrated by our indifference to forces and 
elements tliat are not included in the narrow defi- 
nition of development planning. A great Ameri- 
can philosopher once defined a fanatic as "a man 
who redoubles his efforts when he has forgotten 
his aim." The field of economic development de- 
mands men of talent and dedication but men for 
whom the overall humanitarian aim is always 
clearly visible. 

It is with confidence this morning that we can 
commend the work of the Bank and its related 
institutions. Its past achievements are solid and 
enduring. Its future prospects are encouraging 
indeed, and I want to welcome all the new and 
prospective members of the Bank and IDA rep- 
resented here today. 

I think we can say without qualification that 
the Bank has become a vital instrument for pre- 
serving a peaceful and orderly world and for 
promoting the advancement of mankind toward 
higher plateaus of material and spiritual well- 


First, let me say how delighted I am to be 
once again in the gracious and storied city of 
"Vienna. Since my last visit a little more than a 
year ago, I have seen fresh evidence of growth 
and change — change that reflects the industry, the 
imagination, and the initiative of the Austrian 
people. The stability of the Austrian Govern- 
ment in postwar years, the extent of Austria's 
remarkable economic resurgence, the unswerving 
devotion of the Austrisui people to democratic 

principles — all are features of modem Austria i| 
that command our respect. This small nation, 
this revered cradle of thought and culture, this 
courageous outpost on the frontiers of freedom, 
has aroused the admiration of free men every- 
where. On behalf of my Government — on behalf 
of the President of the United States, who recalls 
with pleasure the warm hospitality he received 
here last June ^ — I wish to say that we consider 
Vienna to be a most auspicious setting for the 
important work upon which we are embarked. 

During the past year the International Mone- 
tary Fund, under the distinguished leadership of 
Per Jacobsson, has again demonstrated its vital 
importance to world monetary stability and eco- 
nomic growth. 

The role of the Fund is being further enhanced 
at this meeting, where we have the privilege of 
welcoming to our deliberations 10 new countries, 
the largest increase in a single year's operations 
since the Fund's inception. It is a particular 
pleasure for me to welcome to our midst our good 
friends from Cyprus, Laos, Liberia, Nepal, New 
Zealand, Nigeria, Portugal, Senegal, Sierra Leone, 
and Togo. 

Since we met a year ago in Washington,^ $2.4 ^ 
billion has been drawn from the Fund. A major . 
part of that was the recent drawing by the United I 
Kingdom, but 21 other member countries made 
drawings totaling more than $900 million. There 
are also 20 standby arrangements in effect, with 
unused drawing rights totaling $1.2 billion. 

Fund assistance in the past year has both 
strengthened the structure of currency converti- 
bility in the industrialized countries and helped ' 
many of the developing countries to adopt or 
maintain programs of financial and monetary 
stabilization. The Fund has come to occupy a 
central position in international monetary af- 
fairs — a role I am confident will be of ever- increas- 
ing importance to all our member countries in 
tlie years ahead. 

A few years ago almost all drawings from the , 
Fund were in dollars. Since the advent of cur- 
rency convertibility in Western Europe, however, 
the Fund has made great progress in using a larger 
number of the cm-rencies it holds, thus increas- 
ing tlie percentage of drawings in currencies other 

' For background, see Buixetin of June 26, 1961, p. 991. 
'Ibid., Oct. 17, 1960, p. 607. 


Department of State Bulletin 

than United States dollars. During the past year 
11 different currencies were drawn from the Fund, 
and two-thirds of the total drawings were in 
currencies other than the dollar. This is an en- 
couraging development. It has made a reality of 
the original concept of the Fund as a reserve pool 
of many currencies for the use of members. 

Last year the Fund's advisory activities con- 
tinued on a broad scale. "VVlierever member coun- 
tries have sought to deal effectively with financial 
instability — by strengthening their fiscal resources, 
by controlling money and credit, or by otherwise 
improving their financial institutions — they have 
been able to rely on the staff of tlie Fund for 
expert and objective advice. 

The stabilization programs many membere of 
the Fimd have worked out and put mto operation, 
usually with Fund advice, have at times been crit- 
icized on the gi'ound that they have supposedly 
imposed a choice between stagnation and economic 
growth. I do not believe that this is a correct ap- 
praisal of the role played by financial stabilization 
in economic development. I agree with the opin- 
ion expressed by Mr. Jacobsson in his brilliant 
opening statement : that the aim of a well-designed 
stabilization program is to eliminate inflation not 
only as a source of balance-of-payments disequilib- 
rium but also as an obstacle to economic growth. 
Financial stability can thus assist economic 
growth which, together with social progi-ess, must 
be the major objective of development policy. 

Of course, financial stability cannot of itself 
cure all the problems of economic growth that 
beset the developing countries. Effective devel- 
opment planning, basic internal reforms, and ade- 
quate capital from both external and internal 
sources, all are necessary. This is well recognized 
by the Fimd, which is, as it should be, the partner 
of economic development institutions, national and 
international, in coordinated efforts to increase 
the flow of external assistance and to help the 
developing countries make the best use of their 
own domestic resources. 

The U.S. Economy 

I turn now to the economy of the United States 
and the status of our international balance of 

The recovery of the United States economy, fol- 
lowing the mildest of our postwar recessions, is 

well under way and moving strongly. The low 
point in economic activity was reached in the first 
quarter of this year. In the second quarter, major 
economic indicators recorded new highs. Gross 
national product, personal income, and personal 
consumption expenditures all reached fresh peaks 
in the April-June period. Total industrial pro- 
duction recorded a new high in July and again 
in August. We estimate that gross national prod- 
uct, wliich jumped from an annual rate of just 
over $500 billion at the beginning of the year to 
$516 billion in the second quarter, will reach ap- 
proximately $540 billion during the fourth quar- 
ter. The course of our economic recovery has 
been particularly encouraging since prices have 
remained stable. Hence, almost the entire rise in 
our gross national product has been real. More- 
over, our increased economic activity has not been 
accompanied by speculative buying or abnormal 
buildup of inventories. 

During the past year the monetary and fiscal 
policies of the United States have been directed 
at limiting the extent of the decline in economic 
activity and at strengthening the forces of recov- 
ery. Prompt recognition by our monetary author- 
ities of the impending downturn brought a quick 
shift of policy from monetary restraint to ease. 
As early as June of last year, the Federal Reserve 
relaxed credit restrictions by reducing discount 
rates and lowering the reserve requirements of 
commercial banks. Federal Reserve purchases of 
Government securities provided additional bank 
reserves to combat recession and finance expan- 
sion. Reflecting this Federal Reserve policy, total 
loans and investments of commercial banks have 
expanded by 7 percent, or $14 bilUon, during the 
past 12 months. This large increase provided a 
major force which softened the strains of reces- 
sion and stimulated recovery. 

On the fiscal side, increased unemployment 
benefits and other Government outlays associated 
with the recession — in conjunction with reduced 
income-tax collections — have operated as in pre- 
vious recessions to provide an automatic support- 
ing influence. Largely as a result of these "built-in 
stabilizers," the total value of all goods and serv- 
ices produced during the economic downturn never 
fell appreciably below the corresponding quarter 
of the previous year. 

As I noted earlier, we are especially encouraged 
that our recovery and our attainment of record 

Ocfober 9, 1961 


new levels of production have been accompanied 
by price stability. Our index of wholesale prices 
has remained for 3 yeai"S at virtually the same 
level. Retail commodity prices have been stable, 
while the overall index of consumer prices has 
inci'eased by less than 1 percent since last October. 

Business Outlook Promising 

The business outlook for the United States dur- 
ing the coming year is very promising. Excessive 
stocks have been liquidated. As a result of rising 
production and sales, inventories have once more 
begim to increase moderately, but they are not 
high in relation to either present or prospective 
needs. Consumers have reduced their debt and 
built up their savings, thus strengthening the out- 
look for retail trade. Net financial savuigs of in- 
dividuals rose by $7.7 billion in the first half of 
1961 on top of a $10 billion rise in 1960. In con- 
trast to 1958-59, interest rates have remamed 
remarkably constant during the initial recovery 

We anticipate further vigorous growth. The 
substantial room in our economy for further ex- 
pansion should avert any inflationary pressures 
that might otherwise develop. For we have no 
shortage of productive resources, nearly all of our 
industries are operating well below capacity, and 
the labor supply is ample. Continued rises in 
output should materially assist us in solving the 
persisting problem of relatively high unemploy- 
ment. Nevertheless, we are developing worker 
retraining programs designed to attack this 
problem directly. 

Federal budget expenditures remain well within 
our capacity. In fact the deficit for fiscal year 
1961 and the projected deficit for 1962 are to- 
gether much smaller than the deficits during the 
last comparable recession and recovery in 1958- 
59. After taking into account all presently sched- 
uled expenditures, including the substantially 
increased outlays for defense requested by Presi- 
dent Kennedy in July,^ our estimates point to a 
deficit this year (fiscal 1962) that will amount 
to about half the deficit for fiscal 1959. In addi- 
tion, our gross national product will run some 17 
percent higher than in fiscal year 1959, and our 
tax revenues will be about 21 percent greater. 

• For a White House announcement, see ihid., Aug. 14, 
1961, p. 271. 

Hence, the economic impact of the current deficit 
will be considerably less than half that of the 1959 

The deficits in fiscal 1961 and 1962 are essentially 
a reflection of the shortfall of revenues resulting 
from the recent recession. This is a characteris- 
tic of our tax system because it is heavily depend- 
ent upon direct taxation of personal and business 
income. For the same reason we may expect sharp 
increases in revenues as business improves and the 
economy grows. The calendar year 1962 gives 
every promise of being a very good year for busi- 
ness, and since our revenues are based upon earn- 
ings of the previous year, we can confidently look 
forward to a substantial increase in our income 
during the fiscal year 1963, which begins next 
July. Fiscal 1963 will be closely comparable in 
the business cycle to fiscal 1960, when Federal 
revenues jumped $10 billion over the preceding 
year. Hence unless a need arises for further in- 
creases in defense outlays, the balanced budget 
which President Kennedy is detennined to submit 
next January can be achieved without any in- 
crease in taxes. However, should additional de- 
fense expenditures become necessaiy, the Presi- 
dent has stated clearly and unequivocally that he 
is prepared to request additional taxes should 
they be required to balance the budget. 

I would like to emphasize the firmness of our 
decision to balance our budget in fiscal 1963. In- 
deed, had it not been for the increase in interna- 
tional tensions over Berlin, which forced us to 
increase our defense expenditures substantially 
above the levels previously planned, we could have 
looked forward confidently to a substantial budg- 
etary surplus in fiscal 1963. We are resolute in 
our determination to maintain both a sound and 
an expanding economy so that the United States 
may play its full part in the defense and the de- 
velopment of the free world and, at the same time, 
meet the requirements of an increasing popula- 
tion at home. 

U.S. Balance of Payments 

I am glad to be able to report that the United 
States balance of payments has developed in a 
much more satisfactorj'^ mamier this year than 
in 1960. The marked improvement in our mer- 
chandise account during 1960 continued into 1961, 
and the large speculative outflows of short-tenn 
capital, which swelled the volmne of our out- 


Department of State Bulletin 

payments in the second half of 1960, liave ceased. 
Our merchandise trade siirpkis in 1960 amounted 
to $4.7 billion, whereas in 1959 it had been less 
than $1 billion. In tlie first half of 1961 our trade 
surplus was running at a seasonally adjusted an- 
nual rate of $6 billion. 

These developments are reflected both in our 
"basic" position comprising all of our recorded 
transactions exclusive of United States private 
short-term capital outflow and in our overall pay- 
ments position. In 1960 the basic deficit amounted 
to $1.9 billion, compared with $4.3 billion in 1959 
and $3.6 billion in 1958. In the first half of 1961 
the basic position continued the substantial im- 
provement shown in 1960 and, without counting 
special prepayments of $650 million on United 
States Government loans, was almost exactly in 
balance. Our overall deficit, which is measured by 
decreases in United States holdings of gold and 
convertible currencies plus increases in foreign 
liquid holdings of United States dollars — which 
together amounted to about $4 billion in both 
1959 and 1960 — was running at a seasonally ad- 
justed annual rate somewhat under $1.7 billion 
in the first half of 1961. The figure of $1.7 billion 
also does not count as a receipt the special debt 
prepayments of $650 million. While this indi- 
cates continuation of substantial short-term capi- 
tal outflows, these movements have represented, 
for the most part., a substantial enlargement of the 
financing of world trade by United States banking 
institutions and have not been speculative in 

These are encouraging developments, but they 
do not mean that the United States can relax its 
eiforts to achieve a satisfactory and durable equi- 
librium in its balance of payments. We must have 
a large and growing export surplus of goods and 
services to pay for military expenditures abroad, 
which we incur for the defense of the free world. 
We must have it as well for both that portion of 
our foreign aid program that is not covered by 
procurement in the United States and for our con- 
tinuing large outflow of long-tenn private de- 
velopment capital. 

The improvement in our trade surplus so far 
this year cannot be expected to continue in the 
months ahead, since it was accomplished more 
through a decrease in imports than through an 
increase in exports, and now as the United States 
economy moves toward reasonably full employ- 

ment of resources, we must look to a corresponding 
expansion of our imports. Indeed they have al- 
ready started to grow. While this tends to 
sharpen our payments problem, it also leads to 
larger world trade and greater prosperity for our 
trading partners. 

Accordingly we must continue to make inten- 
sive efi^orts to expand our exports. This means 
for us, as it does for any nation, that we must 
constantly improve the productivity on which the 
ability of our producers to compete in world mar- 
kets is based. It also I'equires that we prevent 
increases in money costs fi-om canceling out im- 
provements in productivity. At the same time, 
our producers must search out export oppoi'tuni- 
ties with energy and imagination. The domestic 
market of the United States is a very large one, 
and many of our producers have traditionally 
thought almost exclusively in terms of that market 
rather than of opportunities overseas. 

We believe this orientation can and must be 
shifted, for there are surely thousands of our pro- 
ducers who can be more successful in the export 
field than they have been in the past. It is for this 
reason that our Government is devoting consider- 
able effort to bringing market opportunities 
abroad to the attention of our business community. 
We are well aware that the position of the dol- 
lar as a strong reserve currency depends upon 
our success in maintaining a reasonable equilib- 
rium over the years in our balance of payments. 
This we are determined to do. As we succeed, 
the upward trend in the accumulation of gold and 
dollars by other countries taken together will 
necessarily be slowed. The elimination of cur- 
rent payments imbalances can, of course, be 
greatly facilitated by the cooperation of surplus 
countries in pursuing liberal trade policies, in 
increasing long-term development a,ssistance, and 
in sharing expenditures for the common defense 
in accordance with their capabilities. 

Multilateral Borrowing Arrangements 

During the past year, as Mr. Jacobsson has re- 
minded us, there has been active discussion and 
examination in governmental circles, among econ- 
omists, and in the financial press, of the adequacy 
of existing international monetary arrangements. 
These discussions have been very helpful. Mr. 
Jacobsson has now proposed that each of the prin- 
cipal industrial countries commit itself to lend its 

Ocfober 9, 1967 


currency to the Fund up to a stated amount. I 
strongly agree that an arrangement of this sort 
should be worked out to insure the Fund access 
to the additional amounts that would be needed 
should balance-of-payments pressures involving 
these countries ever impair or threaten to impair 
the smooth functioning of the world payments 

At the same time, for its regular requirements 
the Fund can and should be expected to borrow 
from one or another of the participating coun- 
tries under article VII whenever its supply of any 
of these particular currencies becomes low. It 
would also appear reasonable to consider the possi- 
bility that such loans be credited against any com- 
mitment which the lending country may have 
undertaken as its part of the multilateral arrange- 
ment. These special bilateral borrowings would 
thus replenish the Fund's supply of particular 
currencies in strong demand and, in this way, 
would help to avoid undue drains on its gold 

I have no fixed opinions on the details of the 
multilateral bori-owing arrangement. I am con- 
fident, on the basis of the encouraging views I 
have heard expressed in the past few days, that 
practical means can be found to give effect to the 
agreement in principle which so evidently exists. 
There are four important aspects which I do wish 
to emphasize : 

First, the aggregate amount the participating 
countries should look forward to committing to 
the project should be large enough to add deci- 
sively to the Fund's capacity to play its essential 

Second, to be effective, the additional resources 
must be promptly available in case of need. 

Third, safeguards will be required to insure 
that there will be effective consultation between 
the Fimd and the lenders and that the Fund will 
only actually borrow under the commitment ar- 
rangements after taking full account of the cur- 
rent reserve position of the lending country. In 
addition each country which actually lends to the 
Fund should, in case the need develops, be able 
automatically to obtain repayment from the 

Fourth, I concur in Mr. Jacobsson's judgment 
that there must be no weakening of the policies 
that have guided the Fund in the use of its re- 
sources; nor should the new arrangement change 
in any way the existing rights and duties of mem- 
bers of the Fund, both as drawers of currencies 
and as providers of currencies. 

This is an urgent project. The Fund should 
push ahead promptly in its current consultations 
with the prospective lending countries in order 
that the executive board may carry the project to 
completion so that the participating countries 
may obtain the necessary legislative authority 
from their parliaments early next year. With 
this done, the monetary system of the free world 
will be substantially strengthened. For the Fund 
will then clearly be in a position to meet the 
changing needs of the new world of convertible 

Speaking for my country I want to say that 
the United States regards the work in which we 
are engaged here in Vienna as having a direct 
and important bearing upon the future course of 
free-world growth and progress. I have confi- 
dence in the ultimate outcome of our delibera- 
tions because I have confidence in the vitality of 
the free economies upon which the work of the 
Fund is founded. Our mutual goal is a world of 
expanding opportunities for every human being 
to pursue his legitimate aspirations in peace and 
freedom. The International Monetai-y Fund is 
playing an important role in helping us to achieve 

United States and Kuwait 
Establish Diplomatic Relations 

Press release 654 dated September 22 

Effective immediately the United States Gov- 
ernment has agreed to the establishment of diplo- 
matic relations with the Government of Kuwait 
and, pending the assignment of an ambassador, 
has designated the present American consul in 
Kuwait, Dayton Mak, as Charge d'Affaires. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

United States and Soviet Union Agree on Statement 
of Principles for Disarmament Negotiations 

Following are texts of two docwments circulated 
to all Tnembers of the United Nations on Septem- 
ier 20 follawing exchanges of views between the 
United States and the Soviet Union on questions 
relating to disarmament and to the resu?nption of 
negotiations in an appropriate body. 


U.N. doc. A/4879 

Report of the Governments of the United 
States of America and the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics to the Sixteenth Session 
of the United Nations General Assembly on 
THE Results of Their Exchange of Views on 
Questions Relating to Disarmament and to 
THE Resumption of Negotiations in an Appro- 
priate Body, Whose Composition Is To Be 
Agreed Upon 

In accordance with their statements of 30 March 
1961 at the fifteenth session of the United Nations 
General Asseinbly,i the Governments of the 
United States and the U.S.S.R. wish to inform the 
Members of the General Assembly of their ex- 
change of views on questions relating to disarma- 
ment and to the resumption of negotiations in 
an appropriate body, whose composition is to be 
agreed upon. 

1. The exchange of views took place in Washing- 
ton, D.C. from 19 June to 30 June; in Moscow 
from 17 July to 29 July ; and in New York from 
6 September to 19 September 1961. 

2. As a result of the exchange of views, the two 
Governments submit a joint statement of agreed 
principles which thej^ recommend as guidance for 

disarmament negotiations when such negotiations 
are resumed. The text of these agreed principles 
is attached hereto in the form of a joint statement 
of the two Governments. 

3. The two Governments wert not able to reach 
agreement on the composition of a negotiating 
body prior to the sixteenth General Assembly. 

Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for 
Disarmament Negotiations 

Having conducted an extensive exchange of 
views on disarmament pursuant to their agree- 
ment announced in the General Assembly on 30 
March 1961, 

Noting with concern that the continuing arms 
race is a heavy burden for liumanity and is 
fraught with dangers for the cause of world peace. 

Reaffirming their adherence to aU the provi- 
sions of the General Assembly resolution 1378 
(XIV) of 20 November 1959,^ 

Affirming that to facilitate the attainment of 
general and complete disarmament in a peaceful 
world it is important that all States abide by exist- 
ing international agreements, refrain from any 
actions which might aggravate international ten- 
sions, and that they seek settlement of all disputes 
by peaceful means. 

The United States and the U.S.S.R. have agreed 
to recommend the following principles as the basis 
for future multilateral negotiations on disarma- 
ment and to call upon other States to co-operate 
in reaching early agreement on general and com- 
plete disarmament in a peaceful world in accord- 
ance with these principles. 

1. The goal of negotiations is to achieve agree- 
ment on a programme which will ensure that (a) 
disarmament is general and complete and war is 

^ For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 17, 1961, p. 56S. 
Ocfober 9, 1 96? 

' For text, seeifttti., Nov. 23, 1959, p. 766. 


no longer an instrument for settling international 
problems, and (b) such disarmament is accom- 
panied by the establishment of reliable procedures 
for the peaceful settlement of disputes and effec- 
tive arrangements for the maintenance of peace in 
accordance with the principles of the United 
Nations Charter. 

2. The programme for general and complete 
disarmament shall ensure that States will have at 
their disposal only those non-nuclear armaments, 
forces, facilities, and establishments as are agreed 
to be necessary to maintain internal order and 
protect the personal security of citizens ; and that 
States shall support and provide agreed man- 
power for a United Nations peace force. 

3. To this end, the programme for general and 
complete disarmament shall contain the necessary 
provisions, with respect to the military establish- 
ment of every nation, for : 

(a) Disbanding of armed forces, dismantling 
of military establishments, including bases, cessa- 
tion of the production of armaments as well as 
their liquidation or conversion to peaceful uses; 

(b) Elimination of all stockpiles of nuclear, 
chemical, bacteriological, and other weapons of 
mass destruction and cessation of the production 
of such weapons; 

(c) Elimination of all means of delivery of 
weapons of mass destruction ; 

(d) Abolishment of the organizations and insti- 
tutions designed to organize the military effort of 
States, cessation of military training, and closing 
of all military training institutions ; 

(e) Discontinuance of military expenditures. 

4. The disarmament programme should be im- 
plemented in an agreed sequence, by stages imtil 
it is completed, with each measure and stage car- 
ried out within specified time-limits. Transition 
to a subsequent stage in the process of disarma- 
ment should take place upon a review of the 
implementation of measures included in the pre- 
ceding stage and upon a decision that all such 
measures have been implemented and verified and 
that any additional verification arrangements re- 
quired for measures in the next stage are, when 
appropriate, ready to operate. 

5. All measures of general and complete dis- 
armament should be balanced so that at no stage 
of the implementation of the treaty could anj' 

State or group of States gain military advantage 
and that security is ensured equally for all. 

6. All disannament measures should be imple- 
mented from beginning to end under such strict 
and effective international control as would pro- 
vide firm assurance that all f)arties are honouring 
their obligations. During and after the imple- 
mentation of general and complete disarmament, 
the most thorough control should be exercised, the 
nature and extent of such control depending on 
the requirements for verification of the disarma- 
ment measures being carried out in each stage. 
To implement control over and inspection of dis- 
armament, an International Disarmament Organ- 
ization including all parties to the agreement 
should be created within the framework of the 
United Nations. This International Disarma- 
ment Organization and its inspectors should be 
assured imrestricted access without veto to all 
places as necessary for the pur^sose of effective 

7. Progress in disarmament should be accom- 
panied by measures to strengthen institutions for 
maintaining peace and the settlement of interna- 
tional disputes by peaceful means. During and 
after the implementation of the programme of I 
general and complete disarmament, there should I 
be taken, in accordance with the principles of the 
United Nations Charter, the necessary measures 

to maintain international peace and security, in- 
cluding the obligation of States to place at the 
disposal of the United Nations agreed manpower 
necessary for an international peace force to be 
equipped with agreed types of armaments. Ar- , 
rangements for the use of this force should ensure 
that the United Nations can effectivel}' deter or 
suppress anj^ threat or use of arms in violation 
of the purposes and principles of the United 

8. States participating in the negotiations 
should seek to achieve and implement the widest 
possible agreement at the earliest possible date. 
Efforts should continue without interruption until 
agreement upon the total progranune has been 
achieved, and efforts to ensure early agreement 
on and implementation of measures of disarma- 
ment should be undertaken without prejudicing 
progress on agreement on the total progi'amme 
and in such a way that these measures would 
facilitate and form part of that programme. 


Department of State Bulletin 


C.N. doc. A/4880 

Memorandum on Composition of Forum 

United States 

Memorandum on Composition of the 
Disarmament Forum 

The objective of the United States is the re- 
sumption of muUilateral disarmament negotia- 
tions. It lias made, and now reaffirms, four 
alternative proposals for the composition of a 
disarmament forum : 

(1) Ten-Nation Committee: The United States 
remains prepared to resume negotiations in the 
Ten-Nation Committee, which was established by 
agreement among the United States, the Soviet 
Union, France and the United Kingdom in Sep- 
tember 1959.^ The work of this Committee, which 
is composed of five NATO Powers (the United 
States, United Kingdom, France, Canada and 
Italy) and five Warsaw Pact Powers (the 
U.S.S.R., Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and 
Rumania), was left unfinished by virtue of the 
Soviet Union's break-off of negotiations in Geneva 
on 27 June I960.'' It was conceived that the de- 
liberations of this Committee would provide a 
useful basis for the consideration of disarmjament 
in the United Nations. In this way, a stage would 
be achieved, after a basis for agreement was 
reached by the members of tlois Committee, in 
which aU Membei-s of the United Nations would 
participate in an effective way in the disarmament 
negotiations, which are of concern to all the na- 
tions of the world. The United States continues 
to believe that this represents a sound and orderly 
approach, which has been approved by the United 
Nations and which should not be abandoned. 

(2) Ten-Nation Committee with Invited Pre- 
siding Oificials: The United States is fully pre- 
pared to join with the other tliree Powers which 
established the Ten- Nation Committee in extend- 
ing an invitation to three other nations, not mem- 
bers of the NATO or Warsaw Treaty organiza- 
tions, to designate a chairman and two vice-chair- 
men of the Ten-Nation Committee. These officers 
would preside over meetmgs of the Committee, 

' For background, see ma., Sept. 28, 1959, p. 439. 
' For background, see ihid., July 18, 1960, p. 88. 

using their good offices as appropriate to facilitate 
the achievement of agreement, without bearing the 
additional responsibility of serving as official 
spokesmen of their Governments in the negotia- 
tions or attempting to act as formal "representa- 
tives" of a non-existent "neutral" bloc. 

(3) Twenty-Nation Committee: The United 
States is fully prepared, considering its objective 
of reaching agreement on disarmament, to propose 
changing the original concept of the Ten-Nation 
Committee by an expansion of its membership so 
that countries not members of NATO or the War- 
saw Pact can participate at tlie initial negotiating 
level, as well as through the United Nations. Such 
an expansion should be consistent with normal 
principles of equitable representation of the differ- 
ent regions of the world and with the desirability 
of selecting countries on the basis of such relevant 
factors as population and military capabilities. 
Accordingly, the United States proposes that three 
countries be added to the Ten-Nation Committee 
from Asia, three from Latin America, three from 
the Middle East and Africa, and one from non- 
NATO, non-Soviet Bloc Europe. The United 
States has suggested that the following States 
might appropriately be added: Pakistan, India 
and Japan from Asia ; Mexico, Brazil and Argen- 
tina from Latin America ; the United Arab Repub- 
lic, Nigeria and Tunisia from Africa and the 
Middle East ; and Sweden from Europe. 

(4) The United Nations Disarmament Com- 
mission: If none of these alternatives is accepted 
by the Soviet Union, the United States proposes 
that substantive negotiations be resumed in the 
United Nations Disarmament Commission, in 
which all United Nations Members are repre- 
sented. The United Nations Disarmament Com- 
mission would be free to establish, if it so wished, 
smaller sub-committees in which detailed negoti- 
ations could be conducted. 

Memorandum on Principles 

United States 

Memorandum on Principles That Should Gov- 
ern Negotiations for General and Complete 
Disarmament in a Peaceful World 

The Government and the people of the United 
States have traditionally worked for the achieve- 
ment of a peaceful world in which nations will no 

Ocfober 9, 7967 


longer resort to war as an instrument for settling 
international problems. They remain dedicated 
to this goal. 

In taking the initiative last March and sug- 
gesting a bilateral exchange of views with the 
Soviet Government on disarmament, the United 
States acted in the belief that a frank and infor- 
mal discussion of issues of principle could make 
an important contribution to the appreciation by 
each side of the views and positions of the other 
and to effective progress along the road to a last- 
ing peace. It also sought to meet repeated Soviet 
insistence that no multilateral negotiations could 
take place without an agreed framework for them. 
The United States hoped that this exchange of 
views would lead to a joint understanding of the 
guidelines for resumed multilateral negotiations — 
negotiations which the Soviet Union arbitrarily 
abandoned in 1960. Last March there appeared 
to be a common understanding with the Soviet 
Government that once these guidelines and an 
appropriate and representative forum were agreed 
upon and accepted by the other participants, 
multilateral negotiations would reopen on 31 July. 
Unfortunately, the Soviet Government took the 
view that such an vmderstanding regarding both 
the nature of the bilateral talks and the resump- 
tion of multilateral negotiations on 31 July did 
not exist. 

The Soviet Government stated that the bilateral 
talks should turn instead directly to a considera- 
tion of specific plans and that without a large 
measure of agreement on such specific plans there 
could be no multilateral negotiations. The United 
States believes on the other hand that negotiation 
of detailed disarmament plans is the concern of 
many States. Therefore, the United States can- 
not accept a procedure whereby these interested 
States would be excluded from participation in 
working out an agreement. 

Consequently, the United States souglit to 
achieve a meeting of minds on a set of principles 
to be submitted for approval to the other partici- 
pants in multilateral negotiations. This, the 
United States believed, would prepare the ground 
for detailed and fruitful negotiations of specific 
measures and progi-ammes. Such a procedure, if 
followed from the outset, as was the understand- 
ing reached by Ambassador Stevenson and For- 
eign Minister Gromyko last March, would have 
provided for the presentation and discussion of 

a specific programme of general and complete 
disarmament in a peaceful world in the appro- 
priate multilateral forum at any time after 31 
July. The United States regretfully saw 31 July 
pass without such negotiations having been 

To facilitate accomplislmient of the task of the 
bilateral exchange of views the United States rep- 
resentative at the bilateral talks gave the Soviet 
representative on 19 June a draft statement of 
principles setting forth the purpose of the multi- 
lateral negotiations and the principles that should 
guide them. This statement closely conformed to 
the type of statements that had previously been 
the subject of an exchange of views between Am- 
bassador Stevenson and Foreign Minister 
Gromyko. The United States several times made 
revisions of its draft statement of principles in 
order to meet points that had been raised in the 
course of the bilateral talks. 

The United States representative did not, how- 
ever, confine himself to the presentation of these 
docimients. In accordance with our understand- 
ing of the purpose of the bilateral exchange of 
views, he sought to engage the Soviet representa- 
tive in a productive discussion of the principles 
and considerations underlying the written 

As is clear from the United States documents 
submitted during the bilateral discussions, the 
United States objective is to implement a pro- 
gramme which ensures total disarmament with 
States retaining at their disposal only those, mini- 
mal forces and non-nuclear armaments required 
for the maintenance of internal order and the pro- 
tection of the personal security of citizens. Apart 
from these internal security forces, only an inter- 
national peace force would exist. All other mili- 
tary force would be eliminated. The programme 
desired by the United States would include the 
establishment of reliable procedures for the peace- 
ful settlement of disputes and effective arrange- 
ments for the maintenance of peace, including the 
International Peace Force, in accordance with the 
principles of the United Nations Charter. 

The United States also set forth its views on 
several important specific aspects of the search 
for agreement on general and complete disarma- 
ment in a peaceful world. 

First, the United States stresses the impor- 
tance of working out a total over-all programme 


Department of State Bulletin 

providing for complete disarmament. The United 
States is prepared to work out the whole pro- 
gramme. At the same time, the United States 
camiot accept a situation where nothing concrete 
can be done until the very last word has been 
agreed for the total programme. Consequently, it 
urges acceptance of the proposition that without 
prejudice to eventual development of the total 
programme an attempt must be made to find the 
widest possible area of agreement — including any 
individual measures or groups of measures — and to 
implement such measures just as soon as they 
are agreed. The United States believes that while 
the complete programme with its admittedly com- 
plex provisions is being worked out, no oppor- 
tunity should be missed to make a start. Any be- 
ginning, even the most limited, will represent 
progress. Moreover, it would facilitate the work 
on, and indeed form part of, the total programme 
which is the stated goal. The United States hopes 
that the Soviet Union will accept this practical 
approach. In disarmament, as elsewliere, the way 
to begin is to begin. This is why the United 
States particularly deplores the retreat of the 
Soviet Government for an effective agreement to 
ban nuclear weapons tests, which would have been 
a significant first step on the road to general and 
complete disai-mament in a peaceful world. 

Secondly, the United States stresses the insepa- 
rable relationship between the drastic scaling down 
of national armaments and the building up of in- 
ternational peace-keeping machinery and institu- 
tions. Any programme, even if it carries the title 
"General and Complete Disarmament", which does 
not embody this relationship is a programme for 
disorder and the perpetuation of disputes among 
nations. Nations whicli are expected to give up 
their means of self-protection must have available 
other effective means of safeguarding their legiti- 
mate interests. They must be protected against 
possible violators of a disarmament agreement by 
effective international enforcement measures. 
They must have available judicial and non- judicial 
procedures for the equitable settlement of disputes 
and for harmonizing conflicting interests and as- 
pirations as they arise. They must be assured that 
change in the world will be orderly and progres- 
sive. And if necessary they must be assured of 
the protection of an international force capable of 
operating effectively for the common benefit of all 

Ocfober 9, 7 96 J 

613268—61 3 

nations and not in the special interest of any one 
nation or group of nations. 

The procedures and institutions envisaged by 
the United States would be within the framework 
of the United Nations as part of the programme 
for general and complete disarmament in a peace- 
ful world. These procedures and institutions 
would not permit nations to invoke doctrines of 
sacred or just wars in behalf of unilateral mili- 
tary action since they would ensure that no one 
really seeking justice or the fulfillment of legiti- 
mate aspirations will need to have recourse to 
their own force. They would not permit arbitrary 
revisions of established international agreements 
and infringements of other nations' rights. The 
United States believes firmly that nations must 
be prepared to moderate gradually the exercise 
of unrestricted sovereignty and to abide by the 
decisions and judgements of tribunals and other 
bodies, even if such decisions at times may not 
meet with a particular nation's approval. 

The Soviet Government, judging from the 
statements of its representative during the bi- 
lateral talks, does not appear as yet to recognize 
the essential requirement of the progressive de- 
velopment of effective peace-keejiing machinery 
parallel to the unplementation of measures leading 
to total disarmament. 

Thirdly, the United States insists upon effective 
verification of all disarmament measures from 
beginning to end. The fundamental precept 
guiding the United States is that the implementa- 
tion of every obligation entered into must be sub- 
ject to effective verification in order to provide 
each participating State with confidence that 
every other State is fulfilling its commitments. 

Verification only of the process of reducing or 
destroying particular elements of military 
strength, as proposed by the Soviet Union, does 
not meet the criterion of effective verification of 
all obligations entered mto. Wliat must be cer- 
tain is not only that nations are removing certain 
numbers of forces and armaments from their mili- 
tary establishments, but also that they are not 
maintaining forces and armaments or engaging in 
activities in excess of those permitted at a given 
step or stage in the disarmament programme. 

Any disarmament programme which professes 
to meet the criterion of effective verification must 
provide unambiguously for means of detecting 


clandestine or other activities not authorized in 
the agreement. The absence of such provision 
vrould make any disarmament plan a sham. 

It follows, further, that the verification system 
must be fully capable of exercising the functions 
necessary to ensure compliance with the agree- 
ment throughout the entire disarmament process 
and not just at the end of it. The phrase fre- 
quently used in Soviet statements that "under 
conditions of general and complete disarmament 
the most thorough control must be implemented" 
is ambiguous and does not adequately reflect the 
necessity for effective verification at every step 
and stage of the disarmament process. Indeed, 
it must be pointed out that if, as the Soviet Union 
suggests, control can be "most thorough" only 
"under conditions" of general and complete dis- 
armament, but not during the process of imple- 
menting the measures leading to general and com- 
plete disarmament, it may never be possible to de- 
termine whether the "conditions" of general and 
complete disarmament have in fact arrived or to 
protect a complying jiarty against the conse- 
quences of violation or evasion of a disarmament 
agreement by others. 

The Unitfid States believes that effective verifica- 
tion requires smooth day-to-day functioning of 
the inspection macliinery. The rights and func- 
tions of the verification system would be spelled 
out in detail in any agreement and in its annexes. 
There would of course be a political body com- 
posed as agreed by the parties, which would ex- 
ercise policy supervision over the administrative 
arm of the control organ. But this administrative 
arm itself must be able to worlc as fast and effi- 
ciently as possible and without hindrance if it is 
to have the confidence of all parties. Sound admin- 
istrative practice the world over and the require- 
ment of effective verification demand efficient 
administration of the disarmament verification 
machinery. For this reason the United States 
rejects firmly the concept of some sort of multi- 
headed administrative machinery. The United 
States, moreover, does not agree with the effort 
of the Soviet Government to divide the world into 
three or any other number of blocs or "camps". 
As the United States representative indicated 
during the bilateral discussions, the agi'eoment on 
general and complete disarmament in a peaceful 
world should include a mechanism providing 
States with recourse in the event they believe that 

personnel of the administrative machinery are not 
properly discharging their f imctions. 

The United States believes that the nature and 
extent of controls should depend strictly on the 
objective requirements for verification of each dis- 
armament measure. The agreement and its an- 
nexes, based as they must be on adequate scientific 
and technical findings, should set forth in detail 
the verification requirements for each measure. 
No other consideration than assurance that each 
measure will be fully and punctually implemented 
should enter into the specification of verification 
requirements. Tliis will ensure that no legitimate 
security interests of any State will be adversely 
affected by the application of disarmament 

The United States believes that the elaboration 
of the means of verification is the joint responsi- 
bility of all States interested in the achievemenr. 
of general and complete disarmament in a peace- 
ful world. Tlie Soviet Union has for the past 
year suggested that, on the contrary, the "West 
must carry the burden of elaborating a verifica- 
tion system. The United States urges the Soviet 
Government to join the United States in multi- 
lateral negotiations and in the conscientious and 
businesslike development of a verification system 
which would enable all parties to repose trust in 
a disarmament agreement. 

The United States representative also dealt 
with numerous other aspects of principle in order 
to amplify the written documents tabled by the 
United States. He said the United States believes 
that time-limits must be worked out for the com- 
pletion of all disarmament measures as well as 
for the completion of each stage. However, the 
problem of establishing these time-limits is com- 
plicated by the numerous technical problems in- 
volved in working out effective and reliable means 
of implementing disarmament measures. More- 
over, an over-all time-limit would, of course, have 
to take into account the procedure for transition 
between stages. The United States will devote 
ever}' effort toward solving these pi-oblems and 
hopes the Soviet Union is prepared to do likewise. 
Once the time-limits for the measures in each stage 
and for the stages themselves have been worked 
out, it will be possible to estimate tlie time-limit 
for the implementation of the total programme. 
The United States believes, however, that it would 
be unrealistic and dangerously misleading to pre- 


Department of Slate Bullelin 

tend that a specific over-all time-limit can be 
established in advance. 

Witli regard to transition from one stage to tlie 
next, the United States believes that the imder- 
lying principle must be that States will at each 
stage be assured that all parties have fulfilled their 
obligations and that the next steps in the disarma- 
ment programme can then safely be taken. With- 
out such assurance, there would be cause for 
suspicion and dispute, which might disrupt the 
entire disarmament process. Accordingly, the 
United States believes that transition from stage 
to stage should take place upon a review of the 
implementation of measures included in the pre- 
ceding stage and upon a decision that all such 
measures have in fact been implemented as pro- 
vided in the agreement. As soon as this decision 
has been taken, implementation of the next stage 
would commence forthwith. The Soviet position 
on this question remains obscure despite repeated 
United States attempts to obtain clarification. 

The United States also attempted to resolve the 
issue of the composition of a multilateral negoti- 
ating forum. Ambassador Stevenson and Foreign 
Minister Gromyko had agreed previously that this 
would be one of the purposes of the bilateral dis- 
cussions. Accordingly, the United States pre- 
sented the Soviet Union with several alternative 
possibihties for a forum including: (1) the recon- 
vening of the Ten-Nation Committee, which the 
U.S.S.E. abandoned in 1960; (2) the addition to 
that Conmiittee of three officers selected from other 
countries; (3) an expansion of the Committee by 
ten members selected on an equitable geographical 
basis, and (4) the United Nations Disarmament 
Commission. Unfortunately, neither the oral 
statements of the Soviet representative nor a 
Soviet aide-memoire tabled on 28 July indicated a 
constructive Soviet response to these United States 
suggestions. Disarmament negotiations cannot, of 
course, take place without the Soviet Government. 
Since that Government still appears unwilling to 
accept a forum of workable size and equitable com- 
position, the United States proposes that negotia- 
tions be resimied in the first instance in the United 
Nations Disarmament Commission. However, if 
the Soviet Government agrees, the United States 
remains willing to resume negotiations in a Com- 
mittee composed of the original members of the 
Ten-Nation Committee, with the addition of the 

following countries : from Asia — Pakistan, India 
and Japan ; from Latin America — Mexico, Brazil 
and Argentina; from Africa and the Middle 
East — the United Arab Kepublic, Nigeria and 
Tunisia ; and from Europe — Sweden. Such a com- 
mittee would ensure equitable and fair representa- 
tion to all geographical regions of the world. The 
Soviet Government is already in possession of the 
United States memorandum of 29 July 1961 in 
which the United States position on the forum 
issue was set forth in detail. 

The views and considerations presented in this 
memorandum, in conjunction with the draft State- 
ments of Principles which have been given to the 
Soviet Government, provide a clear statement of 
the position of the United States on the principles 
which should govern the working out of an agree- 
ment on general and complete disarmament in a 
peaceful world. The United States Government 
has studied the Statement of the Soviet Govern- 
ment of 27 June 1961, the Soviet Government's 
aide-memoire of 19 July and 21 July, and the 
draft statement of principles which the Soviet 
representative submitted on 27 July. It has care- 
fully taken into account the positions of the Soviet 
Government expressed in these documents as well 
as in the statements of the Soviet representative 
during the bilateral talks. The successive drafts 
of statements of principles submitted by the 
United States testify to its consistent effort to 
meet any constructive suggestion put forward by 
the Soviet Union. The United States hopes that 
the Soviet Union will similarly make a sincere 
effort to work out a mutually acceptable statement 
of principles which will permit the early resump- 
tion of multilateral negotiations. 

New York City, N.Y. 
14 September 1961 

Letter From Mr. McCloy to Mr. Zorin 

Letter From John J. McClot, United States 

CHANGE OF Views on Disak&iament, to V. A. 
ZoRiN, Deputt Minister of Foreign Affairs 

20 September 1961 
Dear Mr. Zorin: At the 18 September 1961 ses- 
sion of our bilateral discussions on disarmament 
you indicated that the draft of a joint statement 

October 9, 1 96 1 


of agreed principles which I submitted to you on 
behalf of the United States Government on 14 
September 19G1 would be acceptable to the Gov- 
ernment of the Soviet Union provided the follow- 
ing clause were omitted from paragraph 6: 

Such verification should ensure that not only agreed 
limitations or reductions take place but also that re- 
tained armed forces and armaments do not exceed agreed 
levels at any stage. 

This sentence expresses a key element in the 
United States position which we believe is im- 
plicit in the entire joint statement of agreed prin- 
ciples that whenever an agreement stipulates that 
at a certain point certain levels of forces and 
armaments may be retained, the verification ma- 
chinery must have all the rights and powers neces- 
sary to ensure that those levels are not exceeded. 

It appears from your statements that the Soviet 
Union will be unwilling to agree to a joint state- 
ment of agreed principles unless the above- 
mentioned clause is omitted therefrom. My Gov- 
ernment has authorized me to inform you that, in 
the interests of progress toward resuming dis- 
armament negotiations, it is willing to remove the 
above-mentioned sentence from paragraph 6 of 
the joint statement of agreed principles since it 
is an item to which the Soviet Union has not 

This is done upon the express understanding 
that the substantive position of the United States 
Government as outlined in the above-quoted sen- 
tence and in our memorandum of 14 September 
1961 remains unchanged, and is in no sense preju- 
diced by the exclusion of this sentence from the 
joint statement of agreed principles. 

The United States continues to adhere to and 
will continue to advance the principle contained 
in the omitted sentence as a necessary element in 
any comprehensive disarmament negotiations or 

Very truly yours, 

John J. McCloy 

His Excellency 

V. A. Zorin 

Deputy Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R. 

Permanent Mission of the U.S.S.R. 

to the United Nations 
680 Park Avenue 
New York 21, New York 

President Expresses Sorrow of U.S. 
at Death of U.N. Secretary-General 

Following are two statements by President Ken- 
nedy on the death of Dag Hammarskjold, Secre- 
tary-General of the United Nations, released by 
the White House on September 18. 


White House press release dated September 18 

I know I am speaking for all Americans when 
I express my profound sorrow at the tragic death 
of Secretary-General Hammarskjold and his asso- 
ciates. This sense of pei-sonal loss is shared by 
many millions of people of all nationalities. 

Dag Hammarskjold's dedication to the cause of 
peace and world order through the United Nations 
was total. His capacity for work to bring this 
about already is legendary. His patience sur- 
passed the endurance of all but the rarest of hu- 
man beings. And his life is a tribute to the ability 
of civilized man to live by the principles of im- 
partial justice. 

Dag Hammarskjold died yesterday in the cause 
for which he lived. But the United Nations is a 
better and stronger organization — and a higher 
hope for mankind — because of his service to it. 
His name will be treasured high among the peace- 
makers of history. 

I pray that his final sacrifice will inspire all 
members of the United Nations to complete the 
task for Avhich he died. 


White House press release dated September 18 

I Imow that I am speaking for all of my fellow 
Americans in expressing our deep sense of shock l 
and loss in the untimely death of the Secretary- ■ 
General of the United Nations, Mr. Dag Ham- 

Dag Hammarskj old's dedication to the cause of 
peace, his untiring labors to achieve it, his cour- 
age under attack, his willingness to accept all re- 
sponsibility in trying to strengthen the United 
Nations and make it a more effective instrument 

' Read by the President for use on radio and TV. 


Department of State Bvlletin 

for the aspirations of the hundreds of millions of 
people around the globe who desire to live out 
their lives — those efforts of his are well known. 

It is tragic and ironic that his death came dur- 
ing a mission he was undertaking in order to bring 
about a cease-fire in Katanga. 

I am hopeful that the members of the United 
Nations, recognizing his untiring labors, will at- 

tempt in the coming sessions and in the years to 
come to try to build the United Nations into the 
effective instrmnent for peace which was Dag 
Hammarskj old's great ambition. 

I express my sympathy to his country, the Gov- 
ernment of Sweden, and I hope that all of us will 
recognize the heavy burdens that his passing 
places upon us. 

The U.N., a View of the Road Ahead 

Remarks hy Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations^ 

You are very kind to let me say a word of greet- 
ing. I will not poach on the time of my able 
friend Harlan Cleveland, but I do want to tell all 
of you how much value we attach — we who speak 
for the United States in the U.N. — to the friend- 
ship and miderstanding support of good citizens 
like yourselves — and of none more than the mem- 
bers and leaders of the AAUN. 

Not long ago a pleasant man I met said that he 
was in favor of the United Nations, although he 
didn't actually know anything about it. I con- 
gratulated him on having the right opinion and 
promised to supply him with some reasons for his 

I am afraid there are also some people who are 
against the United Nations on the same groimds. 
If they will come and see me at the end of a bad 
day at the ofSce, maybe I can supply them with 
some reasons too. 

I confess that when I came here last January 
I was not too familiar with some of the details of 
procedure and so on at the United Nations. I felt 
like Kufus Choate at the opera, who didn't imder- 
stand the language the performei-s were singing 
in ; so he said to his educated daughter who was 
with him: "Interpret for me the libretto lest I 
dilate with the wrong emotion." 

' Made before the American Association for the United 
Nations at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 17 (U.S.AJ.N. press 
release 3768). 

So you can imagine how grateful I was to have 
about me an able and experienced staff who could 
tell me unhesitatingly what emotion I should di- 
late with. That staff has since been somewhat 
augmented — very little in numbers but greatly in 
talent — and that is a great source of confidence as 
we enter this 16th General Assembly. We have 
also, for the duration of tliis Assembly, a delega- 
tion whose professional qualifications, I think, are 
as good as any we have ever had in the history of 
the U.N., and I am very proud to be a part of this 

Another great source of strength to me from 
the beginning has been the warmth of friendship 
and support from the public, and particularly 
from the AAUN. I will always remember the 
party you so kindly gave last winter, when I came 
here, and today all of us of the United States dele- 
gation are tremendously grateful to you for this 
reception and the confidence and encouragement 
which it expresses. 

Of course, as you may remember, I am not en- 
tirely a newcomer to the U.N. In fact I am really 
an oldtimer who just took a long vacation! I 
know these receptions, such as you are giving to- 
day, are an annual affair. In fact I believe I 
heard General [George C] Marshall give the ad- 
dress ^ at the very first reception you gave in Sep- 

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 21, 1947, p. 539. 

October 9, 796 J 


tember 1947, here in New York, when he was Sec- 
retary of State and I Mas a delegate. On looking 
up his speech I find it interesting to recall that he 
spoke with great emphasis of the need, if the 
United Nations was to succeed, for leadership, 
both in the Government and, as he put it, "the 
leadership of informed and discerning men and 
women in each community throughout the 
country." Of course that is still true today and 
always will be. Every one of you has a chance, 
and a duty, to contribute some portion of leader- 
ship in our common effort to make the United 
Nations succeed. 

The "Little People" of the World 

I realize I am by no means the only United 
Nations oldtimer in this room, and many of you 
probably remember as keenly as I do the spirit in 
which the United Nations was born. My friend 
Clark Eichelberger tells me Winston Churchill 
said to him, while the war was still going- on, "The 
little people will have won the war and it will be 
their right to say what the future will be." That 
spirit prevailed still at San Francisco when the 
chaiter was written, and .so instead of the charter 
beginning with the traditional phrases about 
"governments" or "states" or "high contracting 
parties" it was made to begin Avith those splendid 
words, "We the peoples of the United Nations." 

There were plenty of tragic difficulties then 
which we couldn't foresee. Perhaps that is just 
as well, or we might never have had the courage 
to start the United Nations at all ! About one- 
third of the "little people" of the world have no 
right to say what the future will be, either for the 
world or for themselves. They don't even have 
the elemental right to know the brute facts of 
what is happening from day to day. Megaton 
bombs are blown up in their own national back- 
yard, but they aren't told about it. So that it is 
possible for the foreign relations of a great part, 
and a very powerful part, of the human race to 
be carried on to a very large extent on the basis 
of untruth. 

And yet the United Nations has been faithful 
to its task of standing up for the little people, for 
the little nations, for those who don't have great 
military forces. It stood up for Greece and for 
Korea in the early yeai-s — but that was only a be- 
ginning. In 1945 we scarcely foresaw the possi- 
bility that the great colonial empires of the West- 

ern nations would dissolve so quickly that, 16 
years later, the United Nations would be double 
its original size and that in it the old rulers and 
the old subject peoples would be represented 
equally, sitting side by side in the General As- 
sembly, each casting one vote, each with an equal 
right to the floor. 

Inevitably that huge transition, affecting an- 
other third of the world's people, has had some 
tragic episodes, and none more tragic than the 
multiple conflict in the Congo. There the United 
Nations has had to act in a hurry, amidst untold 
confusion, like a field hospital in the midst of 
battle, to assuage suffering and confine tragedy 
within the least possible boimds. The story in the 
Congo hasn't all been told yet. But we have come 
a long, long way there since a year ago, and we 
have reason to hope that the United Nations 
action in the Congo will go down in history as 
one of the U.N.'s greatest actions and perhaps as 
the beginning of a new era in the endless effort 
of the community of nations to keep the peace. 

Frustration of Communist Attacks on U.N. 

Now this new lease on life for the U.N. is ap- 
parently not welcome in Moscow, which has other 
purposes in mind. And so we have had Mr. 
Khrushchev's attack on the U.N., which are still 
going on, and his attempts through the "troika" 
device, through introducing the veto into the 
Secretariat, to dominate the Organization and 
bend it to his purposes. 

You remember what Lincoln said when General 
McClellan got a little too big for his breeches and 
tried to tell the President how to rim the war. 
Lincoln was reminded of a rider whose horse 
kicked so hard that the horse's foot got caught in 
the stirrup. And the rider said to the horse : "If 
you are going to get on, I'm going to get off." 

But of course the Communists are not going to 
"get on" at the U.N., and the law-abiding nations 
are certainly not gomg to "get off." As far as the 
United States is concerned, I think I can say that 
we have a considerable ability to absorb frustra- 
tion and we intend to stay with the U.N. through 
fair M-eathcr and foul. Our security demands 
that we do this, for the U.N. is a great source of 
friends and friends are the best security any na- 
tion can have. 

I confess it is very frustrating to us, who have 
to bear the brunt of the Soviet cold war, not to 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

be at the head of a nice solid bloc. You recad in 
the papers sometimes about the "Soviet bloc" and 
the "Western bloc" and even the "neutralist bloc." 
Well, unfortunately there is a Soviet bloc, but the 
other "blocs" are not blocs at all — they are shift- 
ing alinements which vary from one issue to an- 
other, for the very simple reason that each of the 
governments has that priceless jewel, the right to 
think for itself. And, frustrating as it is, we who 
uphold the community agamst attack will always 
have to plead and argue and listen — above all to 
listen! — in our quest for comjnon ground. So I 
trust we will never become "bloc heads" and start 
playing the game by the Communist rules. If we 
ever did that, the game would already be over 
and we would have lost. 

We have great hopes of the U-N. : 

We believe the U.N. can and will keep on stand- 
ing fast against the attacks from Moscow, until it 
is obvious that those attacks have defeated their 
own purpose and are given up. 

We believe the extraordinary Congo costs will 
be fairly shared. 

We believe the U.N. can build on its great crea- 
tive achievements in the Congo and better equip 
itself to keep the peace anywhere in the world. 

We believe the U.N. can be a great educational 
force in the quest for real, practical, inspected, and 
controlled disarmament, which we intend to pur- 
sue without letup. 

We believe the U.N. can be more than an emer- 
gency ward, that it has great creative and cooper- 
ative potential ; and we intend to help build that 
potential for the sake of the cormnunity of na- 
tions, for the aspiring peoples and the emerging 
. nations in that community. 

Broad Vision of the Future 

Events have moved in these days fast and dolor- 
ously. For us they accentuate the sense that be- 
hind the issue of "standing firm on Berlin," for 
example, we need a long-term picture of the 
Europe we want, of the Atlantic world we want, 
and, indeed, our whole vision of the future. With- 
out a broad picture of the road we want to travel, 
how can we achieve the patience, the good sense, 
the fortitude, and the elan to deal with perpetual 
recurrence of local trouble and the perpetual risk 
of general war? 

I sometimes think that we in the West still 
have a half -belief in a pattern of luck by which, 
without lasting commitment, free society will sur- 
vive and flourish. But there is no place now for 
ease and rest and good fortune. Either we are 
going to build with pain and effort and dedication 
a world in which men can live and prosper and be 
brothers, or its anti world is going to be built. 

It is this sense of the society we have to try to 
create through the U.N. which I think needs ac- 
cent. If we only improvise from crisis to crisis 
with no sober, fearless view of the way ahead, we 
can expect more and more people to say, "Better 
an end to the horror than a horror without end." 

And we believe that, in the long and slow and 
tragic situations where just and peaceful changes 
are opposed by great power, the U.N. can keep on 
speaking up bravely for the right until the day 
comes when right can prevail in peace. 

I don't want to mislead anybody. I am no Uto- 
pian. I like that fine two-line epigram of Robert 
Frost : 

But Islands of tbe Blessed, bless you, son, 
I never came upon a blessed one. 

We expect to continue to have emergencies and 
flaps, and we don't expect to score a touchdown 
on every play. We certainly don't plan to em- 
bark soon for the Islands of the Blessed. But we 
are deeply and permanently heartened by the 
knowledge that the cause to which we are com- 
mitted, the cause of the decent and tolerant and 
open world jDortrayed in the charter, is worth all 
the sweat and tears it may cost us in the years 
ahead. And the fact that you, who are distin- 
guished citizens and opinionmakers, share that be- 
lief is an immense encouragement to us through 
every day of the year. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of India, 
Braj Kumar Nehru, presented his credentials to 
President Kennedy on September 21. For texts 
of the Ambassador's remarks and the President's 
reply, see Department of State press release 652 
dated September 21. 

Ocfober 9, 1961 


Basic United States Policy in Africa 

hy G. Mennen Williains 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

It is a great pleasure and honor to be invited to 
address the Rhodesia National Affairs Associa- 
tion. This is our third and final day in Salisbury 
before going on to Blantyre, the Copperbelt, and 
Lusaka. We also slipped into your country about 
10 days ago for a first glimpse of your magnificent 
Victoria Falls. 

My wife and I have been tremendously im- 
pressed by this vital city of Salisbury. We have 
met and talked with a great many of your citizens 
and have noted many evidences of the progress 
you have been making in housing, education, and 
welfare. This morning it was a special pleasure 
to attend the greatest tobacco auction in the world, 
where we heard the familiar sounds of an Ameri- 
can tobacco auctioneer. Later today we are look- 
ing forward to our visit to the University College 
of Ehodesia and Nyasaland. 

This is my second visit to Africa since President 
Kennedy appointed me to the Department of 
Stat«. My mission is, first of all, to become ac- 
quainted with the leaders and public of Africa and 
to convey to them renewed assurances of the keen 
interest and friendship of the United States. Sec- 
ond, and quite simply, I have come to learn of your 
aspirations and your problems so as to offer ef- 
fective comisel to my Govennnent in the formula- 
tion of its foreign policy. 

The United States Government under the new 
administration of President Kennedy linds itself 
faced by a host of critical and fundamental prob- 
lems of foreign affairs. Some of these are of grave 

' Address made before tlie Rhodesia National Affairs 
Association at Salisbury, Federation of Rhodesia and 
Nyasaland, on Aug. 25. 

and immediate urgency. Others have a long- 
range but equally profound significance. 

These problems manifest themselves in many 
ways and in many different parts of the world. 
Yet there seem to be ties that bind quite a nimiber 
of them together. People the Avorld over want 
governments of their own choosmg. They want 
a better life for themselves and their cliildren. 
And they want to enjoy the full recognition of 
their dignity as human beings. "\^nien the con- 
tmued enjoyment of these conditions is threatened, 
or the prospect of achieving them is denied, the 
result is a restiveness which more often than not 
smolders or explodes into impleasant problems. 

The United States is concerned about these 
things because of our moral and political heritage 
but also because we believe that the denial of these 
values jeopardizes the world of peace and justice 
we want for ourselves and our children. 

Berlin, a Symbol of Freedom 

In these terms one of the most pressing chal- 
lenges today is that of Berlin. Berlin is a vitally 
unportant symbol of freedom and self-determina- 
tion to a large part of the world. It represents the 
desire and the determination of 214 million West 
Berliners to continue under a govennnent of their 
own clioosing, and it is a focus of the hopes of 
other millions now under the imperialist rule of 
the Kremlin. What West Berlin means has been 
demonstrated in recent weeks by the repressive 
measures taken by the Communists to stop the 
flow of refugees who streamed by the thousands 
and thousands into the West Berlin sanctuaiy of 
liberty and hope. I need only add tliat the Soviet 
Union maintains 22 divisions of occupation troops 


Department of State Bulletin 

in the countries of middle and eastern Europe to 
subjugate these aspirations for freedom. 

President Kennedy has plainly told the Ameri- 
can people that the Soviet threat to continued free- 
dom and self-government in West Berlin has 
brought the unsought choice of war or peace 
dangerously close. You may be sure — and Presi- 
dent Kennedy has stated it in so many words — 
that "the challenge is not to us alone" but "to all 
who want a world of free choice." ^ Surely many 
of you here have known war. And all of you can 
read the omens of this shrinking planet in the 
trace of satellites whirling through the heavens 
overhead. My coimtry, like yours, has known a 
time of isolation, but that time is gone with the 

We have made our pledges, with the support of 
the Atlantic Community, to meet the peril of 
Berlua. We hope, with God's help, to preserve 
the peace and defend the human rights of the 
people of that city. At the same time, we look 
out upon another and broader field in which the 
future of countless millions of human beings will 
be determined — a future equally bound up witli 
peace and security for all of us. I am speaking 
here of the less developed areas inhabited by some 
two-thirds of the world's peoples. 

Is the question of freedom any less vital here? 
Surely it is not, for we hold that freedom is in- 
divisible. That is why President Kennedy has 
pledged the United States to assist the less de- 
veloped countries to build up the strong and inde- 
pendent societies to which their peoples aspire. 
That is the imderlying support for our policy 
toward Africa. 

We recognize that the new nations of Africa 
do not wish to be involved in the cold war. And 
we believe that they need not be directly involved, 
provided they can work out solutions to the basic 
problems of misery and despair, of human rights 
and essential justice. The Communist aim of 
course is to aggravate the tensions and discontent 
that may be attendant on tlais process, but the 
problems themselves are inherent in the transi- 
tional process. Our pui-pose is to help these peo- 
ples and governments to help themselves, because 
in this ever more interdependent world what con- 
cerns all of you here in Africa sooner or later will 
concern us, if it does not affect us already. 

" Bulletin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267. 
Ocfofaer 9, 1 96 J 

Africa's Aspirations 

On my visits to the newly independent coun- 
tries of tropical Africa, I have been impressed 
by the sincerity and conviction with which na- 
tional leaders have told me of their aspirations. 

First among these aspirations is the desire to be 
free from any form of outside domination, to be 
independent in the fullest sense. The United 
States recognizes the dynamics of nationalism in 
Africa today. Coupled with this is an awareness 
and assertion of what is often referred to as the 
African personality. Also related is a fierce de- 
sire for racial equality and sensitivity to problems 
of color wherever they trouble the world. 

Then there is the compelling, burning aspira- 
tion for education. To provide educational op- 
portunities to millions of young Africans is a tre- 
mendous challenge to responsible governments 
and to those from outside who would help. Yet 
I submit we cannot evade this challenge. 

Another basic aspiration is for economic de- 
velopment to raise living standards and assure 
political stability. The prevailing pattern is one 
of economic planning for rapid development in 
which there is a mixture of private and govern- 
ment-owned enterprise. Very little in this pat- 
tern is rigid or doctrinaire. And we must of 
course expect these new African states to develop 
governmental institutions which fit the values of 
their particular societies. 

This may sometimes mean a greater reliance on 
some aspects of centralized authority than in the 
democracies of the Western World. The evidence 
suggests, however, that democratic forces will con- 
tinue to make themselves felt. In the history of 
Europe and America there is much evidence that 
the early processes of nation-building are formi- 
dable and often turbulent. Yet, to date, the broad 
consensus of the peoples of the new African states 
has been responsive to their leaderehip. 

Problems Facing the New Nations 

The newly independent countries of Africa face 
a great many problems. They are short of cap- 
ital, short of skills, short of broad experience in 
self-government. Their leaders seem to be in a 
great hurry, new and changing gi^oupings among 
them appear to be developing, and there are a 
good many borders in dispute. 

In our view it is not reasonable to expect to 


find fully mature governments firmly in place in 
these new countries. What is striking, and reas- 
suring, is that the great majority of the new lead- 
ers are conducting responsible independent 
governments, despite all their burdens. The 
Congo has been an important exception, but 
clearly it is an exception and not the rule. And 
let me add that the United States has steadfastly 
supported the United Nations in the Congo with 
one purpose: to allow the Congolese people to 
develop their own national destiny. 

If all these leaders can keep abreast of the 
rising expectations of their peoples, responsible 
government will prosper and mature. That is why 
they deserve our help. For the alternatives are 
surely demagoguery, disorder, and subversion. 

There has been an unprecedented transfer of 
power in Africa, and we must accept the plain 
facts that there are now 28 sovereign nations in 
Africa, of which 18 have attained their independ- 
ence in the past 2 years. This represents an 
enormously significant transformation in our 
world community. 

This new play of forces on the world stage may 
seem poorly rehearsed, and we are not very well 
acquainted with many of the actors. But this 
drama of change is a text for our times. It can- 
not be buried by angry men or hidden in the midst 
of the sea by those who dislike or fear its imroll- 
ing. It is inexorably written in the lifestream of 
our times. 

Around this central theme there is, in Africa, 
much diversity in political and social develop- 
ment, and I do not suppose that what is tiiie of 
one area is necessarily true everywhere. On the 
other hand, no part of Africa is set apart from 
this great process of transition, which is so much 
in your own thoughts today. 

Wliatever may be said of the tensions inherent 
in the colonial experience, it is striking that the 
great majority of the new African nations have 
emerged to freedom peacefully. A considerable 
degree of preparation, perhaps lacking in some 
respects but nevertheless vital, was extended to 
these dependent peoples in the field of economic 
development, education, political expression, and 
self-government. Confusion has resulted, and 
could result again on the continent, largely 
through failure to make this preparation or from 
undue delay in the political process which it is 
intended to facilitate. 

Where preparations for inevitable change have 
not yet begun, the hour is dangerously late. But 
even in those areas determined reform coupled 
with genuine good will may in God's grace find 
success. Let us pray that this course will be 

Resolving the Issues 

Your own government institutions and your 
peoples are engaged in a vital process not only of 
constitutional transition but of accommodation 
between races. Certainly these problems of transi- 
tion and accommodation must be resolved pri- 
marily by the peoples and governments concerned. 
It is our genuine hope that political, social, and 
economic progress will occur without reference to 
the race of individual citizens and certainly with- 
out the derogation of the full rights of any ele- 
ment of the population. 

There are some who feel you are going too fast, 
and there are some who feel you are going too 
slow. But the important thing is tliat you have 
not set your face against the course of liistory. 
You are working toward the commendable goals 
of self-government by all the people and an in- 
terracial society. It is the speed with wliich j-ou 
approach these goals which is the substance of 
your political dialog. We take it that it is your 
intention to get on with the job. 

We in the United States are humbly aware that 
we have yet to achieve the full promise of racial 
equality. But it is the declared law of the land, 
it is the vigorous policy of our new national ad- 
ministration, and we shall attain it. 

American foreign policy is based on a set of 
principles to which we hold most seriously. Self- 
determination is one of these principles. In fact 
it is a universally recognized principle which as- 
serts the right of people to determine the kind 
of government under which they want to live. 
This is the very basis of the world order which 
makes possible the area of freedom and which, I 
am sure, is the goal of your own evolution. ^ 

From this basis the United States will seek to 
evaluate its policies toward Africa according to 
the merits of each individual case and problem. 
We do not propose to apply formulas, nor have 
we any desire to export any particular concepts i 
of our own. We shall, instead, adhere to principle "I 
and try to use our influence judiciously and in 
concert with men of good will, of all races and 


Deparfment of Sfafe Bulletin 

•creeds, in whose hands the future of Africa rests. 

In conchision may I express again my apprecia- 
tion for the opportunity to visit this part of 
Africa. I am gratified at the good will I lind 
among so many and at the dedicated efforts being 
made, by people of all races, to create a society in 
which all can fully enjoy a good life in peace and 

I think I can understand the disappointment of 
those who find things moving too slowly and even 
the concern of those who find things moving too 
fast. Certainly I would not minimize the tasks 
of transition which are yours to solve. 

Speaking for the Government of the United 
States and on behalf of its people, I wish you 
Godspeed in bringing those tasks to a successful 

President Signs Mutual Educational 
and Cultural Exchange Act of 1961 

Remarks by President Kennedy 

White House press release dated September 21 

I am delighted to sign the new Fulbright-Hays 
Act.^ Tliis ceremony has historic significance be- 
cause it marks full recognition bj' the Congress 
of the impoitance of a more comprehensive pro- 
gram of educational and cultural activities as a 
component of our foreign relations. 

The varied pieces of legislation, beginning with 
the Fulbright Act of 1946, following through with 
the Smith-Mundt bill and others, have now been 
gathered together and expanded to form for the 
first time a solid base for more effective activity 
in this most essential field. 

I want to congratulate and express my appreci- 
ation to Senator [J. AVilliam] Fulbright, whose 
name has long been a household symbol in the 
world for this great phase of our national and 
international life, and to Congressman Wayne 
Hays, who has so skillfully and conscientiously 
steered this legislation through the House. 

Peace Corps Legislation Signed 
Into Law by President Kennedy 

Statement hy the President 

White House press release dated September 22 

With the enactment of this legislation,^ an 
avenue is provided by which Americans can serve 
their couiitry in the cause of world peace and 
understanding and simultaneously assist other 
nations toward their legitimate goals of freedom 
and opportunity. 

I want particularly to express pleasure at the 
bipartisan effort and support in the shaping of 
this new agency. 

Already more than 13,000 Americans have 
offered their services to the Peace Corps. By the 
end of the year almost 1,000 will be serving over- 
seas or completing their training in the United 
States. By July of next year we hope to have 
2,700 in training or abroad. 

These men and women are going overseas at 
the request of the host nations. They will be doing 
specific, needed jobs. They will he working at 
a level and living at a level comparable to the 
citizens of the foreign nations. They will be farm- 
ers and teachers, craftsmen and nurses, doctors and 
technicians of all kinds. They will be a cross- 
section of the finest men and women that this na- 
tion has to offer. 

The sure sign of a good idea is that you can 
follow it, and I am pleased that several other 
nations have decided to establish peace-corps agen- 
cies of their own. 

Much credit for what has been done must go 
to congressional leaders like the men and women 
in this room, and the scores of other dedicated 
Americans who have given their advice and 

Also I want to express my esteem for the most 
effective lobbyist on the Washington scene, Mr. 
Sargent Shriver.^ 

'H.R. 8666. 

^ H.R. 7500 ; for background, see Bulletin of June 19, 
1961, p. 9S0. 

' Mr. Shriver is Director of the Peace Corps. 

Ocfober 9, J 96 1 


Forty Newly Independent States: Some Politicogeographic Observations 

iy G. Etsel Pearcy 
The Geographer 

Since the midpoint of World War II, 40 new 
sovereign states have come into being as members 
of the world commmiity. Expressed mathe- 
matically, an average of slightly more than two 
dependencies per year have received their inde- 
pendence during this period. Actually, of course, 
the emergence of new states has not conformed to 
any pattern of timing. The years 1945, 1950, 
1952-55, and 1959 saw the birth of no new states, 
but 1960 alone witnessed no less than 18. In fact, 
34 of the new states can be identified as belonging 
to one of two major independence movements 
which in turn were geared to the contemporary 
international situation. 

The first came about as a result of the realine- 
ment of power in World War II ; 15 states, either 
directly or indirectly, can associate their newly 
foimd statehood with some phase of that great 
conflict. For example, Indonesia gathered mo- 
mentum for independence through the weakening 
of Dutch prestige and influence during the Japa- 
nese occupation from 1942 to 1945. 

The second independence movement followed 
the close of the war by more than a decade — and 
still is in process. It can be traced to the waning 
of power among the maritime states of Europe 
and the awakening of political consciousness 
among the colonial peopl&s, particularly in Africa. 
Nineteen new states have so far resulted from this 
second wave, the momentum of whicli in some 
ways has had a snowballing effect — action in one 
political entity in Africa establishes the prece- 
dent for similar activity in another, and this in 
turn for still others. (The same trend, though on 
a less grandiose scale, can be noted in the politi- 
cal development of lOth century Latin America, 

when 12 colonies gained their independence in 
the 20 years from 1821 to 1840.) 

The recent surge of so many new states onto 
the world scene has brought the overall total to 
111, a number unprecedented in history.^ In 1913 
only 63 countries were generally conceded to be 
sovereign states. Between the two world wars 
11 states came into existence, largely as the result 
of a new alinement of countries within Europe. 
Especially noteworthy was the breakup of the 
Austro-Hungarian Empire into all or parts of 
five new states : Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, 
Poland, and Yugoslavia. 

Since World War II the new countries have in 
general been occasioned by completion of a centrif- 
ugal cycle which began with the establishment 
of dependent areas in Asia and Africa, the de- 
velopment of these areas into well-defined political 
entities with their own desires and ambitions for 
self-rule, and the breaking away from the metro- 
pole country and inauguration of national gov- 
ernments. In some cases this cycle from original 
settlement to statehood required centuries; in 
others only a few decades. 

The 40 new states exert a powerful impact 
upon the world. In relation to all independent 
states they represent 30 percent of the total num- 
ber. In area and population they represent 21 
percent and 30 percent, respectively. In theory 
then, 3 out of each 10 persons living in one of the 
world's sovereign states has enjoyed complete 
autonomy for less than two decades. Since 30 

' This number is the one used in the Office of the 
Geographer to denote those states generally considered 
to be fully independent. It does not necessarily coincide 
with the number of states which the U.S. Government 
formally recognizes. 


Deporfmenf of Sfafe BuUefin 

percent of these people (863,461,000) live on 21 
percent of the area (9,790,000 square miles), the 
conclusion may be drawn that the newly inde- 
pendent states are, on the average, nearly 50 per- 
cent more densely populated than the older states. 
Thus the new states have inherited a situation 
which introduces to the world community a dou- 
ble-headed problem of serious proportions. New- 
ness itself, reflected in lack of time to establish 
locally oriented national economies, is coupled 
with environments already taxed beyond the 
world norm to support their inliabitants. 

Qualifications for Statehood 

Because of the varying shades of autonomy 
and its interpretation by legislative bodies with 
different traditions and philosophies, it is difficult 
to determine in all cases whether a political entity 
can be considered independent or not. As basic 
guidelines certain qualifications must be met: 

1. There must be a people — a body of indi- 
viduals ; 

2. There must be an area which the people 
occupy ; 

3. There must be an effective organized gov- 
ernment ; 

4. There must be relationship with other po- 
litical entities; 

5. There must be a degree of civilization which 
allows the carrying out of international responsi- 

Or as one geographer summarized the prerequi- 
sites : ^ 

A modern sovereign state is a politically-organized area 
In which the people give their support to a government 
for the purpose of defending and fostering the develop- 
ment of a distinctive body of traditions and institutions. 

Beyond the above guidelines various intangible 
factors within a political entity may influence its 
status relative to degree of autonomy. Further, 

, outside recognition — or lack of recognition — of 
any political entity's independence is not only 

', unpredictable but varies from state to state. 
For example, any given political entity may be 
recognized as independent by some but not by 
all states. In a world fractured with discord this 
factor of interrecognition can indeed become 

* Preston E. James, Latin America, The Odyssey Press, 
New York, 1959, p. 49. 

Some states, while widely recognized as inde- 
pendent, may be little more than puppets as far 
as autonomy in its true sense is concerned. A 
modern expression of the puppet state is the 
"satellite," as several countries of eastern Europe 
are labeled by the Western World. In contrast 
various regimes not recognized by the U.S. Gov- 
ernment, including northern Korea, northern 
Viet-Nam, and the Soviet Zone of Germany, fail 
to qualify in this article as "newly independent." 

Several microstates in Europe maintain status 
as independent states mainly by virtue of tradi- 
tional recognition of their autonomy dating back 
to the petty kingdoms of feudal days. Not im- 
commonly a political entity is fully self-governing 
except for its external affairs. Several sheikdoms 
on the Arabian Peninsula fall into this category 
and may arbitrarily be classified as semi-inde- 
pendent. On the other hand the "self-govemmg 
colony" of Southern Ehodesia lacks the basis for 
semi-independence despite the purported internal 
autonomy. In this instance the United Kingdom 
has a direct line of authority into the colony 
through the governor. 

Distinctions in Analyzing Sovereign Status 

To arrive at 40 as the number of newly in- 
dependent states since 1943 was achieved not with- 
out perplexing problems. Several examples may 
suffice to point up some of the distinctions required 
in analyzing sovereign status. In 1944 Syria, a 
French mandated territory, received its independ- 
ence, yet does not appear among the "forty." 
Without doubt the Syrians now live in an in- 
dependent state but did not prior to 1944. Should 
they not then be rated as living in a newly in- 
dependent state? If Syria had continued to exist 
as a state it undoubtedly would have so qualified. 
In 1958, however, Syria amalgamated with Egypt 
to become the United Arab Republic, its citizens 
thereby losing their identity as sovereign subjects 
of the country which had attained independence 
14 years previously. 

A closely related problem concerns the United 
Arab Republic itself as a sovereign state. The 
political entities making it up, Egypt and Syria, 
were independent at the time of amalgamation ; so 
it must be classed as a "new" rather than a "newly 
independent" country. On the other hand, the 
Syrian Region of the United Arab Republic was 
a dependent area at the beginning of the period 

Ocfober 9, ?96T 




under consideration — 1943 to the present. In this 
limited sense there might be some justification for 
considering the United Arab Republic as "newly 
independent in part." 

The reestablishment of Austria as a republic at 
the close of World War II from its anschluss with 
Germany in 1938 did not constitute the creation 
of a newly independent state. An Austria had 
previousl}' existed as a sovereign state. 

For 5 days, June 26-July 1, 19G0, the protector- 
ate of British Somaliland enjoyed the privilege 
of being an independent state. This sliort-lived 
autonomy, however, was part of the legal pro- 
cedure to combine the area with the former 
Italian Trust Territory of Somaliland (Somalia) 
to create the Somali Republic. For all practical 
purposes British Somaliland gained its inde- 
pendence as a part of the new Somali Republic 
and cannot be counted separately as a state. 

Another interim state with full sovereignty was 
the Federation of Mali, declared independent from 
France on June 20, 19G0. It broke up into the 
present two republics of Senegal (August 20, 
1960) and Mali ( September 22, 19G0), correspond- 
ing in area to the former autonomous states of 
Senegal and French Soudan within the French 

A current sovereignty change on the maj) of 
Africa involves the British Cameroons. The 
northern section of this small trust territory 
merged with Nigeria on June 1, 1961 ; the southern 
section on October 1 became a part of Cameroun. 
These shifts mean inhabitants of a dependent 
area are becommg inhabitants of an independent 
area but not that new independent states are being 

Kuwait stands among those states considered by 
the U.S. Government as independent, but just 
when this recognition began is almost impossible 
to determine. On June 19, 1961, an official note 
from the United Kingdom to the state of Kuwait 
set forth certain conclusions that indicate full 
independence : 

1. The Agreement of the 23d of January, 1899, 
shall be terminated as being inconsistent with the 
sovereignty and independence of Kuwait. 

2. The relations between the two countries shall 
continue to be governed by a spirit of close 

3. "Wlien appropriate the two Governments shall 
consult together on matters which concern them 

4. Nothing in these conclusions shall affect the 
readiness of Her Majesty's Government to assist 


Department of State Bulletin 

the Government of Kuwait if tlie latter request 
such assistance. 

The "Agreement" mentioned above spells out the 
protected-state nature of Kuwait in certain mat- 
ters. Only a few words need be cited from the 
earlier document to bear out this fact : 

. . . that the said Sheikh . . . does hereby pledge and 
bind himself, his heirs and successors not to receive the 
Agent or Representative of any Power or Government 
at Koweit, or at any other place within the limits of his 
territory, without the previous sanction of the British 

It is evident that the 1899 docimient was not in 
force when the 1961 note was written. But when 
between 1899 and 1961 did Kuwait become an 
independent state? No basis exists for placing it 
among the 40 states under discussion though con- 
ceivably its independence has in part at least 
materialized since World War II by force of a 
series of bilateral and unilateral actions, no one 
of which sharply defines the newly found 

Of the 40 new states imder discussion all but 
3 have membership in the United Nations. The 
newest state — Sierra Leone — became a member on 
September 27, 1961. The United Nations has re- 
jected the applications of the republics of Korea, 
Mauritania, and Viet-Nam. As participants in the 
activities of the specialized agencies of the United 
Nations, however, these nonmember countries are 
not without some voice in world affairs. 


By continents the 40 newly independent states 
break down very unevenly: 24 in Africa, 15 in 
Asia, and 1 in Europe. This distribution explains 
in part the surging influence of the African and 
Asian nations in U.N. affairs. In addition to the 
35 new members, there are 14 other nations in 
these two continental areas which are members of 
the United Nations ; they therefore have a poten- 
tial voting power of 49 out of 99 in total strength. 
It is well to bear in mind, however, that the differ- 
ences between the nations of Africa and those of 
Asia are often as marked as the differences be- 
tween members of any other group of nations. 

A closer look at the distribution of newly in- 
dependent states shows a meaningful regional 
concentration. One-half of the 40 states may be 
associated with Middle Africa, though 5 of them 
project northward into the dry northern part of 

the continent. The northern segments of Mauri- 
tania, Mali, Niger, Chad, and Sudan penetrate the 
Sahara Desert itself. Except for this dry pe- 
riphery the 20 states of this broad region make up 
the major portion of tropical Africa. For pur- 
poses of classification the Malagasy Republic may 
be added to the group, although its inhabitants 
do not consider themselves as Africans. The 
popular American concept of Africa with its new 
states and political problems normally focuses 
upon that part of the continent south of the 

Another seven of the new states lie alone the 
southern and eastern margins of the Mediter- 
ranean. Independence in this elongated area has 
strengthened the Moslem world by creating a 
chain of Arab states extending from its tradi- 
tional center in the heart of the Near East to 
Morocco, which faces the Atlantic Ocean. 

A third regional grouping encompasses 10 states 
which form the preponderant part of the two 
politicogeographic areas known as South Asia 
and Southeast Asia. Only Thailand breaks a 
continuous band of newly established sovereign 
lands stretching from West Pakistan to the open 
Pacific Ocean beyond the Philippine Islands. 
Especially noteworthy is the extremely heavy 
population of these 10, accounting for more than 
four-fifths of the inhabitants for all 40 newly 
independent states. 

Thus 38 of the new states imder consideration — 
all except Iceland and Korea — fall into three dis- 
tinct regional groups. 

One may also examine the location of the newly 
independent states from the standpoint of lati- 
tude. No less than 30 of the 40 lie wholly or 
mostly within the Tropics. In fact 5 of the states 
are astride the Equator, and another 13 lie within 
500 miles of it. (In contrast, of all the independ- 
ent states in the Eastern Hemisphere before 1943, 
only Ethiopia and Liberia were located less than 
500 miles from the Equator.) Another 8 lie suf- 
ficiently close to the Tropics to be classed as sub- 
tropical. Among this group Libya and Paki- 
stan extend southward across the Tropic of Can- 
cer. Only two of the newly independent states, 
Iceland and Korea, have high latitude positions, 
although even southernmost Korea is no farther 
from the Equator than the city of Los Angeles. 
Thus 38 newly sovereign states, dominated by a 
tropical or subtropical environment, exert a here- 
tofore imknown effect upon world relations. 

Ocfober 9, 1961 





BEPUeilC ^-uiuiotAHD 

t/ BEPUeilC ,,— l*>u 
Of <// 


There has long been a time-honored and widely 
accepted geographical concept which affirms that 
the great power centers are found at middle and 
high-middle latitudes witliin the so-called Tem- 
perate Zone and that at best the Tropics are no 
more than a source of food and raw materials. 
But now that sovereign status has moved into the 
lower latitudes this maxim is no longer true, 
for the outlook of tropical countries has suddenly 
been reversed. Generation of political force now 
comes from within rather than from without these 
areas. Some considerable voice in the world 
community is heard from these new states in con- 
temporary international affairs, notwithstanding 
their remoteness from the more established polit- 
ical societies. 

Previous Sovereignty 

Before statehood all 40 of the newly independ- 
ent countries were dependencies of one type or 
another — including associated political units— sub- 
ject to the control of 8 different metropole states. 
From the French realm 21, or more than one-half, 
of the new countries came into existence. The 
British Commonwealth and Empire accounted for 
another 12. The remaining 7 were formerly Ital- 
ian, Belgian, Danish, Dutch, Japanese, and Amer- 
ican. The table on the following page identifies 
each of the states with its former colonial area. 

Without doubt previous sovereignty has left an 
indelible imprint upon the political, economic, and 
social structures of each new state. Some charac- 
teristics are readily noticeable by even the most 
casual observer, such as the bookstalls on Indian 
railway platforms which are reminiscent of those 
in British railway stations. Other characteristics 
show a more subtle relationship to those of the 
metropole country. For example, parliamentary 
procedure in the ex-French areas has its roots in 
the Chamber of Deputies in Paris. By their very 
nature such characteristics will remain long after 
the departure of the last French, English, Italian, 
or other oflScial. 

One can better understand the problems of the 
newly independent states and appreciate their ef- 
forts to attain political viability by reviewing 
colonial techniques. France deliberately spread 
its culture through the colonies, so that its impact 
reached deep into goverimiental procedure. Even 
in the 19th century French dependencies were 
given the privilege of representation in Paris, 
though the gesture may have been more token than 
realistically effective. In some of the new African 
states carved from the French Community the 
oratory of top echelon officials is quite impressive. 
These leaders served their apprenticeship among 
the best politicians and diplomats in France and 
were exposed to eloquence at the highest levels of 
parliamentary practice. 

It is entirely possible that pride in Frcncli cul- 
ture, including the language, has been possessed 
with sufficient centrifugal force to promote a cul- 
tural pattern in the states formerly French. Even 
in Haiti, which gained its independence from 
France over a century and a half ago, the French 
language and way of life have to a remarkable 
extent been preserved by the elite classes. The 
first-order administrative divisions of Haiti are 
d^'partements, just as they are in France. 

Britain made it a practice to use indirect rule 
in colonial government. For example, the in- 
digenous ruler of a local territorial miit, such as 
a tribal chieftain, was accountable to the British 
Government for matters within his area of re- 
sponsibility. But below this level no pressure 
was exerted toward instituting a British way of 
life. At the same time, officialdom in the various 
colonial areas established for itself a social stnic- 
ture in many ways resembling that back home. 
It followed naturally that local inhabitants often 


Department of State Bulletin 

FoHMER Sovereignty 


Newly Independent States' 

New states 

Former French: 
Lebanon. . . . 
Viet-Nam . . . 


Cambodia . . . 
Morocco. . . . 


Guinea ' 



Upper Volta .... 
Ivory Coast .... 






Malagasy Republic . . 


Central African Repub- 



Former dependencies 

Lebanon (mandate) 
French Indochina 

French Morocco (also Spanish 
Morocco, Tangier Interna- 
tional Zone) 

Tunisia (protectorate) 

French West Africa 

Trust Territory of (French) 
Cameroons, then State of 

Trust Territory of (French) 

Madagascar and dependencies 

>Freneh Equatorial Africa 

Former British: 

Jordan. . . . 

Israel . . . . 

Pakistan . . . 

India . . . . 

Burma. . . . 

Ceylon. . . . 

Sudan . . . . 




■ >Palestine (mandate) 

. \British India and Associated 

. / States 

. Burma (colony) 

. Ceylon (crown colony) 

. Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (con- 

. Gold Coast and Ashanti Colo- 
nies, Northern Territories 
Protectorate, Trust Terri- 
tory of (British) Togoland 

. Malayan Union, then Federa- 
tion of Malaya 

. Cyprus (crown colony) 

. Nigeria (colony and protec- 

. Sierra Leone (colony and pro- 

. Libya (Italian colony, then 
joint administration by 
United Kingdom and 

. Trust Territory of Somaliland 
and British Somaliland 

. . . (same King as Denmark) 

Former American: 

Philippines Philippine Islands (common- 
Former Japanese: 

Korea Korea or Chosen (annexed to 

Former Dutch: 

Indonesia Netherlands East Indies 

Former Belgian: 

Republic of the Congo . Belgian Congo 

Sierra Leone 

Former Italian: 
Libya . . . 

Somali Republic 

Former Danish: 
Iceland .... 

" In the preparation of the table some details of sover- 
eignty have been omitted in favor of a more general 

took advantage of modem improvements and 
adopted the British way of doing things. Malaya 
became one of the best developed of all wet tropical 
areas, its heavy forest penetrated by a network 
of good highways. Bagpipe music and cricket 
matches continue in India and Pakistan. Bur- 
mese, Nigerians, Cameroonians, and other British 
colonials were never precluded on account of their 
race from attending univereities in Britain or 
otherwise visiting that country. 

The other metropole countries likewise left 
varying impressions on areas formerly under their 
sovereign control. For example, the Belgians 
tended to stress economic and social development 
rather than political. On the other hand, the 
democratic institutions remaining in the Philip- 
pine Islands serve as a reminder of American 
influence on that archipelago for nearly half a 
century. As a final illustration, one may look 
at the capital cities of Libya and the Somali Re- 
public and see the Italian influence. Significant 
development of these areas as dependencies came 
during the fascist regime in Italy; when civic 
improvements assumed the lines and proportions 
of exhibition grounds and buildings. Tlie pres- 
ent government quarters and their landscaping 
match the prewar style of architecture in Italian 

Patterns of Independence 

Any attempt to account for the autonomy of 
the newly independent states by recognition of a 
consistent pattern from one to another is thwarted 
by the presence of countless variables. Each state 
possesses its own unique set of characteristics 
stemming from the past and tempered by its role 
in the coiitemporary world. Nevertheless, there 
are a few common denominators to be found in 
all or most of the 40 new countries. First, if a 
political entity once attains statehood, chances for 
survival are excellent. Other than the exceptions 
and irregularities discussed earlier, eveiy state 
receiving independence since 1943 has remained 
intact as a sovereign entity and continues to func- 
tion as such. It is to the advantage of the com- 
munity of nations to uphold the integrity of its 
various members. Over a longer span of time 
the same story is to be told of the 20 Latin Ameri- 
can countries which came into existence in the 
century between 1804 and 1903. 

October 9, 1961 


Another characteristic common to all 40 states 
is their Western form of government. Pai'liamen- 
tary procedure from one new country to another 
fundamentally varies but little. There may be a 
range from strong central control to a loosely knit 
federation, or the role of single or multiple polit- 
ical parties may differ, but in no instance has any 
pre-European governmental .system survived.* 
Some states have gone back into their past for a 
state name (Mali, Ghana) or reverted to a former 
language (India, Ceylon), but none has been 
sufficiently nationalistic or sentimental to incorpo- 
rate any tribal, clannish, or other early hierarchal 
elements into its overall governmental institutions. 

Although the 40 new states by no means come 
from the same mold, trends or attitudes in inter- 
national relations show a surprising uniformity. 
For one thing, nationalism shows up strongly but 
not to the degree that the new states sink into 
isolation. In addition, all seek a better way of 
life as measured in Western economic goods. 
Likewise, most of the states, even though they have 
dissenting minorities, have sufficient control and 
political viability to override the constant friction 
which would seem capable of eroding the govern- 
ment structure to the point of collapse. In fact, 
absence of disrupting influences capable of causing 
permanent or serious rifts undoubtedly proved to 
be a factor in facilitating independence. The 
presence of white minorities in the Rhodesias and 
Kenya has to date impeded the severance of ties 
between these dependencies and the United 

Independence Equation 

The effectiveness of any role which a young 
state may play in the world community hangs in 
delicate balance. Advantages favorable to state- 
hood must be used prodigiously against negative 
factors which are always present to discourage and 
stifle growth and development. In the world as it 
exists today formidable obstacles continually 
harass any state experiencing for the first time 
its own sovereign control. Economic weakness, 
internal dissension, cultural diversity, outside 
pressure, and the frightening specters of violence 

* American rule in the Philippine Islands was preceded 
by that of the Spanish, thus the Philippines is included 
with the other 39 states under consideration in this 
article as having been under European sovereignty. 

or war all unfortunately highlight the negative 
factors and handicap constructive measures to 
establish strength and stability in a state. 

However, the viability of a people and its gov- 
ernment is not always to be determined by physical 
environment or the equilibrium of its strengtlis 
and weaknesses. Pakistan began existence as a 
geographical anachronism, divided into two parts 
by 900 miles of Indian territory. It lacked the 
combination of resources assuring strong economic 
development, for the areas now making up East 
Pakistan and West Pakistan were peripheral to 
the subcontinental economic structure of British ■ 
India. Soon after independence in the late 1940's ^ 
economists wrote of the hopelessness facing 
Palristan as a successfully functioning sovereign 
state. Yet now, little more than a decade later, 
that country stands as one of the strongest in 
Asia— a bulwark of Western defense in the south 
and southeast parts of the continent. The vitality 
of the Pakistani and the direction of their Govern- 
ment have been sufficient to meet the challenge of 
what appeared to be an equation top-heavy on the 
negative side. 

We may look at the small states in Middle 
Africa — Dahomey, Gabon, Sierra Leone, or 
Togo — and see bleak futures if only the geo- 
graphic realities are allowed to come into perspec- 
tive. These countries in west Africa are basically 
strips of territory with ocean frontage, originally 
established by seafaring Europeans in search of 
routes to lands of fabulous riches. Individually 
each strip, or country, has a singularly small array 
of resources, and even the resources that have 
been developed are oriented primarily toward the 
former European metropole countries. Surface 
transportation in this part of Middle Africa con- 
spicuously avoids crossing international bound- 

In light of their physical and economic inherit- 
ances, these new states have little choice other than 
to reorient their activities and their outlooks to 
a new locus. Because of small size, especially 
in a competitive world strongly influenced by 
great powers, any advance of status must in part 
at least depend upon membership in supranational 
organizations. Alliances capable of generating 
sustained support and cooperation may also be 
of infinite benefit. Aid from foreign sources like- 
wise may serve as a catalyst in providing a new 
state the means of extending its economic horizon. 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

On the diplomatic front, too, a new state's 
leaders may be on the tightrope, establishing the 
most advantageous accords and at the same time 
withstanding adverse pressures. It must be re- 
membered that violence was associated with the 
independence of 7 of the 40 new states — testimony 
to an ever-potential danger of disrupted negotia- 
tions. A substantial proportion of the recent 
crises aj^pearing in the headlines transpires in the 
new states under discussion : Laos, Congo, Tunisia. 
Unfortunately a new state, lacking traditions and 
long-established order, may be subject to a "shak- 
ing down" process that creates strife both in- 
ternally and externally. The U.S. position in 
supporting the sovereign status of new comitries 
encourages attitudes and action which may ease 
tensions and facilitate constructive progress. 

New States To Come 

Two dependent areas have definite dates for 
their entrance into statehood : Tanganyika on De- 
cember 28, 1961, and The West Indies on May 31, 
1962. The latter will be the first new state in the 
Americas since the Republic of Panama was estab- 
lished in 1903, if one excepts later stages of the 
transition of Canada from a British colony to a 
self-governing member of the Commonwealth. 

Other political entities are also believed to be 
on the threshold of independence or working to- 
ward that end. The greatest concentration of 
potential states lies in Middle Africa. Euanda- 
Unindi, now a trust territory of Belgium, may 
become independent in 1962, possibly as two coun- 
tries — Ruanda and Barundi — based upon major 
tribal elements within the area. Nearby Uganda 
also has tribal problems to resolve prior to inde- 
pendence, while Kenya and the Federation of 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland find divisive interests 
between Africans and large white minorities the 
greatest obstacle in the path to final statehood. 

In the Pacific area Western Samoa is being pre- 
pared for independence by New Zealand. (The 
eastern part of the island group, it may be re- 
called, comprises American Samoa, an unincor- 
porated territory of the United States.) In the 
Western Hemisphere both British Guiana and 
British Honduras, following in the wake of The 
West Indies, have been scheduled for independ- 
ence within the next 2 or 3 years. 

In the present swing toward independence there 
is no way of knowing how small an area or a popu- 

lation may be and still qualify for statehood. Of 
the newly independent states the smallest, Leb- 
anon, has 3,400 square miles, or about two-thirds 
the area of Connecticut. Iceland has the fewest 
people, coxmting only 170,000 in 1958. Likewise, 
one can turn to the microstates of Europe for 
examples of diminutive sovereign states. 

Only a relatively small proportion of the world 
remains as dependent areas ; so there is a limit to 
the continuation of the great era of newly estab- 
lished states which we are now witnessing. Less 
than one-third of Africa is left, plus a number of 
scattered islands. Dependent areas on continental 
mainlands other than in Africa have nearly 

Assuming all dependencies of consequence re- 
ceive full independence, are there other factors 
that might change the sovereignty pattern of the 
world? Might there be a swing in the other 
direction — consolidation of territory into larger 
states? Federation is a step in this direction, 
though in practice this procedure seems to be more 
applicable for integral parts within a state than 
for encompassing multiple sovereign states into 
a new sovereign entity. There is also the opposite 
alternative — ^might not existing states, especially 
large ones, be broken down into multiple states? 
Certainly this trend is not now evident. The 
one sure fact is that political entities over the 
earth are ever changing, as if composed of diverse 
viscous substances. New countries are constantly 
being built up or broken down. Stability — at 
least in this area of human affairs — is pi-obably 
a condition that the world wUl never see. 

Foreign Policy Briefings To Be Held 
at Dallas and Kansas City 

Press release 651 dated September 21 

The Department of State will hold regional 
foreign policy briefing conferences at Kansas City, 
Mo., on October 26 and at Dallas, Tex., on Oc- 
tober 27. Representatives of the press, radio 
and television, and nongovernmental organiza- 
tions concerned with foreign policy will be invited 
to participate. 

The Kansas City conference, in which the 
Kansas City Star and the University of Kansas 
City are cooperating with the Department of 
State, will bring together participants from Iowa, 
Kansas, Missouri, and Nebraska. The Dallas 

Ocfober 9, 7967 


meeting, to which media and organization rep- 
resentatives from Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, 
and Texas are being invited, is being organized 
in cooperation with tlie Dallas United Nations 

Under Secretary of State Chester Bowles and 
other principal officers of the Department of State 
will take part in both conferences. 

These regional meetings continue the series 
which was inaugurated in Jidy of this year at San 
Francisco and Denver.^ Their purpose is to pro- 
vide opportunity for discussion of international 
issues between those wlio inform the public on 
the issues and the senior officers of the Depart- 
ment of State who have the responsibility for 
dealing with them. 

Invitations will be mailed shortly. 

Cambodia Port Highway Project 

Statement hy Henry R. Labouisse ^ 

Press release 659 dated September 23 

The committee report, deals with an aid project 
which was commenced in 1955 and completed in 
1959. It is the constant aim of this administra- 
tion to improve the operation of the foreign aid 
program, and we concur in the committee's rec- 
ommendations, which have a similar objective. 
Actions along the lines recommended by the com- 
mittee are already in progress and in most respects 
were initiated even prior to the committee's in- 
vestigations of the Cambodia highway project this 
year. Many of these actions are being carried 
out in conjunction with the current reorganiza- 
tion of the foreign aid program and the establish- 
ment of the new Agency for International De- 
velopment. We expect they will improve 
administrative procedures. "We also expect that 
inve.stigations now in progress by the Bureau of 
Public Koads in behalf of ICA and at ICA's 
request will identify tlie factoi-s responsible for 
any deterioration in the Cambodia liighway so 
that appropriate steps may be taken to protect 
the interests of the United Slates Government. 

' Bulletin of July 24, 1061, p. 165. 

' Concerning a iepf)rt of the House Committee on Gov- 
ernment Operations, Cambodia Port Jlighxcay: A Supple- 
mental Report (H.U. 1250). Mr. Labouisse is Director 
of the International Cooperation Administration. 

United States Gives Aid 
to Flood Victims in Burma 

Following is the text of a telegram from Presi- 
dent Kennedy to Prime Minister U Nu of Burma. 

White House press release (Hyannls, Mass.) dated September 16 

16 September 1961 

His Excellency U Nu: On behalf of the Gov- 
ernment and the people of the United States I 
express deepest sympathy for losses suffered by 
victims of the severe floods which have devastated 
large areas of your country. Ambassador [John 
S.] Everton has already made certain funds avail- 
able for relief and I have asked him to discuss 
with your government other emergency measures 
which the United States Government might be able 
to take to help relieve suffering. 

John F. Kennedy 

His Excellency 


Prime Minister, Minister for Defense, for Home 
Affairs, for Democratization and Administra- 
tion of Local Bodies, for Belief and Resettle- 

Rangoon, Burma 


Current Actions 



Articles of agreement of the International Bank for Re- 
construction and Development. Opened for signature 
at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered into force 
December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 

Acceptance deposited: Dominican Republic, September 
18, 1961. 


Declaration of understanding regarding the International 
CouventiDu for the Xorlhwest Atlantic Fisheries of 
February S, i!>49 (TIAS 20S9). Done at Washington 
April 24, 1961.' 
Acceptance deposited: Italy, September 14, 1901. 

" Not in force. 


Department of Sfate Bulletin 

Trade and Commerce 

Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to an- 
nexes and to texts of schedules to the General Agree- 
ment on TarifCs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 7, 
1955. Entered into force January 23, 1959. TIAS 4186. 

Protocol amending the preamble and parts II and III of 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force October 7, 
1957. TIAS 3930. 

Protocol of rectification to the French text of the General 
Agreement on TarifCs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
June 15, 1955. Entered into force October 24, 1956. 
TIAS 3677. 

Proc6s-verbal of rectification concerning the protocol 
amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX, the 
protocol amending the preamble and parts II and III, 
and the protocol of organizational amendments to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva December 3, 1955. Section B entered into force 
October 7, 1957. 

Sixth protocol of supplementary concessions to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
May 23, 1956. Entered into force June 30, 1956. TIAS 

Declaration on provisional accession of the Swiss Con- 
federation to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva November 22, 19,58. Entered 
into force for the United States April 29, 1960. TIAS 

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the 
Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. Done at 
Geneva May 25, 19.59. Entered into force for the 
United States November 19, 1959. TIAS 4385. 

Declaration on provisional accession of Israel to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
May 29, 1959. Entered into force for the United States 
December 19, 1959. TIAS 4384. 

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the 
Polish People's Republic. Done at Tokyo November 9, 
1959. Entered into force November 16, 1960. TIAS 

Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force for the 
United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 4498. 
AcTcnowledfjed appUcable rights and obligations of 
United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 22, 1961. 

Declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva November 18, 19<}0.' 
Ratification deposited: Austria, August 22, 1961. 

Declaration giving effect to provisions of article XVI :4 
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done 
at Geneva November 19, 1960. Enters into force on 
the 30th day following day accepted by signature or 
otherwise by Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, 
France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxem- 
bourg, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, 
United Kingdom, and United States.' 
Signatures: France, November 19, 1960; Belgium, No- 
vember 24, 1960 ; Norway, February 9, 1961 ; Luxem- 
bourg, February 24, 1961; Canada, April 14, 1961; 
Netherlands (for European Territory, Netherlands 
Antilles, and Netherlands New Guinea), April 25, 
1961 ; Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, May 
9, 1961 ; New Zealand. May 30, 1961 ; United King- 
dom (including all United Kingdom territories to 
which GATT provisionally applied, except Kenya), 
August 21, 1961; United States (with a .statement), 
September 19, 1961. 



Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of November 8, 1960 (TIAS 4663). Effected by 
exchange of notes at Santiago August 30, 1961. Enters 
into force on date of notification that Chile has approved 
the agreement in accordance with its constitutional 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps 
program in the Federation of Malaya. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Kuala Lumpur September 4, 1961. 
Entered into force September 4, 1961. 


Agreement supplementary to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade to provide a concession as compensa- 
tion to Sweden for spring clothespins escape-clause ac- 
tion, and exchange of notes. Signed at Washington 
September 15, 1961. Entered into force September 15, 

United Arab Republic 

Agricultural conmio<lities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 
1954, as amended (7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), with exchanges 
of notes. Signed at Cairo September 2, 1961. Entered 
into force September 2, 1961. 


' N(it in force. 
Ocfober 9, 7961 

Mr. Humelsine Heads Study Group 
on Organization of Department 

Press release 643 dated September 18 

Acting Secretary Bowles announced on Sep- 
tember 18 the appointment of Carlisle H. 
Hiunelsine, president of Colonial Williamsburg 
and a former Deputy Under Secretary for Ad- 
ministration, as a consultant to head a special 
study group to survey Department of State or- 
ganizational problems. Establislunent of the 
study group, which is expected to complete its 
work within 3 or 4 weeks, is one of a series of 
steps undertaken by Mr. Bowles in continuing 
administrative efforts to make the Department 
of State fully responsive to its constantly increas- 
ing duties and responsibilities. 

In commenting on the study, prior to his de- 
parture for New York, Secretary Eusk said : 

The demands upon the Department are exacting. They 
require all the initiative, imagination, operational skill, 
and executive competence we can provide. 


Mr. Humelsine and his associates will work not only 

within the Department but will also seek the advice and 
opinions of others now in private life who have had a 
long-time interest in the State Department and its opera- 
tions. The perspective to be gained from such consulta- 
tions will be invaluable in bringing a public point of 
View to bear upon the role of the Department. 

Assisting Mr. Humelsine will be Arthur G. 
Stevens, a former Department of State official 
now in the banking field. Other members of the 
group will include Robert M. Macy, chief of the 
International Division, Bureau of the Budget, and 
top-level State Department personnel who will 
serve as time permits. Among these are "Walter 
K. Scott, consul general at Munich and former 
Assistant Secretary for Administration ; William 
O. Hall, deputy chief of mission at Karachi and 
former senior adviser on the U.S. Mission to 
the United Nations; and Charles E. Bohlen, 
Special Assistant to the Secretary and f onner Am- 
bassador to the U.S.S.R. and the Republic of the 
Philippines. Staff support will be provided by 
the Department's Office of Management, Bureau 
of Administration, under Deputy Assistant Secre- 
tary Ralph S. Roberts. 

The Humelsine group will work closely with 
the Under Secretary and lus principal associates 
in the administrative and operational fields, 
Deputy Under Secretary Roger W. Jones and As- 
sistant Secretary for Administration William J. 

State and Treasury Announce 
Personnel Exchange Program 

Press release 040 dated September 18 

The State and Treasury Departments on Sep- 
tember 18 announced a personnel excliange pro- 
gram designed to increase understanding of the 
relationship between foreign and financial 
policies. The program was recommended in 
February of this year by the Subcommittee on 
National Policy Macliinery of the Senate Com- 

mittee on Government Operations. The recom- 
mendation was welcomed by the Secretary of State 
and the Secretary of the Treasury. 

The first assignment of personnel by the two 
Departments began on September 18. 

Robert S. Watson of the Treasury's Office of 
International Finance is assigned to the Eco- 
nomic Development Division of the State Depart- 
ment's Office of International Financial and De- 
velopment Affairs. He will be concerned with the 
State Department's foreign policy guidance to the 
Export-Import Bank. He will also help coordi- 
nate the Department's position in the National 
Advisory Council in the area of loans, investments, 
services, and certain other activities. 

Edwin C. Rendall of the Bureau of Economic 
Affairs of the Department of State will be as- 
signed to the Latin American Division of the Office 
of International Finance of the Treasury. He will 
have responsibility for financial analysis of the 
economies of a selected group of Latin American 
countries. This will require the application of 
basic Treasury policy to foreign financial matters. 

Project assignments and training have been 
planned to provide maximum knowledge and 
understanding in areas where foreign and fi- 
nancial policies coincide. Particular emphasis will 
be given to the continued development of the ex- 
change personnel and their potential contribution 
to the purpose of the program following return 
to their parent organizations. 

Further assignment of persomiel to the State- 
Treasury exchange program will be made later 
this year. Assignments will be for 1 year. 


The Senate on September 8 confirmed the following 

nominations : 

Charles P. Darlington to be Ambassador to the Repub- 
lic of Gabon. (For biographic details, see Department 
of State press release G49 dated September 21.) 

Lincoln Gordon to be Ambassador to Brazil. (For bio- 
graphic details, see Department of State press release 
645 dated September 19.) 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

October 9, 1961 


Vol. XLV, No. 1163 

Africa. Basic United States Policy in Africa 

(Williams) 600 

Brazil. Gordon confirmed as Ambassador .... 614 

Burma. United States Givea Aid to Flood Victims 

in Burma (Kennedy) 612 

Cambodia. Cambodia Port Highway Project (La- 
bouisse) 612 

Congress, The 

Cambodia Port Higliway Project (Labouisse) . . 612 

Peace Corps Legislation Signed Into Law by Presi- 
dent Kennedy (Kennedy) 603 

President Signs Mutual Educational and Cultural 

Exchange Act of 1961 (Kennedy) 603 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Darlington, Gordon) 614 

Mr. Humelsine Heads Study Group on Organization 
of Department 613 

State and Treasury Announce Personnel Exchange 
Program 614 

Disarmament. United States and Soviet Union 
Agree on Statement of Principles for Disarma- 
ment Negotiations (McCloy, texts of docu- 
ments) 589 

Economic Affairs 

Free-World Growth and Progress (Ball, Dillon) . 579 

State and Treasury Announce Personnel Exchange 
Program 614 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. President Signs 
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act 
of 1961 (Kennedy) 603 

Gabon. Darlington confirmed as Ambassador . . 614 

Geography. Forty Newly Independent States : 

Some Politicogeographic Observations (Pearcy) . 604 

India. Letters of Credence ( Nehru ) 599 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Free-World Growth and Progress (Ball, Dillon) . 579 

Kuwait. United States and Kuwait Establish Dip- 
lomatic Relations 588 

Mutual Security 

Cambodia Port Highway Project (Labouisse) . . 612 

Peace Corps Legislation Signed Into Law by Presi- 
dent Kennedy (Kennedy) 603 

Presidential Documents 

Peace Corps Legislation Signed Into Law by Presi- 
dent Kennedy 603 

President Expresses Sorrow of U.S. at Death of U.N. 

Secretary-General 5% 

President Signs Mutual Educational and Cultural 

Exchange Act of 1961 603 

United States Gives Aid to Flood Victims in 

Burma gj^ 

Public Affairs. Foreign Policy Briefings To Be 

Held at Dallas and Kansas City 611 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 612 

U.S.S.R. United States and Soviet Union Agree on 
Statement of Principles for Disarmament Nego- 
tiations (McCloy, texts of documents) .... 589 

United Nations 

President Expresses Sorrow of U.S. at Death of U.N. 

Secretary-General 596 

The U.N., a View of the Road Ahead (Stevenson) . 597 
United States and Soviet Union Agree on State- 
ment of Principles for Disarmament Negotia- 
tions (McCloy, texts of documents) 589. 

Name Index 

Ball, George W 579 

Darlington, Charles F 614 

Dillon, Douglas 579 

Gordon, Lincoln 614 

Humelsine, Carlisle H 613 

Kennedy, President 596, 603, 612 

Labouisse, Henry R 612 

McCloy, John J 595. 

Nehru, Braj Kumar 599 

Pearcy, G. Etzel 604 

Stevenson, Adlai E 597 

Williams, G. Mennen 600 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: September 18-24 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 


, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. | 






McConaughy : "A Pacific Partnership." 



State-Treasury personnel exchange. 



Williams : "Southern Africa in Transi- 

t641A 9/18 

Williams : death of Hammarskjold. 



U.S. participation in international con- 



Humelsine study group to survey De- 
partment organization. 



Bowles : discrimination against foreign 
diplomats (excerpts). 



Gordon sworn in as Ambassador to 
Brazil (biographic details). 



Bali : annual meeting of World Bank. 



Program for visit of President of Peru. 



Martin ; Senate Finance Committee. 



Darlington sworn in as Ambassador to 
Gabon (biographic details). 



Williams: Women's Democratic Club, 



Foreign policy briefings at Kansas City 
and Dallas. 



India credentials (rewrite). 



President signs 1961 educational and 
cultural exchange act. 



Establisliment of diplomatic relations 
with Kuwait. 



U.N. Day celebration. 



Martin : Senate Commerce Committee. 



Visit of President of Sudan. 



Rusk : Foreign Press Association. 



Labouisse : Cambodia port highway, 

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Vol. XLV, No, 1164 October 16, 1961 


by President Kennedy 619 


POLICY • Remarks by Secretary Rusk 625 

A PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP • by Assistant Secretary 

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October 16, 1961 

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The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a teeekly publication iMtued by the 
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"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror'' 

Address hy President Kenriedy ^ 

We meet in an hour of grief and challenge. Dag 
Hammarskjold is dead. But the United Nations 
lives. His tragedy is deep in our hearts, but the 
task for wMch he died is at the top of our agenda. 
A noble servant of peace is gone. But the quest 
for peace lies before us. 

The problem is not the death of one man ; the 
problem is the life of this Organization. It will 
either grow to meet the challenge of our age, or 
it will be gone with the wind, without influence, 
without force, without respect. Were we to let it 
die, to enfeeble its vigor, to cripple its powers, we 
would condemn the future. 

For in the development of this Organization 
rests the only true alternative to war, and war ap- 
peals no longer as a rational alternative. Uncon- 
ditional war can no longer lead to unconditional 
victory. It can no longer serve to settle disputes. 
It can no longer concern the great powers alone. 
For a nuclear disaster, spread by winds and waters 
and fear, could well engulf the great and the small, 
the rich and the poor, the committed and the im- 
committed alike. Mankind must put an end to 
war, or war will put an end to mankind. 

So let us here resolve that Dag Hammarskjold 
did not live — or die — in vain. Let us call a truce 
to terror. Let us invoke the blessings of peace. 
And, as we build an international capacity to keep 
peace, let us join in dismantling the national ca- 
pacity to wage war. 

' Made before the 16th session of the U.N. General As- 
sembly at the United Nations, N.Y., on Sept. 25 (White 
House press release; as-delivered text). 

Dedication to U.N. Charter and World Law 

This will require new strength and new roles 
for the United Nations. For disarmament without 
checks is but a shadow, and a community without 
law is but a shell. Already the United Nations has 
become both the measure and the vehicle of man's 
most generous impulses. Already it has pro- 
vided — in the Middle East, in Asia, in Africa this 
year in the Congo — a means of holding violence 
within bomids. 

But the great question which confronted this 
body in 1945 is still before us: whether man's 
cherished hopes for progress and peace are to be 
destroyed by terror and disruption, whether the 
"foul winds of war" can be tamed in time to free 
the cooling winds of reason, and whether the 
pledges of our charter are to be fulfilled or de- 
fied — pledges to secure peace, progress, human 
rights, and world law. 

In this hall there are not three forces, but two. 
One is composed of those who are trying to build 
the kind of world described in articles 1 and 2 
of the charter. The other, seeking a far different 
world, would undermine this Organization in the 

Today of all days our dedication to the charter 
must be maintained. It must be strengthened, 
first of all, by the selection of an outstanding 
civil servant to carry forward the responsibilities 
of the Secretary-General — a man endowed with 
both the wisdom and the power to make meaning- 
ful the moral force of the world cormnunity. The 
late Secretary-General nurtured and sharpened 
the United Nations' obligation to act. But he did 

Ocfober 76, 1 96 J 


not invent it. It was there in the charter. It is 
still there in the charter. 

However difficult it may be to fill Mr. Hammar- 
skj old's place, it can better be filled by one man 
rather than by three. Even the three horses of 
the troika did not have three drivers, all going 
in different directions. They had only one, and 
so must the United Nations executive. To install 
a triumvirate, or any rotating authority, in the 
United Nations administrative offices would re- 
place order with anarchy, action with paralysis, 
and confidence with confusion. 

Tlie Secretary-General, in a very real sense, is 
the servant of the General Assembly. Diminish 
his authority and you diminish the authority of 
the only body where all nations, regardless of 
power, are equal and sovereign. Until all the 
powerful are just, the weak will be secure only in 
the strength of this Assembly. 

Effective and independent executive action is 
not the same question as balanced representation. 
In view of the enormous change in membership in 
this body since its founding, the American dele- 
gation will join in any effort for the prompt re- 
view and revision of the composition of United 
Nations bodies. 

But to give this Organization three drivers, to 
permit each great power to decide its own case, 
would entrench the cold war in the headquarters 
of peace. Whatever advantages such a plan may 
hold out to my own country, as one of the great 
powers, we reject it. For we far prefer world 
law, in the age of self-determination, to world 
war, in the age of mass extermination. 

Plan for General and Complete Disarmament 

Today, every inhabitant of this planet must 
contemplate the day when this planet may no 
longer be habitable. Every man, woman, and 
child lives under a nuclear sword of Damocles, 
hanging by the slenderest of threads, capable of 
being cut at any moment by accident or miscal- 
culation or by madness. The weapons of war must 
be abolished before they abolish us. 

Men no longer debate whether armaments are 
a symptom or a cause of tension. The mere exist- 
ence of modern weapons — ten million times more 
powerful than anything the world has ever seen 
and only minutes away from any target on earth — 
is a source of liorror and discord and distrust. 

Men no longer maintain that disarmament must 
await the settlement of all disputes, for disarma- 
ment must be a part of any permanent settlement. 
And men may no longer pretend that the quest 
for disarmament is a sign of weakness, for in a 
spiraling arms race a nation's security may well be 
slirinking even as its arms increase. 

For 15 years tliis Organization has sought the 
reduction and destruction of arms. Now that goal 
is no longer a dream; it is a practical matter of 
life or death. The risks inherent in disarmament 
pale in comparison to the risks inherent in an im- 
limited arms race. 

It is in this spirit that the recent Belgrade con- 
ference,^ recognizing that this is no longer a Soviet 
problem or an American problem but a human 
problem, endorsed a program of "general, com- 
plete and strictly and internationally controlled 
disarmament." It is in this same spirit that we in 
the United States have labored this year, with a 
new urgency and with a new, now-statutory 
agency fully endorsed by the Congress, to find an 
approach to disarmament which would be so far- 
reaching yet realistic, so mutually balanced and 
beneficial, that it could be accepted by every na- 
tion. And it is in this spirit that we have pre- 
sented, with the agreement of the Soviet Union, 
under the label both nations now accept of "gen- 
eral and complete disarmament," a new statement 
of newly agreed principles for negotiation.' 

But we are well aware that all issues of prin- 
ciple are not settled and that principles alone are 
not enough. It is therefore our intention to chal- 
lenge the Soviet Union, not to an arms race but to 
a peace race — to advance together step by step, 
stage by stage, until general and complete dis- 
armament has been achieved. "We invite them 
now to go beyond agreement in principle to reach 
agreement on actual plans. 

The program to be presented to this Assembly 
for general and complete disarmament under ef- 
fective international control * moves to bridge the 
gap between those who insist on a gradual ap- 
proach and those who talk only of the final and 
total achievement. It would create machinery to 
keep the peace as it destroys the machines of war. 

' For barkRround, see Bttlletin of Oct 2, 1961, p. 539. 
' Ibid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589. 
* See p. 650. 


Deporfmenf of Sfofe BuUefin 

It would proceed through balanced and safe- 
guarded stages designed to give no state a mili- 
tary advantage over another. It would place the 
final responsibility for verification and control 
where it belongs — ^not with the big powers alone, 
not with one's adversary or one's self, but in an 
international organization within the framework 
of the United Nations. It would assure that in- 
dispensable condition of disarmament — true in- 
spection — and apply it in stages proportionate to 
the stage of disarmament. It would cover de- 
livery systems as well as weapons. It would ulti- 
mately halt their production as well as their test- 
ing, their transfer as well as their possession. It 
would achieve, mider the eye of an international 
disarmament organization, a steady reduction in 
forces, both nuclear and conventional, mitil it has 
abolished all armies and all weapons except those 
needed for internal order and a new United Na- 
tions Peace Force. And it starts that process 
now, today, even as the talks begin. 

In short, general and complete disarmament 
must no longer be a slogan, used to resist the first 
steps. It is no longer to be a goal without means 
of achieving it, without means of verifying its 
progress, without means of keeping the peace. It 
is now a realistic plan and a test — a test of those 
only willing to talk and a test of those willing to 

Such a plan would not bring a world free from 
conflict or greed, but it would bring a world free 
from the terrors of mass destruction. It would 
not usher in the era of the super state, but it 
would usher in an era in which no state could an- 
nihilate or be annihilated by another. 

In 1946, this nation proposed the Baruch plan 
to internationalize the atom before other nations 
even possessed the bomb or demilitarized their 
troops.^ We proposed with our allies the dis- 
armament plan of 1951 " while still at war in Ko- 
rea. And we make our proposals today, while 
building up our defenses over Berlin, not because 
we are inconsistent or insincere or mtimidated but 
because we know the rights of free men will pre- 
vail — because, while we are compelled against our 
will to rearm, we look confidently beyond Berlin 

to the kind of disarmed world we all prefer. 
I therefore propose, on the basis of this plan, 
that disarmament negotiations resume promptly 
and continue without interruption until an entire 
program for general and complete disarmament 
has not only been agreed but has been actually 

Proposals To Halt Testing and Nuclear Arms Race 

The logical place to begin is a treaty assuring 
the end of nuclear tests of all kinds, in every en- 
vironment, under workable controls. The United 
States and the United Kingdom have proposed 
such a treaty ^ that is both reasonable, effective, 
and ready for signature. We are still prepared 
to sign that treaty today. 

We also proposed a mutual ban on atmospheric 
testing,* without inspection or controls, in order 
to save the human race from the poison of radio- 
active fallout. We regret that that offer was not 

For 15 years we have sought to make the atom 
an instrument of peaceful growth rather than of 
war. But for 15 years our concessions have been 
matched by obstruction, our patience by intran- 
sigence. And the pleas of mankind for peace 
have met with disregard. 

Finally, as the explosions of others beclouded 
the skies, my coimtry was left with no alternative 
but to act in the interests of its own and the free 
world's security.^" We cannot endanger that 
security by refraining from testing while others 
improve their arsenals. Nor can we endanger it 
by another long, uninspected ban on testing. For 
3 years we accepted those risks in our open society 
while seeking agreement on inspection. But this 
year, while we were negotiating in good faith in 
Geneva, others were secretly preparing new ex- 
periments in destruction. 

Our tests are not polluting the atmosphere. 
Our deterrent weapons are guarded against acci- 
dental explosion or use. Our doctors and scien- 
tists stand ready to help any nation measure and 

^ For an address by Bernard M. Baruch at tbe opening 
session of the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission on June 
14, 1&46, see Bulletin of June 23, 1946, p. 1057. 

" Ibid., Nov. 19, 1951, p. 799. 

' For text, see ibid., June 5, 1961, p. 870. 

' For text, see ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 476. 

° For a U.S.-U.K. statement and text of a declaration of 
Premier Khrushchev, see ibid., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515. 

'° For a statement by the President on Sept. 5, see ibid., 
Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475. 

Ocfober 16, 1961 


meet the hazards to health which inevitably re- 
sult from the tests in the atmosphere. 

But to halt the spread of these terrible weap- 
ons, to halt the contamination of the air, to halt 
the spiraling nuclear arms race, we remain ready 
to seek new avenues of agreement. Our new dis- 
armament program thus includes the following 
proposals : 

• First, signing the test ban treaty by all na- 
tions. This can be done now. Test ban negotia- 
tions need not and should not await general dis- 

• Second, stopping the production of fissionable 
materials for use in weapons and preventing their 
transfer to any nation now lacking in nuclear 

• Third, prohibiting the transfer of control 
over nuclear weapons to states that do not own 

• Fourth, keeping nuclear weapons from seed- 
ing new battlegrounds in outer space. 

• Fifth, gradually destroying existing nuclear 
weapons and converting their materials to peace- 
ful uses; and 

• Finally, halting the unlimited testing and 
production of strategic nuclear delivery vehicles 
and gradually destroying them as well. 

Worldwide Law and Law Enforcement 

To destroy arms, however, is not enough. We 
must create even as we destroy — creating world- 
wide law and law enforcement as we outlaw 
worldwide war and weapons. In the world we 
seek, the United Nations emergency forces which 
have been hastily assembled, uncertainly supplied, 
and inadequately financed will never be enougli. 

Therefore, the United States recommends that 
all member nations earmark special peacekeeping 
units in their armed forces, to be on call of the 
United Nations, to be specially trained and 
quickly available, and with advance provision for 
financial and logistic support. 

In addition, the American delegation will sug- 
gest a series of steps to improve the United Na- 
tions' machinery for the peaceful settlement of 
disputes, for on-the-spot factfinding, mediation, 
and adjudication, for extending tlie rule of inter- 
national law. For peace is not solely a matter of 
military or technical problems; it is primarily a 
problem of politics and people. And unless man 

can match his strides in weaponry and teclinology 
with equal strides in social and political develop- 
ment, our great strength, like that of the dino- 
saur, will become incapable of proper control and, 
like the dinosaur, vanish from the earth. 

Extending the Rule of Law to Outer Space 

As we extend the rule of law on earth, so must 
we also extend it to man's new domain — outer 

All of us salute the brave cosmonauts of the So- 
viet Union. The new horizons of outer space 
must not be riven by the old bitter concepts of 
imperialism and sovereign claims. The cold 
reaches of the universe must not become the new 
arena of an even colder war. 

To this end we shall urge proposals extending 
tlie United Nations Charter to the limits of man's 
exploration in the universe, reserving outer space 
for peaceful use, prohibiting weapons of mass de- 
struction in space or on celestial bodies, and open- 
ing the mysteries and benefits of space to every 
nation. We shall further propose cooperative 
etforts between all nations in weather prediction 
and eventually in weather control. "We shall 
propose, finally, a global system of communica- 
tions satellites linking the whole world in tele- 
graph and telephone and radio and television. 
The day need not be far away when such a system 
will televise the proceedings of this body to every 
corner of the world for the benefit of peace. 

United Nations Decade of Development 

But the mysteries of outer space must not divert 
our eyes or our energies from the harsh realities 
that face our fellow men. Political sovereignty 
is but a mockery without the means of meeting 
poverty and illiteracy and disease. Self-determi- 
nation is but a slogan if the future holds no hope. 

That is why my nation, which has freely shared 
its capital and its technology to help others help 
themselves, now proposes officially designating 
this decade of the 1960's as the United Nations 
Decade of Development. Under the framework 
of that resolution, the United Nations' existing 
efforts in promoting economic growth c-an be ex- 
panded and coordinated. Regional sun^eys and 
training institutes can now pool the talents of 
many. New research, technical assistance, and 


DeparlmenI of State Bulletin 

pilot projects can unlock the wealth of less de- 
veloped lands and untapped waters. And develop- 
ment can become a cooperative and not a competi- 
tive enterprise, to enable all nations, however 
diverse in their systems and beliefs, to become in 
fact as well as in law free and equal nations. 

Colonialism and the Principle of Free Choice 

My country favors a world of free and equal 
states. We agree with those who say that colo- 
nialism is a key issue in this Assembly. But let 
the full facts of that issue be discussed in full. 

On the one hand is the fact that, since the close 
of World War II, a worldwide declaration of in- 
dependence has transformed nearly 1 billion 
people and 9 million square miles into 42 free and 
independent states. Less than 2 percent of the 
world's population now lives in "dependent" 

I do not ignore the remaining problems of tra- 
ditional colonialism which still confront this body. 
Those problems will be solved, with patience, 
good will, and determination. Within the limits 
of our responsibility in such matters, my country 
intends to be a participant and not merely an 
observer in the peaceful, expeditious movement 
of nations from the status of colonies to the part- 
nership of equals. That continuing tide of self- 
determination, which runs so strong, has our 
sympathy and our support. 

But colonialism in its harshest forms is not 
only the exploitation of new nations by old, of 
dark skins by light — or the subjugation of the 
poor by the rich. My nation was once a colony, 
and we know what colonialism means; the ex- 
ploitation and subjugation of the weak by the 
powerful, of the many by the few, of the gov- 
erned who have given no consent to be governed, 
whatever their continent, their class, or their 

And that is why there is no ignoring the fact 
that the tide of self-determination has not reached 
the Communist empire, where a population far 
larger than that officially termed "dependent" 
lives under governments installed by foreign 
troops instead of free institutions, under a system 
■which knows only one party and one belief, which 
suppresses free debate and free elections and free 
newspapers and free books and free trade unions, 
and which builds a wall to keep truth a stranger 
and its own citizens prisoners. Let us debate 

colonialism in full and apply the principle of free 
choice and the practice of free plebiscites in every 
corner of the globe. 

Two Threats to the Peace 

Finally, as President of the United States, I 
consider it my duty to report to this Assembly 
on two threats to the peace which are not on your 
crowded agenda but which cause us, and most of 
you, the deepest concern. 

The first threat on which I wish to report is 
widely misunderstood: the smoldering coals of 
war in southeast Asia. South Viet-Nam is al- 
ready under attack — sometimes by a single assas- 
sin, sometimes by a band of guerrillas, recently by 
full battalions. The peaceful borders of Burma, 
Cambodia, and India have been repeatedly vio- 
lated. And the peaceful people of Laos are in 
danger of losing the independence they gained not 
so long ago. 

No one can call these "wars of liberation." For 
these are free countries living under their own 
governments. Nor are these aggressions any 
less real because men are knifed in their homes 
and not shot in the fields of battle. 

The very simple question confronting the world 
community is whether measures can be devised to 
protect the small and weak from such tactics. For 
if they are successful in Laos and south Viet-Nam, 
the gates will be opened wide. 

The United States seeks for itself no base, no 
territory, no special position in this area of any 
kind. We support a truly neutral and independ- 
ent Laos, its people free from outside interference, 
living at peace with themselves and with their 
neighbors, assured that their territory will not be 
used for attacks on others, and under a govern- 
ment comparable (as Mr. Khrushchev and I 
agreed at Vienna ") to Cambodia and Burma. 

But now the negotiations over Laos are reaching 
a crucial stage. The cease-fire is at best precarious. 
The rainy season is coming to an end. Laotian 
territoiy is being used to infiltrate south Viet- 
Nam. The world community must recognize — all 
those who are involved — that this potent threat to 
Laotian peace and freedom is indivisible from all 
other threats to their own. 

Secondly, I wish to report to you on the crisis 
over Germany and Berlin. This is not the time 
or the place for immoderate tones, but the world 

^ For background, see ibid., June 26, 1961, p. 991. 

October 16, 7961 


community is entitled to know the very simple 
issues as we see them. If there is a crisis it is 
because an existing peace is under threat, because 
an existing island of free people is under pressure, 
because solemn agreements are being treated with 
indifference. Established international rights are 
being threatened with unilateral usurpation. 
Peaceful circulation has been interrupted by 
barbed wire and concrete blocks. 

One recalls the order of the Czar in Puslikin's 
Boris God/unov: "Take steps at this very hour 
that our frontiers be fenced in by barriers. . . . 
That not a single soul pass o'er the border, tliat 
not a hare be able to run or a crow to fly." 

It is absurd to allege that we are threatening a 
war merely to prevent the Soviet Union and East 
Germany from signing a so-called "treaty of 
peace." The Western Allies are not concerned 
with any paper arrangement the Soviets may wish 
to make with a regime of their own creation, on 
territory occupied by their own troops and gov- 
erned by their own agents. No such action can 
affect either our rights or our responsibilities. 

If there is a dangerous crisis in Berlin — and 
there is — it is because of threats against the vital 
interests and the deep commitments of the West- 
em Powers and the freedom of West Berlin. We 
cannot yield these interests. We cannot fail these 
commitments. We cannot surrender the freedom 
of these people for whom we are responsible. A 
"peace treaty" which carried with it the provi- 
sions which destroy the peace would be a fraud. 
A "free city" which was not genuinely free would 
suffocate freedom and would be an infamy. 

For a city or a people to be truly free, they 
must have the secure right, without economic, 
political, or police pressure, to make their own 
choice and to live their own lives. And as I have 
said before, if anyone doubts the extent to which 
our presence is desired by the people of West Ber- 
lin, we are ready to have that question submitted 
to a free vote in all Berlin and, if possible, among 
all the German people. 

The elementai-y fact about this crisis is that 
it is unnecessary. The elementarj^ tools for a 
peaceful settlement are to be found in the charter. 
Under its law, agreements are to be kept, unless 
changed by all those who made them. Estab- 
lislied rights are to be respected. The political 
disposition of peoples should rest upon their own 
wishes, freely expressed in plebiscites or free 
elections. If there are legal problems, they can 

be solved by legal means. If there is a threat of 
force, it must be rejected. If there is desire for 
change, it must be a subject for negotiation, and 
if there is negotiation, it must be rooted in mutual 
respect and concern for the rights of others. 

The Western Powers have calmly resolved to 
defend, by whatever means are forced upon them, 
their obligations and their access to the free citi- 
zens of West Berlin and the self-determination 
of those citizens. This generation learned from 
bitter experience that either brandishing or yield- 
ing to threats can only lead to war. But firmness 
and reason can lead to the kind of peaceful solu- 
tion in which my coxmtry profoundly believes. 

We are committed to no rigid formula. We see 
no perfect solution. We recognize that troops and 
tanks can, for a time, keep a nation divided 
against its will, however unwise that policy may 
seem to us. But we believe a peaceful agreement 
is possible which protects the freedom of West 
Berlin and Allied presence and access, while 
recognizing the historic and legitimate interests 
of others in assuring European security. 

The possibilities of negotiation are now being 
explored; it is too early to report what the pros- 
pects may be. For our part, we would be glad 
to report at the appropriate time that a solution 
has been foimd. For there is no need for a crisis 
over Berlin, threatening the peace, and if those 
who created this crisis desire peace, there will be 
peace and freedom in Berlin. 

Responsibilities of U.N. General Assembly 

The events and decisions of the next 10 
months may well decide the fate of man for the 
next 10,000 years. There will be no avoiding 
those events. There will be no appeal from these 
decisions. And we in this hall shall be remem- 
bered either as part of the generation that 
turned this planet into a flaming funeral pyro 
or the generation that met its vow "to save sui- 
ceeding generations fi'om the scourge of war." 

In the endeavor to meet that vow, I pledge 
you every effort this nation possesses. I pledge 
you that we shall neither commit nor provoke 
aggression, that we shall neither flee nor invoke 
the threat of force, that we shall never negotiate 
out of fear, we shall never fear to negotiate. 

Terror is not a new weapon. Throughout his- 
tory it has been used by those who could not 
prevail, either by persuasion or example. But 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

inevitably they fail, either because men are not 
afraid to die for a life worth living or because 
the terrorists themselves come to realize that free 
men cannot be frightened by threats and that 
aggression would meet its own response. And 
it is in the light of that history that every na- 
tion today should know, be he friend or foe, 
that the United States has both the will and the 
weapons to join free men in standing up to their 

But I come here today to look across this 
world of threats to the world of peace. In that 
search we cannot expect any final triumph, for 
new problems will always arise. We camiot ex- 
pect that all nations will adopt like systems, for 
conformity is the jailer of freedom and the enemy 
of growth. Nor can we expect to reach our goal 

by contrivance, by fiat, or even by the wishes of all. 

But however close we sometimes seem to that 
dark and final abyss, let no man of peace and 
freedom despair. For he does not stand alone. 
If we all can persevere — if we can in eveiy land 
and office look beyond our own shores and ambi- 
tions — then surely the age will dawn in which 
the strong are just and the weak secure and the 
peace preserved. 

Ladies and gentlemen of this Assembly, the 
decision is ours. Never have the nations of the 
world had so much to lose — or so much to gain. 
Together we shall save our planet, or together 
we shall perish in its flames. Save it we can — 
and save it we must — and then shall we earn the 
eternal thanks of mankind and, as peacemakers, 
the eternal blessing of God. 

Four Central Threads of U.S. Foreign Policy 


We meet today at the beginning of a General 
Assembly, which itself is meeting in a climactic 
period in world affairs. There will be some 96 
or more items on its agenda. It is not my purpose 
today to try to comment on those items but to 
speak briefly on certain aspects of the problems 
of the United Nations — to speak briefly in order 
to prepare the way for your questions within the 
time which is available. I shall try not to fili- 
buster in order to shut off your questions. 

But these 96 items include some of the most far- 
reaching, complex, dangerous, important problems 
before mankind, such as the nuclear arms race, as 
well as administrative questions such as a staff 
pension plan. 

Some of these items are hardy perennials. You 
have seen them before. You will undoubtedly 
see them again. They will remind us that not all 

^Rlade before the Foreign Press Association at New 
York, N.Y., on Sept. 22 (U.S./U.N. press release 3778). 

questions are solved promptly. Some questions 
are handled over time, and perhaps some issues 
can be improved and made less dangerous by ap- 
plying the poultices or the processes of peaceful 
settlement represented in the United Nations. 
But I would suggest to you that no item on the 
agenda is really unimportant. Some of them 
will involve attempts to settle difficult and danger- 
ous disputes, but others, and many others, will be 
involved with the process of building a decent 
world order. 

And, if I might have the privilege of making 
a recommendation to my colleagues of the press, 
I would hope that you would help us bring to 
the attention of the peoples of your comitries the 
great imseen, unsung work of the international 
community which is going on every day, every 
week, throughout the world, trying to bring into 
being a dream which man dared to dream at a 
time when he was chastened by the bitterest war 
of our history. 

Today I should like to comment on four central 

October 16, 1 96 1 


threads of United States policy, which will help 
us and perhaps you in understanding some of our 
reactions to the almost hundred items on the 
agenda of the United Nations. Let me say at the 
beginning that I know that, when I speak of these 
central threads of United States policy, there will 
undoubtedly be some questioning, perhaps a trace 
of cynicism, some doubts, because one can think of 
instances where these policies do not appear to 
be carried fully into effect. May I remind you 
that — to use the language of the baseball field — 
at this period of history the United States by and 
large is expected to bat 1.000. The center of world 
attention, in a position of leadership at a time 
when influence on United States policy is a pri- 
mary object of most foreign offices throughout the 
world, at a time when we inevitably find ourselves 
involved in problems throughout the world, there- 
fore in the middle of many disputes, wliether of 
our own making or not, it is not easy for a great 
power such as the United States to be always 
entirely simple, entirely clear, even in the appli- 
cation of its most profoimd commitments. What 
we can say is that we are determined to work hard, 
persistently, and in the best means available to us 
under the circiunstances, to give effect to these 

Commitment to the United Nations 

I would suggest, if I may without presumption, 
that our first commitment with respect to an 
agenda such as we have in front of us is our com- 
mitment to the United Nations itself. If I were 
advising a foreign correspondent or a new ambas- 
sador reporting to Washington about how he could 
best predict the long-range, instinctive reactions 
of the American people to particular situations, I 
would suggest that he look first at the preamble 
and articles 1 and 2 of the United Nations Charter, 
because I am deeply convinced tliat in those sec- 
tions are accurately and succinctly reflected the 
long-range foreign policy of the American people. 
I believe that that charter describes the kind of 
world we should like to see come into being. I be- 
lieve that charter was drawn to describe that kind 
of world when men's feelings were disciplined by 
a war, when their hopes were elevated by the pros- 
pects of peace, when men sat down quietly and 
with patience and dared to think about the kind 
of world we ought to have. 

The most immediate matter in front of us in 
regard to our commitments to the United Nations 
is of course the problem of the Secretary-General, 
brought about by the death of the great man to 
whom we have just paid tribute, for the United 
Nations is at a critical crossroads as a result of the 
unexpected and tragic death of Secretary-General 
Hammarskjold. The United Nations is now 
engaged in urgent peacekeeping action in the 
Congo, in the Middle East, and elsewhere through- 
out the world. Its widespread activities — politi- 
cal, economic, social, and humanitarian — demand 
strong, uninterrupted executive leadership. The 
Secretariat must continue to be directed with 
vigor, confidence, and integrity. 

It is unfortunately clear, however, that an im- 
mediate agreement cannot be expected on the nam- 
ing of a permanent Secretary-General. The 
United States therefore believes that action must 
be taken now to assure that the functions of the 
office of the Secretary-General are performed ef- 
fectively and fully while agreement is sought on 
the appointment of a new Secretary-General. 

An outstanding world leader should be named 
immediately to perform the functions of the office 
of the Secretary-Greneral for a temporary period, 
during which efforts to elect a permanent Secre- 
tary-General should proceed in accordance with 
article 97 of the charter. 

The authority of the office of the Secretary-Gen- 
eral must not be compromised. A "troika" or a 
panel in any form and at any level of the Secre- 
tariat would paralyze the executive of the United 
Nations and weaken it irreparably. Wlioever is 
appointed should perform the full functions of the 

The General Assembly, we believe, has full 
authority to make such a provisional appointment. 
By the terms of the charter the Assembly has the 
power to regulate appointments in the Secretariat. 
That power necessarily includes provisional ar- 
rangements for carrying on the functions of the 
Secretariat's chief officer in emergencies. It has 
used that power before on at least two important 

The first of these was in 1946 prior to tlie formal 
election of a Secretai-y-General, when the General 
Assembly adopted the proposal of its President 
that the Executive Secretary of the United Na- 
tions Preparatory Commission be authorized to 


Deporfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

carry on the duties of Secretary-General pending 
the appointment of the Secretary-General. 

The second occasion was in 1950, when the 
Security Council was deadlocked in attempting to 
choose a successor to the first Secretary-General, 
Mr. Trygve Lie. In November of that year, by a 
vote of 46 to 5 with 8 abstentions, the General 
Assembly decided that the present Secretary-Gen- 
eral should be continued in office for a period of 
3 years.- 

The vital interests of the members of the United 
Nations are heavily involved in this question. 
The Assembly must move rapidly to fill the void. 
Events cannot permit drift and indecision in the 
leadership of the United Nations. We must not 
allow the prestige and authority of the Organiza- 
tion to be dissipated by delay or by diminution of 
the effectiveness of an office which has become one 
of the United Nations' unique contributions to the 
peace of the world. 

Commitment to Growth of Law Among Nations 

I have spoken of our commitment to the United 
Nations as the first of the central threads of Amer- 
ican policy. I should think a second central 
thread would be our commitment to the growth 
of law in relations among nations. We believe 
that the history of man has shown that the devel- 
opment of law enlarges and does not restrict free- 
dom. In our own personal affairs we understand 
that we as individuals pass in the course of a 
single day through hundreds and sometimes 
thousands of legal relationships, some of them ac- 
tive, many of them latent, some called into play 
by our own action, others called into play by the 
action of government or by the conduct of others. 
But in the mystery and majesty of the operations 
of law, each of us finds it possible to go through 
our eccentric orbits with a maximum amoimt of 
personal freedom. 

That process of law is steadily going on in the 
international community. On every working day 
throughout the year, in meetings all over the 
Avorld, on almost every imaginable subject, ar- 
rangements are being reached across national 
frontiers which make it possible for us to enlarge 
our respective areas of freedom and to get on 
with the world's work with harmony. 

' U.N. doe. A/RES/492 (V) ; for text, see Bulletin of 
Nov. 20, 1950, p. 831. 

Commitment to Freedom 

The third commitment and central thread of 
American policy is our commitment to freedom. 
This commitment is a part of an ancient dialog of 
the human race, a discussion of the political con- 
sequences of the nature of man. In the late 18th 
century those who came before us articulated it 
in the proposition that governments derive their 
just powers from the consent of the governed. I 
believe that the American people deeply believe 
that simple proposition. And we find it impor- 
tant that, wlien you look through the present mem- 
b^ship of the United Nations, you find more than 
60 independent members who have traveled the 
path of national independence — including the 
United States, of course — and that, looking back 
on the history of the independence of those 60 
members, one can find the sympathy and the sup- 
port, the influence and the help, of the American 
people expressed in many different ways. 

This commitment to freedom causes complica- 
tions because it is worldwide, because it has to do 
with the nature of man. It explains our instinc- 
tive reactions to certain issues in the colonial field. 
It explains our concern about what is going on in 
areas where the people live under dictatorships. 
It explains why we are more comfortable with 
close, democratic friends than with other forms 
of government. It explains why our consciences 
are disturbed when we are not able to perform 
within our own society in full accordance with our 
own deepest commitments. 

Commitment to Economic and Social Advancement 

Our fourth thread of policy is our commitment 
to economic and social advancement deeply writ- 
ten into the charter of the United Nations and 
dra\vn out of our own national experience. In- 
deed, we believe that there is an intimate link 
between economic and social advancement on the 
one side and freedom on the other. In our own 
history these two have come together. Indeed, the 
institutions of freedom were strengthened and 
enlarged to permit more rapid economic and so- 
cial advancement. We believe that free institu- 
tions provide the macliinery, the impetus, the 
inspiration, through which the resources of men 
can be mobilized for such advancement and that 
authoritarian forms cannot properly claim to have 
special advantage in the speed of development. 

Ocfober 76, 7967 


To us these are four important commitments. 
We shall be saying a great deal about them in the 
United Nations in the weeks and months ahead. 
When we come to the end of the Assembly, the 
right question to ask, it seems to me, will be : Has 
the 16th session of the General Assembly moved 
us a few steps further along the way toward the 
kind of world society to which we all are commit- 
ted under the charter? These words — committed 
or noncommitted — come in for a great deal of 
discussion these days. As far as the United States 
is concerned, we do believe that there are basic 
common interests between us and all those govern- 
ments and peoples who understand their own basic 
commitments to be to the charter and to the prin- 
ciples inscribed in that charter. 

Man has lived through some rather dreadful 
events. He has been seeking his way up a rather 
slippery glacier for centuries. He has been trying 
to reach a level of civilized condition which ac- 
cords with the dignity of man himself. He has 
chipped out fingerholds and toeholds, sometimes 
with extraordinary skill, and he can be proud of 
his accomplishments. But below there remains 
the abyss, and a few slips can plimge him back 
again to the jungle out of which he has tried to 

Tliese are the issues that underlie the work of 
an Assembly such as the 16th Assembly. I believe 
myself that there is great strength in the charter, 
in the commitment of men to the charter, in the 
common interests which tie us together. I believe 
that we can move ahead with confidence and with 
courage and without fear of those particular storm 
clouds which are now on the horizon and which 
must, of course, be somehow dispersed. Thank 
you very much. 


Dr. Hans Steinitz {chairman) : Thanh you very 
much, Mr. Secretary, for your inspiring and highly 
interesting o,nd valuable address which, I suppose, 
will give an opportunity for a number of questions 
from the floor. 

Dr. Otto Leichter {Deutsche Presse Agentur 
{dpa), Flamhurg) : Mr. Secretary, how do you 
judge the chances of an interim solution [to the 
problem of a Secretary-General] as indicated by 
you on the basis of your contacts in the recent 

days, including your talk with Mr. Gromyko [An- 
drei A. Gromyko, Soviet Foreign Minister]? 
And do you think of any alternatives in the case 
of a complete deadlock? 

The Secretary: If I did not in my remarks 
earlier refer to my luncheon conversation of yes- 
terday, it was not forget fulness on my part. 
(Laughter.) Actually, we did not get into the 
question of a provisional or temporary solution 
to the present problem. 

There are two quite different problems. The 
one is to elect a permanent Secretary-General as 
provided in the charter. The "troika" proposal 
indicates that there will be very great difficulty 
indeed in the election of a new Secretary-General, 
unless there is some modification on the part of 
those who have put the "troika" proposal forward. 

That very fact makes it necessary for the United 
Nations — if it is to continue to function vigorously 
and actively during a troubled period — to turn to 
a temporary arrangement, a provisional arrange- 

We believe that, in the absence of the ability of 
the Security Council to come to a quick agreement 
on a new Secretary-General, the General Assem- 
bly has the power and must exercise it to move 
promptly with the interim arrangement. We be- 
lieve this accords with the judgment and view of 
the vast majority of the United Nations, and we 
would hope that they could move promptly in 
this direction. 

Paul F. Sanders {Het Parool, Amsterdam) : 
Mr. Secretary, the question hoio to strengthen the 
free-world community has become more urgent 
than ever in the circumstances we live under. 
May toe in Senator Fulhrighfs ideas on a concert 
of free nations, as stated in an article in the latest 
issvs of Foreign Affairs, read some of the thinking 
of this administration? And, sir, in this respect, 
does the United States have any plans or new 
plans to use its influence on the establishment of 
European unity besides what already has been 
done in the economic field, as in the Common 

The Secretary : I would not wish to comment 
in detail on Senator Fulbright's article. Tlie gen- 
eral purpose, the general objective, which lie dis- 
cussed in his article is of course, I think, the 
objective of all of us in the free world. But the 
United States and its friends are acting in a num- 


Department of State Bulletin 

ber of relationships and circles. We attach the 
greatest possible importance to the strengthening 
of the conununity of interests which is repre- 
sented, as I indicated earlier, in the charter of the 
United Nations and to work there for the building 
of a worldwide community of common interests 
and peaceful adjustment. We also believe that we 
must work intimately and closely to strengthen 
the North Atlantic community on the political 
_ side, on the economic side, and, to the extent neces- 
sary, on the military side. And this process of 
consultation is becoming all the time more inti- 
mate and, I think, more effective. 

There are other conrmiunities, such as the Organ- 
ization of American States, to which we are deeply 
committed and in other parts of the world associa- 
tions which to us are very important. 

I think that in time, in such agencies as these 
and through the United Nations, the free world 
will strengthen these ties which are fundamental 
to us all and that relationships across regional 
frontiers will be strengthened in the general direc- 
tion of which Senator Fulbright was talking. I 
think liis article was not an official admmistration 
point of view, but the general directions of policy 
are things shared very widely in this country and 
in other countries. 

Levon Keshishian {Al Ahram, Cairo) : Sir, I 
would like to ash you concerning the mejnhership 
of Outer Mongolia. One, what is the position of 
the American Government? Two, is it correct 
that the American Government is putting pres- 
sure on Nationalist China not to veto in order not 
to anger the Brazzaville countries who will take 
a resolute position on the question of China? 

The Secretary: First, we have indicated that 
we would under some circumstances consider the 
admission of Outer Mongolia to the United 

Second, on the question of pressure, when gov- 
ernments consult among themselves in both direc- 
i tions, one sometimes wonders in which direction 
> pressure is being applied. But in any vigorous 
consultation of a sort which goes on all the time 
among governments, I would not wish to char- 
acterize any particular consultation as pressure. 

T. V. Parasuram {Press Trust of India) : 
Could you clarify perhaps hy mentioning some 
names in connection with your reference to an 

outstanding world leader to perform the func- 
tions of the office of Secretary-General for a 
temporary period? 

The Secketaet: Well, there are a number of 
names of such outstanding world leaders who are 
under discussion among delegates at the United 
Nations at the present time. You gentlemen 
know at least as many of those names as I do. 

The United States does not itself have a specific 
candidate whom we are pressing because we feel 
this is a matter for very wide consultation. Our 
principal point is that we think we should settle 
upon this promptly and put that individual, who- 
ever he is to be, to work fast. 

Zeo Sauvage {Figaro, Paris) : Did the recent 
Belgrade conference ^ of unccmimitted nations 
change in any respect the attitude of the United 
States within or without the United Nations? 

The Secretary : The mere fact that a consider- 
able number of countries shared with each other 
the attribute that they are not specifically alined 
with, say, the Soviet bloc on the one side or with 
the NATO bloc on the other does not in itself 
mean that they have single views and that the 
group can be spoken of in group terms. So I 
would think that our attitude toward the policies 
and the position of those at Belgrade was mixed 
before they went there and it was mixed after 
they came home. 

Zivko Milic {Borha, Belgrade) : Mr. Secretary, 
do you think that the Belgrade conference, lohich 
loas in many quarters interpreted as at least a par- 
tial failure — does it appear now in quite a differ- 
ent light, in a more positive light? I have in mind 
that countries participating in the Belgrade con- 
ference stressed the readiness to find and mayie 
offer a solution for the crisis caused hy the death 
of Mr. Hammarskjold. 

The Secretary : I would really wish to appeal to 
the attitude of the Belgrade participants them- 
selves in not trying to answer a question of that 
sort about the group as a whole. Many of them 
made it very clear that they were not there to form 
a bloc, to establish a single point of view. We 
have not ourselves characterized that meeting in 
any way as it applies to the entire meeting. Ob- 

' For background, see Hid., Oct. 2, 1961, p. 539. 

Ocfober 76, 1 96 1 


viously they had some very profitable discussions 
and they held some talks there that were extremely 
important, some of them extremely helpful. 

But insofar as members at Belgrade believe that 
the United Nations should not be allowed to be- 
come paralyzed by an absence in the office of the 
Secretary- General, I think they not only are ex- 
pressing a view that is the general sentiment of 
the Assembly but are expressing a view with 
which we are in thorough accord. 

Dr. P. G. Krishjiayya {P. G. Krishnayya's News 
Service c& Publications., Madras and Benares) : 
Sir, a number of American papers and some Con- 
gressmen are carrying a campaign of criticism, 
against India and our troops in the service of the 
United Nations in the Congo. Since the United 
States has declared support of the United Na- 
tions action, do you disassociate yourself from 
these attacks? Also, sir, I would like you to an- 
swer this question: There have been a number of 
reports in American papers that the administra- 
tion loill hereafter reduce economic aid to the so- 
called neutral countries which disagree with 
United States policies on major questions. Can 
you comment on this? 

The Secretary: Well, first on the question of 
the United States attitude toward the situation 
in the Congo, I of course would not wish to as- 
sociate myself or to in any way become involved 
with the comments of individual American citi- 
zens on a matter of that sort. But let me simply 
make this statement : that we do welcome the 
cessation of liostilitie^ in the Katanga and we 
hope that this current cease-fire agreement can 
lead to a resumption of efforts by the Government 
of the Congo and the Congolese leaders in south- 
ern Katanga assisted by the United Nations look- 
ing toward the peaceful reintegration of the 
Katanga with the rest of the Congo.* The pres- 
ent cease-fire will permit the United Nations to 
resume its efforts without further bloodshed to- 
ward a full implementation of the United Nations 
mandate in the Congo. And the United States 
will continue to offer all appropriate support as 
requested by the United Nations for the discharge 
of its mandate in the Congo. 

I would think the answer to the second question 

is that we would not expect to withdraw economic 
aid from neutral coimtries. 

A. Arnold Vas Dias {Nieuwe Rotterdamse 
Courant) : Do you believe, sir, thai negotiations 
on the future of Berlin can soon be fruitfully 

The Secretary: Perhaps we shall be able to 
answer that question in a few days. I would not 
try to answer that question today, I am sorry. 

The Obligation To Understand 

the American System of Government 

Remarks by Secretary Rusk ^ 

Press release 661 dated September 25 

I am happy to introduce today the fourth year 
of "Continental Classroom" and particularly so 
since the course which now begins is in American 
Government. And I may say that it adds to my 
pleasure that this course is being conducted by 
Dr. [Peter H.] Odegard, who is an old friend 
and colleague of mine as well as a distinguished 
political scientist, teacher, and public servant. I 
can conceive of few subjects more timely for study 
these days by a wide American audience than the 
character of our Government. 

At this moment the philosophy upon which that 
Government rests is being challenged in many 
places around the world, yet it is still the most 
powerful influence in the world because men take 
seriously the simple notion that governments de- 
rive their just powers from the consent of the 
governed. Or, to put it more simply, men just do 
not like to be pushed aroimd too much. 

In such a time of continuing conflict, it is im- 
perative that we Americans not merely recognize 
by name and by instinct the values which we are 
defending, but that we thoroughly understand 
them. These values find their expression in the 
nature of our Government as it has developed 

' For a Department statement, see ibid., p. 550. 

' Made on Sept. 25 on the opening program of the 
National Broadcasting Company'g "Continental Class- 

Iiepartmen\ of State Bulletin 

from our own revolutionary manifesto, the Dec- 
laration of Independence, and through the Con- 
stitution and the Bill of Rights, and through 
many decisions in courts of law, so that we have 
a government of the people, by the people, and for 
the people which we believe we have succeeded 
in providing in ever greater degree. 

Millions of people in other countries thuik of 
America as a place where no one need go hungry, 
where children have shoes, where workingmen own 
automobiles. It is sad but true that many of these 
people believe it is these material conditions that 
we have in mind, rather than any climate of po- 
litical and social principle, when we speak of our 
way of life. 

It is equally sad, but I think true, that we have 
ourselves in part to blame for this. We are very 
apt to fall into ways of thought and speech in 
which the values of our system are defined in 
terms of per capita income or tons of steel. How 
can other peoples understand if we ourselves for- 
get that it is not our material welfare by itself 
but the fact that we have been able to achieve it 
alongside of and because of individual liberties 
which constitutes the glory of our American 
system ? 

No Soviet citizen who crosses the borders of the 
Communist world is unschooled in the dialectic 
of Marx and Lenin, of Stalin and Khrushchev. 
The Soviet student who comes to this country 
under our exchange program and fuids himself 
pressed in argument by the Americans he meets 
is crammed to his fingertips with answers to the 
questions which challenge his Communist faith. 
They may be wrong answers to us, but he believes 
them. He has been schooled in these answers from 
the nursery. But sometimes our own students, 
and older travelers as well, find themselves at a 
loss under similar cross-questioning by a Soviet 

How can this liappen? It happens ironically 
because our own free system does not insist that 
every citizen be competent in political theory, 
even in the theory of the Government of his own 
country, because our own free citizens sometimes 
have not themselves thought through these basic 
questions. Such questions as what is it in this 
country tliat is really of enduring value? And 
why are we proud to be what we are— Americans ? 
The fact is that we take for granted a great deal 

which is taken for granted by few other people. 

For example, we have recently come peacefully 
through a great national election which found the 
Nation divided in almost equal halves over issues 
on which millions on both sides had deep convic- 
tions. We take this peaceful outcome for granted, 
regardless of which candidate or party we voted 
for, and we know it will be just as orderly next 
time. But in many countries in the world no one 
knows when he will have an opportunity to make a 
free electoral choice, and in many others the next 
election when it does come will be the certain 
signal for much violence, for military plots and 
efforts to determine the outcome by force. Those 
who live as we do, secure in the expectation of 
peaceful political change, are a small minority 
among people. 

Just as we take our elections for granted, so we 
are apt to take for gi-anted other manifestations 
of those rights which we hold to be inalienable 
but which relatively few governments in any era, 
in any time, have had both the will and the power 
to assure. The ideas upon which our nation was 
founded and upon which it continues to grow are 
our most precious national resource; and ideas, 
like other resources, are valid only so long as men 
and women use them and live by them. Ideas 
need exercise if they are to continue strong. 

To be an American today, more than ever, is 
to know the ideas that have made America what it 
is, to know what it is that we stand for in this 
time of worldwide conflict. Few of us can fail to 
gain from a study of our Government today, and 
I think that most of us can gain a great deal. 

I hope that many Americans will avail them- 
selves of the opportunity which this course with 
Dr. Odegard offers. I know Dr. Odegard to be 
a fine teacher and an exceptional man. He is not 
only a highly respected scholar but a man of broad 
practical experience in government in such capaci- 
ties as assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury, 
consultant to the Atomic Energy Commission, and 
member of the National Commission for 
UNESCO [United Nations Educational, Scientific 
and Cultural Organization]. It is his belief, 
which I wholly share, that we Americans have an 
obligation to know our Government by consent, 
to understand how it functions, and to be able to 
defend its principles and to appraise its practice 
and performance both at home and abroad. 

October 16, T961 


U.S. Replies to Soviet Complaint 
on Flight of West German Planes 

Following is an exchange of notes between the 
United States and the Soviet Union concerning 
two aircraft of the Federal Republic of Germany 
which landed at Tegel Airport in Berlin on Sep- 
tember lit.. 


The Embassy of the United States of America 
presents its compliments to the Slinistry of 
Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Eepublics and has the honor to refer to the latter's 
note No. 94/OSA of September 17, 1961, with re- 
gard to which the Embassy, upon the instructions 
of its government, is authorized to state the 

In its note, the Ministry refers to the landing 
of two F-84 jet aircraft of the Armed Forces of 
the Federal Republic of Germany at Tegel Air- 
port in Berlin on September 14, 1961. 

As soon as the Allied authorities were aware of 
this landing, the Soviet representative at tlie Ber- 
lin Air Safety Center was informed of the circum- 
stances in which this regrettable incident occurred. 
The facts of the case prove, without any pos- 
sibility of error, that the two planes lost their 
way. Finding themselves short of fuel, the planes 
sent out distress signals to which only the air con- 
trol post at Templehof replied. Under these cir- 
cumstances, the latter could take no other measure 
than to let these aircraft land on one of the closest 
airfields— tliat of the Berlin-Tegel. Furthermore, 
in the exercise of their rights and responsibilities, 
the French authorities immediately detained the 
pilots and the planes and proceeded to investigate 
the matter. The investigation confirmed the in- 
formation stated above. 

Under these circumstances, the United States 
Government is surprised that the Government of 
the U.S.S.R. finds it possible to talk of "provoca- 
tions," "execution of warlike mission," including 
"tlie delivery of atomic bombs to their target." 

The Government of the United States considers 

it necessary to point out to the Soviet Government 
that, in recent weeks, numerous aerial incursions 
on the part of Soviet armed forces have taken 
place over the territory of the Federal Republic 
of Germany. Tliese incursions were brought to 
the attention of the Soviet authorities by the re- 
sponsible military authorities. No one thought 
of characterizing them as "provocations," or an- 
nouncing retaliatory measures, which the Soviet 
Government threatens to take. 

It appears to the Government of the United 
States that at the present time, more than ever, 
Governments should avoid complicating, by un- 
founded accusations, those incidents which in- 
evitably occur. Only in this way will they be 
able to limit to proper proportions such difficulties 
as may arise from a crisis for which the Govern- 
ment of the United States is in no way responsible. 

The tranquillity and security of peoples, to 
which the Soviet note refers, depend on the desire 
for peace of the Governments that lead them. The 
United States Government, like the Governments 
with which it is allied, has never deviated from 
this course. It hopes that the Government of the 
U.S.S.R. will devote itself to working in the same 


Unofliclal translation 

On September 14, 1961, at 17 hours OS minutes Moscow 
time, two military jet aircraft, model F-S4, bearing rec- 
ognition markings of the Federal Republic of Germany 
Bundeswehr, penetrated the territory of the German 
Democratic Republic in the area of the populated point 
of Elend (75 kilos southwest of Magdeburg). 

Passing over the cities of Thale and Quedlinburg at an 
altitude of 6,000 meters, the aircraft then assumed an 
altitude of 9,000 meters, and, in the area south of the 
city of Stassfurt, entered the strip of the air corridor 
Berlin-Franlrfurt-on-Main. The violator aircraft fol- 
lowed this corridor to the area west of Treuenbrietzen, 
where, sharply losing altitude, tiey turned northeast 
and, at 17 hours 29 minutes, landed at the French mili- 
tary airport of Tegel in West Berlin. 

The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany 
and the occupation authorities of the Western Powers are 
trying to depict this brazen diversion as the consequence 
of "technical troubles". The French representative in the 

' Delivered to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs by 
the U.S. Embassy at Moscow on Sept. 26 (press release 
663). Similar notes were delivered by the British and 
French Embassies at Moscow on the same date. 

'Delivered to the U.S. Embassy at Moscow on Sept. 17 
by the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Similar notes 
were delivered to the British and French Embassies on 
the same date. 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

Berlin Air Safety Center (BASC) stated that the Bundes- 
■wehr aircraft were in West Berlin because of "loss of 
orientation" and had landed at the French military air- 
port with the permission of the occupation authorities. 
According to the version launched by official representa- 
tives of the Federal Republic of Germany, the aircraft 
under reference, returning from NATO maneuvers in 
France, lost their way because of a "thunderstorm", 
"malfunctioning of cabin instruments", and "lack of ex- 
perience of the pilots", and, "inasmuch as the fuel was 
low, descended to earth and coincidentally landed at the 
West Berlin airport of Tegel". 

All these so-called "distracting statements" were de- 
signed to deceive public opinion and cover tracks. The 
question concerns nothing more than a previously pre- 
pared provocation, the purpose of which is plain : to 
strain the situation in the world to the limit and kill in 
embryo any possibility of agreement between interested 
states on mature international problems. 

The flight plan and its fulfillment by the crews of the 
aircraft completely refute the assertion about malfunc- 
tioning of cabin instruments and other tales about the 
aviators from the Bundeswehr having gone astray. Two- 
way radio communication was maintained between the 
West German airplanes, which flew more than 200 kilos 
(including more than 150 kilos in the Berlin-Frankfurt- 
on-Main corridor) over the territory of the German Demo- 
cratic Bepublic, and the airport at Tegel. The 
complicated maneuvering in course and altitude, the co- 
ordination of movement of both aircraft, and their 
precise guidance to the Tegel airport, could not have 
been accomplished with malfunctioning radio-navigational 

It was not the Bundeswehr pilots who "lost their 
orientation", but the highly placed military and political 
leaders of Western Germany and those who stand behind 
them. It was their hand, accomplished in every sort of 
subversive actions, which maliciously sent military air- 
craft, which are intended not for pleasure flights but for 
the accomplishment of military tasks, including the de- 
livery of atomic bombs to their target, deep into the 
territory of a sovereign state. 

The reckless adventure of sending two fighter bombers 
of the Bundeswehr through the airspace of the German 
Democratic Republic is one of the most dangerous provo- 
cations which have been committed on the routes of 
communication with West Berlin and in West Berlin 

itself by militaristic circles of the Federal Republic of 
Germany with the support of the occupation authorities 
of the Western Powers. It is understandable that the 
Soviet Government cannot disregard these facts. 

The Government of the United States of America has 
recently more than once made statements about the duty 
of all states to refrain from any acts which increase 
tension and the threat to international peace. However, 
unfortunately, there are not a few evidences of the fact 
that the Government of the United States of America does 
not attach great significance to its own appeals. Ameri- 
can occupation authorities not only have not taken any 
steps to suppress the subversive activity of the Federal 
Republic of Germany in West Berlin, but, as is apparent, 
are ready to place the air corridors in West Berlin at the 
disposal of militarists and revanchists. 

Even if it were granted that the American authorities 
might not have known of the provocation which had been 
prepared, which in and of itself is improbable, could that 
dispel the anxiety of the peoples of the fate of peace in 
Europe, with which the West German militarists are ir- 
responsibly playing? The United States of America, 
France, and Britain, rearming the Federal Republic of 
Germany, frequently boast that they somehow are in 
complete control of the situation. Living in a world of 
such illusions, the Western Powers, however, could find 
themselves drawn Into a devastating war against their 
own wills. 

Declaring a most resolute protest to the Government of 
the United States of America in connection with the 
grossest aggressive act, violation of the airspace of the 
German Democratic Republic by military aircraft of the 
Bundeswehr and their flight through the air corridors to 
West Berlin, the Soviet Government warns that, in the 
future, in similar cases, military violator-warplanes, 
which do not submit to a demand to land at a designated 
place, will be destroyed by the use of all means, including 

The intensifying provocatory sallies of militarists and 
revanchists of the Federal Republic of Germany once 
more with all persuasiveness show how mature has be- 
come the necessity of the conclusion of a German peace 
treaty and normalization on that basis of the situation in 
West Berlin in order to protect the tranquillity and se- 
curity of peoples. 

Moscow, September 17, 1961 

October 76, 1961 

614279—61 3 


A Pacific Partnership 

by Walter P. McConaughy 

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^ 

I consider it a great privilege to have been in- 
vited to address this sixth biennial Conference of 
Japan-American Mayors and Chamber of Com- 
merce Presidents. 

Ten years ago, when the first of these confer- 
ences was held in Tokyo, we did not hear much 
talk about people-to-people diplomacy. But a 
farsighted group of municipal officials on both 
sides of the Pacific realized, a short 6 years after 
the end of the Pacific war, that Japan and the 
United States were destined to become partners in 
progress for a better life for botli peoples. Trans- 
lating this thought to action, they started one of 
the most vital and most effective manifestations of 
people-to-people diplomacy among the many that 
have since grown up between our two countries. 
The impressive vitality of your organization is 
symbolic of the great vitality that today infuses 
all aspects of Japanese- American relations. 

I should like to convey to you today my observa- 
tions on the present state of this Pacific partner- 
ship. To imderstand this relationship, I should 
like first to view it against the panorama of eastern 
Asia as a whole, starting about a century ago. 
(You will recall that only last year we observed 
the centemiial celebrations of Japanese-United 
States diplomatic relations.'') Nearly a century 
ago, then, a fundamental revolution began in Asia. 
It began, perliaps, as a defensive reaction against 
the impact of the West but soon became something 
much greater. It became, and is now, a popular 
revolution. The peoples of the Pacific are deter- 
mined to win for themselves freedom — political 

'Address made before the Conference of Japan-Amer- 
ican Mayors and Chamber of Commerce Presidents at 
Portland, Oreg., on Sept. 18 (press release C.'{9). 

' For background, see Bulletin of May 9, 1060, p. 744 ; 
May 23, 1960, p. 826 ; and June 6, 1960, p. 909. 

and social freedom, but equally important and 
necessary, freedom from grinding poverty, free- 
dom from ignorance and illiteracy, freedom from 
disease, freedom from hunger. 

The Challenge of Communism 

Seen in the perspective of history, I believe it 
is fair to say that this revolution has entered into 
a critical phase. The people of Asia have become 
impatient for rapid fulfillment of their aspira- 
tions. At the same time a new challenge has been 
added to the tremendous political, economic, and 
social diificulties in the path of the fulfillment of 
the revolution. This challenge is the claim that 
only communism can meet the material aspira- 
tions of the world's peoples. AYliat is not men- 
tioned in this deceptive Communist propaganda 
is that it is predicated on the sacrifice of the aspi- 
rations for freedom and for the recognition of the 
dignity of the individual. 

In this picture of Asia in ferment, Japan offers 
a focus of solid encouragement, a confirmation of 
faith that man, however impatient for the good 
things of life for his children, need not sacrifice 
his liberty. 

Japan is in the vanguard of this revolution in 
Asia. Having achieved equality with the tech- 
nologically advanced nations, and sharing the val- 
ues of an open society, Japan is moving forward 
to a new stage of growth and progress. Japan 
is the equal partner, politically as well as eco- 
nomically, of the nations of the world sharing the 
same dedication to freedom, the same conviction 
as to the importance and dignity of the individual. 
Japan has established a firm base for democracy, 
for the exercise of the traditional liberties, and 
for the enjoyment of the opportunities that free- 
dom yields. In particular, an entirely new kind 


Department of State Bulletin 

of relationship has developed between Japan and 
the United States, an across-the-board partner- 
ship in which the two countries are working in 
concert toward goals impossible for either country 
to achieve alone. 

It is as significant as it is relevant that Japan 
has been singled out by the Communist powers 
for special attention, special threats, particularly 
in the recent period. The pace of Japan's prog- 
ress in freedom is a vital challenge to the 
Communist system of life under coercion. 

The sudden callous resumption by the Soviet 
Union of nuclear explosions in the atmosphere 
reminds us that this new type of relationship, this 
interdependence, has grown up in the era of the 
cold war. Some aspects of the relationship which 
has grown up between Japan and the United 
States are responsive to the threat posed by com- 
munism. We have, for instance, a special security 
relationship with Japan. Nevertheless, mutual 
security is only one part of the partnership be- 
tween Japan and the United States. The United 
States-Japan partnership is based on common 
objectives in the unfinished revolution for a better 
world, a world of peace and a world of prosperity 
and tranquillity. It is not dependent on outside 
stimulus; it will last long after the worldwide 
Communist offensive has vanished. 

Two-Way Street of Consultation 

In the political field the concept of the partner- 
ship involves first and foremost the idea of the 
dialog, the two-way street of consultation between 
the leaders of our respective governments. The 
emphasis here, as in any true partnership, has to 
be placed upon the necessity, at all times, for a 
completely frank, uninhibited exchange of views. 
This is perhaps best illustrated by the recently 
concluded visit to Washington of Prime Minister 
Hayato Ikeda.' Mr. Ikeda did not come to the 
United States because there existed some urgent 
problem in relations between the two countries 
which could be settled only by a meeting of Presi- 
dent and Prime Minister. Happily, there are no 
such problems in our relations with Japan. On the 
contrary, Mr. Ikeda came here at the invitation 
of President Kennedy so that the two might con- 
sult together not only on bilateral matters, such 
as trade and economic relations, but also on the 

' IMd., July 10, 1961, p. 57. 
October 16, 7961 

major questions that face the world today, such, 
as Berlin, the forthcoming session of the General 
Assembly, and disarmament. All of these issues 
were discussed in an atmosphere of mutual con- 
fidence, which is the hallmark of the United 
States-Japan partnership. 

These talks were fruitful in many ways, and 
from them have emerged a series of new and po- 
tentially very useful institutions. Perhaps the 
most important of them is the new Joint United 
States-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs, a body which will consist of our Secre- 
taries of State, Commerce, Treasury, Agriculture, 
Interior, and Labor and their Japanese ministerial 
counterparts, who will meet alternately in Japan 
and in the United States. Their first meeting will 
be held in Japan in November of this year. This 
Committee will be the senior coordinating group 
for all of the partnership's trade and economic 
affairs, including such matters as balance of pay- 
ments between the two countries, the flow of invest- 
ments and dividends, trade relationships with 
other countries, and assistance to newly emerging 
countries. This Committee will also be the forum 
for discussion of such matters as Japan's need to 
expand its trade abroad and its access to a reason- 
able share of the American market and also 
Japan's ability to liberalize conditions for entry 
into its own internal market for American and 
other products. You might sum up the role of the 
joint Economic Committee in these words: It will 
view the totality of Japanese-American trade and 
economic relations, will plan for their future, and 
will attempt to iron out any rough spots as they 

A second institution to emerge from the Ikeda- 
Kennedy talks was a joint committee on cultural 
matters, to be made up of outstanding figures 
from the academic and intellectual worlds of the 
two nations. Both our cultures are exceptionally 
rich and varied, and each has much to contribute 
to the other. We expect this committee to survey 
the entire field of cultural relations between the 
United States and Japan — the official exchange 
programs such as those established under the Ful- 
bright and Smith-Mimdt acts, the programs of 
the various private foundations, and the more in- 
formal relationships which have grown up between 
Japanese and American universities and learned 
societies. The joint committee will explore all of 
these aspects of Japanese-American cultural rela- 


tions. In this concept we have in mind no mere 
homogenization of the two cultures, for that 
would make each lose something of its own iden- 
tity and vital spirit. Nor have we in mind a 
simple numerical increase in the number of schol- 
ars traveling between Japan and the United 
States. Instead, what we are aiming at is a joint 
venture to explore the values and wellsprings of 
our respective cultures, to examine their impact 
upon each other, and to enlarge the contribution 
each can make to the enrichment of the otlier. 

Another outgrowth of the "Washington talks is 
the establishment of a Joint United States-Japan 
Scientific Committee, which will meet later this 
year to mark out areas in the sciences in which 
Japanese and American scientists can fruitfully 
assist each other. This will involve not only the 
investigation of methods by which we can 
more profitably exchange information — perhaps 
through entities like an institute for the transla- 
tion of scientific papers and literature — but also 
actual joint projects in which Japanese and Amer- 
ican scientists can work side by side. We have 
already in the planning stage two joint Japanese- 
American ventures in outer space: one a com- 
munications satellite project, and the other a 
radiation measuring rocket probe. We expect the 
Scientific Committee will explore other areas on 
tlie frontier of man's knowledge in which our 
scientists can collaborate to our mutual benefit. 

This, then, is a sketch of tlie kind of institu- 
tional framework which we have been creating 
for this new venture in interdependence. But 
what I have so far described is only the skeleton ; 
muscle and sinew will have to be added. These 
committees, and the several other bodies created 
in the past, will achieve substance when the peo- 
ple of both countries, acting in bodies sucli as this 
conference, will lend their advice, assistance, and 
continuing support. 

I think we have to recognize tliat this is not 
going to be an easy undertaking. Differences of 
language, culture, and customs present formidable 
obstacles to understanding. I am convinced, how- 
ever, that there are enough men in both countries 
who are willing to take the trouble to cross the 
language barrier, who are M'illing to work and 
persevere to build a partnership, and who are 
willing to solve problems as they arise by joint 
action in a spirit of mutuality and cooperation. 
I believe that a partnership of this kind, actively 

shared and nourished by citizens of both coim- 
tries, can be fruitful beyond all expectations. 

Japan's 10- Year Economic Plan 

I note with great satisfaction that the Japanese 
Government has recently embarked upon a 10-year 
economic plan to double the national income and 
thus to raise the living standards of the Japanese 
people to a level among the very highest in the 
world. I cannot stress emphatically enough the 
tremendous significance of this plan, not only be- 
cause whatever affects the economic health of one 
of our best customers will sooner or later affect 
our own but also because of the example which 
will be set for less developed nations to follow. 
The essential, harrowing question of our time is 
this : "Is individual freedom consistent with rapid 
economic growth?" I am confident that Japan, 
one of the four leading industrial complexes of 
the world, is already providing an affirmative 
answer to this central question. 

Our stake in this bold venture undertaken by 
Japan is very nearly as great as that of Japan 
itself. We Americans understand that Japan can- 
not succeed in this imdertaking unless she can 
achieve access on reasonable terms to a fair share 
of the market in the United States and elsewhere 
in the free world. I do not mean, of course, that 
we have any intention of driving American manu- 
facturers out of business, and I do not mean that 
we intend to encourage any mass invasion of 
America by Japanese products. But I do mean 
that we have a real, a very great interest in seeiiiir 
to it that Japan expands its market. In return 
our Japanese friends will surely recognize their 
obligation to dismantle as rapidly as possible the 
remaining quantitative controls over imports into 
Japan. If we continue to approach this problem 
in a spirit of good will and understanding on both 
sides, as I am sure we shall, thei-e is every reason 
to expect that the results will be mutually 
satisfactory and in the general interest. 

There is, finally, another highly significant area 
for future action by the Japanese- American part- 
nership that I wish to call to your attention — the 
challenge posed by the large nimiber of newly in- 
dependont and economically less developed na- 
tions of the world. As we all know, tlie United 
States is vitally interested in assisting these na- 
tions and has devoted several tens of billions of 
dollars to this purpose. Japan, as an Asian na- 


Deparlment of State Bulletin 

tion and as the only Asian nation which has thus 
far created a modern, industrialized economy, also 
has much to offer to these new nations. Japan's 
possession of the most vigorously expanding econ- 
omy in the entire world gives her a position of 
considerable authority from which to speak. 
There is thus a vital and imique contribution which 
Japan can make, in terms of teclinical assistance 
and advice, as well as in terms of money and 
capital equipment. Operating in conjunction 
with one another, the efforts of each reinforcing 
and complementing those of the other, the part- 
nership of Japan and the United States can ef- 
fectively meet this great challenge of the decade 
in a manner which would be impossible for either 
acting alone. 

Building Toward the World of Tomorrow 

In the past 16 years many strong links have 
been forged between our two nations. This im- 
portant conference is a shining example of such 
enduring, valuable, and far-reaching links. Our 
peoples and our cultures have their destinies so 
comingled that separation would only impoverish 
both nations. We share the same road to the fu- 
ture. Our journey along this road will not be 
without danger, hazard, or challenge. But I am 
certain that the combined strength, wisdom, and 
determination of your countrymen and mine will 
be worthy of any trials which we may face and 
that together we shall be able not only to surpass 
the demands of this troubled age but to contribute 
most significantly toward the transition to a safer 
and happier one. 

Those developmental forces which over the past 
century have so insistently, precipitately, and 
perhaps prematurely juxtaposed the world's peo- 
ples have vastly exacerbated the problems of their 
relationships. Those same forces, however, have 
also afforded the most remarkable tools — in trans- 
portation and communication, in medicine, educa- 
tion, and pedagogy— for the solution of those 

problems. The four industrial centers of the 
world possess these tools in great abundance, but 
the manner of their use will make all the differ- 
ence in the nature of our future life on this planet. 

The ideology of Communist countries was con- 
ceived and born in the early days of the industrial 
revolution which has presented mankind with 
both problem and promise in such overwhelming 
plenty. These Communist nations have for the 
most part clung to a dogmatic answer to both 
problem and promise, geared to limited under- 
standing of the social dislocations which in those 
early days were attendant upon industrialization. 
Their achievements have been too much impelled 
by fear and hate, implemented by ruthless regi- 
mentation, and put to the services of a type of 
power politics which the world must rapidly out- 
grow if it is to survive in safety. 

In this situation it is of crucial importance to 
all mankind that the other great industrial cen- 
ters of the world, Japan, Western Europe, and 
the United States, use the powerful tools of the 
modern world in the most enlightened manner 
and for the most constructive national and world 
purposes — and in as much concert as appears 
practicable — in building toward the world of 

The United States-Japan partnership, there- 
fore, important as it is intrinsically, is also im- 
portant to the future of millions of people who 
may scarcely be aware of its reality. I am confi- 
dent that our two peoples and their leaders will 
measure up to our responsibilities inherent in this 
larger context as well. 

In conclusion I am very glad to convey to you, 
on behalf of the United States, the expression of 
our complete confidence that this partnership — 
a partnership of peoples as well as of govern- 
ments — will grow and prosper in the years ahead 
and will become one of the most steadfast founda- 
tions of progress, friendship, and peace in the 

October 16, 1961 


Southern Africa in Transition 

hy G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs '■ 

Ladies and gentlemen, before taking up the text 
of what I had prepared for you tonight, I must 
take note of a very great tragedy which has be- 
fallen us all in the death of Secretary-General 
[Dag] Hammarskjold of the United Nations. 
His plane, as you know, crashed in Northern 
Rhodesia as it M-as carrying him on a mission of 
peace and conciliation. 

The United Nations and the Government of the 
Congo have for more than a year sought to main- 
tain the integrity of the Congolese nation against 
separatist and secessionist movements. A crisis, 
unfortunately involving violence, has lately 
erupted over this issue in the Katanga province.' 
It was on his way to meet Mr. [Moishe] Tshombe, 
the leader of Katanga, that the Secretary-General 
met an untimely death. 

Our grief is profound tonight. But if Mr. 
Hammarskjold is lost to the United Nations and 
the world, it is our hope that his mission of con- 
ciliation will be energetically pursued and the 
U.N. will succeed soon in restoring Congolese 

Just lately my wife and I have returned from 
an extensive trip in Africa, the second since Presi- 
dent Kennedy appointed me to my present duties 
in the Depai'tment of State.^ I have now visited 
14 of the independent countries of Africa and 12 
of the dependent territories. Two more trips this 

' Address made before the Negro Trade Union Leader- 
ship Council at Philadelpliin, Pa., on Sept. 18 (press re- 
leases (!41 and C41A). 

' Bulletin of Oct. 2, 1901, p. 550. 

' For an address made by Assi.stant Secretary Williams 
In Salisbury, Federation of Northern Rhodesia and 
land, on Aug. 25, see iUd., Oct. 9, 1901, p. COO. 

year will cover all the remaining nations and the 
principal territories, excepting the Eepublic of 
South Africa, where there wasn't a mutually con- 
venient time for a visit. 

Let me tell you something of my findings in 
this most recent trip. 

Our point of departure was the Republic of 
the Ivory Coast, a country of 3 million people 
situated in the great rain-forest arc which extends 
along the western bulge of the continent. We were 
there to help celebrate the first anniversary of the 
independence of the Ivory Coast. It was my 
great privilege to join with Attorney General 
Robert Kennedy, with John H. Johnson, the dis- 
tinguished Negro publisher from Chicago, and 
with our Ambassador to the Ivory Coast, R. Bor- 
den Reams, in representing the U.S. Government 
at these ceremonies. I wish time permitted my 
telling you of the tremendous spirit of these good 
people, about their beautiful and modem capital 
city, and about the example of progress they have 
set in their first j'ear of independence. There is 
a lesson, too, in the now cordial and mutually 
beneficial relationship between the people of the 
Ivory Coast and of France. You will have to 
take my word for it that these things speak vol- 
umes about the promise of Africa's future. 

Then we traveled to southern Africa. Here we 
visited two more of the 18 African countries 
which have come to independence since the begin- 
ning of 1960 — the Republic of Gabon in west 
Africa and the Malagasy Republic on the island 
of Madagascar. Both are flourishing countries 
wliich are moving steadily forward under respon- 
sible governments. I think the world can expect 
much from both of them. 

Toniglit, liowever, I'd like to deal mainly with 
the dependent territories M'hich lie to the south 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

of the Republic of the Congo. Much of this area 
has been attractive to European settlement for 
some 400 years, and here we find the highest rela- 
tive white population in sub-Saharan Africa, run- 
ning up to about 25 percent m the Eepublic of 
South Africa. In the Congo and to tlie north the 
big question is the political and economic develop- 
ment of now-independent nations, whereas to the 
south the big question is the extension of the fran- 
chise to black Africans in areas with sizable white 
minorities. Two of these areas, Angola and 
Mozambique, are vast territories administered by 
Portugal. The other six are under British admin- 
istration and reflect great contrasts. Let me begin 
by discussing these British areas. 

Bechuanaland, Basutoland, Swaziland 

Least developed are three territories which are 
only beginning to impinge on the preoccupied 
mind of America and much of the rest of the 
world. These are Bechuanaland and Swaziland, 
which lie along the borders of the Republic of 
South Africa, and Basutoland, which lies wholly 
within South Africa. Together they hold a pop- 
ulation of 11^ millions, of whom 11,000 are whites. 
Bechuanaland is larger than Texas but appears 
to be poorly favored in natural endowments. 
Basutoland has voted for its own self-government 
under British protection with all men having an 
equal vote. Swaziland is working on a new con- 
stitution giving more black African participation, 
and Bechuanaland, too, is moving forward. We 
shall certainly hear more about this trend, not 
least because of its contrast with the retrogressive 
political and social philosophy of apartheid being 
practiced in neighboring South Africa. 

The Rhodesias and Nyasaland 

The most developed, the most complex, and the 
most challenging territories we visited are South- 
ern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland. 
Here are three rather well defined territories, each 
in a different stage of political evolution, each 
affected by a different balance between the races 
and by varying degrees of economic progress, but 
all linked together in the Federation of Rhodesia 
and Nyasaland. Tlie area is one of considerable 
economic potential, with great cities, mines, plan- 
tations, and factories already well developed. 
The combined populations total 8,330,000, of 
which 308,000 are of European stock. 

A heated political dialog is taking place in these 
countries, between the black African majorities 
along with some white liberals on the one hand 
and the bulk of the white minority on the other. 
The British Government is presiding over the 
debate and tempering its passions. Let me say 
here that British administrators have done much 
to encourage African advancement, political edu- 
cation, and progressive evolution toward the 
goals of democratic self-government by all the 
people and an interracial society. 

The goal of self-government by all the people 
is acknowledged to be right by all responsible ele- 
ments in the three territories. The subject of the 
dialog, then, is the rate, the speed of transition 
to majority rule. The political party of Sir Roy 
Welensky, with strong white support particularly 
in Southern Rhodesia, believes in a gradual pace. 
Northern Rhodesia tends to be more progressive 
and is working on a new constitution. The 
African nationalist parties of Dr. Banda, Kenneth 
Kaunda, and Joshua Nkomo are pressing for con- 
stitutional changes which would give full voice, 
at the earliest date, to the black African majori- 
ties. Dr. Banda has of course now achieved self- 
government for the black majority in Nyasaland 
under British protection. 

Inevitably tension has accompanied this great 
debate. Lately there has been sporadic violence 
in Northern Rhodesia, where many African na- 
tionalists feel they have been denied adequate 
progress under a proposed new constitution. Just 
last week the British Government announced at 
least a partial reopening of this question. 

Racial Accommodation 

In the Rhodesias and Nyasaland there is a prob- 
lem within a problem. Besides constitutional 
transition there is the vital process of accommoda- 
tion between races, of building a truly democratic 
interracial society. This goal is acknowledged by 
all responsible parties and has constitutional sup- 
port. A good beginning and much progress has 
been achieved, but again the difficulty and the 
argument are about the pace of progress. 

The success of an interracial society in the 
Rhodesias and Nyasaland has tremendous bearing 
on what is going to happen in the way of black 
African participation in government in Angola, 
Mozambique, and the Republic of South Africa. 
Consequently America and the world have a great 

Ocfober 76, 1 96 1 


interest in the successful development of what the 
Federation calls a partnership policy. 

Here we are very close to a subject of intense 
concern to Americans, who know what is at stake 
in the question of racial equality. We too have 
long had the goal of a true interracial society. 
We have come a greater distance toward this goal, 
which is set forth in the law of the land and which 
our Government is pledged to realize. Yet we 
must be humbly aware how much must yet be 
done, how many acts of faith and courage will be 
necessary from our leaders and from all men of 
good will. 

We have stated it as a cornerstone of our for- 
eign policy that we hope for the peoples of Africa 
what we hope for ourselves in building and per- 
fecting our own society. We must therefore expect 
those peoples, black and white alike, to observe 
with very great interest how we are getting on 
with the job, just as we observe their progress. 
Your effort here — and ours in Washington — are 
thus joined. 

Let us, on our side, look with imderstanding on 
the problems which are being worked out by the 
peoples and governments of the Rhodesias and 
Nyasaland. Let us acknowledge that a promising 
start has been made. And let us wish, for all 
those concerned, two things: understanding and 
persistence in moving ahead. I should add that 
the U.S. Government hopes to be able to assist 
in a more rapid extension of educational op- 
portunity in the three territories, helping thereby 
in the preparation for self-government. 

Angola and Mozambique 

This brings me to Angola and Mozambique. 
Located on the west coast of Africa, Angola ex- 
tends south from the Congo border. In size it is 
larger than Texas and California together, and 
its population is about 41/2 million. Of this num- 
ber some 250,000 have held Portuguese citizenship. 
Mozambique, on the east coast, is larger than 
Texas and has a population of just over 6i/^ 

The Portuguese have ruled Angola and Mozam- 
bique for more than four centuries, and until 1951 
the two territories had the status of colonies. In 
that year the Government in Lisbon adopted laws 
imder which these colonies became "overseas 
provinces," and the Portuguese firmly maintain 
that they are integral parts of Portugal. 

This has become a point of controversy in the 
United Nations, where the last General Assembly 
adopted a resolution * which includes Portugal 
among other nations having a responsibility under 
article 73 of the charter to report to the Committee 
on Information from Non-Self-Goveming Ter- 
ritories. The Portuguese Government has de- 
clai-ed its refusal to comply with this injunction. 

This viewpoint of the Portuguese stands in 
sharp contrast to that of the other principal 
colonial powers. The British and the French have 
deliberately pursued a policy of preparing their 
dependent territories for self-government and 
eventual independence. That is why the great 
majority of new African nations have emerged 
to freedom peacefully. Only in the Congo, which 
did not enjoy this preparation, has independence 
been followed by turmoil. 

Political self-expression has been possible for 
the African peoples of Angola and Mozambique 
only to an extremely limited degree. Lentil just 
last month, Portuguese law — the so-called indi- 
gena law — divided the overseas populations into 
two categories, "civilized" and "noncivilized." In 
Angola, for example, the 250,000 persons who 
were considered "civilized" included only about 
30,000 Africans, who had achieved this status 
under the official policy of "assimilation." To be- 
come an assimilado an African had to become a 
Christian and fill certain strict requirements as 
to education and income. The "noncivilized" mil- 
lions coidd not imder any circxmistances vote or 
hold office. They lived under state protection and 
control and were subject to a system of directed 
labor during part of each year. 

Until March of this year Portuguese Africa 
remained outwardly calm. Then in northern 
Angola a rebellion broke out and led to great 
violence and the loss of thousands of lives, both 
Portuguese and African. Military reinforce- 
ments from Portugal have restored control of 
urban centei-s in the disputed area, but the end of 
the fighting is not in sight. 

As you probably know, the U.N. General As- 
sembly debated the question of Angola last April. 
On April 20 the Assembly adopted a resolution" 
deploring the violence in Angola and calling on 
the Portuguese to effect reforms leading to self- 

* U.N. doc. A/RES/1542 (XV). 
° U.N. doc. A/RES/1603 (XV). 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

determination for the peoples of Angola. An An- 
gola subcommittee was set up to report on the 
situation. On June 9 the Security Council reaf- 
firmed these views." The United States voted for 
both resolutions, which were adopted by large 

In our visit to Angola we saw much evidence of 
internal tension and we found considerable recog- 
nition among the Portuguese of the importance of 
reforms. Now at the end of August, as much in 
response to these Portuguese settler views as to 
the votes in the U.N., a series of reforms have been 
announced. JNIost notably, the indigena law has 
been abolished and all inhabitants of Portuguese 
Africa have been granted constitutional equality. 
Tlie average African will still be unable to vote 
and will have little or no participation in govern- 
ment, Iiowever, because, as is true for all Portu- 
guese citizens, he must pass a literacy test and 
comply with a tax proviso. Literacy in Portu- 
guese Africa is well below 10 percent. From this 
it will be seen that rapid educational advancement 
is a requisite for full realization of political 

The new reforms are of course most welcome 
from our point of view, and we trust that they 
will be made politically and socially effective. 
How greatly they will resolve the issues in conflict 
I cannot say. Much will depend on the Portu- 
guese estimate of the lateness of the hour in 
Africa and whether their response is timely and 
also sufficiently broad. Ambassador Stevenson, 
speaking in the Security Council last March 15, 
outlined a frame of reference which we believe is 
still pertinent, using these words : ' 

The United States would be remiss in its duties as a 
friend of Portugal if it failed to express honestly its con- 
viction that step-by-step planning within Portuguese 
territories and its acceleration is now imperative for the 
successful political and economic and social advancement 
of all inhabitants under Portuguese administration — 
advancement, in brief, toward full self-determination. 

Angola and Mozambique have real promise 
for all of their peoples under a progressive evo- 
lution, and I sincerely hope that we have now seen 
the beginning of such an evolution. 

' For a statement made by Charles W. Yost, U.S. Repre- 
sentative in the Security Council, and text of a resolution, 
see Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 88. 

' Ihid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497. 

Attitudes Toward Change 

Pei-mit me now, before closing, to touch on one 
general impression gained m my trip. 

In a speech in South Africa early in 1960 Prime 
Minister Macmillan said that "the wind of change 
is blowing through the continent." His words 
were intended to bring reluctant or fearful minds 
to face up to extending political and civil rights 
equally to all men. 

Since he spoke, 17 new nations have been bom 
to independence in Africa, but in the dependent 
territories I visited (as well as in the Eepublic 
of South Africa, which I have not visited) there 
are still many influential citizens who would like 
to believe they can isolate themselves and pre- 
serve political privileges with no change, or only 
very little change. In defense of this attitude 
they tend to look at the Congo as if what has 
happened there is typical, when clearly it is the 
exception to the rule among the newly independ- 
ent countries. 

Unfortunately there are some areas of white 
African opinion that believe every African 
nationalist is a Communist and subscribes to a 
program of exterminating the whites or driving 
them out. This is obviously untrue. National- 
ist leaders by and large welcome white participa- 
tion in their countries' affairs, recognizing the con- 
tribution they can make. It is true, however, that 
they believe that white Africans must ultimately 
be content with the same privileges as black 

It is my hope that, increasingly, people will 
become better informed about and will take heart 
from the examples of successful independent gov- 
ernments elsewhere in Africa. I should add that 
our own policies for Africa are very much bound 
up in this question. To the extent we can help 
these new governments build up strong and stable 
societies, we shall be contributing to a relaxation 
of irrational and potentially dangerous fears. 
Meanwhile we must also recognize how important 
it is to see things through to a successful conclu- 
sion in the Congo. And always it is important to 
make our own multiracial society an outstanding 

My friends, in closing let me say again how 
important it is that Americans take the kind of 
interest in Africa that you have shown in estab- 
lishing this scholarship award. It is a credit to 
you, to Philadelpliia, and to the United States. 

Oc/ober J 6, 1967 


If your example is repeated often enough, the 
future of African-American friendship will be 
virtually assured. 

Assistant Secretary Williams Plans 
Two More Trips to Africa 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 26 (press release 666) that Assistant Sec- 
retary of State for African Affairs G. Memien 
Williams would leave Washington September 29 
for Rabat, Morocco. This will be the first stop 
in his third oiBcial trip to Africa since he was 
appointed by President Kennedy to the Depart- 
ment of State. In addition to Morocco, he will 
visit Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Chad, 
Tunisia, Libya, and the Sudan between October 1 
and 24. Mr. Williams will be accompanied by 
Mrs. Williams, Department of State aides, and 
representatives of the Departments of Labor and 
Health, Education, and Welfare and the Inter- 
national Cooperation Administration. 

In two separate trips earlier this year. Assist- 
ant Secretary Williams visited 16 coimtries in 
central Africa as well as 2 independent states and 
8 territories in southeast Africa. 

Assi-stant Secretary Williams is making this 
trip in order to convey personally the good wishes 
and interest of the United States to the govern- 
ments and peoples of the north and west African 
nations and to gain firsthand impressions of the 
area. He will also consult with members of our 
embassies and consulates. 

A fourth trip is planned to begin on November 
27 and continue to December 17, at which time 
Assistant Secretary Williams will visit west and 
central African nations which were not included 
in his previous visits. 

CENTO Telecommunications 
Project Contract Signed 

Press release 674 dated September 29 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 29 the signing of a telecommunications 
project contract between the Radio Corporation of 

America (RCA) and the International Coopera- 
tion Administration (ICA) on behalf of the U.S. 
Government. The project eventually will link 
the three regional members of the Central Treaty 
Organization (CENTO), Turkey, Iran, and 
Pakistan. The signing ceremony took place in the 
office of D. A. FitzGerald, Deputy Director of Op- 
erations for ICA, who signed for the United 
States. Douglas C. Lynch, vice president of RCA, 
signed for the company. Among those attending 
were representatives of the three regional coun- 
tries and officials of RCA, ICA, and the Depart- 
ment of State. 

This occasion marks the start of actual construc- 
tion on an undertakuig which has been the subject 
of cooperative effort by the United States, Turkey, 
Iran, and Pakistan for over 3 years, imder the 
sponsorship of CENTO. The project illustrates 
the peaceful objectives of CENTO as well as 
cento's usefulness as a vehicle for regional 
collaboration. Four sovereign nations, in partner- 
ship, have worked together from the outset in 
determining the major features of a modern tele- 
communications system. The system is designed 
not only to provide communications between 
Ankara, Tehran, and Karachi but to tie in many 
other communities. It is designed to take account 
of existing and future branch lines along the 
route. The equipment will be owned by the three 
host countries and operated integrally with their 
existing telecommunications systems. 

The project is a partnership venture in the 
financial sense also in that the host countries are 
making large contributions which include provid- 
ing all of the necessary buildings, several hundred 
miles of access roads, and cash contributions to 
cover the local-currency costs of construction. 
The $16,490,000 construction contract is financed 
largely by the United States but also in part by 
the host countries. The United States is provid- 
ing all foreign exchange costs for manufacturing 
the equipment, and for its installation and testing. 

The 3,000-mile CENTO telecommunications 
system will be one of the longest microwave 
systems in the world. "Wlien completed it will con- 
tribute importantly to the realization of one of 
cento's principal economic objectives — the im- 
provement of communications between the coun- 
tries of the region. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Ambassador Harriman Visits 
Southeast Asia 

Folloioing are departure statements made hy 
Ambassador at Large W. Averell Harriman on 
Septemher IS at Rangoon and on September 20 
at Vientiane. Ambassador Harriman was visit- 
ing southeast Asia to discvss further with Asian 
leaders matters relating to the International Con- 
ference for the Settlement of the Laotian Ques- 
tion, ivhich convened at Geneva May. 16} 


The talks which His Highness Prince Souvanna 
Phouma and I have had during the past 3 days 
have been franlv and useful and have given us an 
opportunity to discuss the wide range of subjects 
of mutual concern. We agreed that our common 
objective is a truly neutral and sovereign Laos, 
independent of all outside interferences, to be 
achieved by peaceful means. 

We discussed the various issues being negotiated 
at the 14-nation conference at Geneva, and I found 
a considerable measure of understanding between 
us. There are a number of points now unresolved 
in Geneva which can only be settled after the ar- 
rival of a united delegation representing a govern- 
ment of national unity. Parallel of the conference 
in Geneva are the negotiations between the tliree 
princes for fonnation of such a government. We 
agreed on the need for an early successful outcome 
of these negotiations. In the meantime, both of 
us stressed the importance of strict observance of 
a cease-fire by all concerned. 

I raised with His Highness the question of the 
Americans held in Xieng Khouang. He assured 
me they would be released as soon as the new gov- 
ernment was formed and in the meantime could 
receive letters and packages. 

His Highness and I have both expressed to 
Prime Minister U Nu and his Government our 
great appreciation for the hospitality and many 
courtesies which they have shown us during our 
stay here. 

' For background, see Bulletin of May 15, 1961, p. 710 ; 
June 5, 1961, p. 844 ; June 26, 1961, p. 1023 ; and July 10, 
1961, p. 85. 


During my visit to Laos I have had the honor 
of being received by His Majesty the King. I had 
the opportunity to assure him of the President's 
deep interest in and concern for the future of Laos 
and of my Government's support for His Majesty 
and his Government. I expressed the unswerving 
determination of the United States to assist in the 
achievement of a truly independent and neutral 
Laos through peaceful means. 

I have had fruitful discussions with His High- 
ness the Prime Minister, Prince Bonn Oum; the 
Deputy Prime Minister, General Phoumi Nosa- 
van ; and members of the Royal Government. 

In these meetings we discussed the negotiations 
going on at the 14-nation conference in Geneva 
and the parallel discussions among the three 
princes. We considered together the manner in 
which our common goal of a peaceful and in- 
dependent Laos could be reached. I informed His 
Majesty and the Royal Government fully about 
my talks in Rangoon with Prince Souvanna 
Phouma, and I expressed the hope that the three 
princes could meet soon again to come to an agree- 
ment upon a government of national unity. 

I am grateful to His Majesty for his gracious- 
ness in receiving me and for the warm hospitality 
and courtesies shown me by members of his 

U.S. Makes Additional Quantities 
of Uranium 235 Available 


White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated September 26 

Progress in using atomic energy for peaceful 
purposes is evident in the numerous national and 
international programs for scientific i-esearch and 
for the development of nuclear power and other 
applications. Many of the current projects and 
those contemplated for the future are based on the 
use of enriched uranium. I am announcing today 
a further step by the United States to meet the 
prospective needs for this material. 

I have determined under section 41 b of the 
Atomic Energy Act of 1954 that the amount of 

Ocfober ^6, 7961 


enriched uranium to be made available for peace- 
ful uses at home and abroad will be increased to 
a total of 165,000 kilograms of contained uranium 
235. Of this total 100,000 kilograms is to be 
available for distribution within the United 
States under section 53 of the Atomic Energy Act 
and 65,000 kilograms for distribution to other 
countries under section 54. These amounts have 
been recommended by the Atomic Energy Com- 
mission with the concurrence of the Secretaries of 
State and Defense. The material will be dis- 
tributed as required over a period of years and 
will be subject to prudent safeguards against un- 
authorized use. 

This action increases the amounts of uranium 
235 made available by previous determination an- 
nounced on February 22, 1956,^ and July 3, 1957.^ 
The new amounts are estimated to cover present 
commitments and those expected to be made 
during the next few years imder domestic li- 
censes and foreign agreements. The purpose of 
this announcement is to provide continuing as- 
surance of the availability of enriched uranium 
for peaceful programs contemplated at home and 
abroad. As those programs develop in the fu- 
ture, it will undoubtedly be necessary to make 
further determinations to meet their requirements. 
The capacity of the United States for producing 
enriched uranium is sufficient to meet all foresee- 
able needs for peaceful uses in addition to our 
defense needs. 

A discussion of the new determination is con- 
tained in the attached statement by the Chairman 
of the Atomic Energy Commission. 


White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated September 26 

The President's announcement today that the 
amount of enriched uranium to be made available 
for peaceful uses at home and abroad has been in- 
creased to a total of 165,000 kilograms of con- 
tained uranimn 235 is an important step in the 
advancement of peaceful applications of atomic 
energy. Of this total, the 100,000 kilograms for 
distribution within the United States and the 

' Bulletin of Mar. 19, 1956, p. 469. 
' nid., July 22, 1957, p. 146. 

65,000 kilograms for distribution to other coun- 
tries were recommended by the Atomic Energy 
Commission to cover existing commitments and 
those expected to be made during the next few 
years under domestic licenses and foreign agree- 
ments, including materials for research, test, and 
power reactors. The availability of material for 
peaceful uses in AEC's own facilities is not part 
of this determination. 

The last Presidential determination was an- 
nounced on July 3, 1957, and brought the total of 
material available to 100,000 kilograms of ura- 
nium 235, divided equally between domestic and 
foreign uses. As explained by the AEC at that 
time, the 100,000-kilogram figure was in units of 
equivalent output of highly enriched uranium 
from United States production plants. However, 
most of the uranium to be made available will 
not be highly enriched in uranium 235, and the 
domestic licenses and foreign agreements are in 
terms of kilograms of uranium 235 actually con- 
tained in the material supplied. Therefore, for 
simplicity, the new determination is expressed in 
kilograms of contained uranium 235. The total 
of 165,000 kilograms of contained uranium 235 
to be available is estimated as the production 
equivalent of about 140,000 kilograms of uranium 
235 in highly enriched material, so that the new 
determination represents an increase of 40 percent 
over tlie previous total. 

The Presidential determination of enriched ura- 
nium to be available for peaceful uses is based on 
anticipated needs for present projects and those 
expected to start during the next few years. On 
earlier occasions the foreign and domestic require- 
ments were estimated to be about equal, and thus 
the quantities of material determined to be avail- 
able for domestic and foreign distribution were 
identical or nearly so. The fact that more en- 
riched uranium presently is bemg made available 
for domestic than foreign uses reflects, for the 
moment at least, a somewhat more rapid increase 
in the domestic needs of nuclear industiy for en- 
riched uranium than in the foreign needs but does 
not necessarily establish a precedent for future de- 
terminations. As new requirements for enriched 
uranium develop with expanded use of atomic en- 
ergy at home and abroad, the quantity of material 
to be made available for distribution by the AEC 
will be reexamined periodically. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Allocation of enriched uranium to a reactor 
project includes material for the fuel loading, for 
fuel consumption over the period of the domestic 
license or foreign agreement, and for the "pipe- 
line" associated with the manufacture and storage 
of fuel elements, cooling and shipment of irradi- 
ated fuel, and chemical processing of irradiated 
fuel to recover special nuclear material. The 
amount of uranium 235 contained in enriched 
uranium returned to the AEC is deducted from 
the amount supplied by the AEC in computing 
how much is available for further distribution. 
The material allocated to a reactor project may 
not be completely distributed for several decades. 

As of June 30, 1961, there were in effect in the 
United States construction permits or operating 
licenses for 10 power reactors, 3 test reactors, 69 
research reactors, and 14 critical-experiment fa- 
cilities, in addition to 409 special nuclear material 
licenses for uses other than in reactors or critical- 
experiment facilities. Agreements for coopera- 
tion in the civil uses of atomic energy are in effect 
between the United States and a large part of the 
free world, including 38 coimtries and West Ber- 
lin; 14 of tliese agreements provide for coopera- 
tion on power reactors. In addition, agreements 
are in effect with the International Atomic En- 
ergy Agency and the European Atomic Energy 
Community (EURATOM). 

Enriched uranium for peaceful purposes is dis- 
tributed abroad only imder agreements for coop- 
eration in the civil uses of atomic energy. These 
agreements are of two general types: those pro- 
viding for the transfer of modest amounts of ma- 
terial for power as well as research and test re- 
actors. All such agi-eements for cooperation con- 
tain a guarantee by the cooperating country that 
the material supplied will be used exclusively for 
peaceful purposes. Safeguard provisions allow- 
ing inspection of materials, facilities, and records 
by United States or international inspectors are 
also included, as appropriate. 

The uranium 235 content of enriched uranium 
distributed abroad is normally limited to 20 per- 
cent. However, uranium containing up to 90 per- 
cent uranium 235 may be made available for re- 
search and test reactors and reactor experiments. 
Agreements providing for the transfer of such 
highly enriclied uranium for these purposes or for 
the transfer of enriched uranium for power re- 

actors contain comprehensive safeguard provi- 
sions. Agreements covering only the transfer of 
uranium containing up to 20 percent uranium 235 
for research reactors contain more limited safe- 
guard provisions. 

Import Restrictions on Tung Oil 
and Tung Nuts To Be Studied 

White House press release dated September 18 

Following is the text of a letter from President 
Kennedy to the Members of the U.S. Tariff 

September 18, 1961 
Dear Sirs: I have been advised by the Secre- 
tary of Agriculture that there is reason to believe 
that the circumstances requiring the provisions 
of Proclamation No. 3378 of October 27, 1960,^ 
issued pursuant to Section 22 of the Agricultural 
Adjustment Act, as amended, which extends for 
three years commencing November 1, 1960, the 
import restrictions on tung oil and tung nuts, no 
longer exist and that such provisions may now be 

It is requested that the Tariff Commission make 
a supplemental mvestigation under Section 22(d) 
of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, 
to determine whether the circumstances requiring 
said provisions of the aforementioned Proclama- 
tion no longer exist and such provisions may now 
be terminated. 

The Commission's report of findings and recom- 
mendations should be submitted as soon as prac- 


John F. EIennedy 

Honorable Joseph E. Talbot 
Honorable J. Allen Overton, Jr. 
Honorable Walter F. Schreiber 
Honorable Glenn W. Sutton 
Honorable William E. Dowling 
United States Tariff Commission 
Washington, D.C. 

" For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 28, 1960, p. 835. 

October 76, 7967 



President Signs Bill Creating 
U.S. Disarmament Agency 

ReTnarJcs hy President Kennedy^ 

With the signing of H.K. 9118 there is created 
the United States Arms Control and Disarma- 
ment Agency.= This act symbolizes the impor- 
tance the United States places on arms control and 
disarmament in its foreign policy. 

The creation for the first time by act of Con- 
gress of a special organization to deal with arms 
control and disarmament matters emphasizes the 
high priority that attaches to our efforts in this 
direction. Our ultimate goal, as the act points 
out, is a world free from war and free from the 
dangers and burdens of armaments, in which the 
use of force is subordinated to the rule of law and 
in which international adjustments to a changing 
world are achieved peacefully. 

It is a complex and difficult task to reconcile 
through negotiation the many security interests 
of all nations to achieve disarmament, but the 
establishment of this Agency will provide new 
and better tools for this effort. 

I am pleased and heartened by the bipartisan 
support this bill enjoyed in the Congress. The 
leaders of both political parties gave encourage- 
ment and assistance. The new Agency brings 
renewed hope for agreement and progress in the 
critical battle for tlie survival of mankind. 

I want to express my thanks to the Members of 
the Congress — particularly who are here — who 
were specially interested. I am extremely sorry 
that Senator [HubertH.] Humphrey, who was a 
particularly vigorous proponent of this legisla- 
tion for many years in the Senate, is obliged to 
remain in Washington. And I want to add a spe- 
cial word of thanks to Mr. [John J.] McCloy, the 
disarmament adviser, who has given this entire 
matter his most constant attention. 

I want to take this opportunity to annoimce that 
the Director of the United States Arms Control 
and Disarmament Agency set up by this legisla- 
tion will be Mr. William Foster. He has been 
a consultant to Mr. McCloy in preparing the 
American plan which has been submitted to the 
United Nations General Assembly yesterday,^ and 
he and a gi'oup have been working for many 
months, full time, on this most important 

I think that Mr. Salinger [Pierre Salinger, 
White House Press Secretary] can give this after- 
noon to any members of the press some of the 
biographical material. Mr. Foster has been a 
distinguished public servant for many years as a 
most active and leading official in the Marshall 
plan. He is a Republican, and I think his ap- 
pointment indicates the bipartisan, national con- 
cern of both parties — and really, in a sense, all 
Americans — for this effort to disarm mankind 
with adequate safeguards. 

So I want to express our appreciation to you. 
Mr. Foster, for taking on this assignment, and 
Mr. Salinger perhaps can fill in some of the details. 
Mr. Foster, as Director of this, has the rank of 
an Under Secretary of State, and his work will 
be most closely coordinated with the Secretai-y of 
State, with me and the White House, and with our 
representatives in the General Assembly. 

Department Opposes Tariff 
on Lead and Zinc 

Statement ty Edwin M. Martin 

Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs^ 

The subject of this statement is S. 1747, a bill 
to stabilize the mining of lead and zinc. 

The Department of State testified before the 
Subcommittee on Minerals, Metals, and Fuels of 

' Made at New Tork, N.T., on Sept 20 (White House 
(New York) press release). 

' Fer baokgronnd, see Bulletin of July 17, 1061, p. 99 ; 
Sept. 4, 1961, p. 412 ; and Sept. 18, 1961, p. 492. 

■ Spp p. 6!>0. 

' Read before the Senate Finance Committee by Sidney 
B. .Tacques, Director, OflBce of International Resources, 
on Sept. 20 (press release 648) . 


Deparfmenf of State B^/lletin 

the Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Commit- 
tee on one version of this bill.^ Since that time 
the bill lias been amended with respect to the 
subsidy provisions to reduce the price base for 
•determining the subsidy but to increase the num- 
.ber of producers eligible for the stabilization pay- 
ments, as well as the quantity upon which each 
may receive payments. The provisions which 
would raise the taxes on imported lead and zinc 
concentrates and metal and on numerous products 
^re the same as originally proposed in S. 1747. 

The Department of State, together with the 
•other interested departments and agencies of this 
administration, recommended against the passage 
■of this legislation and continues to be strongly op- 
posed to its enactment. We believe that the pro- 
gram would prejudice the broader interests of the 
United States both in the development of its own 
economy and foreign trade and in its political re- 
lations with other countries. 

The Department of State is keenly aware of 
the problems of this industry, especially in the 
areas where mines have declined, smelters have 
•closed, and communities have experienced unem- 
ployment and business losses. The lead and zinc 
markets have been plagued by surpluses, caused 
primarily by reduced demand for these products, 
which has resulted in low prices. This condition 
of the industry has resulted from a number of 
different causes, including overexpansion induced 
by World War II, the Korean emergency, and the 
stockpiling program. In addition it is suffering 
from the difficulties that all mining industries 
experience when ore bodies that were once eco- 
nomic become marginal because the quality of the 
ore declines or markets shift or newer, lower cost 
supplies are developed. At the same time the 
markets for lead and zinc in the United States 
have declined from their 1955 peak due to inroads 
made by competitive materials and by changes in 
consumer taste— such as the development of the 
compact automobile. 

Kecognizing these problems, the administration 
was prepared to consider a subsidy to small 
miners to help them over this difficult period. 
The terms of such a subsidy were outlined by the 
Department of the Interior. It would provide 
stabilization payments for up to 750 tons eaclTof 
lead and zinc the first year, 500 the second year, 
and 250 tons the third and last year. It would 

' Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 340. 
October 16, 1961 

contain proper safeguards against unwarranted 
windfall profits and was designed not to build 
up production that could not stand on its own feet 
in the future. 

We believe the subsidy provisions in the bill be- 
fore your committee to be too liberal. I leave to 
the Department of the Interior the assessment of 
the effect on the industry and the administrative 
difficulties. I understand, however, that such a 
subsidy could raise the production of lead and zinc 
by 40,000 tons or more for each metal. Such a 
volume would exert a downward pressure on 
prices, to the detriment of the unsubsidized sector 
of the industry. Such lower prices would cause 
concern to those friendly countries who depend 
on the U.S. market for a significant part of their 
sales of lead and zinc. Not only less developed 
countries such as Mexico and Peru depend on 
sales to the United States, but also Australia and 
Canada, which are important markets for Ameri- 
can exports, need these earnings to help balance 
their accounts with us. Representatives of some 
of these countries have told us that the adminis- 
tration subsidy proposal would not injure them 
appreciably but that they were apprehensive of 
the proposal in S. 1747. 

Tariff Provisions of S. 1747 

Turning to the import tax provisions contained 
in title III of S. 1747, the Department of State 
earnestly hopes that they will not be approved. 
In the first place it would be inconsistent with the 
general policy of leaving adjustments in tariff 
rates to machinery set up in the Trade Agreements 
Act and other administrative arrangements and of 
not legislating directly on individual commodities. 
Such a change would discourage the coimtries with 
whom we must work to reduce barriers to our own 

"Wlien we imposed import quotas on lead and 
zinc concentrates and metal in 1958 under the 
escape-clause procedure of the Trade Agreements 
Act, the other countries who were members of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and who 
suffered injury to their trade were entitled to ask 
us for compensation. They did not do so because 
they understood our problem and because they 
believed that our action was temporary and would 
be removed when conditions warranted. If we 
proceed to legislate increases in import duties 
there will be no reason why they should not ask 


for compensation. We would be obliged to offer 
reductions in some other tariff rates or perhaps 
to see these other countries raise barriers against 


The tariff provisions of S. 1747 aim at the estab- 
lishment of a domestic price for each of lead and 
zinc metal at between IS14 cents and 14^/2 cents 
per pound. There is good evidence that this is 
neither necessary nor wise from the point of view 
of the industry. Both metals have lost heavily 
from the impact of substitutes in the past decade. 
This process will be encouraged by the mainte- 
nance of a high price. While present prices may 
well be too low for a long-term balance between 
supply and demand, it will only compoimd the 
difficulty to aim at a price that is too high. The 
Department of State does not know the price level 
that will prove to be economically sound for lead 
and zinc, but the Department of the Interior has 
pointed out that economic forces probably would 
not let the prices for these metals reach 141/4 cents 
per pound more than temporarily. We believe 
that the targets are too high and that other means 
should be used to achieve more modest goals. 

The decline in the domestic market for lead and 
zinc lias been the basic problem for the domestic 
industry. The quotas have not maintained the 
domestic price at acceptable levels because of this 
falloff in domestic demand. But this has been 
due to domestic factors and not to an increase in 
cheaper imports, since the quotas have limited 
imports to 80 percent of the 1953-57 average. If 
lead and zinc had maintained their markets over 
the past 5 years against domestic substitute ma- 
terials, their sales would have been about 10 per- 
cent, or about 100,000 Ions, higher. Few people 
woidd deny that the industry would have been 
prosperous under those conditions. 

Symbolic Character of Lead and Zinc 

Lead and zinc have been given a symbolic char- 
acter by other countries which raises intense emo- 
tional and political reactions even in countries 
that are not substantially affected economically. 
This is especially true in Latin America but is 
remarkably present in other areas of the world. 
There is little doubt that more restrictive action 
on trade in these metals by the United States would 
be interpreted as a retreat from international co- 
operation as a means of solving economic prob- 
lems. Coming at a time M-hen we need the coop- 


eration of others in reducing barriers to our trade, 
this would establish an unfavorable atmosphere. 
The Department of State has been using its best 
efforts internationally to improve the position of 
lead and zinc and thus benefit the industry in this 
comitry. Tlirough the International Lead and 
Zinc Study Group ' we regularly examine both 
the short-term and long-term problems in this 
field. Several actions have been tried to overcome 
the weak market prices in these metals. Sales were 
voluntarily restricted by some countries. Others 
cut their production. The United States has con- 
tracted to take 100,000 tons of surplus lead off tlie 
market through barter for our agricultural sur- 
pluses from producers who undertook to reduce 
their output. None of these actions have had the 
full effect desired. In the main, lack of success 
has been due to failure of demand in tlie United 
States to return to what has been normal levels in 
the past. The Study Group will meet again this 
October in Geneva. The clear intention on the 
part of the United States to continue attacking 
the problem multilaterally instead of taking uni- 
lateral action will contribute greatly to our inter- 
national position in these times. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Disarmament Agency. Hearings before the Senate For- 
eign Relations Committee on S. 2180, a bill to establish 
a U.S. Disarmament Agency for World Peace and 
Security. August 14-lC, 1961. 352 pp. 

Analysis of the Khrushchev Speech of January 6, 1961. 
Hearing before the Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other 
Internal Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Com- 
mittee. Testimony of Dr. Stefan T. Possony. June 
16. 1961. S. Doc. 46. August 24, 1961. 100 pp. 

Promotion of United States Exports. Hearing before 
Subcommittee No. 3 of the House Banking and Cur- 
rency Committee on H.R. 8381, a bill to amend the 
Export-Import Banli Act of 1945, H.R. 7102 and H.R. 
710.3, bills to create an American Export Credits 
Guaranty Corporation, and H.R. 7266 and H.R. 8249, 
bills to encourage and promote the expansion through 
private enterprise of domestic exports in world markets. 
August 30, 1961. 1.56 pp. 

Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 1001. 
Report to accompany H.R. 8666. H. Rept. 1094. 
August 31, 1961. 42 pp. 

Amendments to the Budget Involving an In 
Appropriations for the Agency for International De- 
velopment. Communication from the President. H. 
Doc. 230. September 1, 1961. 2 pp. 

' For background, see ihid.. May 9. 19C0, p. 7.5S. 

Department of Stale BuUelin 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ^ 

Adjourned During September 1961 

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests .... 

22d International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art 

15th Annual Edinburgh Film Festival 

10th Pacific Science Congress 

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Planning and Administration of National 
Community Development Programs. 

South Pacific Commission: Women's Interests Training Seminar . 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee of Experts on Transportation of Dan- 
gerous Goods. 

GATT Working Party on the Review of Article XXXV 

U.N. Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation: 10th 

International Conference on Currency Counterfeiting 

ICAO Diplomatic Conference on the Unification of Certain Rules 
Relating to International Carriage by Air Performed by a Person 
Other Than the Contracting Carrier. 

WHO Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 12th Session . . 

lA-ECOSOC First Inter-American Traffic Seminar 

U.N. ECAFE Asian Conference on Community Development. . . 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Mechanization of Agriculture . . . 

International Criminal Police Organization: 30th General Assem- 

Caribbean Commission: 31st Meeting 

International Seed Testing Association: Executive Committee . . 

Caribbean Organization: 1st Meeting 

ICEM Subcommittee on Budget and Finance: 4th Session . . . 

ICEM Subcommittee on Budget and Finance: 1st Session of Work- 
ing Party. 

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Industrial Statistics 

NATO Planning Board for European Inland Surface Transport . . 

GATT Working Party on the Budget 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Transport of Perishable Foodstuffs . 

U.N. ECE Committee on Trade: 10th Session 

Permanent International Association of Navigation Congresses: 
20th International Congress. 

GATT Committee III on E.xpansion of International Trade . . . 

Washington Foreign Ministers Conference 

Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission: Special Meeting . . 

50th Conference of the Inter-Parliamentary Union 

UNESCO E.xecutive Board Subcommittees 

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Inter- 
national Monetary Fund, International Finance Corporation, 
International Development Association: Annual Meetings of 
Boards of Governors. 

ILO Tripartite Subcommittee of the Joint Maritime Commission 
on Seafarers' Welfare: 2d Session. 

U.N. ECAFE Symposium on Dams and Reservoirs 

NATO Civil Defense Committee 

FAO International Conference on Fish in Nutrition 

IAEA Board of Governors 

Geneva Oct. 31, 1958- 

Sept. 9 1961 

Venice Aug. 20-Sept. 3 

Edinburgh Aug. 20-Sept. 9 

Honolulu Aug. 21-Sept. 1 

Bangkok Aug. 22-Sept. 16 

Apia, Western Samoa .... Aug. 24-Sept. 22 

Geneva Aug. 28-Sept. 1 

Geneva Aug. 28-Sept. 6 

New York Aug. 28-Sept. 15 

Copenhagen Aug. 29-Sept. 1 

Guadalajara, Mexico Aug. 29-Sept. 18 

Wellington Aug. 31-Sept. 5 

Washington Sept. 4-8 

Bangkok Sept. 4-8 

Geneva Sept. 4-8 

Copenhagen Sept. 4-9 

San Juan Sept. 5 (1 day) 

Wageningen, Netherlands . . . Sept. 5-7 

San Juan Sept. 6-15 

Washington Sept. 6-15 

Washington Sept. 6-15 

Bangkok Sept. 7-23 

Paris Sept. 8-9 

Geneva Sept. 11-15 

Geneva Sept. 11-15 

Geneva Sept. 11-18 

Baltimore Sept. 11-19 

Geneva Sept. 11-22 

Washington Sept. 14-16 

Long Beach, Calif Sept. 14-16 

Brussels Sept. 14-22 

Paris Sept. 14-22 

Vienna Sept. 18-22 

Geneva Sept. 18-23 

Tokyo Sept. 18-23 

Paris Sept. 19-20 

Washington Sept. 19-27 

Vienna Sept. 22-25 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 28, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: ECAFE, 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and 
Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tarififs and Trade; IAEA, 
International .atomic Energy Agency; lA-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic and Social Council; ICAO, International 
Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor 
Organization; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization: U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educa- 
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological Organiza- 

Ocfober 16, 7 967 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Adjourned During September 1961 — Continued 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 26th Session Geneva Sept. 25-26 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Road Geneva Sept. 25-29 

Traffic Accidents. 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Copyright Committee: 6th Session . Madrid Sept. 25-30 

GATT Worliing Party on Swiss Accession Geneva Sept. 26-28 

NATO Manpower Planning Committee Paris Sept. 27-28 

U.N. ECE ^rf //oc Working Party on General Conditions of Sale for Geneva Sept. 27-28 

Steel Products and Iron, Chromium, and Manganese Ores. 

In Session as of September 30, 1961 

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960- 

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotian Ques- Geneva May 16- 


U.N. Sugar Conference Geneva Sept. 12- 

4th ICAO North Atlantic Regional Air Navigation Meeting . . . Paris Sept. 14- 

WMO Commission for Aerology: 3d Session Rome Sept. 18- 

U.N. General Assembly: 16th Session New York Sept. 19- 

ILO Joint Maritime Commission: 19th Session Geneva Sept. 25- 

GATT Council of Representatives to the Contracting Parties . . Geneva Sept. 25- 

lAEA General Conference: 5th Regular Session Vienna Sept. 26- 

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Economic Planners New Delhi Sept. 26- 

U.S. Submits Proposal for General 
and Complete Disarmament to U.N. 

D.N. doc. A/4891 


Septeiviber 25, 1961 
I have the honour to transmit the text of the 
proposal entitled "Declaration on Disarmament — 
The United States Programme for General and 
Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World", to 
which refei-ence was made by President Kennedy 
in his addre-ss to the General Assembly today.' 

I would be gi'ateful if this letter with its enclo- 
sure were circulated as soon as possible to all Mem- 
bers of the United Nations for the information 
of the General Assembly and the Disarmament 

Adlai E. Stevenson 


The following is submitted by the United States 
of ATnerica as a proposed Declaration on Disarma- 
incnt for consideration by the General Assembly 

' See p. 610. For text of a U.S.-U.S.S.R. report to the 
General Assembly, with a joint statement of agreed prin- 
ciples for disarmament negotiations and supplementary 
U.S. documents, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1901, p. 589. 

of the United Nations a^s a guide for the negotia- 
tion of a program^me for general and complete 
disarmament in a peaceful world. 

Declaration on Disarmament: A Programme 
FOR General and Complete Disarmament in 
a Peaceful World 

The Nations of the world, 

Conscious of the crisis in human history pro- 
duced by the revolutionary development of mod- 
ern weapons within a world divided by serious 
ideological differences; 

Determined to save present and succeeding gen- 
erations from the scourge of war and the dangers 
and burdens of the arms race and to create condi- 
tions \\\ which all peoples can strive freely and 
peacefully to fulfil their basic aspirations; 

Declare their goal to be: a free, secure, and 
peaceful world of independent States adhering to 
common standards of justice and international 
conduct and subjecting the use of force to the rule 
of law; a world where adjustment to change takes 
place in accordance with the principles of the 
United Nations; a world where there shall be a 
permanent state of general and complete disarma- 
ment under effective international control and 
where the resources of nations shall be devoted 
to man's material, cultural and spiritual advance; 

Set forth as the objectives of a programme of 


Oeparfmenf of %ia\e Bulletin 

general and complete disarmament in a peaceful 
world : 

(a) The disbanding of all national armed forces 
and the prohibition of their re-establishment in 
any form -whatsoever other than those required to 
preserve internal order and for contributions to a 
United Nations Peace Force ; 

(b) The elimination from national arsenals of 
all armaments, including all weapons of mass 
destruction and the means for their delivery, other 
than those required for a United Nations Peace 
Force and for maintaining internal order ; 

(c) The establishment and effective operation 
of an International Disarmament Organization 
within the framework of the United Nations to 
ensure compliance at all times with all disarma- 
ment obligations ; 

(d) The institution of effective means for the 
enforcement of international agreements, for the 
settlement of disputes, and for the maintenance 
of peace in accordance with the principles of the 
United Nations ; 

Call on the negotiating States: 

(a) To develop the outline programme set forth 
below into an agreed plan for general and com- 
plete disarmament and to continue their efforts 
without interruption until the whole programme 
has been achieved ; 

(b) To this end to seek to attain the widest 
possible area of agreement at the earliest possible 

(c) Also to seek — without prejudice to progress 
on the disarmament programme — agreement on 
those immediate measures that would contribute 
to the common security of nations and that could 
facilitate and form a part of that programme ; 

Aifirm that disarmament negotiations should be 
guided by the following principles : 

(a) Disarmament shall take place as rapidly 
as possible until it is completed in stages contain- 
ing balanced, phased and safeguarded measures, 
with each measure and stage to be carried out in 
an agreed period of time. 

(b) Compliance with all disarmament obliga- 
tions shall be effectively verified from their entry 
into force. Verification arrangements shall be 
instituted progressively and in such a manner as 
to verify not only that agreed limitations or reduc- 
tions take place but also that retained armed 

forces and armaments do not exceed agreed levels 
at any stage. 

(c) Disarmament shall take place in a manner 
that will not affect adversely the security of any 
State, whether or not a party to an international 
agreement or treaty. 

(d) As States relinquish their arms, the United 
Nations shall be progressively strengthened in 
order to improve its capacity to assure interna- 
tional security and the peaceful settlement of dif- 
ferences as well as to facilitate the development 
of international co-operation in common tasks for 
the benefit of mankind. 

(e) Transition from one stage of disarmament 
to the next shall take place as soon as all the meas- 
ures in the preceding stage have been carried out 
and effective verification is continuing and as soon 
as the arrangements that have been agreed to be 
necessary for the next stage have been instituted. 

Agree upon the following outline programme 
for achieving general and complete disarmament : 

Stage I 

A. To Estahlish an International Disarmament 
Organization : 

(a) An International Disarmament Organiza- 
tion (IDO) shall be established within the frame- 
work of the United Nations upon entry into force 
of the agreement. Its functions shall be ex- 
panded progressively as required for the effective 
verification of the disarmament programme. 

(b) The IDO shall have: (1) a General Con- 
ference of all the parties; (2) a Commission con- 
sisting of representatives of all the major Powers 
as permanent members and certain other States 
on a rotating basis; and (3) an Administrator 
who will administer the Organization subject to 
the direction of the Commission and who will have 
the authority, staff, and finances adequate to 
assure effective impartial implementation of the 
functions of the Organization. 

(c) The IDO shall : (1) ensure compliance with 
the obligations undertaken by verifying the execu- 
tion of measures agreed upon; (2) assist the 
States in developing the details of agreed further 
verification and disarmament measures; (3) pro- 
vide for the establishment of such bodies as may 
be necessary for working out the details of fur- 
ther measures provided for in the programme and 
for such other expert study groups as may be 

October 16, 1 96 1 


required to give continuous study to the problems 
of disarmament; (4) receive reports on the prog- 
ress of disarmament and verification arrange- 
ments and determine the transition from one stace 
to the next. 

B. To Reduce Armed Forces and Armaments: 

(a) Force levels shall be limited to 2.1 million 
each for the United States and USSR and to 
appropriate levels not exceeding 2.1 million each 
for all other militarily significant States. Reduc- 
tions to the agreed levels will proceed by equi- 
table, proportionate, and verified steps. 

(b) Levels of armaments of prescribed types 
shall be reduced by equitable and balanced steps. 
The reductions shall be accomplished by transfers 
of armaments to depots supervised by the IDO. 
When, at specified periods during the Stage I 
reduction process, the States party to the agree- 
ment have agreed that the armaments and armed 
forces are at prescribed levels, the armaments in 
depots shall be destroyed or converted to peace- 
ful uses. 

(c) Tlie production of agreed types of arma- 
ments shall be limited. 

(d) A Chemical, Biological, Radiological 
(CBR) Experts Commission shall be established 
■within the IDO for the purpose of examining and 
reporting on the feasibility and means for accom- 
plishing the verifiable reduction and eventual 
elimination of CBR weapons stockpiles and the 
halting of their production. 

C. To Contain and Reduce the Nuclear Threat: 

(a) States that have not acceded to a treaty 
effectively prohibiting the testing of nuclear 
■weapons shall do so. 

(b) The production of fissionable materials for 
use in ■weapons shall be stopped. 

(c) Upon the cessation of production of fis- 
sionable materials for use in weapons, agreed ini- 
tial quantities of fissionable materials from past 
production shall be transferred to non-weapons 

(d) Any fissionable materials transferred be- 
tween countries for peaceful uses of nuclear 
energy shall be subject to appropriate safeguards 
to be developed in agreement with the IAEA 
[International Atomic Energy Agency]. 

(e) States owning nuclear weapons shall not 
relinquish control of sucli weapons to any nation 
not owning them and shall not transmit to any 

such nation the information or material necessary 
for their manufacture. States not owning nu- 
clear weapons shall not manufacture such weap- 
ons, attempt to obtain control of such weapons 
belonging to other States, or seek or receive 
information or materials necessary for their 

(f) A Nuclear Experts Commission consisting 
of I'epresentatives of the nuclear States shall be 
established within the IDO for the purpose of 
examining and reporting on the feasibility and 
means for accomplishing the verified reduction 
and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons 

D. To Reduce Strategic Nuclear Weapons Deliv- 
ery Vehicles: 

(a) Strategic nuclear weapons delivery vehi- 
cles in specified categories and agreed types of 
weapons designed to counter such vehicles shall 
be reduced to agreed levels by equitable and bal- 
anced steps. The reduction shall be accomplished 
in each step by transfers to depots supervised by 
the IDO of vehicles that are in excess of levels 
agreed upon for each step. At specified periods 
during the Stage I reduction process, the vehicles 
that liave been placed under supervision of the 
IDO shall be destroyed or converted to peaceful 

(b) Production of agreed categories of strate- 
gic nuclear weapons delivery vehicles and agreed 
types of weapons designed to counter such vehi- 
cles shall be discontinued or limited. 

(c) Testing of agreed categories of strategic 
nuclear weapons delivery vehicles and agreed 
types of weapons designed to counter such vehi- 
cles shall be limited or halted. 

E. To Promote the Peaceful Use of Outer Space : 

(a) The placing into orbit or stationing in 
outer space of weapons capable of producing mass 
destruction shall be prohibited. 

(b) States shall give advance notification to 
participating States and to the IDO of launch- 
ings of space veliicles and missiles, together with 
the track of the vehicle. 

F. To Reduce the Risks of War by Accident, Mis- 
calculation, and SurprL'ie Attach: 

(a) States shall give advance notification to the 
l)artiripating States and to the IDO of major 
military movements and manoeuvres, on a scale as 


Deparimeni of Slate Bulletin 

may be agreed, which might give rise to misinter- 
pretation or cause alarm and induce counter- 
measures. The notification shall include the 
geographic areas to be used and the nature, scale 
and time span of the event. 

(b) There shall be established observation 
posts at such locations as major ports, railway 
centres, motor liighways, and air bases to report 
on concentrations and movements of military 

(c) There shall also be established such addi- 
tional inspection arrangements to reduce the dan- 
ger of surprise attack as may be agreed. 

(d) An international commission shall be 
established immediately within the IDO to exam- 
ine and make recommendations on the possibility 
of further measures to reduce the risks of nuclear 
war by accident, miscalculation, or failure of 

G. To Keep the Peace: 

(a) States shall reafErm their obligations un- 
der the United Nations Charter to refrain from 
the threat or use of any type of armed force — in- 
cluding nuclear, conventional, or CBR — contrary 
to the principles of the United Nations Charter. 

(b) States shall agree to refrain from indirect 
aggression and subversion against any country. 

(c) States shall use all appropriate processes 
for tlie peaceful settlement of disputes and shall 
seek within the United Nations further arrange- 
ments for the peaceful settlement of international 
disputes and for the codification and progressive 
development of international law. 

(d) States shall develop arrangements in Stage 
I for the establishment in Stage II of a United 
Nations peace force. 

(e) A United Nations peace observation group 
shall be staffed with a standing cadre of observers 
who could be dispatched to investigate any situa- 
tion which might constitute a threat to or breach 
of the peace. 

Stage II 

A. International Disarmament Organization: 
Tlie powers and responsibilities of the IDO 

shall be progressively enlarged in order to give it 
the capabilities to verify the measures undertaken 
in Stage II. 

B. To Further Reduce Armed Forces and Arma- 
ments : 

(a) Levels of forces for the United States, 
USSR, and other militarily significant States 
shall be further reduced by substantial amounts to 
agreed levels in equitable and balanced steps. 

(b) Levels of armaments of prescribed types 
shall be further reduced by equitable and balanced 
steps. The reduction shall be accomplished by 
transfers of armaments to depots supervised by 
the IDO. When, at specified periods during the 
Stage II reduction process, the parties have 
agreed that the armaments and armed forces are 
at prescribed levels, the armaments in depots 
shall be destroyed or converted to peaceful uses. 

(c) There shall be further agreed restrictions 
on the production of armaments. 

(d) Agreed military bases and facilities 
wherever they are located shall be dismantled or 
converted to peaceful uses. 

(e) Depending upon the findings of the Ex- 
perts Commission on CBR weapons, the produc- 
tion of CBR weapons shall be halted, existing 
stocks progressively reduced, and the resulting ex- 
cess quantities destroyed or converted to peaceful 

C. To Further Reduce the Nuclear Threat: 
Stocks of nuclear weapons shall be progres- 
sively reduced to the minimum levels wliich can 
be agreed upon as a result of the findings of the 
Nuclear Experts Conmiission ; the resulting excess 
of fissionable material shall be transferred to 
peaceful purposes. 

D. To Further Reduce Strategic Nuclear 'Weap- 
ons Delivery Vehicles: 

Further reductions in the stocks of strategic 
nuclear weapons delivery vehicles and agreed 
types of weapons designed to counter such vehi- 
cles shall be carried out in accordance with the 
procedure outlined in Stage I. 

E. To Keep the Peace : 

During Stage II, States shall develop further 
the peace-keeping processes of the United Nations, 
to the end that the United Nations can effectively 
in Stage III deter or suppress any threat or use 
of force in violation of the purposes and principles 
of the United Nations : 

(a) States shall agree upon strengthening the 
structure, authority, and operation of the United 
Nations so as to assure that the United Nations 

October 16, 7961 


-n-ill be able effectively to protect States against 
threats to or breaclies of the peace. 

(b) The United Nations peace force shall be 
established and progressively strengthened. 

(c) States sliall also agree upon further im- 
provements and developments in rules of inter- 
national conduct and in processes for peaceful 
settlement of disputes and differences. 

Stage III 

By the time Stage II has been completed, the 
confidence produced through a verified disarma- 
ment progranmie, the acceptance of rules of 
peaceful international behaviour, and the develop- 
ment of strengthened international peace-keeping 
processes within the framework of the United 
Nations should have reached a point where the 
States of the world can move forward to Stage 
III. In Stage III, progressive controlled dis- 
armament and continuously developing principles 
and procedures of international law would proceed 
to a point where no State would have the military 
power to challenge tlie progressively strengthened 
United Nations Peace Force and all international 
disputes would be settled according to the agreed 
principles of international conduct. 

The progressive steps to be taken during the 
final phase of the disarmament programme would 
be directed toward the attainment of a world in 
which : 

(a) States would retain only those forces, non- 
nuclear armaments, and establishments required 
for the purpose of maintaining internal order; 
they would also support and provide agreed man- 
power for a United Nations Peace Force. 

(b) The United Nations Peace Force, equipped 
with agreed types and quantities of armaments, 
would be fully functioning. 

(c) The manufacture of armaments would be 
I)roliibited except for those of agreed types and 
quantities to be used by the United Nations Peace 
Force and those required to maintain internal 
order. All other armaments would be destroyed 
or converted to peaceful purposes. 

(d) The peace-keeping capabilities of the 
United Nations would be sufficiently strong and 
tlic obligations of all States under such arrange- 
ments sufficiently far-reaching as to assure peace 
and the just settlement of differences in a dis- 
armed world. 


Security Council Debates Admission 
of New Members to U.N. 

Following are two statements made on Septem- 
ber 26 in the Security Council hy Ambassador 
Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative, on the 
applications for U.N. membership of Mauritania, 
Outer Mongolia, and Sierra Leone. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 3779 

Let me first say that we are very happy to know 
that the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone, Dr. 
Karefa Smart, is here in the Council chamber this 
morning. And I would also like to express my 
pleasure that the Soviet Union has agreed to the 
prior consideration of the application for mem- 
bership of Sierra Leone. 

As to the order of our voting this morning, we 
would suggest that the Ceylonese motion on the 
application of Sierra Leone be considered first 
and then proceed to a vote on the Soviet motion. 

As to the latter we are obliged to oppose the 
motion to take up Outer Mongolia before Mauri- 
tania, which is the effect of the Soviet proposal, 
as I understand it. Last fall the Republic of 
Mauritania was considered by the Security Coun- 
cil for membership in the United Nations, just as 
other new African states had been considered and 
promptly approved. But after the Security 
Council met last year, I remind you, the Soviet 
Union injected the question of Outer Mongolia 
into the discussion in an effort to create a so-called 
"package deal" and to justify thereby its decision 
to veto the application of Mauritania.' In short 
the application of Outer Mongolia was not even 
raised until after the Council had been, in fact, 
convened to consider Mauritania. 

The present proposal to give priority to Outer 
Mongolia over Mauritania is another attempt to 
justify this opposition. 

I do not think there is anyone here who can 
deny that Mauritania less than a year ago was un- 
fairly and unjustly barred from membership for 
reasons that have nothing to do with Mauritania 
or with Africa. Mauritania, regrettably, is in- 

' Bulletin of Dec. 20, 1960, p. 976. 

Department of State BuUet'm 

volved in an African controversy. We must face 
that fact with understanding. But to complicate 
it by artificially injecting disputes and disagree- 
ments entirely of a different nature and order of 
magnitude seems to us both unfair and unjust. 

There is, I believe, a widespread and sincere de- 
sire among the great majority of countries in the 
United Nations to see Mauritania admitted to 
membership promptly. And we can see no justi- 
fication for asking that the order of the agenda be 
revised in order to give Outer Mongolia a priority 
and thereby perhaps perpetuate the injustice to 
Mauritania. We hope that the Council will there- 
fore reject the Soviet motion when we reach it in 
the course of the discussion this morning.^ 


D.S./tJ.N. press release 3781 

The United States welcomes the application of 
Sierra Leone for membership in the United Na- 
tions. Sierra Leone has had a long and distin- 
guished history filled with episodes of valor and of 
hardship. The purpose of its establishment, as 
we well know in this country, in 1787 was to assist 
in the abolition of slavery. For many years it was 
to Sierra Leone that captured slave ships were 
brought for trial and disposition. The part it 
played in the elimination of that abominable traf- 
fic was a very significant and vital one. 

Over the years Sierra Leone progressed steadily 
toward independence. In 1863 it received sepa- 
rate executive and legislative councils. By 1925 
it had a constitution which provided for election 
of African legislative councilors. By 1948 the 
number of elected members of the legislative coun- 
cil was made greater than the number of appointed 

Meanwhile economic development was steadily 
pursued. The construction of a railroad from 
Freetown to the interior between 1896 and 1908 
made it possible to develop an export trade. With 
the discovery of valuable iron ore and diamond 
deposits in the 1930's, the colony increased in 
economic importance. 

On April 27, 1961, the green, white, and blue 
flag of independent Sierra Leone flew for the first 

time at a moving ceremony which the United 
States was honored to attend. On that occasion 
the President of our country sent the good wishes 
of the people of the United States to the people 
of Sierra Leone, whom he described as "a people 
who cherish individual liberty and independence, 
and who have made great sacrifices so that these 
vital principles might endure." ° 

Mr. President, the Security Council again has 
the happy task of voting on the admission of a 
new African state for membership. There have 
been many in recent months and years, but the 
experience never fails to be moving or the occa- 
sion heartening. The United States welcomes the 
application of Sierra Leone to membership in the 
United Nations, as I have said. We voted with 
pleasure for the resolution sponsored by Ceylon 
and the United Kingdom and Liberia and we look 
forward with equal pleasure to working with the 
representatives of Sierra Leone during the coming 
months and years.^ 

U.S. Welcomes Inception of OECD 

Following is the text of a message from Secre- 
tary Rush to Thorkil Kristensen, Secretary Gen- 
eral of the Organization for Economic Coopera- 
tion and Development, on the occasion of the 
entry into force on Septemher 30 of the conven- 
tion establishing the OECD} 

Press release 675 dated September 29 

September 29, 1961 

Dear Mr. Secretart General: The Govern- 
ment of the United States is gratified by the entry 
into force of the Convention establishmg the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development. This historic event represents the 
beginning of a new era in the long and intimate 
relationship between Europe and North America. 

The task of postwar reconstruction is behind 

' The Soviet motion to consider the application of Outer 
Mongolia before that of Mauritania was rejected. 

' Bulletin of May 15, 1961, p. 733. 

* The Council on Sept. 26 recommended without opposi- 
tion that Sierra Leone be admitted to membership in the 
United Nations. On Sept. 27 the General Assembly ad- 
mitted Sierra Leone by acclamation. 

' For text of convention, see Bulletin of Jan. 2, 1961, 
p. 11. 

October 16, Z96I 


us. We have not only recovered from the ravages 
of World War II, but most of us have achieved 
new levels of prosperity and social well-being. 
This economic and social growth is all the more 
remarkable when we remember that many nations 
of the Atlantic Community have been compelled 
to devote substantial energies and resources to 
the maintenance of international peace and 

The tasks that lie ahead are no less challenging. 
We must intensify cooperative activities designed 
to sustain and accelerate the economic growth of 
every member of the Atlantic Community. We 
must work together to encourage worldwide pat- 
terns of trade and investment that will not only 
be beneficial to our own peoples, but that will also 
meet the diverse needs of free peoples on every 
continent. Finally, Ave must cooperate to utilize 
more effectively our growing economic resources 
to promote economic, social and technical devel- 
opment in the less advanced regions of the world. 

The United States Government is confident that 
the new instrumentalities of the OECD can 
greatly assist the performance of these tasks and 
can thereby bring the Atlantic partnership to a 
higher plateau of unity and vitality. The ulti- 
mate success of the OECD — its capacity to serve 
the far-reaching purposes for which it has been 
created — depends upon the full cooperation of 
every member. I want to assure you of the wliole- 
hearted support of the Government of the United 

Dean Rttsk 

U.S. Representatives Named 
to IAEA General Conference 

The Senate on September 14 confirmed Glenn 
T. Seaborg to be the representative of the United 
States to the fifth session of the General Con- 
ference of the International Atomic Energy 

Tlio following-named persons were confirmed 
on the same date to be alternate representatives: 
Henry DeWolf Smyth, William I. Cargo, John 
S. Graham, and Leland J. Haworth. 


Current Actions 


Caribbean Commission 

Agreement for the establishment of the Caribbean Com- 
mission. Signed at Washington October 30, 1946. 
Entered into force for the United States August 6, 
1948. TIAS 1799. 

Terminated: September 15, 1961 (replaced by the agree- 
ment for the establishment of the Caribbean Organi- 
zation, signed at Washington June 21, 1960). 


Articles of agreement of the International Development 
Association. Done at Washington January 26, 1960. 
Entered into force September 24, 1960. TIAS 4607. 
Signatures and acceptances : Panama, September 1, 
1961 ; Peru, August 30, 1961. 

Postal Services 

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex, 
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air- 
mail with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3, 
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202. 
Adherence deposited: Central African Republic, June 
28, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the repression of the circulation 
of obscene publications, as amended by the protocol of 
May 4, 1949 (TIAS 2164). Signed at Paris May 4, 
1910. Entered into force September 15, 1911. 37 Stat, 

Assumed applicable obligations and responsibilities of 
the United Kingdom: Nigeria, June 26, 1961. 
Convention concerning the international exchange of 
publications. Adopted at Paris December 3, 1958." 
Acceptance deposited: Italy, August 2, 1961. 
Convention concerning the exchange of ofiicial publica- 
tions and government documents between states. 
Adopted at Paris December 3, 1958. Entered into force 
May 30, 1961.= 

Ratification deposited: Ecuador, February 8, 1961. 
Acceptances deposited: Italy, August 2, 1961; United 

Kingdom, June 1, 1961. 
Extension to: Antigua, Bahamas, BaUiwiek of Guern- 
sey, Barbados, Bermuda, British Guiana, British 
Solomon Islands Protectorate, British Virgin Is- 
lands, Dominica, Gilbert and Elliee Islands Col- 
ony, Grenada. Isle of Man, Jamaica, Jersey, Malta, 
Montserrat, Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 
St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Lucia. St. Vincent, Sey- 
chelles, State of Singapore, Trinidad and Tobago, 
June 1, 1901. 

' Not in force. 

' Not in force for the United States. 


Departmenf of State Bulletin 


International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961." 
Ratification advised by the Senate (with declarations) : 

September 25, 1961.' 
Accession deposited: Togo, September 14, 1961. 

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in- 
ternational telecommunication convention, 1959, and 
additional protocol. Done at Geneva December 21, 
1959. Entered into force May 1, 1961.'' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: September 25, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

Acknowledged applicable rights and obligations of the 
United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 22, 1961, with 
respect to the following : 

Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and 
XXX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 
Done at Geneva March 10, 1955.' 

Protocol of organizational amendments to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
March 10, 1955.* 

Agreement on the Organization for Trade Cooperation. 
Done at Geneva March 10, 1955.* 

Fifth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva December 3, 1955.' 

Sixth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva April 11, 1957.' 

Seventh protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of the schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 30, 1957.' 

Protocol relating to negotiations for establishment of new 
schedule III — Brazil — to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva December 31, 1958.' 

Eighth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva February 18, 1959.' 

Proc^s-verbal containing schedules to be annexed to pro- 
tocol relating to negotiations for establishment of new 
.schedule III — Brazil — to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade (Brazil and United Kingdom). 
Done at Geneva May 13, 1959.' 

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 1959.' 


International wheat agreement, 1959, with annex. 
Opened for signature at Washington April 6 through 
24, 1959. Entered into force July 16, 1959, for part I 
and parts III to VIII, and August 1, 1959, for part II. 
TIAS 4302. 
Application to: Land Berlin, September 1, 1961. 



Agreement relating to the settlement of matters in con- 
nection with a purchase authorization under the surplus 
agricultural commodities agreement of March 13, 1959, 

as amended (TIAS 4211 and 4242). Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Washington December 1 and 8, 1959. 
Entered into force December 8, 1959. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of November 5, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4616 
and 4709). Effected by exchange of notes at Djakarta 
September 8, 1961. Entered into force September 8, 

United Kingdom 

Agreement relating to the reopening of the weather sta- 
tion on Betio Island. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Washington September 26, 1961. Entered into force 
September 26, 1961. 


Agreement relating to radio communications between ra- 
dio amateurs on behalf of third parties. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Montevideo September 12, 1961. 
Enters into force on the date of notification that par- 
liamentary approval has been obtained by Uruguay. 

Agreement amending the agreement of December 1, 1959 
(TIAS 4375), supplementing the agricultural com- 
modities agreement of February 20, 1959, as supple- 
mented (TIAS 4179, 4238, 4356, 4406, and 4641). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Montevideo September 18, 
1961. Entered into force September IS, 1961. 


' Includes all territories of the United States. 


The Senate on September 21 confirmed the nomination 
of Charles W. Cole to be Ambassador to Chile. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
669 dated September 28. ) 

The Senate on September 23 confirmed Fowler Hamil- 
ton to be Administrator of the Agency for International 
Develoiiment. (For biographic details, see White House 
press release dated September 20. ) 


Philip H. Burris as Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
PoUcy Plans and Guidance, Bureau of Public Affairs, 
effective September 1. 


John M. Patterson as Special Assistant to the Assistant 
Secretary for Public Affairs, effective August 28. 

Ocfober 76, 1 96 1 


Recent Releases 

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free publications, which may be ob- 
tained from the Department of State. 

The Newly Independent Nations — 

Dahomey. Pub. 7158. African Series 13. 12 pp. 150. 
Ivory Coast. Pub. 7153. African Series 12. 7 pp. 100. 
Niger. Pub. 7159. African Series 14. 11 pp. 150. 

Leaflets, in a series of fact sheets, designed to give read- 
ers a few highlights on the peoples and lands of the 
newly independent nations. 

Foreign Consular Offices in the United States. Pub. 7177. 

Department and Foreign Service Series 100. 55 pp. 


A complete and official listing of the foreign consular 

offices in the United States, with their jurisdictions and 

recognized personnel, compiled with the full cooperation 

of the foreign missions in Washington. 

How Foreign Policy is Made. Pub. 7179. General For- 
eign Policy Series 164. 19 pp. 250. 
This pamphlet describes the role of the President, the 
Congress, and the people in the formulation of American 
foreign policy. 

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Pub. 
7182. Commercial Policy Series 178. 74 pp. 25^. 

A reproduction of the General Agreement as amended by 
various protocols, including those parts of the Protocol 
Amending the Preamble and Parts II and III and the 
Proc^s-Verbal of Rectification concerning that Protocol 
which became effective for two-thirds of the contracting 
parties, including the United States, on Oct. 7, 1957, and 
Feb. 15, 1961 (Article XIV). 

Fact Sheet— Mutual Security in Action— Jordan. Pub. 
7184. Near and Middle Eastern Series 61. 9 pp. 100. 

Some basic facts about Jordan and principal areas of 
U.S. assistance which help to maintain its stability are 
outlined in this fact sheet. 

A Basic Bibliography, Disarmament, Arms Control and 
National Security. Pub. 7193. Disarmament Series 1. 
29 pp. Limited distribution. 

A brief annotated list of books, pamphlets, and articles 
on disarmament, arms control, and related topics prepare<l 
as a preliminary introductory guide to the increasing 
volume of scholarly and popular writing in this field. 

U.S. Balance of Payments, Questions and Answers. Pub. 
7194. General and Foreign Policy Series 166. 16 pp. 

A pamphlet explaining the meaning of U.S. "balance of 
payments" and of the measures proposed to eliminate the 
remaining "basic" deficit. 

Aid in Action — How U.S. Aid Lends a Hand Around the 
World. Pnb. 7221. General Foreign Policy Series 172. 
63 pp. 250. 

This booklet cites many examples of the remarkable suc- 
cesses of the foreign aid program, achieved through U.S. 
technical and financial assistance over the past decade 
to the underdeveloped countries of the world. 

Toward A National Effort in International Educational 
and Cultural Affairs. Pub. 7238. International Infor- 
mation and Cultural Series 78. 82 pp. 350. 

Report of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Educational 
Exchange in the area of international and cultural af- 
fairs prepared by Walter H. C. Laves, chairman, De- 
partment of Government, Indiana University. 

Foreign Aid — Facts and Fallacies. Pub. 7239. General 
Foreign Policy Series 176. 52 pp. Limited distribution. 

This pamphlet presents the facts about some of the 
major criticisms of the foreign aid program and Includes 
a supplement which outlines .some of the benefits the 
United States derives from the program. 

Educational and Cultural Exchange Opportunities (Re- 
vised). Pub. 7201. International Information and Cul- 
tural Series 77. 27 pp. 150. 

A pamphlet which sets forth the scope of the international 
educational and cultural program administered by the 
Department of State. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 25-October 1 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases appearing in this issue of the Buixetin 
which were issued prior to September 25 are Nos. 
639, 641, and 641A of September 18, 648 of Septem- 
ber 20, and 650 of September 21. 


U.S. participation in international con- 

Rusk : "Continental Classroom." 

Sanjuan : public accommodations for 

Note to U.S.S.R. on landing of West 
German aircraft at Berlin. 

Bowles: death of Sumner Welles. 

MacPhail designated USOM director, 
Libya (biographic details). 

Williams plans trips to Africa (re- 

Morris sworn in as ICA representative, 
Venezuela (biographic details). 

Moline sworn in as USOM director. 
United Arab Republic (biographic 

Cole sworn in as ambassador to Chile 
(biographic details). 

Cultural exchange (Sudan). 

Program for visit of President of 

Rowan : NYU panel discussion on 
Government press relations. 

CENTO telecommunications project. 

Rusk : entry into force of OECD. 

Lonchheim: D.C. Federation of BPW 

Program for visit of President of Fin- 

*Xot printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 































Department of State Bulletin 

October 16, 1961 


Vol. XLV No. 1164 


Assistant Secretary Williams Plans Two More 

Trips to Africa 642 

Southern Africa in Transition (Williams) . . . 638 

American Principles. The Obligation To Under- 
stand the American System of Government 
(Rusk) 630 

Angola. Southern Africa in Transition (Williams). 638 

Atomic Energy 

U.S. Makes Additional Quantities of Uranium 235 
Available (Kennedy, Seaborg) 643 

U.S. Representatives Named to IAEA General Con- 
ference 656 

Chile. Cole confirmed as Ambassador 657 

Congress, The 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 648 

Department Opposes Tariff on Lead and Zinc 

(Martin) 646 

President Signs Bill Creating U.S. Disarmament 
Agency (Kennedy) 646 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Patterson) 657 

Confirmations (Cole, Hamilton) 6.57 

Designations (Burris) 657 


"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" (Kennedy) . . . 619 

President Signs Bill Creating U.S. Disarmament 
Agency (Kennedy) 646 

U.S. Submits Proposal for General and Complete 
Disarmament to U.N. (Stevenson, text of pro- 
posed declaration) 650 

Economic Affairs 

CENTO Telecommunications Project Contract 

Signed 642 

Department Opposee Tariff on Lead and Zinc 

(Martin) 646 

Import Restrictions on Tung Oil and Tung Nuts To 

Be Studied (Kennedy) 645 

U.S. Welcomes Inception of OECD (Rusk) . . . 655 


"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" (Kennedy) . . . 619 
U.S. Replies to Soviet Complaint on Flight of West 

German Planes (texts of U.S. and Soviet notes) . 632 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 649 

CENTO Telecommunications Project Contract 

Signed 642 

U.S. Representatives Named to IAEA General 

Conference 6.56 

U.S. Welcomes Inception of OECD (Rusk) . . . . 655 

Iran. CENTO Telecommunications Project Con- 
tract Signed 642 

Japan. A Pacific Partnership (McConaughy) . . 634 

Laos. Ambassador Harriman Visits Southeast 

Asia (Harriman) 643 

Mauritania. Security Council Debates Admission 

of New Members to U.N. (Stevenson) .... 654 

Mutual Security 

CENTO Telecommunications Project Contract 

Signed 642 

Hamilton confirmed as Administrator of Agency 

for International Development 657 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. Southern Africa 

in Transition (Williams) 638 

Outer Mongolia. Security Council Debates Admis- 
sion of New Members to U.N. (Stevenson) . . . 654 

Pakistan. CENTO Telecommunications Project 

Contract Signed 642 

Portugal. Southern Africa in Transition 

(Williams) 638 

Presidential Documents 

Import Restrictions on Tung Oil and Tung Nuts To 
Be Studied 645 

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" 619 

President Signs Bill Creating U.S. Disarmament 
Agency 646 

U.S. Makes Additional Quantities of Uranium 235 
Available C43 

Public Affairs. The Obligation To Understand the 
American System of Government (Rusk) . . . 630 

Publications. Recent Releases 668 

Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of. Southern 

Africa in Transition (Williams) 638 

Sierra Leone. Security Council Debates Admission 

of New Members to U.N. (Stevenson) .... 6.54 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 656 

Turkey. CENTO Telecommunications Project Con- 
tract Signed 642 

U.S.S.R. U.S. Replies to Soviet Complaint on Flight 
of West German Planes (texts of U.S. and Soviet 
notes) 632 

United Nations 

Four Central Threads of U.S. Foreign Policy 

(Rusk) 625 

"Let Us Call a Truce to Terror" (Kennedy) ... 619 

Security Council Debates Admission of New Mem- 
bers to U.N. (Stevenson) 654 

U.S. Submits Proposal for General and Complete 
Disarmament to U.N. (Stevenson, text of pro- 
posed declaration ) 650 

Name Index 

Burris, Philip H 657 

Cole, Charles W 657 

Hamilton, Fowler 657 

Harriman, W. Averell 643 

Kennedy, President 619,643,645,646 

Martin, Edwin M 646 

McConaughy, Walter P 634 

Patterson, John M 657 

Rusk, Secretary 625,630,655 

Seaborg, Glenn T 644 

Stevenson, Adlai E 6.50,654 

WilUams, G. Mennen 638, 642 




United STATES 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 











This 45-page booklet, with photographs, contains excerpts from statements, 
addresses, and^pe^^^s made by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. 
Representative ^nHHfelted Nations. Among the topics covered are the 
United States a'n'(^PW'Dnited Nations, opportunities of U.N. membership, 
the role of the U.N. in African development, the U.N. operations in the 
Congo, and progress toward a world society under law. 

Publication 7225 

25 cents 


The United States Program for General and 
Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World 

President Kennedy, in his address before the Sixteenth General Assembly 
of the United Nations, September 25, 1961, presented the U.S. new program 
for general and complete disarmament. 

A summary of the principal provisions and the full text of the program 
are contained in this 19-page pamphlet. 

Publication 7277 

15 cents 

., 'i CHILE 

Rebuilding for a Better Future 

Immediately following the disastrous Chilean earthquake of May 1960, 
the United States under the Mutual Security Program mounted one of the 
largest emergency relief operations ever undertaken in peacetime. 

This 26-iiage illustrated background includes details of the U.S. aid to 
Chile, information on the country's history, economy, political develop- 
ment, and other aspects of Chilean life, as well as a brief r^sum6 of official 
U.S.-Chilean relations. 

Publication 7228 

25 cents 

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>: Supt. of Documents 
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Vol. XLV, No. 1165 October 23, 1961 


Secretary McConaughy 663 

THE LESSONS OF THE CONGO • by Assistant Secretary 

Williams 668 


VISIT TO UNITED STATES • Texts of Greetings, 
Joint Communique, and Address to Congress . 674 


PROBLEMS • Statement by Assistant Secretary Martin . 684 


Boston Publ.c Library 
Superintendent o. Documents 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLV. No. 1165 • Publication 7288 
October 23, 1961 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing 0D3ce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


{2 Issues, domestic $8.e0, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 2S cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication arc not 
copyrighted and Items contained heroin may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed In the 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a iceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government tcith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETL\ includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the tThite House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as icell as 
special articles on various pluises of 
interruitional affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

The American Image of Japan 

iy Walter P. McConaughy 

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^ 

I approach my topic historically. America's 
first conception of Japan was as an ideal state. 
In 1688, in a treatise on Japan by the American 
colonist, Jolm Stalker warned the West against 
"any longer flattering themselves with the empty 
notions of having surpassed all the world. . . . 
The glory of one comitry, Japan alone, has ex- 
ceeded in beauty and magnificence all the pride 
of the Vatican and Pantheon heretofore." Mr. 
Stalker was expressing the ancient European 
quest for the perfect state. He was motivated by 
the same forces that drove Thomas More to write 
his Utopia and Francis Bacon to write his Neio 
Atlantis. But I imagine that Mr. Stalker's in- 
junction found ready response in the New World, 
for the American colonist was interested in the 
formulation of the ideal society. 

In later years American whaling ships hunting 
in the north Pacific and American clipper ships 
trading with China were to bring back vague 
rumors and exaggerated reports on Japan, but 
their information was too scant to account for the 
complete reversal in American opinion about 
Japan by 1850. Japan was no longer an ideal 
state but had become an ancient and moribund 
society in the eyes of the American. 

When President Fillmore decided to send an 
expedition to Japan, the American temper was in 
one of its most optimistic and self-assured phases. 
In the short period between 1846 and 1851 the 
United States established the Oregon Territory, 
defeated Mexico, discovered gold on the West 
Coast, started the great migration to the Western 

'Address made before the Japan-America Society of 
Washington at Washington, D.O., on Oct. 2 (press release 

seaboard, and admitted California to the Union. 
In short, America was approaching the fulfillment 
of her "manifest destiny" and was poised on the 
shores of the Pacific, looking further to the West. 
If the Pacific role of the United States seemed 
assured so also did the spread of republican gov- 
ernment seem a certainty. The European revolu- 
tions of 1848 and 1849 were evidence to the mid- 
centui-y American that these nations were restless 
and desirous of following the American example. 
When Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian revolution- 
ary, appealed to Americans to begin their crusade 
by coming to the aid of the revolutionary move- 
ments of Europe, it was not diiScult for the Ameri- 
cans to imagine they heard a similar call from 
Japan. It was in this framework that many 
Americans viewed the dispatch of Commodore 
Perry and his Black Ships to Japan. 

The Romantic Image of the 19th Century 

If Commodore Periy hnagined the Japanese to 
be eagerly awaiting the gifts of Western religion, 
science, and commerce, he was soon corrected by 
the Shogun's retainers. But the doors to Japan 
were finally open, and slowly Americans began 
passing through these doors to view a world they 
had imagined but never seen. Townsend Harris, 
the first American consul, was to send to the De- 
partment long reports of his lonely waiting at the 
consulate, a temple in Shimoda, for a chance to 
negotiate a treaty of commerce. Missionaries and 
teachers — David Murray, Dr. Hepburn, Guido 
Verbeck, William Grifllis, Edward Warren Clark, 
for example — were to write careful observations 
of Japan. 

October 23, 1961 


But the thoughtful reflection of these men did 
not become part of the mainstream of American 
thought. The Civil War in America had proved 
to be the catalyst for that final great surge of 
industrialization which was to make America a 
world power. Tlie American vision was no longer 
directed outward to Europe and Asia but turned 
inward to the continent itself. Americans were 
concerned with the development of large-scale 
manufacturing, the rise of investment banking, the 
exploitation of natural resources. They were en- 
gaged in the construction of a railway and tele- 
graph network across their vast continent. They 
were throwing open new areas to farming, devel- 
oping new markets for produce, and establishing 
cattle kingdoms. They were inventmg new ma- 
chines. They had admitted over a dozen new 
States to the Union, were building new cities, 
were providing employment for the 15 million 
immigrants who poured into the New World. 
They were, in the span of one generation, to 
change a thinly populated rural republic into a 
great industrial nation. 

These labors were exhausting. And when the 
American looked up from his tasks he was not 
prepared to try to comprehend the equally excit- 
ing political and economic changes that were tak- 
ing place in Japan. "When he thought of Japan, 
he was to look to it for escape in its exotic and 
artistic qualities. He appointed, as his interpre- 
ters of Japan, Hearn, the romantic novelist; 
Wliistler, the expatriate artist; and Fenellosa, the 
cultural historian. 

The American image of Japan was set for the 
next half century by the Japanese mission to the 
United States in 1860.^ These men were on a 
serious political mission — the ratification of a 
treaty with a part of the world about which they 
knew little. But America, while honored to be 
the first nation to enter into a treaty with Japan, 
was more interested in the envoys themselves. 
The Congress, in a rare act of extravagance, ap- 
propriated $50,000 for their entertainment. 
American citizens flocked to the hotels and the 
theaters to marvel over "their brocaded silks, their 
ornate swords, their grave and courteous mien." 
Walt Whitman wrote a commemorative poem en- 
titled "A Broadway Pageant." The dictionary 
defines pageant as an elaborate and brilliant si)ec- 

' For an article on the first Japanese mission to the 
United States, see Bulletin of May 9, 1960, p. 744. 


tacular display devised for the entertainment of 
the public. Walt "Whitman's word proved both 
prophetic and apt, for this was how the Ameri- 
can regarded Japan as his nation came of age. 

Post World War I Image 

America still retains vestiges of her romantic 
image of Japan. Our magazines still publish 
photographs of the ancient temples of Nara, 
Nikko, and Kyoto. Kabuki and gagaku still 
arouse popular interest when shown in American 
theaters. Heam still has his biographers, "Wliist- 
ler's butterfly signature is still recognized, the 
Boston Museimi still exhibits Fenellosa's magnifi- 
cent collection of Tokugawa art. 

But a substantial change in the American image 
of Japan came with the close of the First World 
War. Europe had taught the United States that 
intercourse with foreign nations was not a grand 
adventure but a grave responsibility, that a call 
to end war could produce war, that a peace treaty 
could be an invitation to another holocaust. 
Faced with these challenges America's answer was 
ambivalent. On the one hand she attempted to 
hide behind high tariff barriers and proclaim she 
was interested only in democracy at home. On 
the other hand she began to look with more real- 
istic eyes at the countries which surrounded her. 

Japan was one of these countries. If Japan's 
attempt at "Versailles to secure recognition of her 
special position in the Far East indicated dis- 
satisfaction with the international order, the 
murder of Premier Hara in 1921 indicated 
dissatisfaction with the domestic order. The 
idyllic picture of Hiroshige's sailboats Avas re- 
placed by the awesome picture of Japan's capital 
sliips of the line. The Tokyo earthquake of 1923 
brought realization that catastrophe as well as 
calligraphy was part of Japan, and America re- 
sponded with funds for a program of modem 
reconstruction. The insane sequence of the Tsinan 
Incident followed by the assassination of Premier 
Hamaguchi was to be repeated over again in the 
Mukden Incident followed by the assassination of 
Premier Inukai. The constant pattern of external 
adventure and internal violence was to awake 
America to the realities of Japan. It was not 
fortuitous that the most popular book of the day 
on Japan was entitled Realism in Romantic Japan.. 
It was not chance that led the American Institute 
of Pacific Affairs to publish in 1928 tlie first edition 

Deparimeni of State Bulletin 

of its biennial under the title ProbleTns of the 
PacifiG. American attention was also attracted to 
the acid pen of A. Morgan Young, the publisher 
of the Japan Advertiser. The New York Times 
correspondent, Hugh Byas, who later crystallized 
his views in the book Government iy Assassina- 
tion, was also reporting regularly on Japanese 
policies and developments. The Lytton Commis- 
sion report became required reading. 

Other men in other fields were moving to show 
the reality of Japan. John Embree lived a year 
in a Japanese farming hamlet and wrote a pioneer- 
ing field study of Japanese village life. William 
Plomer attempted to explain Japanese personality 
through satires in the manner of Akutagawa and 
Mori Orai. Connie Mack brought the Tokyo 
Giants to the United States, and they, by winning 
75 out of 110 games, were able to force on the 
Americans a realistic appraisal of Japanese base- 
ball and physical prowess. Tsimoda Ryusaku was 
to come to Columbia University to lecture on 
Japanese thought and to establish the nucleus of 
her East Asian Library. American students like 
Edwin Eeiscliauer,^' Hugh Borton, and Charles 
Falls studied in Japanese imiversities. But 
America's slow progress in discovering Japanese 
realities was to be outdistanced by the rapid rush 
of events. One of fate's bitterest ironies was that 
America should find itself at war with Japan 
without really knowing who the Japanese were. 

The Pacific war was brought finally to an end, 
and America was able to salvage a few construc- 
tive elements from the debris of this senseless and 
horrible destruction. First, there was a group of 
young officers trained in the Japanese language. 
With demobilization, many of them gravitated to 
the universities where they became instrumental 
in making Japanese studies a formal part of the 
university curriculum. They provided the in- 
tellectual underpinning for America's new image 
of Japan. Other of America's talented yoimg men 
traveled to Japan to join in her reconstruction. 
Their long hours of work led them to feel that 
they, too, had a stake in Japan's future. They 
added idealism to the new image. Finally, the 
thousands of Americans who served in Japan dur- 
ing the occupation and during the Korean war 
added popularity and wider diffusion to the new 
Ullage of Japan. 

Today our universities are producing detailed 

'Mr. Reischauer is U.S. Ambassador to Japan. 
October 23, 7961 

studies of Japanese thought. Men in government 
are discussing Japanese politics. In towns 
throughout America Japanese custom is being dis- 
cussed since, for better or worse, every American 
community has its authority on Japan. 

Image of Japan Today 

Wliat, then, is the national consensus of Japan 
in today's America ? I must answer broadly, for 
America has a broad view of Japan. I speak 
honestly, for America holds a realistic view of 
Japan. Lastly, I speak with hope, for the Ameri- 
can believes he has a share in Japan's future. First 
of all, then — 

The American regards Japan as a democracy. 
The American recognizes the extraordinary politi- 
cal progress that Japan has made in the postwar 
period. A vast new element of the population 
has been enfranchised. The right to political par- 
ticipation and to hold office has been broadened. 
Dissent and opposition have become legitimate 
political roles. The education system has been 
liberalized. New civil rights have been extended 
and are freely exercised. Local autonomy has 
been greatly increased. Tax burdens have been 
appreciably equalized. New elements have been 
given access to political power. The great divi- 
sions in the social structure have been noticeably 
narrowed, and the middle class has grown. Al- 
though these reforms were started in the Meiji 
period and made great strides in the 1920's, the 
greatest changes have taken place in the last short 
span of 16 years, and it is natural that the Jap- 
anese still do not have complete confidence in their 
new institutions or complete satisfaction in the 
way they are employed. The process of blending 
traditional pattern with new concepts requires 
time, but there is no longer any need to doubt that 
Japan has joined the ranks of the great democratic 

Americans regard Japan as an Asian leader. 
East Asia has no regional unity. The collapse of 
the Confucian state saw the dissolution of similar 
political ideals. The ties of religion and culture 
are no longer strong. Independence has frag- 
mented the united opposition to colonialism. 
Modernization has dissolved similar social struc- 
tures. Today two other concepts are at work in 
Asia. One of these forces wants to unite Asia by 
abolishing the state and imposing a class dictator- 
ship. Coercion is regarded as a legitimate weapon 


to achieve these ends. The free world poses an 
alternative way. We believe that the nation-state 
is still a viable form of international organization, 
that cooperation rather than coercion should be 
the governing principle, and that diversity should 
be welcomed. America looks to Japan to play 
an increasingly important role in this free associa- 
tion of states. 

Americans regard Japan as a world power. 
Japan is one of the four major industrial com- 
plexes in the world, offering a model for other 
nations to follow in their course of modernization. 
Her people are highly literate and are capable of 
forming an independent national opinion. 
Japan's domestic decisions regarding patterns and 
modes of trade affect all nations of the world. 
Her culture has and will continue to have im- 
portant effects on other national cultures. Her 
scientific commimity produces discovei'ies and 
tecliniques which alter mankind's course. Japan 
demonstrates daily that it is not land mass, natural 
resources, and armies that make a powerful nation 
but rather education, social organization, indus- 
trial capability, and a powerful sense of identity. 
America welcomes Japan's voice in the inter- 
national forum. 

America regards Japan as a center of culture. 
The present-day American has categorically 
denied Kipling's 19th century thesis that East is 
East and West is West and ne'er the twain shall 
meet. Americans have not only admired Jap- 
anese culture but have made it an integral part of 
their life. The Japanese influence in America is 
all-pervasive and extends from our architecture 
to our poetry, from our painting to our gardens, 
from our clothing to our language. Tlie United 
States militarily occupied Japan during the late 
1940's, but Japan began its cultural occupation of 
America in Whistler's day and there seems to be 
no prospect that this occupation will end. 

Americans regard Japan as an industrial leader. 
There are few Americans who are not aware of 
the tremendous industrial growth that has taken 
place in Japan in the postwar period. Our econ- 
omists tell us that the economic rate of growth 
of Japan exceeds that of any other nation. Our 
businessmen speak with wonder of the expansion 
of the industrial plant. Our press reports Japan's 
10-year plan to us and confidently anticipates its 
success. Indeed, this concept of Japan as an in- 

dustrial giant may be too strong, for not all 
Americans are aware that Japan must buy from 
us as well as sell to us. Those of us, both Jap- 
anese and Americans, who are familiar with the 
true facts of Japanese- American trade have a re- 
sponsibility to acquaint the American people with 
the image of Japan as a good customer, a country 
that consistently buys more from us than she sells 
to us and has in recent years generally been our 
second best customer after Canada and our best 
customer for agricultural products. 

America regards Japan as a partner. This 
image of Japan is perhaps the strongest image 
of all, for we have done more than simply honor 
this concept in speech and book. We have in- 
scribed this concept in the language of a treaty.* 
America proposes to devote many million dollars 
to educational exchange in fui-therance of the 
cultural aspects of this partnership. She has 
proclaimed in official documents of state that she 
wishes to open new doors to educational and scien- 
tific cooperation. In recognition of the impor- 
tance of the economic aspects of this partnership 
six United States Cabinet members are to go to 
Japan to conduct talks to further its development.* 
This partnership is a real and vital part of the 
relations between Japan and the United States. 

"N^liat, then, is the total image of Japan in 
America today? First, it is of a great nation 
which has arisen with astounding energy and 
vitality from the ashes of destruction to a position 
of thriving industrial, scientific, and cultural ac- 
tivity. Second, it is of a nation which has alined 
itself firmly on the side of the free world in the 
struggle to preserve the democratic way of life. 
Third, it is of a nation whose trade with the 
United States is of vital importance to both 
nations. Fourth, it is of a nation of unique and 
delightful cultural traditions which continue to 
exercise a strong hold over the imagination of 
Americans. Finally, it is of a nation with which 
Americans, notwithstanding the vast distances of 
the Pacific, have close feelings of kinship and an 
instinctive confidence that, whatever the trials 
ahead, our two nations will stand together. 

*For text of a Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and 
Security signed on Jan. 19, 1960, see Buixetin of Feb. 8, 
19G0, p. 184. 

• For background, see ibid., July 10, 1961, p. 57. 


Department of State Bulletin 

U.S. Survey Team To Review 
Problems of Ryukyu Islands 

White House press release dated September 30 

A United States Government survey team will 
be in Okmawa on October 5 to review the major 
economic and social welfare problems facing the 
people of the Eyulcyus. The mission's major 
objective is to gather information needed in the 
formulation of U.S. policies and programs which 
would more effectively improve the islands' living 

Carl Kaysen, a member of the President's 
White House staff, is chairman of the Government 
survey group. Members of the team include in- 
dividuals from U.S. Government agencies having 
a responsibility to the Ryukyus and other ex- 
perts in development and international problems. 
They are: Jolm H. Kaufmann, economist and 
consultant to the chairman; Brig. Gen. Benjamin 
F. Evans, Jr., Department of the Army ; Kingdon 
W. Swayne, Department of State; L. Albert 
Wilson, Agency for International Development; 
James D. Hoover, Department of Labor; Col. 
Edward G. Allen and Lt. Col. John B. Sitterson, 
Department of the Army. 

Mr. Kaysen will arrive in Okinawa 1 week after 
the rest of the group ; Mr. Kaufmann wiU be act- 
ing chairman until he arrives. 

This sui-vey, which the High Commissioner has 
been urging, is part of the U.S. Government's ac- 
tivity in carrying out policy reaffirmed last sum- 
mer following the conference between Prime 
Minister [Hayato] Ikeda of Japan and the 
President.^ At the conclusion of this meeting a 
joint communique was issued stating, 

The President affirmed that the United States would 
make further efforts to enhance the welfare and well- 
being of the Inhabitants of the Ryukyus and welcomed 
Japanese cooperation in these efforts ; the Prime Minister 
affirmed that Japan would continue to cooperate with 
the United States to this end. 

In executing their mission the survey group 

' For background and text of communique, see Bulletin 
of July 10, 1961, p. 57. 

anticipates the opportunity of discussing the 
problems of the Ryulcyu Islands with various 
representative groups and individuals in and out- 
side of the government of the Ryukyu Islands, as 
well as the High Commissioner and members of 
his staff. The group expects to remain in 
Okinawa for most of their stay of 2 or 3 weeks 
but also intends to travel to various points in the 

President Greets Nigerian People 
on Anniversary of Independence 

Following is the text of a message from Presi- 
dent Kennedy to Nnamdi Asikiwe, Governor Gen- 
eral of Nigeria. 

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 1 

1 October 1961 
Dear Govi^jnor General : It gives me the great- 
est pleasure to extend to you and the people of 
Nigeria cordial greetings and heartfelt congratu- 
lations on the first anniversary of your country's 

This first year of your nationhood has been a 
highly auspicious one. It has seen Nigeria take 
its place with distinction among the family of free 
nations. It has seen the emergence of wise and 
far-reaching plans for the social and economic 
betterment of the Nigerian people. In essence, it 
has been a period in which firm foundations have 
been laid for the future of a great nation. The 
people of the United States join me in the hope 
that the peace and prosperity of this first year 
will continue and that the succeeding anniversaries 
of Nigeria's independence will be equally happy 
and fruitful. 


John F. Kennedy 
His Excellency 
The Governor General 
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe 
Lagos, Nigeria 

October 23, 7961 


The Lessons off the Congo 

hy G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs^ 

Events of the last few days have brought us 
to a testing time for all that America stands for. 
Your President and your Government, and you 
as American citizens, are confronted vrith a formi- 
dable array of crises, each one challenging our 
national ingenuity, our strength and determina- 
tion, our sense of purpose and dedication. 

These perils press in on us because of our posi- 
tion of leadership, because of our power and 
responsibilities in the world. 

The question of Berlin imperils the freedom of 
the 21^ million West Berliners — and the United 
States is committed to their freedom. The hopes 
for freedom of other millions are bound up in 
this issue. The Soviet Union has chosen to mul- 
tiply dangerously the tensions which are so visible 
in Berlin. The step of outright Soviet aggression 
hero could plunge Europe and all the world into 

A 3-year moratorium on atomic testing was 
cynically terminated by Moscow just 3 weeks ago.^ 
With this act the hopes and sensibilities of hu- 
manity were bludgeoned aside. To this bran- 
dishing of arms the United States has had no 
choice but to resume its own tests underground.' 
The Soviet Union has chosen not only to poison 
the atmosphere which envelops the earth but also 
that atmosphere of conciliation and construction 
and higher goals which is the breath of hope to all 
the peoples of the world. 

' Address made before the Women's Democratic Club 
of the 10th Congressional District of Virginia at Arling- 
ton, Va., on Sept. 21 (press release 650). 

* For a White Uouse statement, see Bulletin of 
Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475. 


Now, when it is most needed, one of the great 
institutions for keeping the peace is gravely 
threatened. Dag Hammarskjold is dead. As 
Secretary-General of the United Nations, he kept 
open the paths of peace and progress. His un- 
timely death is mourned by all mankind, save 
only by the new imperialists of the Communist 

Wlio can forget the tantrum of Khrushchev, 
the shoe pounding and the vitriolic language, 
when he found he could not thrust aside Dag 
Hammarskjold? Who can misread the frustra- 
tion behind this tantrum brought on by the Sovi- 
ets' failure to reap the whirlwind they had sown 
in the Congo? Who can forget the overwhelm- 
ing verdict of the General Assembly, supporting 
the United Nations action in the Congo in the 
face of the Russian onslauglit? And who can 
doubt the Communist intention, ever since, to 
undermine and disrupt this U.N. structure which 
orders so much of our political world ? 

There is something strangely morbid in the 
Communist reaction to the crisis which now affects 
the United Nations. To cripple the United 
Nations would be to smash the machinery through 
whicli disarmament, the control of outer space, 
and the development of emerging nations may be 
achieved. Such a blow would disintegrate the 
symbol and safeguard of peace and strike at the 
security of every nation. 

In these circumstances the greatest jeopardy 
would fall not to the United States and the North 
Atlantic community, which have great powers to 
defend themselves and to smash aggression. Tlie 
greatest jeopardy would be to the smaller nations, 
so many of them bom to independence under the 


Department of State Bulletin 

liberating principles of the charter and the watch- 
ful protection of the United Nations Organiza- 

What is morbid in the Soviet attitude, it seems 
to me, is the antagonism it holds for the positive 
purposes which the United Nations serves. It is 
not hard to see that a powerful dictatorship can 
cause immense difficulties in the functioning of 
the U.N. But it is hard to believe that the yearn- 
ings and achievements of mankind — the positive 
purposes — will lose their force at this point in 
time, when unprecedented nimabers of nations and 
peoples have come to share the blessings of free- 
dom and independence. 

Does the Soviet Union, obsessed with an ideol- 
ogy of total tyranny, fear the enlargement of 
freedom which has taken place in the last 16 years? 
Then it is alone in this. The United States wel- 
comes and encourages and works for the enlarge- 
ment of freedom, especially so in the United 
Nations. The newly independent nations, includ- 
ing those which proclaim their nonalinement, 
are eager to assert their freedom and build up 
their societies without outside intervention. In 
this they can coimt on the support of the United 

So I believe that the Soviet Union, seeking to 
prey on the confusion and disorder it promotes, 
will find it has miscalculated again. The nations 
of the free world are not likely to submerge their 
personalities in constnicting a single monolithic 
answer to the blusterings and threats of the Rus- 
sians. But they %oiU make conmion cause in 
asserting and defending their freedom. The 
United Nations, as Ambassador Stevenson has 
said, is mankind's sole common instrument of 
politics; it offers the best hope of holding the 
gains which new nations have made, of putting 
an end to outside imperial control, of preventing 
local disputes from spiraling into general war. 

National leaders I have met on my trips to 
Africa, or during their visits here, are very well 
aware of these facts and have sliown that they 
are by positive support of the U.N. They appre- 
ciate how greatly the United Nations can help to 
keep the cold war out of Africa. 

The history of the Congo troubles offers elo- 
quent testimony to this. Without question, the 
cold war would now have spread its virus danger- 
ously in Africa but for the United Nations action 
in the Congo. Last summer the Russians were 

pouring military equipment and advisers into the 
Congo, outside U.N. channels, and promoting dis- 
order and civil war. They were expelled, and 
thereupon they attempted to censure the U.N. 
operation and weaken its capacity to act. A spe- 
cial emergency session of the General Assembly 
rebuffed this effort and reaffirmed full support for 
the U.N. operation by a 70-0 vote.* 

U.N. Operation in the Congo 

The Congo operation is the greatest peacekeep- 
ing effort ever undertaken by the U.N. Consider 
the problem which confronted the world commu- 
nity a year ago July. 

The Congo Republic was less than 2 weeks old 
when its military forces went into open rebellion. 
The Belgians sent troops back into the country, 
and the richest province, Katanga, declared its 
secession. On July 12 the Congolese Government 
appealed to the United Nations for military aid 
"to protect the national territory of the Congo 
against the present external aggression." The 
Security Council met.= Three days later, contin- 
gents of African troops under U.N. command 
were already on the scene in the troubled area. 

Grave moments have since beset the U.N. mis- 
sion to the Congo. Yet without any comparable 
experience in moimting an operation of this kind, 
the U.N. has maintained a multinational army of 
up to 20,000 men in the Congo. It has kept up 
essential services through a small army of techni- 
cal experts and administrators. It has prevented 
outside intervention and forestalled civil war. It 
has made possible the formation of a new central 
government with parliamentary sanction. 

Believing in self-determination, respecting the 
independence of African nations, we supported 
the U.N. action in the Congo to prevent unilat- 
eral intervention — from whatever quarter. We 
pledged to work only through the U.N., in sup- 
port of its resolutions. These resolutions called 
for the restoration of order, the preservation of 
the territorial integrity of the comitry, the re- 
establishment of constitutional government, and 
the withdrawal of foreign military personnel. 

The purpose of the U.N. operation, and of our 

* For text of a resolution adopted on Sept. 20, 1960, see 
iUd., Oct. 10, 1960, p. 588. 
' For background, see ihid., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 159. 

Ocfober 23, 7967 


support, was and still is to permit the Congolese 
to work out their own solutions to their national 
problems. That solution has recently been 
brought closer than ever. Under President Kasa- 
vubu, and with the vital assistance of the U.N., 
the Congolese Parliament recently established a 
new government offering, at last, the prospect of a 
reunited Congo. 

Present Congolese Government 

Let me tell you something of the present 

Mr. Adoula, whom I met on my latest trip to 
Africa, is both dynamic and able. 1 am confident 
he is particularly well qualified as Prime Minis- 
ter. His cabinet is basically moderate and was 
installed following the unanimous vote of ap- 
proval by the Congo Government. The present 
Government is fully determined to maintain the 
Congo's independence from all outside interfer- 

The formation of this government cut away the 
basis for the separatist and Communist-supported 
regime in Stanleyville. There remained the ques- 
tion of the secessionist regime in Katanga Prov- 
ince, headed by Moise Tshombe. 

It is important to understand the relationship 
of Katanga to the rest of the country. The Congo 
has existed as a clearly defined and unified terri- 
tory for three-quarters of a century. The Ka- 
tanga never even had a provincial parliament but 
was only an administrative unit of the central 
administrative authority. The present bounda- 
ries of the Congo (including Katanga) were 
agreed to by all the Congolese leaders at the Brus- 
sels conference in January 1960 which established 
the basis for the Congo's independence. 

Article 6 of the fundamental law of the Congo 
says: "The Congo constitutes, within its present 
frontiers, an indivisible and democratic state." 
Representatives from Katanga were at Brussels 
and agreed to this charter, although no one was 
there representing provinces as such but as mem- 
bers of political parties, some of which were local 
in nature. The people of Katanga, like their 
brotliers in other sections of the Congo, partici- 
pated in the national elections in May 1960 for the 
purpose of electing representatives to the central 
parliament in L^opoldville. 

Importance of Political Unity 

In short, there is no warrant whatsoever for the 
idea of Katanga separatism. The Congo needs 
all of its regions to remain economically viable. 
The Congo as a whole has always needed the in- 
come from the mineral production of Katanga, 
and Katanga in turn needs the labor force, the 
markets, and the transportation facilities of the 
rest of the Congo. 

We, and the U.N. membership, also support 
maintenance of political imity. We have opposed 
separatism on the part of both the Stanleyville 
and Elisabethville regimes. Separatism on the 
part of one province could only encourage sepa- 
ratism on the part of others, or civil war, or both. 
Clearly the welfare of the Congo depends on 
active participation by all regions in the process 
of government. The U.N., therefore, has been 
encouraging Mr. Tshombe to join the central 

The United Nations operations in Katanga in 
recent days were directed to carrying out the sev- 
eral U.N. Security Council resolutions, dating 
from July 13, 1960, and including that of Febru- 
ary 21, 1961.* Among other things, these called 
for a withdrawal from the Congo of foreign mili- 
tary personnel and political advisers. The U.N. 
force in the Katanga began rounding up these 
officers on August 28. As of that date, despite 
the above resolutions and repeated attempts to 
negotiate their withdrawal, some 500 foreign offi- 
cers and noncommissioned officers remained with 
the Katanga army. To insure against resist- 
ance, the U.N. on the same day seized key commu- 
nications points in Elisabethville and surrounded 
Katanga army units in their camps, without how- 
over making any attempt to disarm them. The 
operation met with no resistance, either from the 
Katanga population or the troops. The latter, 
in fact, were quite cooperative with the U.N. pro- 
gram. However, over 100 of these foreign mili- 
taiy personnel went into hiding before they could 
be picked up by the U.N. 

Since then, these individuals, plus an increas- 
ing number of European civilians and mercenar- 
ies in the city have participated in an active 

8 For background and texts of resolutions, see iiid., 
Aug. 1, 1060, p. 159; Aug. 8, 1900, p. 221; Sept. 5, 1960, 
p. 384 ; Jan. 9, 1961, p. 51 ; and Mar. 13, 1961, p. 359. 


Department of State Bulletin 

campaign of harassment and provocation against 
the U.N. Accordingly, the U.N. felt obliged to 
regain control of communications points, particu- 
larly the radio station, and to round up and re- 
move the remaining foreign military personnel. 
But in the meantime these same individuals or- 
ganized a resistance movement and incited mili- 
tary action against the United Nations forces. 
The fighting which resulted has been suspended, 
according to latest reports, by a cease-fire. 

Katangan secessionism has obstructed the clear 
aims of the United Nations. It is, furthermore, 
viewed with alarm as promoting instability on the 
African Continent. In addition, substantial out- 
side influence has been exerted in favor of con- 
tinuing secession of the Katanga, again clearly in 
opposition to U.N. resolutions. 

Efforts To Restore Peace in tite Congo 

As matters stand now, the U.N. will have to 
make renewed and perhaps redoubled efforts if 
civil war is to be avoided in the Congo. We are 
exerting all our efforts to support them in restor- 
ing peace and bringing about the reunification of 
the Congo. It was for this very purpose that 
Mr. Hammarskjold traveled to the Congo and 
then flew on his ill-fated mission to Ehodesia, 
where he was to meet with Mr. Tshombe. 

We keenly regret that violence and loss of life 
have attended the United Nations actions in 
Katanga. We hope that the political dialog will 
now be resumed. We never envisaged the U.N. 
action in the Katanga as a means of destroying 
Tshombe ; nor did the United Nations. The Sec- 
retary-General's effort to contact Mr. Tshombe 
and bring him back to active participation in the 
political life of the Congo is tragic evidence of 
that. We will therefore do everything appropri- 
ate to facilitate a peaceful reintegration of the 
Katanga, but we are convinced that for this pur- 
pose the U.N. must remain in a position of 
strength in order to fulfill its mandate. 

It is in this delicate situation that the United 
Nations will find one of its severest tests, now that 
its dedicated leader has fallen. It is our strong 
hope and belief that the lessons of the Congo will 
at this time be clearly read by those most 

The U.N. has shown, in the Congo, its capacity 
to act on behalf of these nations. That fact, that 

barrier to Soviet ambitions, was the cause of the 
Communist onslaught on the office of the Secre- 
tary-General. I do not think the member states 
of the U.N. intend now to see the clock set back 
in the Congo. And if that is so, they will, I am 
convinced, see the United Nations through its 
pi'esent crisis. 

The responsibilities of peace, the promise of 
what the U.N. has so far built for them and with 
them, are too evident to be mistaken in this hour. 
The principles which we uphold are widely 
shared, and I think we can draw great encourage- 
ment from this fact as we come to grips with our 
own broad responsibilities in the world at this time 
of crisis. 

The Color Issue in the Crusade 
Against Tyranny 

RemarTcs hy Pedro A. Sanjuan 
Assistant Chief of Protocol ^ 

It would be wrong, if it were merely for show, 
to ask for a guarantee of the individual's basic 
inalienable rights to equal treatment in our society 
merely because the world has its eyes glued upon 
us and we can no longer sin in secret. The guar- 
antee of dignity and equality is the birthright of 
all American citizens and of all men as creatures 
of God. 

But it is sometimes easier to understand what 
we do through the eyes of those who see us doing 
it. When visitors from other lands forcefully 
impress upon us the nature of our actions and ad- 
vise us to mend our ways or face the consequences, 
there is perhaps no excuse for refusing to face the 
moral issue which we may have ignored. 

This year there are over 55,000 foreign students 
in the United States. One hundred nations send 
their diplomatic representatives to Washington — 
and to New York City to represent their countries 
at an organization created to judge the actions of 
all nations. Hundreds of visitors— professors of 
universities, mayors, provincial governors, local 
government officials, cabinet ministers, teclmi- 
cians, prime ministers, and presidents of other 

'Made before a conference of Maryland officials at 
Aberdeen, Md., on Sept. 25 (press release 662). 

Oefober 23, J 96 J 


lands — come to our country with an avid interest 
to learn new techniques and to learn about the way 
we live. Since we are the richest and teclinologi- 
cally the most developed nation in the world and 
since our ideals of freedom and justice have in- 
spired freedom-loving peoples everywhere for 
over 200 years, a great deal is expected of us. The 
technicians expect our machines to be well made, 
the professors expect our universities to be well 
equipped, the government officials expect our 
Government to be well run, the diplomats expect 
us to know how to treat diplomats, the students 
expect us to know how to teach students. All of 
them expect us to live according to the principles 
of justice and equality that we have been preach- 
ing for so long. In America, "the land of the free 
and the home of the brave," they expect to find the 
free and the brave. 

Therefore, when in Maryland, or in Virginia, 
or in New York, or in Georgia the 7-year-old son 
of one of these foreign dignitaries is refused a 
glass of water to quench Ms thirst in a public res- 
taurant because the little boy's skin is dark, or 
when a diplomat and his family are forced to 
travel 800 miles along our beautiful higliways 
without finding a place where they are allowed to 
eat or rest, these visitors, many of them pilgrims, 
rightfully wonder about the "free" and the 
"brave." They wonder what sort of people we are 
to deny a 7-year-old boy a glass of water, when 
even in the heat of battle soldiers have been known 
to share tlieir canteens with the thirsty cliildren 
of the enemy. 

The issue in the Avorld today, the vibrant and 
vital issue, is between personal freedom as guar- 
anteed by democracy and that brand of mass 
slavery imposed by a tyrannical minority who 
claim they act in the name of the welfare of the 
state. The outcome of this struggle will not be 
settled by the devastating force of bombs but by 
the indomitable will of men. And to Khru- 
shchev, who says he will bury us, we should say 
this: "Unless you blow up the whole world and 
yourself with it, wherever men survive the spirit 
of freedom that flows through the veins of blacks 
and whites and browns alike — and 'blues' if there 
were any — will outlast the forces of tyranny." 

Herein lies our overwhelming moral force. It 
is the force that has stirred men's hearts since time 
immemorial in every corner of the world, even in 
Russia, and it justifies our conviction that tyranny 


shall perish and that freedom and democracy shall 
finally prevail. The will to be free is the patri- 
mony of all men at all times under any and all 

Wlien freedom and democracy are recognized as 
our ideals and practiced as well, we form part of 
the overwhelming majority in this world and we 
can prevail in the end. But if some of us insist 
on looking at the color of men's skins and preserv- 
ing the vestiges of our own lingering tribal cus- 
toms, the color issue puts us in the minority. And 
I am not speaking only of the ratio of three 
colored for every white man in the population of 
the world, because it is not only Africans and 
Asians who criticize our discriminator\' practices, 
but Europeans as well. Existing race barriers in 
America cannot be dismissed just by explaining 
that they are merely local customs, because these 
barriers are sanctioned by law in some States. 

The whole crusade the United States is waging 
against the forces of tyranny tliroughout the 
world is being betrayed by tliis wholly artificial 
and unnatural color issue. We pour millions into 
foreign aid — millions which come from your 
pockets and mine, millions which represent a sac- 
rifice all Americans are making to strengthen the 
economies of struggling nations, to save lives, to 
free people from the shackles of poverty and star- 
vation and assure them of a time when they will 
be fully able to enjoy the fruits of freedom and de- 
mocracy. How senseless it is to ruin this tremen- 
dous effort by refusing to serve a cup of coffee to , 
a customer whose skin is dark ! 

There are many public-spirited citizens in 
Maryland who have heard this plea and have acted 
to correct such unfortunate situations as the 
Hagerstown incident. Mayor Burhans and the 
entire city of Hagerstown showed the Charge d' 
Affaires of Sierra Leone a few months ago that 
Africans were welcome guests in Maryland. Tlie 
Department of State does not mean to single out 
this State. Similar unfortunate situations have 
occurred in northern and southern States alike. 
As a matter of fact, this plea today is part of a 
nationwide campaign which is being undertaken 
in more tlian 30 States with the cooperation of the 
Governors of these States.' At this very moment 
the Department's message is being delivered at 
the Soutliern Governors' Conference in Texas. 

' For background, see Buixetin of Oct. 2, 1961, p. 552. 
Department of State Bulletin 

I know this message must mean something to 
you. You can assist your country in carrying out 
its world mission by doing something besides pay- 
ing taxes. Through your influence in your com- 
munity you can do a great deal to convince those 
who own segregated establishments that here in 
Maryland, for all the world to see, the ideals of 
freedom and democracy must be practiced. Per- 
haps it is not an exaggeration to add in closing 
that when a public accommodations bill is pre- 
sented to the Maryland General Legislative As- 
sembly in February,^ that Assembly will have the 
privilege of debating not just a local issue or a 
State issue or even a national issue but a much 
larger issue which will affect the future of all men 
everywhere who want to remain free as well as 
the future of those who do not wish to remain 

Posing Some Problems 

Remarks hy Roger Tubhy 

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^ 

I have been asked to outline some of the prob- 
lems confronting our country, without suggesting 
solutions. It is, happily, for you later on this 
afternoon to discuss possible ways in which we 
may most effectively meet our present dangers — 
and opportunities. 

First of all, it is of course most fitting that we 
should be honoring Mayor [Willy] Brandt who, 
with the people of West Berlin, has shown such 
courage, patience, and good sense during long 
years of trial. 

Our President last week in New York in his 
address to the United Nations said,^ 

If there is a dangerous crisis in Berlin — and there is — 
it is because of threats against the vital interests and the 
deep commitments of the Western Powers and the freedom 
of "West Berlin. We cannot yield these interests. We 
cannot fail these commitments. We cannot surrender the 
freedom of these people for whom we are responsible. 

' For a statement by Mr. Sanjuan before the Legislative 
Council of the General Assembly of Maryland on Sept. 13, 
see ibid., p. 551. 

' Made before the Freedom House Assembly at New 
Xork, N.Y., on Oct. 6 (press release 689). 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct 16, 1961, p. 619. 

This afternoon in Washington he will make this 
clear once again to the Kussians in his meeting 
with Mr. Gromyko [Andrei A. Gromyko, Soviet 
Foreign Minister]. 

The crisis in Berlin exists because there is a 
renewed threat to the continued free existence of 
West Berlin. But as we know, Berlin is but one 
of many grave problems confronting free men, 
several of them stemming from Russian pressures, 
some of them existing independently and which 
would be of concern to us even if there were no 
Russia or Red China or Communist drive to domi- 
nate all the world. 

However, these other problems would be far 
more manageable if it were not necessary for the 
free world to maintain hundreds of thousands of 
young men in our armed forces and if it were not 
also necessary to contribute vast resources to our 
defenses. If only Russia and Red China, the last 
of the old-style imperialists, gave up their drive 
for conquest and added the great talents of their 
peoples, as well as their own resources, to ours in 
the free world, then, of course, they and we could 
make enormous strides forward in every field of 
human endeavor. Instead, problems of providing 
better education in the free world, more hospitals, 
improved working conditions, fuller and more 
fruitful understandings between peoples, difficult 
as they are, become more so because of Communist 
efforts to disrupt, intimidate, and destroy. 

Communist deceit, terror, and outright aggres- 
sion make the problems of growth and develop- 
ment especially acute in the nations of southeast 
Asia. But in many other lands efforts to build 
stable and prosperous societies are also thwarted 
or hobbled by Communist tactics. How to deal 
effectively with these no doubt will be of concern 
to you in your discussions. I hope you will bear 
in mind, however, free-world achievements since 
1946 in successfully meeting Communist chal- 
lenges in many areas, beginning with the turning 
back of the Communist effort to seize Greece. The 
Greek-Turkish aid program, the 31/^ year economic 
pump-priming of the Marshall plan, which saved 
France and Italy and helped strengthen other free 
nations, the successes against the Communists in 
Malaya and the Philippines — on these programs 
and experiences we can build usefully not only to 
meet the Communist challenge but the insistent 
demand of millions for a better life. 

Will we build well enough? Will we build 

Ocfober 23, 796/ 


fast enough? Willy Brandt once said that we 
only really learn about life the hard way. 

This he has done in Berlin. So have we. 

We can mark with some satisfaction the work 
of NATO and other regional alliances created to 
check aggression. We can, especially, be thank- 
ful that the United Nations, despite Russian ob- 
structionism, has been able to provide a measure 
of stability in troubled lands in the Middle East, 
Asia, and Africa and that it has helped promote 
economic growth in many countries. Britain, 
West Germany, France, Italy, Japan — rising out 
of the rubble of war — these and many other coun- 
tries of the free world, including our own, are 
prospering. The European Common Market, the 
cooperative effort in the OECD [Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development], sliow 
promise of still further economic progress. 

These are pluses on the side of the free world. 
They show how much we have already done and 
are worth considering when weighing the prob- 
lems now before us. 

How to avoid either war or surrender; how to 
achieve disarmament or a ban on nuclear testing 
with effective controls; how to strengthen the 
U.N. ; how to check Communist aggression or sub- 
version in southeast Asia or anywhere else ; how to 
broaden the economic and social base in many 
countries still in an early stage of economic de- 
velopment; how to reach their intellectuals and 
win their respect and understanding ; how to deal 
with satellite countries; what to do about U.S. 
economic aid to so-called neutrals which appear 
to support Moscow ; how to reserve outer space for 
peaceful uses; how to end colonialism — under the 
Russians or Red Chinese or anyone else; how to 
make the new Alliance for Progress for Latin 
America a success. 

Even a listing of problems indicates the com- 
plexity of our problems abroad. There are many 
others. They are related to many at home — to 
the widespread racial inequality still plaguing us; 
to the lack of understanding by many of our own 
people of foreign affairs problems or opportuni- 
ties, with consequent indifference or complacency; 
to the need for still greater efforts in education. 

No lack of problems ! Yet I feel sure that by 
pooling our resources in the future, as we have in 
the past, we can do what's necessary to maintain 
and eventually expand the area of freedom 
through the choice of peoples now living in a 

world of coercion. Nearly 4 million East Ger- 
mans voted with their feet by fleeing through 
West Berlin. In time we hope self-determina- 
tion, self-expression, will be possible even in Com- 
munist lands. Meanwhile, by our example, 
whether in West Berlin or elsewhere, we need to 
demonstrate convincingly that our free society is 
a far better society than exists under the 

President Prado of Peru Makes 
Official Visit to United States 

President Manuel Prado of Peru and Senora de 
Prado made an official visit to the United States 
September 18-29. FoUowinff is an exchange of 
greetings hetioeen President Kennedy and Presi- 
dent Prado on September 19 and a joint communi- 
que issued on September 21, together with the text 
of President Prado\<s address to a joint session of 
Congress on September 21. 


White House press release dated September 19 
President Kennedy 

President and Seiiora Prado, I want to express 
my great pleasure on behalf of the people of the 
United States in welcoming you here. 

History has a strange rhythm. History does 
repeat itself, even if sometimes in a slightly dif- 
ferent form. And it is a striking fact that in 1942 
President Prado was one of the first, if not the 
first, of the democratically elected leaders of the 
Latin American Republics to visit the United 
States on an official visit. 

The United States was then engaged in war, and 
yet President Roosevelt wanted President Prado 
of Peru to come to our country in order to ex- 
press our appreciation and esteem for him for the 
leadership which he had taken in this hemisphere 
in the fight against the Axis. 

His strong support in many public forums, his 
willingness to commit his country to this great 
struggle, all of these facts are remembered now, 
as in 1961, nearly 20 years later, President Prado 
of Peru comes again to the United States on an 
official visit. 

The Presidents are different. The times have 


Department of State Bulletin 

changed. The adversaries take a different form. 
But I believe in a very real sense that both Peru 
and the United States, still standing shoulder to 
shoulder, fight for the same things, and that is: 
a world at peace, a world of law, a world which 
permits us to develop in our respective countries 
a better life for our people, which uses the ad- 
vantages of science to build life instead of to de- 
stroy it. 

President Prado is the first leader of a Latin 
American Republic to come to this country in this 
new administration. The good-neighbor policy 
has passed into history. "We have sought to re- 
place it by a partnership, north and south, an alli- 
ance for the progress of our people. 

We in this country esteem our friends. We 
have a long memory, Mr. President. And there- 
fore, standing as I do where 20 years ago my dis- 
tinguished predecessor stood, I extend to you a 
warm personal welcome, and I hope in extending 
this welcome to you that the people of your country 
will realize that we hold them in the strongest 
bonds of friendship. 

Mr. President. 

President Prado 

I sincerely appreciate, Mr. President, the very 
warm greetings which you have just extended to 
me, in which you express the noble sentiments of 
the American people for Peru. 

This is not the first time that I have had the 
privilege of visiting the United States as the Presi- 
dent of my coimtry. I came to Washington ini- 
tially in 1942 as the guest of my friend President 
Roosevelt. I arrived here during the most difficult 
days of World War II, and I was pleased to bear 
a message of solidarity from my country. 

I return today, almost 20 years later, under cir- 
cumstances in which we are faced with a new crisis 
in history. I am here in the same spirit as before, 
with the same ideals of liberty and respect for 
human dignity. I am equally moved by a desire 
to fortify hemisphere solidarity and fraternal 
relations between the United States and Peru. 

I also seek means of closing ground against ag- 
gression from abroad and against infiltration by 
foreign and disruptive ideologies. 

Most of all I want my greeting to the people of 
the United States to contain a sense of faith in 
democratic institutions and an expression of con- 

viction that through the cooperation of the free 
nations we shall succeed in defeating the attempt 
at Communist domination and in turn assure the 
world a future of peace, justice, and progress. 

Mr. President, I want to thank you very much 
for your noble words about my international poli- 
cies and my personal actions in my country, and 
the international support of your country and the 
Allies in the Second World War ; and now in this 
moment you and your people can be sure that 
Peru is solidly on your side. 


White House press release dated September 21 

Dr. Manuel Prado, President of the Republic 
of Peru, is making a state visit to the United 
States at the invitation of President Kennedy, 
with a view to strengthening the already friendly 
relations prevailing between the two countries. 
In keeping with this objective, the two Presidents 
have held conversations characterized by a spirit 
of cordiality, frankness and understanding. 
They discussed a number of matters of bilateral 
interest as well as other important problems in 
international relations. 

The Presidents in their discussions affirmed 
their adherence to the principles of the Alliance 
for Progress.^ They stressed the great impor- 
tance of the economic and social development of 
Latin America in order to achieve growing econo- 
mies, with effective and continuing improvement 
in living standards, and thus to satisfy the urgent 
aspirations of its peoples for a more equitable par- 
ticipation in the life of their countries. Each 
Latin American country must therefore concen- 
trate increasing efforts and make greater sacri- 
fice toward such basic development. The United 
States for its part is prepared to assist in the 
realization of this objective in accordance with the 
principles established in the Charter of Punta del 
Este.^ With this in mind the Presidents con- 
sidered various projects of importance to Peni's 
economic and social development. The United 
States will participate in emergency projects be- 
ing initiated by the Peruvian Government in the 
critical Puno area. 

The Presidents agreed that such development in 

* For background, see BtriiETiN of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459. 
' For text, see ibid., p. 463. 

October 23, 7 967 


Latin America would be facilitated by the formu- 
lation by each country of a national development 
plan to establish its own goals, priorities and 

They also agreed that only by instituting re- 
forms in such fields as land tenure, tax structure 
and the utilization of national income can the 
objective of integrated social and economic de- 
velopment be achieved. 

President Prado emphasized that one of the 
essential problems in the case of Peru is the in- 
tegration of the Indian population into the life of 
the country. 

The Presidents agreed to the need for stimulat- 
ing private investment in Peru and in all of Latin 
America. President Prado emphasized that Peru, 
because of its raw materials, its advanced legis- 
lation, its policy of free trade, monetary stability 
and the absence of exchange controls, offers ex- 
cellent opportunities for foreign capital interested 
in participating with Peruvian capital in the 
growth of its promising economy. In order to 
encourage such investment, he stressed the desir- 
ability of eliminating double taxation. 

Following a review of the international situa- 
tion, the Presidents agreed on the need for a firm 
policy to confront the imceasing conspiracy of 
international Communism against the peace of 
the hemisphere and of the world, recognizing that 
the successes or failures of Communism wherever 
they may occur have direct or indirect repercus- 
sion in each and every nation. 

The Presidents emphasized the importance of 
hemispheric unity for the preservation of peace 
and the development of harmonious relations 
among nations. Because of their traditions of 
liberty, faith in the human being and encourage- 
ment of individual initiative in all aspects of life, 
the Americas must serve as a bastion of these 
principles and a force for harmony in the world. 
Such unity is firmly founded upon long historic 
ties and a community of purpose of the nations of 
the hemisphere and on recognition and respect for 
the distinctive national character of each member 
of the American family. 

As guiding principles governing the peaceful 
relationship of nations, fundamental to the Inter- 
American system, the Presidents reiterated the 
importance of nonintervention iji the domestic af- 
fairs of other states and the right of self-deter- 
mination of peoples by means of periodic, free 

and democratic elections to guarantee the rule of 
liberty, justice and individual social and human 
rights. They agreed that when an alien ideology 
establishes a foothold in the hemisphere or when 
its official and imofficial agents engage subver- 
sively in undermining constitutional order, this 
constitutes both a violation of the principle of 
nonintervention and a threat to all the nations of 
the hemisphere. 

The Presidents reasserted their adherence to the 
principles of the United Nations and of the 
Organization of American States, which are the 
embodiment of the fundamental precepts of the 
rule of law and justice, the faithful observance of 
international obligations and agreements, and the 
respect for national independence, identity and 
dignity. They call on all nations to reaffirm in 
their actions their adherence to the high principles 
of those two organizations. 

The Presidents also discussed the similarity of 
the principles, particularly the principle of 
reciprocal assistance, which characterize the 
Organization of American States and the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization. They agreed that 
it is more than ever essential that these regional 
organizations be alert to maintain and defend the 
civilization that is common to their members. 

In conclusion, the two Chiefs of State reiterated 
their unwavering determination to foster and per- 
fect the close cooperation that exists between 
their nations in matters of common interest both 
of regional consequence and of world importance. 


Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and 
the House of Representatives ; distinguished members of 
the Cabinet, the judiciary, and the diplomatic corps — my 
friends, it is indeed a distinct honor to be invited to 
address this great Parliament and I deeply appreciate 
the generous words of introduction. It fills a visitor with 
a solemn sense of responsibility to meet with you at such 
a critical moment in the affairs of the world and more 
particularly in the affairs of the Western Hemisphere. 

So I come before you grateful for your invitation and 
fully aware of the grave responsibilities which all of us 
share at this time. It is my high privilege to bring yon 
the warm wishes of the people of the Republic of Peru. 

And I bring you this further message: Peru stands 
with you in the struggle against communism in the world 
and in our hemisphere — whatever measures you may be 

• Reprinted from the Congres8ional Record of Sept. 21, 
1961, p. 19296. 


Department of State Bulletin 

required to take to combat it, you will find my country 
at your side. 

Twice it tias fallen to my lot to make a state visit to 
the United States as President of my country, and twice 
I have come at a critical jioint in our history. In May 
1942 when the thunder of Pearl Harbor still echoed 
around the world, I traveled to the United States as the 
guest of my illustrious friend, President Franklin X>. 
Roosevelt, to confer with him and his government on 
wartime problems. 

At that time the Second World War had confronted 
the entire hemisphere with the grave decision of having 
to defend itself by the combined effort and sacrifice of 
every member nation in every field of activity — by the 
use of arms or through action in the domestic ideological 
struggle, by producing and delivering raw materials in 
unaccustomed quantities or through an intensive indus- 
trial effort. 

From the very beginning of the conflict and in re- 
sponse to my own convictions and responsibilities of office. 
I placed my country formally at the side of the Allies on 
April 1, 1941. Consequently, when I arrived in Washing- 
ton almost 20 years ago, I was received by President 
Roo.sevelt as a defender in the southern part of our 
hemisphere of the same cause as that of the United 

Today the circumstances are certainly no less dramatic. 
While no general conflict now exists, no one is blinded 
to the fact that the cold war and the continuing conflicts 
at various points of the world have brought about a .state 
of alarm which deeply disturbs the Western nations. 

Thus, once again, on the state visit which I am now 
making during my second tenure of oflice as President, 
I come before you as an old friend and as one who is 
accustomed to speak with frankness. Since the times 
call for plain speaking among friends, just as they did 
in 1942, I would like to take this opportunity to discuss 
with you certain grave problems which are now before 
us in the Western Hemisphere. We are all hearing many 
unsound views on these issues on the part of certain 
people who do not understand them and on the part of 
other people who wish to misrepresent them. Since I 
believe that these arguments do not stand up under care- 
ful analysis, I wish to make my own position and my 
own views very clear. 

I refer specifically to the classic principles of self-de- 
termination of peoples and nonintervention. Self-deter- 
mination of peoples means to me, and I think to you, 
the right of each nation to conduct its own affairs in its 
own way in exercise of its own sovereignty — and it is 
indispensable to this principle that the will of the people 
must be able to express itself through free elections pe- 
riodically held. 

Now, with regard to nonintervention. This principle 
is being badly misrepresented by some who would invoke 
It to permit the destruction of the inter-American system 
of free republics by an outside power — namely interna- 
tional communism. The doctrine of nonintervention is 
designed to prevent interference by one nation in the 
foreign and domestic affairs of another, whether this 
interference be done through infiltration, through prop- 
aganda or through the abuse of diplomatic privileges. 

I can report to you that such interference occurred in 
my country on the part of one American nation which we 
regard as an agent of foreign ideologies. When such 
interference was proved we promptly broke off relations 
with that government — and they will remain broken off 
until that country is once again able to conduct itself 
as a free and self-governing American Republic. May 
that day come soon. 

A state which interferes in the internal affairs of an- 
other by subversion and by provoking uprisings and 
disturbances is in no position to claim for itself the bene- 
fits of the very principle of nonintervention which it Is 
violating. Any other interpretation would be illogical 
and would destroy the true meaning of the sound Ameri- 
can doctrine of nonintervention. 

I say to you, therefore, Members of the Senate and the 
House of Representatives, that the democratic, law-abid- 
ing republics of the Western Hemisphere have no obliga- 
tion to submit to subversion, vicious antidemocratic prop- 
aganda, or other abuse from any nation of the Americas 
which for the time being may become the creature of a 
foreign ideology. You will forgive me for being blunt on 
this point but as I have said, the moment is dangerous 
and we as friends can and must speak openly to one 

My ideological position from the time I first occupied 
the Presidency is positive, clear, and definitely anti-Com- 
munist. I have opposed and I now oppose this conception 
of the world which degrades man, deprives him of his lib- 
erty, submits him to the slavery of the state, robs him 
of a just wage, condemns him to the common and the 
anonymous, controls his thoughts, directs his culture and 
separates him from God. Communism is the negation of 
America, of its traditions and of its mi.ssion for the future. 
It must be driven out of the Americas. 

I consider it an honor for me not to have accepted sug- 
gestions which I received in 1&42 to exchange ambassadors 
with the Soviet Union despite the fact that, at the time, 
that coimtry and mine were part of the same war front. 
As a result Peru has no diplomatic relations with those 
governments behind the Iron Curtain. The reason for my 
refusal is obvious : I foresaw that once Nazi-Fascist total- 
itarianism was conquered, would employ all 
its resources in an attempt to dominate the world. Un- 
fortunately the facts have given me good reason. 

In addition to these considerations of a purely political 
nature to which I have referred, I believe that in order to 
combat communism successfully we must take into ac- 
count the economic factor for the welfare of the people. 
The cooperation of the United States with the southern 
part of the hemisphere is necessary and it must be effec- 
tive and prompt. Any delay is dangerous. Any limitation 
of the program can be an open door for the enemy. 

In the alliance-for-progress program, that great cam- 
paign launched by President Kennedy, each nation should 
be encouraged to determine its own goals, its own priori- 
ties and procedures in accordance with its own aims and 
ambitions. With a frank understanding on this question 
a great deal can be done for the unity of the hemisphere 
in meeting the totalitarian attack. Let us bear in mind 
that the mandate of history is that America is and must 

Ocfofaer 23, 1967 

615106^61 3 


continue to be the bulwark of liberty and human dignity. 

Senators and Rei)resentatives, before I take my leave 
of you let me add these words to the message I prepared 
to bring to you today. They are words which my con- 
science and my sense of the high responsibility of this 
hour prompt me to utter. The moment is of the most ex- 
treme gravity. Grave moments call for grave decisions — 
for bold action — for courage, and faith. 

We learned this when we worked and fought and sacri- 
ficed together, through the crisis of 20 years ago. We did 
what had to be done to save Western civilization, and I 
do not need to recall it to you now. But I do say to you 
that in the present crisis we must follow the same hard 
course. We can do no less, and we may have to do more. 

This is the supreme test of the moral force of free peo- 
ples. The totalitarian threat of atheistic communism calls 
for sacrifice — national sacrifice, economic sacrifice. It 
must be met with patriotism, with dedication and with 
all that is necessary to assure peace, freedom, and a de- 
cent way of life to our generation and to those who will 
follow us. 

Mr. President and Mr. Speaker, in the name of my 
country may I conclude by paying a special tribute to the 
United States of America and to its exemplary democratic 
institutions among which the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives are outstanding. 

Under Secretary Holds Regional 
Conferences in Latin America 

The Department of State announced on Octo- 
ber 6 (press release 690) that Under Secretary 
Chester Bowles will be chairman of two U.S. re- 
gional operations conferences to be held at Lima, 
Peru, October 9-11 for U.S. representatives in all 
the South American countries, and at San Jose, 
CostA Rica, October 16-18 for those in the Central 
American and Caribbean areas. 

The two conferences will draw U.S. ambassa- 
dors and other top U.S. officials for 3 days of 
meetings to discuss U.S. foreign policy and opera- 
tions in Latin America. They will be similar to 
the earlier conferences held by the Under Secre- 
tary during the summer in Lagos (Nigeria), Ni- 
cosia (Cyprus), and New Delhi (India), which 
were attended by senior U.S. representatives from 
45 countries in Africa, the Middle East, and South 
Asia, respectively. ^ 

One of the main purposes of each conference 
will be to strengthen and coordinate U.S. opera- 

' Bulletin of Aug. 7, 1961, p. 246. 

tions overseas by stressing the "country team" con- 
cept of U.S. activities abroad. Each ambassador 
will be accompanied by the chiefs of the U.S. 
Information Service, the U.S. Operations Mission 
(the foreign aid mission), and the U.S. Military 
Assistance Group in the country to which he is 
accredited. Last May President Kennedy wrote 
to each ambassador emphasizing that, in addition 
to his traditional role as representative of the 
President, he must serve as coordinator of all U.S. 
Government activities in his country of assign- 

Accompanying Mr. Bowles to the meetings will 

Edward R. Murrow, Director, United States Information 

deLesseps S. Morrison, Ambassador to the Organization of 

American States 
Robert F. Woodward, Assistant Secretary of State for 

Inter-American Affairs 
George L. P. Weaver, Assistant Secretary of Labor for , 

International Affairs 
George C. McGhee, Counselor of the Department of State 

and Chairman of its Policy Planning Council 
Tyler Thompson, Director General of the Foreign Service, 

Department of State 
Elmer B. Staats, Deputy Director, Bureau of the Budget 
Richard N. Goodwin. Assistant Special Counsel to the 

James Symington, Deputy Director, Food-for-Peace 

John W. Johnston, Jr., Acting Regional Director for Latin 

America, International Cooperation Administration 
Max Isenbergh, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 
Herman Pollack, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for , 

Personnel I 

Carl T. Rowan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 

Public Affairs 
Haydn Williams, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense 

for International Security Affairs 
Jay P. Cerf, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Commerce 

for International Affairs 

Other senior U.S. Government officials will also 
accompany Mr. Bowles. 

The Under Secretary and his party will leave 
Washington on October 7. Between the two con- 
ferences Mr. Bowles will visit the Puno area of 
southeastern Peru, where he will officially open a 
school-lunch program supported by the U.S. Food- 
for-Peace Program. After the San Joso meeting 
ho is expected to spend 2 days in Mexico for in- 
formal conversations with the Mexican Govern- 
ment, returning to Washington on October 21. 

Department of State BuUetin 

President Makes Interim Delegation 
of Foreign Aid Authority 

Following are texts of letters ' from President 
Kennedy to Secretary of State Dean Rusk and 
Secretary of Defense Rohert S. McNamara in 
■which the President delegates to them authority 
under the foreign aid legislation fending the is- 
suance of an Executive order on that subject. 


The White House, 
Washington, September 30, 1961. 

Dear SIr. Secretary: Effective simultaneously 
with the taking effect of the provisions of the 
Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appro- 
priation Act, 1962, I hereby delegate to you all 
functions conferred upon the President by the 
i^'oreign Assistance Act of 1961 which are com- 
parable to fimctions under the Mutual Security 
Act of 1954, as amended, now exercised by the De- 
velopment Loan Fund and the Secretary of State, 
mcluding such comparable functions which have 
been delegated by the Secretary of State to the 
Under Secretary of State for Economic Atfairs 
and the International Cooperation Administra- 
tion. In addition, I delegate to you the authority 
conferred upon the President by section 620(b) 
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. 

For carrymg out such of the foregomg func- 
tions as may be appropriate, you are authorized 
to establish within the Department of State an 
agency to be known as the Agency for Inter- 
national Development and to be headed by the 
officer appointed pursuant to section 624(a) (1) of 
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. You are also 
authorized to utilize, in connection with that 
Agency and to such extent as you may deem to 
be advantageous to the Government, the services 
of personnel employed, and the records, property, 
entities, offices and the funds used, existing, held, 
or available for use, by the Department of State 
(including the International Cooperation Ad- 
ministration) or the Development Loan Fund 
under the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as 

The purpose of the delegation made hereinabove 
is to facilitate the transition from the existing 
form of organization for foreign aid purposes 
to the form thereof contemplated under the 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. The said dele- 
gation shall terminate upon issuance of an Execu- 
tive order providing generally for the carrying 
out of the functions conferred upon me by that 

There are hereby allocated to the Department 
of State all funds now appropriated to the Presi- 
dent for carrying out the Foreign Assistance Act 
of 1961 except those appropriated for carrying 
out part II of that Act. 

References in Executive Order No. 10784, as 
amended,^ to the Mutual Security Act of 1954 or 
provisions thereof shall be deemed to refer also 
to the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 or cor- 
responding provisions thereof. 

It is requested that this letter be published in 
the Federal Register. 

John F. Ejinnedy 

The Honorable Dean Rusk, 

Secretary of State, 
Washington 25, D.C. 


The White House, 
Washington, September SO, 1961. 

Dear Mr. Secretary : Effective simultaneously 
with the taking effect of the provisions of the 
Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appro- 
priation Act, 1962, I hereby delegate to you all 
functions conferred upon the President by the 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 which are com- 
parable to functions under the Mutual Security 
Act of 1954, as amended, now exercised by you. 

The foregoing delegation shall terminate upon 
issuance of an Executive order providing gen- 
erally for the carrying out of the functions con- 
ferred upon me by that Act. 

There are hereby allocated to the Department 
of Defense all funds now appropriated to the 

' 26 Fed. Reg. 9375. 
Ocfober 23, 7 961 

■ Bui.u:tin of Nov. 2, 1961, p. 6.53. 


President for carrying out part 11 of the Foreign 

Assistance Act of 1961. 

It is requested that this letter be published in 
the Federal Register. 

John F. Kennedy 

The Honorable Robert S. McNamara, 

Secretary of Defense^ 
Washington 25, D.O. 

U.S. Grants University of Iceland 
$198,000 on 50th Anniversary 

Press release 691 dated October 6 

The U.S. Government has awarded a grant of 
5 million kronur ($198,000) to the University of 
Iceland on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of 
that institution. Announcement of the grant was 
made by the rector of the university. Prof. 
Armann Snaevarr, at Reykjavik on October 6, 
during the course of ceremonies commemorating 
the anniversary. 

The grant of 5 million kronur will be used to 
aid in the development of four technical institutes 
in mathematics, physics, chemistry, and geo- 
physics. The grant was made possible under a 
special provision of a P.L. 480 agreement between 
the United States and Iceland. 

The four institutes will contribute an expansion 
of teaching facilities in Iceland in the physical 
sciences, including mathematics, chemistry, and 
geophysics. They will provide opportunities for 
Icelandic scholars to pursue postgraduate and 
research studies at the university. The new in- 
stitutes made possible by the grant will provide, in 
addition, facilities for advanced technical train- 
ing which will assist Iceland in its efforts to 
diversify its economy. 

The University of Iceland was founded at 
Reykjavik by an amalgamation of three inde- 
pendent faculties which had existed prior to 1911. 
These faculties had provided instruction in 
theology, medicine, and law. At the founding of 
the university a faculty of philosophy was estab- 
lished and was followed later by the addition of a 
faculty of engineering. In the half-century since 
its foundation the university has established an 


outstanding scholastic record and has contributed 
in a unique way to the development of modern 

U.S.-Soviet Films Committee Reviews 
Progress in Exchange Program 

Press release 682 dated October 2 

The U.S.-U.S.S.R. Standing Committee on 
Cooperation in the Field of Cinematography be- 
gan meetings October 2, 1961, at Washington to 
discuss progress in film exchanges between the two 
countries. The U.S.-U.S.S.R. agreement on sci- 
entific, technical, educational, and cultural ex- 
changes of November 21, 1959,' includes in section 
VIII exchanges of commercial films, documen- 
taries, film delegations, film premieres, and other 
types of cooperation in the field of cinematog- 
raphy. This meeting of the standing committee 
will review progress of exchanges in the field 
during the last 2 years. 

Representing the United States are Turner B. 
Shelton, Director, Motion Picture Service, U.S. 
Information Agency, and Eric Johnston, presi- 
dent, Motion Picture Association of America, Inc. 
Advisers to the U.S. delegation are Ralph Jones, 
Deputy Director, Soviet and Eastern European 
Exchanges Staff, Department of State, and Hans 
N. Tuch, Policy Officer for Eastern Europe, U.S. 
Information Agency. The Soviet Union is repre- 
sented by A. N. Da^-J'dov, president of Sovexport- 
film, the Soviet film export monopoly, and Boris 
Krylov, chief of the American Section, State 
Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign 
Countries. Adviser to the Soviet delegation is 
L. O. Arnshtam, Soviet film director. 

U.S. Approves IJC Recommendations 
on St. Croix River Basin Development 

Press release 678 dated October 2 

The Department of State announced on Octo- 
ber 2 that the Government of the United States 
has considered the report of the International 

' For test, see Bijixetin of Dec. 28, 1959, p. 9.51. 

D-rpartment of State Bulletin 

Joint Commission, United States and Canada, on 
the development of the water resources of the St. 
Croix Eiver Basin, dated October 7, 1959, and has 
approved the recommendations contained in the 
report with the exception of number 2, which is 
still under study. A similar approval of the Com- 
mission's report was announced by the Govern- 
ment of Canada. 

The International Joint Commission was estab- 
lished pursuant to the Boundary Waters Treaty 
of 1909 to provide for the settlement of questions 
and to make recommendations concerning the use 
of boundary waters between the United States and 
Canada. The Governments of Canada and the 
United States, pursuant to article IX of the 
Boimdary Waters Treaty of 1909, on June 10, 
1955, requested the International Joint Commis- 
sion to investigate and report on the possibilities 
of further development of water resources of the 
St. Croix River Basin in Maine and New 

To conduct the necessary investigations in the 
area, the Commission established the International 
St. Croix River Engineering Board with members 
from both countries. Interested parties were in- 
vited to present their views to the Commission at 
a public hearing in Calais, Maine, on June 27, 
1958. As a result of its investigations and testi- 
mony at the public hearing, the Commission made 
a nimiber of recommendations which were made 
public on November 10, 1959. These have been 
carefully studied by the Governments concerned. 

The Governments have accepted the Commis- 
sion's recommendations regarding steps to be 
taken to abate the pollution of the St. Croix River 
and recommendations that anadromous fish runs 
be restored. They have also approved recom- 
mendations that redevelopment of the Milltown, 
New Brunswick, site for power and other pur- 
poses should be carried out by Canadian interests, 
that an international gaging station be installed 
by appropriate agencies of the two countries 
downstream from the dam at Woodland, Maine, 
and that the Commission be authorized to con- 
tinue studies of the possibilities for development 
of the water resources of the St. Croix River Ba- 

sin. Recommendation nimiber 2 of the report, 
which concerns water levels on East Grand and 
Spednik Lakes, is still under review by the 

India and U.S. Exchange Views 
on Trade in Cotton Textiles 

Joint Press Statement 

Press release 687 dated October 6 

Officials of the Indian and United States Gov- 
ernments, assisted by representatives from the 
textile industries of both countries, met in Wash- 
ington October 2 through 4, 1961, for an informal 
exchange of views with regard to international 
trade in cotton textiles. These discussions, which 
were held in an atmosphere of understanding and 
cordiality, were concerned with matters of mutual 
interest in connection with the GATT Arrange- 
ments Regarding International Trade in Cotton 
Textiles^ and the forthcoming meeting of the 
Cotton Textile Committee, established in the 
GATT arrangements, which is scheduled to con- 
vene in Geneva on October 23. The Committee 
will initiate consideration of long-term solutions 
to problems in the field of cotton textiles. 

The informal discussions between Indian and 
United States representatives enabled the partici- 
pants to increase their understanding of the nature 
of the situation in the cotton textile industries 
of the two countries. 

The desire of the two Governments to facilitate 
economic expansion and in particular to promote 
the development of the less developed countries 
by providing increasing access for their exports 
of manufactured products was reaffirmed. Both 
countries agreed to work toward increased access 
to world markets for cotton textile exports on a 
constructive and orderly basis. 

At the conclusion of the meeting, the represent- 
atives of both comitries expressed their desire for 
continued cooperation concerning matters of 
mutual interest with regard to international trade 
in cotton textiles. 

^ For text of the Reference sent by the Department of 
State to the Chairman of the U.S. Section of the Commis- 
sion, see Bulletin of July 4, 1955, p. 21. 

' For background and test of agreement, see Bulletin 
of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 336 ; for an announcement of Presi- 
dent Kennedy's acceptance of the agreement on Sept. 7, 
see iUd., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 528. 

October 23, 7961 


Concession Granted To Compensate 
for Action on Spring Clothespins 


1. Whereas, pursuant to the authority vested In him 
by the Constitution and the statutes, including section 
350 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended (48 Stat. (pt. 
1) 943, 57 Stat. (pt. 1) 125, 59 Stat. (pt. 1) 410), the 
President, on October 30, 1947, entered into a trade 
agreement with certain foreign countries, which consists 
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (herein- 
after referred to as the General Agreement), including a 
Schedule of United States Concessions and the Protocol 
of Provisional Application of the General Agreement, 
together with a Final Act (61 Stat. (pts. 5 and 6) A7, 
All, andA2051) ; 

2. Whereas by Proclamation No. 2761A of December 
16, 1947 (61 Stat. (pt. 2) 1103), the President proclaimed 
such modifications of existing duties and other import 
restrictions of the United States of America and such con- 
tinuance of existing customs or excise treatment of 
articles imported into the United States of America as 
were then found to be required or appropriate to carry 
out the trade agreement specified in the first recital of 
this proclamation on and after January 1, 1948, which 
proclamation has been supplemented and amended by 
subsequent proclamations ; 

3. Whereas, the period for the exercise of the authority 
to enter into foreign-trade agreements pursuant to section 
350 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, having been 
extended (63 Stat. (pt. 1) 697), the President, on October 
10, 1949, entered into a trade agreement with certain 
foreign countries providing for the accession to the Gen- 
eral Agreement of these foreign countries, which trade 
agreement for accession consists of the Annecy Protocol 
of Terms of Accession to the General Agreement (herein- 
after referred to as "Annecy-1949"), including the an- 
nexes thereto (04 Stat. (pt. 3) B141) ; 

4. Whereas, by Proclamation No. 2867 of December 22, 
1949 (64 Stat. (pt. 2) A380), the President proclaimed 
such modifications of existing duties and the other import 
restrictions of the United States of America and such 
continuance of existing customs or excise treatment of 
articles imported into the United States of America as 
were then found to be required or appropriate to carry 
out the trade agreement for accession on and after Jan- 
uary 1, 1950, which proclamation has been supplemented 
and amended by subsequent proclamations, including 
Proclamation No. 2884 of April 27, 1950 (64 Stat. (pt. 2) 
A399) ; 

5. Whereas, acting under and by virtue of the au- 
thority vested in him by section 350 of the Tariff Act of 
1930, as amended (48 Stat. (pt. 1) 943, 57 Stat. (pt. 1) 
125, 59 Stat. (pt. 1) 410, 63 Stat. (pt. 1) 698, 69 Stat. 
162), and by section 7(c) of the Trade Agreements Ex- 
tension Act of 1951 (65 Stat. 74), and in accordance with 
Article XIX of the General Agreement, the Pre.sident, by 
Proclamation No. 3211 of November 9, 1957, proclaimed 

the withdrawal of the duty concession granted by the 
United States with respect to spring clothespins described 
in the first item 412 in Part I of Schedule XX (Annecy- 
1949), effective after the close of business December 9, 

6. Whereas Article XIX of the General Agreement pro- 
vides for consultation with those other contracting parties 
having a substantial interest as exporters of products 
with respect to which action has been taken under that 
Article with a view to agreement being reached among 
all interested contracting parties ; 

7. Whereas reasonable public notice of the intention 
to conduct trade-agreement negotiations with the Gov- 
ernment of Sweden, which is a contracting party to the 
General Agreement having a substantial interest as an 
exporter, was given, the views presented by persons 
interested in such negotiations were received and con- 
sidered, and information and advice with respect to such 
negotiations were sought and obtained from the Depart- 
ments of State, Agriculture, Commerce, and Defense, and 
from other sources ; 

8. Whereas, pursuant to section 3(a) of the Trade 
Agi-eements Extension Act of 1951, as amended (19 U.S.C. 
§1360 (a)), the President transmitted to the United 
States Tariff Commission for Investigation and report 
a list of all articles imported into the United States of 
America to be considered for possible modification of 
duties and other import restrictions, imposition of ad- 
ditional import restrictions, or continuance of existing 
customs or excise treatment in the trade-agreement nego- 
tiations with the Government of Sweden, and the Tariff 
Commission made an investigation in accordance with 
section 3 of the said Trade Agreements Extension Act of 
1951, as amended, and thereafter reported to him its 
determinations made pursuant to such section within the 
period specified therein ; 

9. Whereas I have found as a fact that, in the cir- 
cumstances recited above, existing duties or other import 
restrictions of the United States of America are unduly 
burdening and restricting the foreign trade of the United 
States of America ; 

10. Whereas, the period for the exercise of the author- 
ity of the President to enter into foreign-trade agreements 
under section 3.50 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, 
having been extended by section 2 of the Trade Agree- 
ments Extension Act of 1958 (72 Stat. 673) until the 
close of Juno 30, 1962, as a result of the findings set forth 
in the ninth recital of this proclamation and for the 
purpose of restoring the general level of reciprocal and 
mutually advantageous concessions in the General Agree- 
ment by the replacement therein of other concessions, I, 
through my duly authorized representative, on Septem- 
ber 15, 1961, entered into a foreign trade agreement con- 
sisting of an agreement, including a schedule, between the 
Kingdom of Sweden and the United States of America 
supplementary to the General Agreement, a copy vi 
which supplementary agreement is annexed to this 
proclamation ; ' 

11. Whereas the agreement specified in the tenth re- 
cital of this proclamation provides that the treatment 

' No. .3431 ; 26 Fed. Keg. 8931. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 2, 1961, p. 570. 

Deparfment of State Bulletin 

provided for in the schedule annexed thereto shall be 
applied by the United States of America on and after 
October 18, 19G1 ; 

12. Whereas I find that the compensatory modifica- 
tions provided for in the trade agreement specified in 
the tenth recital of this proclamation constitute an ap- 
propriate action toward maintaining the general level of 
reciprocal and mutually advantageous concessions in the 
General Agreement, that the purpose set forth in the 
said section 3S0, as amended, wiU be promoted by such 
compensatory modifications of existing duties and other 
import restrictions and continuance of existing customs 
or excise treatment as are set forth and provided for in 
the trade agreement specified in the tenth recital of this 
proclamation and that such modifications of existing 
duties and other import restrictions and such continu- 
ance of existing customs or excise treatment of articles 
as are hereinafter proclaimed in this proclamation will 
be required or appropriate, on and after the date here- 
inafter specified, to carry out that trade agreement : 

Now, THEREFORE, I, JoHN F. KENNEDY, President of the 
United States of America, acting under and by virtue 
of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and 
the statutes, including section 350 of the Tariff Act of 
1930, as amended, to the end that the foreign-trade agree- 
ment supplementary to the General Agreement, specified 
in the tenth recital of this proclamation, may be carried 
out, do hereby proclaim that such modifications of existing 
duties and other import restrictions of the United States 
of America and such continuance of existing customs or 
excise treatment of articles imported into the United 
States as are specified and provided for in that trade 
agreement, including the schedule annexed thereto, shall, 
subject to the provisions of that trade agreement, be ap- 
plied as though such modifications and continuance were 
specified and provided for in Part I of Schedule XX 
(Annecy-1949) , as follows : 

(1) The rates of duty specified in column A at the right 
of the description of products in the said schedule an- 
nexed to the said trade agreement supplementary to the 
General Agreement, on and after October 18, 1961. 

(2) The rates of duty specified in column B at the 
right of the description of products, on and after the 
date determined in accordance with the provisions of the 
Note at the end of the schedule annexed to the said trade 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be aflixed. 
Done at the City of Washington this 18th day of Sep- 
tember In the year of our Lord nineteen hundred 
[seal] and sixty-one and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the one hundred and 

By the President: 

Chester Bowles, 

Acting Secretary of State. 

President Takes Action in Two 
Escape-Clause Cases 


White House press release (Newport, K.I.) dated October 1 

The President on October 1 announced that he 
had referred back to the Tariff Commission the 
escape-clause case involving Wilton and velvet 
rugs, -with the request that the Commission furnish 
him with additional mformation dealing with: 
(1) the 1961 experience of the hidustry, and (2) 
the competitive effect upon the industry of domes- 
tic production of machine-tufted carpets and rugs. 
The President requested the Commission to report 
back by December 1, 1961. 

The President's action was taken after consulta- 
tion with the Trade Policy Committee. 

The case was submitted to the President by the 
Tariff Commission on August 3, 1961. The Com- 
mission recommended that the duty be increased 
from 21 percent ad valorem to 40 percent ad 


White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 1 

The President on October 1 announced that he 
had accepted as the findings of the Tariff Com- 
mission in the case involving alsike clover seed the 
findings of the two Commissioners who decided 
that the imposition of additional restrictions on 
imports of alsike clover seed was not warranted 
under section 7, the escape-clause provision of the 
Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951, as 

The President's decision was taken after consul- 
tation with the Trade Policy Committee. 

The case was submitted to the President by the 
Tariff Commission on August 7, 1961. The four 
members of the Commission who participated in 
the investigation divided two to two in their find- 
ings. Two Commissioners recommended no 
change in the tariff treatment accorded alsike 
clover seed ; the other two Commissioners recom- 
mended a change in such treatment. In cases 
where the Commission is equally divided, the 
President is authorized to accept the findings of 
either group of Commissioners as the fuidings of 
the Conmiission. 

October 23, 7967 



Current International Air Transportation Problems 

Statement hy Edwin M. Martin 
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ' 

You have requested the Department of State 
to present its views on current international air 
transportation problems. This is indeed a criti- 
cal area at this time, and all evidence points to 
the fact that problems may become more acute 
in the near future. I believe you are interested 
in current problems and what may be done to 
resolve these problems over the next few years; 
so I will not spend a great deal of time on the 
historical background. However, we can provide 
you with supplementary material on the detailed 
history if the committee should so desire. 

In its international air transport relations the 
United States since 1946 has been primarily 
guided by the so-called Bermuda Principles. 
These principles were established in the United 
States-United Kingdom Air Agreement of 1946 ^ 
to provide rules for the orderly development of 
international air services. In the United States 
view these principles represented a flexible means 
to permit the healthy expansion and development 
of international airlines with reasonable control 
over excessive and unfair competition. The Ber- 
muda Principles specify that the services offered 
by the designated airline should retain as their 
primary objective the provision of capacity for 
traffic between the homeland and countries of 
ultimate destination of the traffic with the pro- 

' Made before the Senate Commerce Committee on 
Sept. 22 (press release 656) on S. Res. 167, a resolution 
authorizing an Investigation of matters pertaining to 
International air transportation. 

* For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 7, 1946, p. 586. 

vision that airlines might carry fill-up traffic 
between two foreign points. 

Substantially all the international routes, 
established by the Civil Aeronautics Board 
(CAB) as the United States goal in 1944, were 
successfully negotiated with the countries con- 
cerned during the early postwar years. United 
States air carriers in general were able to fly these 
routes unencumbered by arbitrary restrictions as 
to capacity, frequency, type of equipment, etc. 
The United States was aided in this international 
expansion by the unique position it occupied at 
the end of the war, having the greatest stock of 
air transport equipment in the world, the largest 
reserve of skilled personnel, worldwide experience 
in the operation of long-haul, transoceanic 
routes, and the economic potential to weld these 
advantages into an aggressive, expanding indus- 
try. On the other hand, most foreign countries 
were either at such a low level of economic devel- 
opment or so weakened by the ravages of World 
War II they were imable to bring to bear the 
amount of economic resources to the development 
of their air transport fleet and facilities to com- 
pete effectively with the United States operators. 

However, in recent years the picture has 
changed considerably. National flag airlines 
have grown up and are vigorously seeking to 
expand their international activities. Many 
countries are now either directly challenging the 
value of the Bermuda Principles or attempting 
to establish interpretations of these principles 
inconsistent with the traditional United States 
view. I wish to outline some of these problems 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

and the steps the Department is supporting to 
establish guidelines for effective United States 
policies for their resolution. 

Development of Recent Problems 

The climate for the development and expansion 
of United States international transportation has 
become substantially and adversely altered over 
the last few years due to a growing nimiber of dis- 
agreements with foreign countries on the interpre- 
tation and implementation of our bilateral air 
transport agreements. Most of these disagree- 
ments have been engendered in one form or an- 
other by the increasing desire of foreign countries 
to have their own airlines and to secure a larger 
share in the international air transport market. 
Difficulties have been experienced from two ex- 
treme and opposite groups — those seeking to re- 
strict United States airlines and those advocating 
essentially freedom of the air. The Department 
has been fully aware of these problems and has 
vigorously prosecuted bilateral consultations 
within the context of existing Bermuda policies 
for the resolution of these difficulties. Unfortu- 
nately the United States has been at best only par- 
tially successful in achieving a satisfactory settle- 
ment of the difficulties within the Bermuda 

Foreign governments are tending more and 
more to integrate international air transport ob- 
jectives into their overall foreign relations pos- 
ture. This is due to two reasons. The first reason 
for foreign governments' extraordinary interest 
in international air transport is the desire to "show 
the flag" and to utilize the national airline as an 
instrument of national prestige and commerce. 
Once committed to this objective the foreign gov- 
ernments seek to protect and support their na- 
tional airline even to the extent of relating their 
aviation objectives to nonaviation matters. In the 
face of these attempts to expand the context of 
' aviation relations to include other aspects of for- 
eign relations, the United States has constantly 
sought to deal with aviation matters within the 
framework of aviation considerations alone. 
Second, in some cases international air transport 
services represent a substantial economic asset 
whose ability to earn foreign exchange is con- 
sidered essential to the national economy. The 

role of KLM in Netherlands economy represents 
a typical example. 

I will attempt to outline in general terms the 
major specific problems facing the United States 
at this time. 

Excess Capacity 

As national economies improved during the 
postwar reconstruction period there was an awak- 
ening on the part of foreign countries as to the 
desirability of having a national airline for the 
purpose not only of serving domestic routes but 
also to provide an instmment of national prestige 
on international routes. Not only countries at a 
reasonably high level of economic development but 
also newly developing countries felt it urgent to 
establish and support an international carrier. 
Many countries in the last few years have sought 
not only to exploit rights previously negotiated 
although not utilized but have progressively pur- 
sued a policy of expanding these rights. Since the 
United States represents the richest air market 
in the world, it has been a particular target of 
these efforts. Moreover, foreign efforts to obtain 
a greater share of existing markets have been ac- 
tively directed against United States carriers as 
the predominant operators in many of these 
markets. In some cases countries have claimed a 
basic imbalance of benefits in favor of the United 
States under the original agreement which was 
negotiated at the time when the foreign country 
was not in a position to implement greater rights. 

The net result of this drive by foreign countries 
to establish their own international airlines has 
been a proliferation of carriers in most interna- 
tional air markets. For example, the number of 
international carriers on the North Atlantic has 
increased from 9 in 1950 to 13 in 1955 and 17 in 
1960. In other areas, particularly in Latin Amer- 
ica and parts of the Near and Far East, the num- 
ber of carriers now far exceeds the ability of the 
traffic to support them. These operations show a 
chronic condition of excess capacity. 

The difficulties in these areas are that the gen- 
eral economic conditions in them have not kept 
pace with the increased capacity offered. Since 
many of these carriers are noncompetitive, they 
are experiencing great difficulty in obtaining what 
they consider to be a sufficient share of these 

October 23, 1 96 1 


Another and more dramatic development which 
has resulted in excess capacity has been the advent 
of the jets, which by matching piston schedules 
roughly triple the productive capacity of the 
piston equipment which they have replaced. Be- 
cause of the appeal of the jets to the traveling 
public, most carriers feel they must also have jets 
in order to compete effectively for the available 
traffic. The experience in the North Atlantic 
during 1961 typifies the problem of the rapid in- 
troduction of jet equipment resulting in over- 
capacity and uneconomic load factors. 

It has been alleged that the United States policy 
on multiple designation has in some cases resulted 
in an irritation of the capacity problems. Mul- 
tiple designation refers to the authorization of 
more than one United States carrier to operate 
between the United States and a foreign country. 
The complaint is based on the thesis that Amer- 
ican airlines in competition with one another tend 
to match one another's schedules. From the view- 
point of the foreign country the addition of a 
second United States carrier in the market offers 
a threat of a doubling of the offered United States 
airline capacity. 

The gradually developing problem of excess 
capacity has resulted in a variety of actions by 
foreign countries to attempt to protect the in- 
terests of their own carriers. In most cases these 
countries base their actions on their own interpre- 
tation of the capacity provisions of the bilateral 
agreements with the United States. 

There have evolved three general schools of 
philosophy in regard to the solution of the excess 
capacity problem. The advocates of "freedom of 
the air" such as the Dutch and ScandinaAaans, 
possessed with strong, aggressive, and competent 
airlines, argue that carriers operating on inter- 
national routes should have full freedom to carry 
all the traffic that they can develop. Under this 
thesis the weaker carriers or those not in a posi- 
tion for one reason or another to compete effec- 
tively would have to either leave the market or 
curtail their operations. 

A second school holds that many countries suffer 
from basic disadvantages in the fight for interna- 
tional air passengers and that in order to protect 
the national carrier these countries must be able 
to allocate or predetermine the volume of traffic 
carried in and out of their countries. 

A third school, to which the United States be- 
longs, maintains that airlines should have reason- 

able freedom to carry traffic of primary interest 
(third- and fourth-freedom traffic) but that there 
should be sensible rules governing the carriage of 
secondary traffic (fifth-freedom traffic). 

A special problem has arisen in the past few 
years with respect to the carriage of so-called 
sixth-freedom traffic, which the United States 
considers to be a special category of fifth freedom. 
This is traffic carried between foreign countries via 
the homeland. The United States interprets such 
traffic to be secondary-justification traffic which 
should represent only fill-up traffic after the re- 
quirements of primary-justification traffic are met. 
Certain coimtries such as the Netherlands and the 
Scandinavian countries consider that the carriage 
of such traffic via the homeland, no matter how 
long the stopover, converts this traffic from sec- 
ondary or fifth-freedom to primary traffic. They 
claun that the pro\'isions of the agreement are 
not designed to cover tliis type of traffic and that 
the United States has no basis for taking issue with 
its carriage. 


A second problem area has become critical in 
recent years where certain foreign carriers have 
indulged in various rate-cutting practices in order 
to secure a more favorable share of the market. 
Carriers which engage in rate-cutting practices are 
usually small regional carriers which offer rates 
well below the commonly accepted fare levels. 
These carriers usually claim they cannot compete 
with the major carriers and therefore require a 
lower rate structure. It is possible, due to local 
conditions, that the costs experienced by these car- 
riers are in fact lower than many of the major 
carriers and they can make a profit at fare levels 
considerably below those of the lATA [Interna- 
tional Air Transport Association] carriers. 

The effect of these rate-cutting practices has 
been to divert passengers from the United States 
carriers. The precise extent of this diversion has 
not yet been determined, but the United States 
carriers claim it is substantial. Those bilateral 
agreements which include provisions on rates out- 
line consultative machinery for the resolution of 
rate problems. In the event of disagreement after 
such consultation the complaining party may take 
such steps as it may consider necessary to prevent 
the establishment of the proposed rate. However, 
this machinery has not proven of great value to 


Department of State Bulletin 

the United States because its aeronautical author- 
ity, the CAB, does not have powers to disapprove 
rates in international air transportation. A new 
rate article has been developed which represents 
a substantial improvement over the original rate 
article, but it still relies on the powers of each 
party to take steps under its own regulatory 
powers to disapprove the establishment of unrea- 
sonable rates. Tlie CAB has periodically recom- 
mended legislation to Congress, which the Depart- 
ment has supported, which would give the Board 
ratemaking powers similar to those now exercised 
in domestic transportation. Such legislation has 
also been proposed in the current session of 

Other Problems 

Capacity and rate problems represent the most 
severe difficulties facing the United States Govern- 
ment in its international negotiations. There are 
a number of others. One of these is the matter 
of foreign airline pools and the exceedingly strong 
economic combination that such pools can rep- 
resent in international markets. The increased 
financial resources, use of joint ticket offices, joint 
publicity efforts, maintenance facilities, and air- 
craft utilization result in substantial advantages to 
such combinations. In addition the governments 
concerned are more likely to act in concert in 
support of those pooled interests. It should be 
noted, however, that, while in some cases pooling 
arrangements may result in more effective com- 
petition, in other cases they may represent a highly 
necessary economic rationalization of the opera- 
tions of a number of small uneconomic carriers. 

Another difficulty, which is related to the 
capacity problem, is the matter of a common ap- 
proach to the collection and use of air-traffic 
statistics. An intelligent bilateral analysis of 
capacity problems cannot be made in the absence 
of adequate traffic data the interpretation and use 
of which both sides agree. The lack of a mutually 
acceptable approach to statistics has represented 
one of the stickiest obstacles to a satisfactory 
resolution of capacity problems. The United 
States, in ICAO [International Civil Aviation 
Organization] and in bilateral discussions, has 
been attempting for the last several years to 
achieve a widely accepted multilateral understand- 
ing on the definition of traffic categories, means of 
collection, and use in capacity discussions. The 

efforts have for the most part been unsuccessful 
due to the wide divergence of opinion on this sub- 
ject and desire of some countries to avoid the use 
of statistics entirely. 

United States international carriers may soon 
be confronted with special restrictions due to 
regional intergovernmental attempts to control the 
operations of nonregional airlines. Some coun- 
tries of the Arab League have for some time been 
advancing the theory that routes within the Arab 
League area are cabotage routes, that is, routes 
on which traffic may be carried only by Arab 
League airlines. It is understood that these efforts 
have already been directed against certain non- 
United States carriers and could conceivably soon 
be aimed at United States airlines. 

Similar efforts are being made by member 
countries in the Latin American Regional Civil 
Aviation Conference (CRAC). The objective 
here is to establish quotas for non-CRAC airlines 
so as to reserve a major share of the Latin Ameri- 
can market for CRAC airlines. Peru and Chile 
have already initiated discussions with the United 
States on this matter although no action has yet 
been taken. These countries allege that efforts 
to protect regional carriers are consistent with the 
spirit of the bilateral agreements. 

Other regional groups such as the European 
Civil Aviation Conference (ECAC) and Air 
Afrique, a regional airline to serve 11 former 
French colonies and Africa, have been formed. It 
is not known as yet what effect these regional 
groups will have on United States aviation 

International Air Transportation Study 

The Department has become increasingly con- 
cerned that the resolution of the problems men- 
tioned above cannot be achieved within the frame- 
work of United States traditional policies. It 
believes that the objective of the United States for 
enlightened leadership in the development of in- 
ternational civil air transport is being impaired 
by the current inability to implement United 
States international aviation policies and pro- 
grams in the face of major new problems and is- 
sues, among them : the growing number of foreign 
airlines demanding traffic rights in the United 
States; the swift, technical revolution of the jet 
age resulting in vastly increased costs and excess 
capacity on major routes; and the great prestige 

October 23, 1 96 1 


importance attached to the operation of national 
flag carriers, especially by newly emerging 

A comprehensive reappraisal of United States 
civil air transport policies and programs is ur- 
gently needed if continuing United States lead- 
ership is to be assured. Policies adopted as 
compromises in the mid-1940's remain substan- 
tially unchanged and may now be far outmoded 
by the dynamic progress of civil aviation in the 
intervening years. As a nation, the United States 
has a wide range of interrelated and often con- 
flicting interests in international air transport — 
political, economic, psychological, and military. 
When conflicts arise, it becomes the task of gov- 
ernment to balance and reconcile and to make 
a determination of relative importance to the 

Issues now confronting the Government are 
numerous; they include a range of subjects 
relating to : 

a. the importance of international aviation to 
the United States in terms of, inter alia, the em- 
ployment it generates, its contribution to tlie 
gross national product, and its effect on the United 
States balance of payments ; and 

b. the consistency of aviation policies with 
foreign political, economic, and military policy 
principles and objectives. 

The Department is therefore pleased that the 
President has recently announced that a study 
covering all facets of international air transporta- 
tion would be carried out by a private research 
organization under contract to the Bureau of the 
Budget. In addition the Bureau of the Budget is 
undertaking a study of the role of the United 
States Government in the development of inter- 
national air transportation policy and how it is 
organized to carry out its responsibilities in this 
area. This will involve a study of the responsi- 
bilities and activities of the various agencies 
involved in these policies. 

The Department is hopeful that the results of 
these studies will provide guidelines for the more 
effective pursuit of United States objectives in 
this important area. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Cambodian Port Highway (Part I) and Afghanistan 
Highway Contracts (Part II). Hearings before a sub- 
committee of the House Government Operations Com- 
mittee. February 9-June 20, 1961. 123 pp. 

Organizing for National Security : The Budget and the 
Policy Process. Hearings before the Subcommittee on 
National Policy Machinery of the Senate Government 
Operations Committee. Part VHI. July 24-August 1, 
1961. 168 pp. 

United States Contributions to International Organiza- 
tions. Letter from the Acting Secretary of State trans- 
mitting the ninth report on the extent and disposition 
of U.S. contributions for fiscal year 1960. H. Doc. 222. 
August 10, 1961. 122 pp. 

The 14th Semiannual Report on Activities of the Food- 
for-Peace Program Carried on Under Public Law 480, 
83d Congress, as Amended. Message from the President 
transmitting the report for the period January 1 
through June 30, 1961. H. Doc. 223. August 14, 1961. 
107 pp. 

To Establish a United States Anns Control Agency. 
Hearings before the House Foreign Affairs Committee 
on H.R. 7936 and H.R. 9118. August 24-September 7, 
1961. 180 pp. 

Trade With Cuba. Hearings before the House Interstate 
and Foreign Commerce Committee on H.R. 8465 and 
H.R. 8866. August 29-September 1, 1961. 78 pp. 

Fourth Annual Report Covering U.S. Participation in the 
International Atomic Energy Agency for 1960. H. Doc. 
233. September 1, 1961. 39 pp. 

Fifth Annual Report on the Operation of the Trade 
Agreements Program. H. Doc. 234. September 1, 
1961. 110 pp. 

U.S. Representation to the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development. Report to accompany 
S. 2323. S. Rept 878. September 5, 1961. 3 pp. 

United States Disarmament Agency for World Peace and 
Security. Report of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee on S. 2180. S. Rept. 882. September 6, 
1961. 10 pp. 

International Exposition for Southern California. Re- 
port to accompany S.J. Res. 132. S. Rept. 883. Sep- 
tember 6, 1961. 6 pp. 

Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1961. Hearing 
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 
H.R. 8291, an act to enable the United States to partic- 
ipate in the assistance rendered to certain migrants and 
refugees. September 11, 1961. 27 pp. 

Inter- Ajnerican Children's Institute. Report to accom- 
pany H.R. 8895. H. Rept. 1159. September 11, 1961. 
3 pp. 

Departments of State and Justice, the Judiciary, and 
Related Agencies Appropriation Bill, 1962. Conference 
report to accompany H.R. 7371. H. Rept. 1163. Sep- 
tember 11, 1961. 7 pp. 

To Establish a United States Arms Control Agency. Re- 
port of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on H.R. 
9118. H. Rept. 1165. September 12, 1961. 37 pp. 

Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1961. Report 
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on H.R. 
8291. S. Rept. 989. September 12, 1961. 8 pp. 

Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appropriation 
BiU, 1962. Report to accompany H.R. 9033. S. Rept. 
991. September 13, 1961. 16 pp. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 


Agenda of the Sixteenth Regular Session 
of the U.N. General Assembly ^ 

1. Opening of the session by the Chairman of the 

delegation of Ireland. 

2. Minute of silent prayer or meditation. 

3. Credentials of representatives to the sixteenth session 

of the General Assembly : 

(a) Appointment of the Credentials Committee; 

(b) Report of the Credentials Committee. 

4. Election of the President. 

5. Constitution of the Main Committees and election 

of officers. 

6. Election of Vice-Presidents. 

7. Notification by the Secretary-General under Article 

12, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the United 

8. Adoption of the agenda. 

9. Opening of the general debate. 

10. Report of the Secretary-General on the work of the 


11. Report of the Security Council. 

12. Report of the Economic and Social Council. 

13. Report of the Trusteeship Council. 

14. Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 

15. Election of non-permanent members of the Security 


16. Election of six members of the Economic and Social 


17. Election of the members of the International Law 


18. Report of the Committee on arrangements for a con- 

ference for the purpose of reviewing the Charter. 

19. Question of disarmament. 

20. The Korean question : reports of the United Nations 

Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation 
of Korea. 

21. Report of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 

Outer Space. 

22. Assistance to Africa : 

(a) A United Nations programme for independence; 

(b) Economic development of Africa ; 

(c) African educational development. 

23. Question of Oman. 

24. Report of the United Nations Scientific Committee 

on the Effects of Atomic Radiation. 

* Adopted by the General Assembly on Sept. 25 (U.N. 
doc. A/4890). 

25. Report of the Director of the United Nations Relief 

and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the 
Near East. 

26. United Nations Emergency Force : 

(a) Cost estimates for the maintenance of the Force; 

(b) Report on the Force. 

27. The situation in Angola : report of the Sub-Committee 

established by General Assembly resolution 1603 

28. Economic development of under-developed countries: 

(a) Industrial development and activities of the or- 

gans of the United Nations in the field of 
industrialization ; 

(b) Establishment of a United Nations capital de- 

velopment fund : report of the Committee estab- 
lished by General Assembly resolution 1521 

(c) Accelerated flow of capital and technical assist- 

ance to the developing countries : report of the 
Secretary-General ; 

(d) Land reform: interim report of the Secretary- 

General ; 

(e) Provision of food surpluses to food-deficient 

peoples through the United Nations system. 

29. Questions relating to international trade and com- 

modities : 

(a) Strengthening and development of the world 

market and improvement of the trade condi- 
tions of the economically less developed coun- 
tries : report of the Economic and Social 
Council ; 

(b) Improvement of the terms of trade between the 

industrial and the under-developed countries : 
report of the Economic and Social Council. 

30. Questions relating to science and technology : 

(a) Development of scientific and technical co-opera- 

tion and exchange of experience: report of the 
Secretary-General ; 

(b) Main trends of inquiry in the natural sciences, 

dissemination of scientific knowledge and ap- 
plication of such knowledge for peaceful ends : 
report of the Economic and Social Council. 

31. Progress and operations of the Special Fund. 

32. United Nations programmes of technical co-operation : 

(a) Report of the Economic and Social Council; 

(b) Use of volunteer workers in the operational pro- 

„ October 23, 1961 


grammes of the United Nations and related 
agencies ; 
(e) Confirmation of the allocation of funds under the 
Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. 

33. Assistance to newly independent States : report of 

the Economic and Social Council. 

34. Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for 

3.5. Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. 

36. Draft Convention on Freedom of Information. 

37. Draft Declaration on Freedom of Information. 

38. Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum. 

39. Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories 

transmitted under Article 73 e of the Charter of the 
United Nations: reports of the Secretary-General 
and of the Committee on Information from Non- 
Self-Governing Territories: 

(a) Information on social conditions ; 

(b) Information on other conditions; 

(c) General questions relating to the transmission 

and examination of Information. 

40. Preparation and training of indigenous civil and tech- 

nical cadres in Non-Self -Governing Territories : re- 
port of the Committee on Information from Non- 
Self-Governing Territories. 

41. Racial discrimination In Non-Self-Governing Terri- 

tories : report of the Committee on Information from 
Non-Self-Governing Territories. 

42. Dissemination of information on the United Nations 

in the Non-Self-Governing Territories: report of 
the Secretary-General. 

43. Participation of the Non-Self-Goveming Territories 

in the work of the United Nations and of the spe- 
cialized agencies: report of the Secretary-General. 

44. Offers by Member States of study and training facili- 

ties for inhabitants of Non-Self-Governing Terri- 
tories : report of the Secretary-General. 

45. Question of the renewal of the Committee on In- 

formation from Non-Self-Governing Territories. 

46. Election, if required, to fill vacancies in the member- 

ship of the Committee on Information from Non- 
Self-Governing Territories. 

47. Question of South West Africa : 

(a) Report of the Committee on South West Africa; 

(b) Assistance of the specialized agencies and of the 

United Nations Children's Fund in the eco- 
nomic, social and educational development of 
South West Africa : reports of the agencies 
and of the Fund ; 

(c) Election of three members of the Committee on 

South West Africa. 

48. Question of the future of Western Samoa: report of 

the United Nations Plebi.scite Commissioner for 
Western Samoa and report of the Trusteeship 
Council thereon. 

49. Question of the future of Ruanda-Urundi : report 

of the United Nations Commission for Ruanda- 
60. Dissemination of Information on the United Nations 
and the International Trusteeship System In the 

Trust Territories: report of the Secretary-General. 

51. Offers by Member States of study and training fa- 

cilities for inhabitants of Trust Territories : report 
of the Secretary-General. 

52. Financial reports and accounts for the financial year 

ended 31 December 19G0, and reports of the Board 
of Auditors : 

(a) United Nations; 

(b) United Nations Children's Fund; 

(c) United Nations Relief and Worlss Agency for 

Palestine Refugees in the Near East ; 

(d) Voluntary funds administered by the United 

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 

53. Supplementary estimates for the financial year 1961. 

54. Budget estimates for the financial year 1962. 

55. United Nations operations in the Congo : cost esti- 

mates and financing. 

56. Appointments to fill vacancies in the membership of 

subsidiary bodies of the General Assembly : 

(a) Advisory Committee on Administrative and 

Budgetary Questions ; 

(b) Committee on Contributions; 

(c) Board of Auditors; 

(d) Investments Committee: confirmation of the ap- 

pointments made by the Secretary-General; 

(e) United Nations Administrative Tribunal ; 

(f) United Nations Staff Pension Committee. 

57. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the 

expenses of the United Nations: report of the 
Committee on Contributions. 

58. Audit reports relating to expenditure by specialized 

agencies and the International Atomic Energy 
Agency : 

(a) Expenditure of technical assistance funds allo- 

cated from the Special Account of the Ex- 
panded Programme of Technical Assistance; 

(b) Expenditure as executing agencies for Special 

Fund projects. 

59. Administrative and budgetary co-ordination of the 

United Nations with the specialized agencies and 
with the International Atomic Energy Agency : re- 
port of the Advisory Committee on Administra- 
tive and Budgetary Questions. 

CO. Report of the Negotiating Committee for Extra- 
Budgetary Funds. 

61. Review of the activities and organization of the Sec- 
retariat : report of the Committee of Experts ap- 
pointed under General Assembly resolution 1446 
(XIV) and recommendations thereon by the Sec- 

02. Administrative and budgetary procedures of the 
United Nations: report of the working group ap- 
pointed under General As.sembly resolution 1620 

63. Public information activities of the United Nations: 

report of the Secretary-General. 

64. Personnel questions : 

(a) Geographical distribution of the staff of the Sec- 
retariat ; 


Department of State Bulletin 

















(b) Proportion of fixed-term staff ; 

(c) Other personnel questions. 

Base salary scales and post adjustments of the staff 
in the professional and higher categories of the in- 
ternational civil service : reports of the Interna- 
tional Civil Service Advisory Board and of the 

Annual report of the United Nations Joint Staff Pen- 
sion Board. 

United Nations International School: report of the 

United Nations Library: report of the Secretary-Gen- 

Report of the International Law Commission on the 
work of its thirteenth session. 

Future worlj in the field of the codification and pro- 
gressive development of international law. 

Question of special missions. 

The urgent need for a treaty to ban nuclear weapons 
tests under effective international control. 

Continuation of suspension of nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear tests and obligations of States to refrain 
from their renewal. 

The status of the German-speaking element in the 
Province of Bolzano (Bozen) ; implementation of 
General Assembly resolution 1497 (XV) of 31 Oc- 
tober 1960. 

Treatment of people of Indian and Indo-Pakistani 
origin in the Republic of South Africa. 

The question of race conflict in South Africa result- 
ing from the policies of apartheid of the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of South Africa. 

Enlargement of the International Law Commission. 

Complaint by Cuba of threats to international peace 
and security arising from new plans of aggression 
and acts of intervention being executed by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America against 
the Revolutionary Government of Cuba. 

Non-compliance of the Government of Portugal with 
Chapter XI of the Charter of the United Nations, 
and resolution 1542 (XV) of the General Assembly. 

Question of Algeria. 

The prevention of the wider dissemination of nuclear 

Problem raised by the situation of Angolan refugees 
in the Congo. 

Question of Tibet. 

Population growth and economic development. 

Draft Convention and Recommendation on Consent to 
Marriage, Minimum Age of Marriage and Registra- 
tion of Marriages. 

Manifestations of racial prejudice and national and 
religious intolerance. 

Permanent sovereignty over natural resources. 

The situation with regard to the implementation of 
the Declaration on the granting of independence to 
colonial countries and peoples. 

Question of Hungary. 

Question of the representation of China in the United 

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Re- 
public of China in the United Nations. 

U.S. Host to OECD Conference 

on Economic Growth and Education 

Press release 686 dated October 5 

The Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development (OECD), which came into be- 
ing September 30, 1961, will hold a Policy Con- 
ference on Economic Growth and Investment in 
Education at Washington, D.C., from October 16 
to 20, 1961. Secretary Rusk will welcome delegates 
to the opening public session in the Department 
of State. Working sessions of the conference will 
be held at the Brookings Institution. 

The OECD supplants the Organization for 
European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), which 
was created in 1948. The new designation reflects 
the changes that have taken place in the world 
economic situation since the former organization 
was created to administer the Marshall plan aid 
and to restore the European economy on a coop- 
erative basis. It also reflects the fact that two 
non-European countries — the United States and 
Canada — now have become full members, bringing 
the total to 20 countries, and that the organization 
will stress the need for major free- world indus- 
trial nations to consult closely on their economic 

Bringing together governmental delegations of 
top-level economists and educators from member 
countries, the conference reflects the growing in- 
terest for the role played by education as a key 
factor for economic growth. Thus the conferees 
will have an opportunity to exchange ideas and 
determine the needs in education and the most ad- 
vanced methods and techniques for setting realistic 
goals geared to the rate of economic growth. 

The conference will be chaired by Philip H. 
Coombs, Assistant Secretary of State for Educa- 
tional and Cultural Afi'airs. Mr. Coombs, who also 
will head the U.S. delegation, will deliver the key- 
note address. 

The special needs of the underdeveloped 
countries will be given emphasis at the conference. 
In this connection, a number of papers will be read 
and discussed concerning why and how targets 
for educational expansion in the advanced 
countries might be related to the needs of the im- 
derdeveloped countries, not only for education in 
general but in particular for scientific personnel 
and educational facilities, including teachers. 

Ocfober 23, 1967 


The Secretary General of OECD, Dr. Thorkil 
Kristensen of Denmark, will attend the opening 
session and will deliver a speech at an evening 
banquet offered by the Department of State in 
honor of the conference delegates. 

Other main speakers at the conference will in- 
clude Prof. Fred Harbison of Princeton Uni- 
versity, Prof. J. Tinbergen of the Netherlands, 
and Prof. Ingvar Svemiilson of Sweden. 

Besides Mr. Coombs the U.S. delegation will 
be composed of David E. Bell, Director, Bureau 
of the Budget; Sterling M. McMurrin, U.S. Com- 
missioner of Education; Alan T. Waterman, Di- 
rector, National Science Foundation; Kermit 
Gordon, Council of Economic Advisers; Manuel 
Abrams, Office of European Regional Affairs, 
Department of State ; and James P. Grant, Deputy 
Director, Office of Progi-am and Planning, Agency 
for International Development. 


Public Invited To Submit Comments 
on Warsaw Convention, Hague Protocol 

Press release 679 dated October 2 

The Department of State di-aws attention to 
the attached self-explanatory letter regarding re- 
consideration of the Warsaw Convention ^ and 
The Hague Protocol,- which is being transmitted 
to certain persons and organizations by the Inter- 
agency Group on International Aviation (IGIA). 

The United States is a party to the Warsaw 
Convention, a treaty which regulates the responsi- 
bilities and liabilities of airlines toward passengers 
and shippers in international air transportation. 
A principal provision of this treaty (article 22) 
provides that "the liability of the carrier for each 
passenger shall be limited" to $8,300. Article 17 
provides that "the carrier shall be liable for 

' 49 Stat. 3000. 

• S. Ex. H, 86th Cong., 1st sess. 

damage sustained in the event of the death or 
wounding of a passenger or any other bodily in- 
jury suffered by a passenger" from an aircraft 
accident. Article 20 provides that "the carrier 
shall not be liable if he proves that he and his 
agents have taken all necessary measures to avoid 
the damage or that it was impossible for him or 
them to take such measures." Further, article 25 
provides that "the carrier shall not be entitled to 
avail himself of the provisions of this convention 
which exclude or limit his liability, if the damage 
is caused by his wilful misconduct." 

The Hague Protocol, which was submitted to 
the Senate for advice and consent in 1959 but has 
not yet been acted upon, is an amendment to the 
Warsaw Convention and, in general, would raise 
the limit of recovery from $8,300 to $16,600, and 
in addition would permit recovery of attorneys' 
fees and costs of litigation. 

Persons and organizations, in addition to those 
to whom the letter has been addressed, are invited 
to submit to Interagency Group on International 
Aviation, % Federal Aviation Agency, Washing- 
ton 25, D.C., by November 15, 19G1, written com- 
ments and any requests to present oral statements. 


Fedeilvl Aviation Agency 
Washington, D.C., September 22, 1961 

Dear : As part of the general review of 

pending international conventions before the Sen- 
ate, and in the light of the controversial provision 
on limitation of liability with respect to passen- 
gers, the Depai'tment of State has asked the Inter- 
agency Group on International Aviation (IGIA) 
to undertake a consideration of the relationship of 
the United States to The Plague Protocol and the 
Warsaw Convention. More specifically, the De- 
pai-tment desires the advice of the IGIA (1) 
whether or not the Department should recommend 
that the President withdraw the request to the 
Senate for advice and consent to The Hague Pro- 
tocol; and (2) whether or not the United States 
should withdraw from participation in the War- 
saw Convention by giving the required six-months' 

In order that member agencies of the IGIA (the 
Departments of State, Commerce, and Defense, 
the Federal Aviation Agency and the Civil Aero- 
nautics Board) may be in a position to evaluate 
all aspects of the two questions, comments thereon 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

are being invited from interested persons and 
organizations. Comments should be directed to 
the legal, economic and international consequences, 
as appropriate, which should be taken into account 
by the Government in making its determination 
on these questions. 

As background for your consideration of the 
many factors involved, please find enclosed, as 
Enclosure 1, a copy of the position taken by the 
Executive Branch of the Government as prepared 
by an interagency committee in 1957, and, as En- 
closure 2, the composite text of the Warsaw Con- 
vention and The Hague Protocol. Persons and 
organizations desiring to comment may find it 
convenient to utilize the topical discussions con- 
tained in Enclosure 1 as a basis for reply to this 
inquiry. It is suggested that comments will have 
maximum usefulness and value if they are sup- 
ported by established statistical data, decided case 
law or enacted statute, or other specific and exist- 
ing evidence. In addition, opinions are invited as 
to the significance of any recent developments 
under the various topics. 

Written comments should be received by the 
IGIA by November 15, 1961. Persons and or- 
ganizations desiring to present an oral statement 
will be afforded an opportunity to do so Decem- 
ber 4, 1961. A request therefor should be sub- 
mitted with any written comments by Novem- 
ber 15. Such persons and organizations will be 
separately advised as to the hour and place. 
Sincerely yours, 

W. C. Hannekan, Sta-ff Offtcer 
Interagency Group on International Aviation 

Current Actions 



International convention to facilitate the importation of 
commercial samples and advertising material. Done at 
Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into force for the 
United States October 17, 1957. TIAS 3920. 
Assumed applicable oUigations and responsibiUties of 
the United Kingdom: Nigeria, June 26, 1961. 


Convention and final protocols relating to the suppression 
of the abuse of opium and other drugs. Signed at The 
Hague January 23, 1912, and July 9, 1913. Entered 
into force for the United States February 11, 1915. 38 
Stat. 1912. 

Notification received that it considers itself bound: 
Niger, August 25, 1961. 

Convention for limiting the manufacture and regulating 
the distribution of narcotic drugs, as amended (61 Stat. 
2230; 62 Stat. 1796). Done at Geneva July 13, 1931. 
Entered into force July 9, 1933. 48 Stat. 1543. 
Notification received that it considers itself bound: 
Niger, August 25, 1961. 

Protocol bringing under international control drugs out- 
side the scope of the convention limiting the manu- 
facture and regulating the distribution of narcotic 
drugs concluded at Geneva July 13, 1931 (48 Stat. 1543), 
as amended (61 Stat. 2230; 02 Stat. 1796). Done at 
Paris November 19, 1948. Entered into force for the 
United States September 11. 1950. TIAS 2308. 
Notification received that it considers itself bound: 
Niger, August 25, 1901. 


Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial prop- 
erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels December 14, 
1900, at Washington June 2, 1011, at The Hague No- 
vember 6, 1925, at London June 2, 1934, and at Lisbon 
October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958." 
Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Germany 
(including Land Berlin) , July 28, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

Declaration on extension of standstill provisions of article 
XVI :4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 
Done at Geneva November 19, 1960. Enters into force 
on day it has been accepted, by signature or otherwise, 
by Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, 
Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United 
Kingdom, and United States. 
Signatrire: Japan, May 1, 1961. 

Acceptances:' Belgium, November 24, 1960; Canada, 
April 14, 1961 ; France, November 19, 1960 ; Luxem- 
bourg, February 24, 1961 ; Netherlands ( including 
Netherlands Antilles and Netherlands New Guinea), 
April 25, 1961 ; New Zealand, May 30, 1961 ; Norway, 
February 9, 1961 ; Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasa- 
land, May 9, 1961; United Kingdom (Including all 
territories to which GATT provisionally applied with 
exception of Kenya), August 21, 1961; United States 
(with a statement), September 19, 1961. 
Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton 
textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into 
force October 1, 1961. 
Acceptance: United States, September 7, 1961. 

Acknotcledped applicable rights and obligations of the 

United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 25, 1961, with 

respect to the following : 
Protocol of rectification to the General Agreement on 

Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana March 24, 1948. 

Entered into force March 24, 1948. TIAS 1761. 
Protocol modifying certain provisions of the General 

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana 

March 24, 1948. Entered into force April 15, 1948. 

TIAS 1763. 
Special protocol modifying article XIV of the General 

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Habana 

March 24, 1948. Entered into force April 19, 1948. 

TIAS 1764. 
Special protocol relating to article XXIV of the General 

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Habana 

March 24, 1948. Entered into force June 7, 1948. 

TIAS 1765. 
Protocol replacing Schedule I (AustraUa) of the General 

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy 

August 13, 1949. Entered into force October 21, 1951. 

TIAS 2394. 

' Not in force. 

• By virtue of acceptance of declaration giving effect to 
provisions of article XVI :4 of GATT. 

October 23, J 96? 


Protocol replacing Schedule VI (Ceylon) of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy 
August 13, 1949. Entered into force September 24, 1952. 
TIAS 2746. 

First protocol of modifications to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 1949. 
Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS 2745. 

Second protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at Geneva September 14, 
1948. Entered into force September 14, 1948. TIAS 

Protocol modifying part I and article XXIX of the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at 
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered into force 
September 24, 1952. TIAS 2744. 

Protocol modifying part II and article XXVI of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at 
Geneva September 14, 1948. Entered Into force Decem- 
ber 14, 1948. TIAS 1890. 

Edwin G. Moline as Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
United Arab Republic, effective September 27. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
6C8 dated September 27.) 

Patrick F. Morris as International Cooperation Admin- 
istration representative in Venezuela, effective Septem- 
ber 26. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 667 dated September 27.) 

Belton O. Bryan as Deputy Administrator, Bureau of 
Security and Consular Affairs, effective October 2. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
683 dated October 2.) 

Philip H. Trezise as Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Economic Affairs, effective October 3. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 685 dated 
October 4.) 


Agreement relating to the addition of Cape Dyer to the 
annex of the agreement of May 1, 19.">9 (TIAS 4218), 
relating to the establishment, maintenance, and oper- 
ation of short-range tactical air navigation (TACAN) 
facilities in Canada. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Ottawa September 19 and 23, 1961. Entered into force 
September 23, 1961. 

Germany, Federal Republic of 

Agreement extending agreement for lease of air navigation 
equipment of August 2, 19513, as extended (TIAS 3464, 
4002, and 4490) . Effected by exchange of notes at Bonn 
August 14 and September 11, 1961. Entered into force 
September 11, 1961. 


Agreement for acceptance by United States of certificates 
of airworthiness for aircraft manufactured by Loclv- 
heed-Azcdrate, S.A. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Washington June 26 and July 19, 1961. Entered into 
force July 19, 1961. 


Agreement amending annex C of the mutual defense a.s- 
sistance agreement of January 27, 19."i0 (TIAS 2016). 
Effected by exchange of notes at Oslo August 17 and 
30, 1961. Entered into force August 30, 1961. 



Alfred M. Hurt as Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
Somali Republic, effective August 25. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 538 dated 
July 31.) 

Donald B. MacPhail as Director, U.S. Operations Mis- 
sion, Libya, effective September 25. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 665 dated 
September 26.) 

Checi< List of Department off State 
Press Releases: October 2-8 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin 
which were issued prior to October 2 are Nos. 650 
of September 21, 656 of September 22, and 662 of 
September 25. 


U.S. participation in international 

Development of water resources of St. 
Croix River Basin. 

Reconsideration of Warsaw Conven- 
tion and Hague Protocol. 

McConaughy : "American Image of 

Cultural exchange (Somali Republic). 

Film exchange talks with U.S.S.R. 

Bryan designated Deputy Administra- 
tor, Bureau of Security and Consular 
Affairs (biographic details). 

Cieplinski : American Immigration and 
Citizenship Conference. 

Trezise designated Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Economic Affairs 
(biographic details). 

OECD conference on economic growth 
and education. 

U.S.-India textile-trade statement. 

Program for visit of President of 

Tubby : "Posing Some Problems." 

Regional operations conferences In 
Latin America (rewrite). 

Grant to University of Iceland. 

Boutempo: Italian-American civic 
groups, Newark. N.J. (excerpts). 

Visit of Panamanian economic mis- 

McElroy appointed AID special assist- 
ant (biographic details). 

Rusk : interview on "Prospects of 

Coerr : letter to Julio Garceran. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletiw. 



















686 10/5 
















Department of State Bulletin 

October 23, 1961 


Vol. XLV, No. 1165 

American Republics. Under Secretary Holds Re- 
gional Conferences in Latin America .... 678 


Current International Air Transportation Problems 

(Martin) 684 

Public Invited To Submit Comments on Warsaw 

Convention, Hague Protocol 692 

Canada. U.S. Approves IJO Recommendations on 

St. Croix River Basin Development 680 

Congo (Leopoldville). The Lessons of the Congo 

(Williams) 668 

Congress, The 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 688 

Current International Air Transportation Problems 

(Martin) 684 

President Prado of Peru Makes Official Visit to 

United States (Kennedy, Prado, texts of joint 

communique, and address to Congress) .... 674 
Department and Foreign Service 
Designations (Bryan, Hurt, MacPhail, MoUne, 

Morris, Trezise) 694 

Under Secretary Holds Regional Conferences in 

Latin America 678 

Economic Affairs 

Concession Granted To Compensate for Action on 

Spring Clothespins (text of proclamation) . . 682 
India and U.S. Exchange Views on Trade in Cotton 

Textiles 681 

President Takes Action in Two Escape-Clause 

Cases 683 

U.S. Approves IJC Recommendations on St. Croix 

River Basin Development 680 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

U.S. Grants University of Iceland $198,000 on 50th 

Anniversary 680 

U.S. Host to OECD Conference on Economic 

Growth and Education 691 

U.S.-Soviet Films Committee Reviews Progress in 

Exchange Program 680 

Germany. Posing Some Problems (Tubby) . . . 673 

Iceland. U.S. Grants University of Iceland 

$198,000 on 50th Anniversary 680 

India. India and U.S. Exchange Views on Trade in 
Cotton Textiles 681 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
U.S. Host to OECD Conference on Economic 
Growth and Education 691 


The American Image of Japan (McConaughy) . . 603 
U.S. Survey Team To Review Problems of Ryukyu 

Islands 667 

Libya. MacPhail designated as USOM director . 694 

Mutual Security 

President Makes Interim Delegation of Foreign Aid 

Authority (Kennedy) 67& 

U.S. Grants University of Iceland $198,000 on 50th 
Anniversary 680 

Nigeria. President Greets Nigerian People on An- 
niversary of Independence (Kennedy) .... 667 

Peru. President Prado of Peru Makes Official Visit 
to United States (Kennedy, Prado, texts of joint 
communique, and address to Congress) . . . 674 

Presidential Documents 

Concession Granted To Compensate for Action on 

Spring Clothespins 682 

President Greets Nigerian People on Anniversary of 

Independence 667 

President Makes Interim Delegation of Foreign Aid 
Authority 679 

President Prado of Peru Jlakes Official Visit to 
United States 674 

Public Affairs. The Color Issue in the Crusade 

Against Tyranny (Sanjuan) 671 

Ryukyu Islands. U.S. Survey Team To Review 
Problems of Ryukyu Islands 667 

Somali Republic Hurt designated as USOM direc- 
tor 694 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 693 

Public Invited To Submit Comments on Warsaw 

Convention, Hague Protocol 692 

U.S.S.R. U.S.-Soviet Films Committee Reviews 
Progress in Exchange Program 680 

United Arab Republic. MoUne designated as 
USOM director 694 

United Nations 

Agenda of the Sixteenth Regular Session of the 

U.N. General Assembly 689 

The Lessons of the Congo (Williams) 668 

Venezuela. Morris designated as ICA representa- 
tive 694 

Name Index 

Bryan, Belton O 694 

Hurt, Alfred M 694 

Kennedy, President 667,674,679,682 

MacPhail, Donald B 694 

Martin, Edwin M 684 

McConaughy, Walter P 663 

Moline, Edwin G 694 

Morris, Patrick F 694 

Prado, Manuel 675 

Sanjuan, Pedro A 671 

Trezise, Philip H 694 

Tubby, Roger 673 

Williams, G. Mennen 668 






United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 






. . . Let us call a truce to terror. Let us 
invoke the blessings of peace. And, as we 
build an international capacity to keep 
peace, let us join in dismantling the na- 
tional capacity to wage war. 

The above quotation is from President Kennedy's address before the 
United Nations General Assembly, September 25, 1961, The full text 
of his address, wMch is available in this 23-page pamphlet, covers the 
following subjects : 

Dedication to U.N. Charter and "World Law 
Plan for General and Complete Disarmament 
Proposals To Halt Testing and Nuclear Arms Race 
Worldwide Law and Law Enforcement 
Extending the Rule of Law to Outer Space 
United Nations Decade of Development 
Colonialism and the Principle of Free Choice 
Two Threats to the Peace 
Responsibilities of U.N. General Assembly 

Publication 7282 

15 cents 

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Supt of Documents 
Govt Printing Office 
Washington 25. D.C. 

Enclosed find: 

Please send me copies of: 



{cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.y 


Street Address : 

City, Zone, and State: 


Vol. XLV, No. 1166 

October 30, 1961 




MEN • Address by President Kennedy 699 


Address by Secretary Rusk ................ 702 


COMMON HUMANITY • Remarks by Ambassador 
Adiai E. Stevenson , 724 


Assistant Secretary Martin 710 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent ot Documents 

NOV 2: 1961 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLV, No. 1166 • Publication 7294 
October 30, 1961 

For tale by the Superintendent of Documpnts 

D.8. Oovernmenl Priming Offloe 

Washlnglou 26, DO. 


63 Isaaes, domestic S8.60, foreign S12 25 

Single copy, 2S cents 

Dae of funds (or prlotlnii of this publli-a- 
lion approved by the DIreolor of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, IttUJ. 

Note: Contents of this puhllcatlon are not 
copyrighted and Items contained heroin may 
be reprinted Citation of the Department 
or Stati Bdlletin as the source will be 
sppri^lated. The Builetin Is Indeicd In the 
Ktaders' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by tlie 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in tlie field of foreign 
relations and on the toork of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BVLLETiy includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of tlie Department, as uvlt as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department, hifornui- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral interruitional interest. 

Publications of tlie Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
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The Public Responsibility of Educated Men 

Address hy President Kennedy ^ 

Mr. Chancellor, Governor [Terry] Sanford, 
members of the faculty, ladies and gentlemen: 

I am honored today to be admitted to the fel- 
lowship of this ancient and distinguished uni- 
versity, and I am pleased to receive in the short 
space of one or two minutes the honor for which 
you spend over 4 years of your lives. But 
whether the degree be honorary or earned, it is 
a proud symbol of this university and this State. 

North Carolina has long been identified with 
enlightened and progressive leaders and people, 
and I can thinlc of no more important reason for 
that reputation than this university, which year 
after year has sent out educated men and women 
who have had a recognition of their public respon- 
sibility as well as in private interests. 

Distinguished presidents like President [Frank 
P.] Graham and [Gordon] Gray, distinguished 
leaders like the Secretary of Commerce, Gover- 
nor [Luther H.] Hodges, distinguished Members 
of the congressional delegation, carry out a tra- 
dition whicli stretclies back to the beginning of 
this school, and that is that the graduate of tliis 
university is a man of his nation as well as a 
man of his time. And it is my hope, in a changing 
world, when untold possibilities lie before North 
Carolina, and indeed the entire South and coun- 
try, that this university will still hew to the old 
line of the responsibility that its graduates owe 
to the community at large — that in your time, too, 

'Made at the University of North Carolina, Chapel 
Hill, N.C., on Oct. 12 (White House (Chapel Hill) press 

you will be willing to give to the State and coun- 
try a portion of your lives and all of your knowl- 
edge and all of your loyalty. 

Link Between Education and Political Leaderslitp 

I want to emphasize, in the great concentra- 
tion which we now place upon scientists and engi- 
neers, how much we still need the men and women 
educated in the liberal traditions, willing to take 
the long look, undisturbed by prejudices and slo- 
gans of the moment, who attempt to make an 
honest judgment on difficult events. 

This university has a more important function 
today than ever before, and therefore I am proud 
as President of the United States, and as a gradu- 
ate of a small land-grant college in Massachu- 
setts, Harvard University, to come to this center 
of education. 

Those of you who regard my profession of 
political life with some disdain should remember 
that it made it possible for me to move from being 
an obscure lieutenant in the United States Navy 
to Commander in Chief in 14 years, with very little 
technical competence. 

But more than that, I hope that you will real- 
ize that from the beginning of this country, and 
especially in North Carolina, there has been the 
closest link between educated men and women and 
politics and government. And also to remember 
that our nation's first great leaders were also our 
first great scholars. 

A contemporary described Thomas Jefferson as 
"a gentleman of 32 who could calculate an eclipse, 
survey an estate, tie an artery, plan an edifice, try 

Ocfober 30, 1 96 1 


a cause, break a horse, dance the minuet, and play 
the violin." John Quincy Adams, after being 
summarily dismissed by the Massachusetts Legis- 
lature from the United States Senate for support- 
ing Thomas Jefferson, could then become Boylston 
Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard 
University, and then become a great Secretary of 

And Senator Daniel Webster could stroll down 
the corridors of Congress a few steps, after mak- 
ing some of the greatest speeches in the history 
of this country, and dominate the Supreme Court 
as the foremost lawyer of his day. 

This versatility, this vitality, this intellectual 
energy, put to the service of our country, repre- 
sents our great i-esource in these difficult days. 

I would urge you, therefore, regardless of your 
specialty, and regardless of your chosen field or 
occupation, and regardless of whether you bear 
office or not, that you recognize the contribution 
which you can make as educated men and women 
to intellectual and political leadership in these dif- 
ficult days, when the problems are infinitely more 
complicated and come with increasing speed, with 
increasing significance, in our lives than they were 
a century ago, when so many gifted men dominated 
our political life. The United States Senate had 
more able men serving in it, from the period of 
1830 to 1850, than probably any time in our his- 
tory, and yet they dealt with three or four 
problems which they had dealt with for over a 

Now they come day by day, from all parts of 
the world. Even the experts find themselves con- 
fused, and therefore in a free society such as this, 
where the people must make an educated judg- 
ment, they depend upon those of you who have 
had the advantage of the scholar's education. 

The Role of the University 

I ask you to give to the service of our country 
the critical faculties whicli society has helped de- 
velop in you here. I ask you to decide, as Goethe 
put it, "whether you will be an anvil or a ham- 
mer," whether you will give the United States, 
in which you were reared and educated, the broad- 
est possible benefits of that education. 

It is not enough to lend your talents to deplor- 
ing present solutions. Most educated men and 
women on occasions prefer to discuss what is 
wrong, rather than to suggest alternative courses 

of action. But, "Would you have counted him a 
friend of ancient Greece," as George William 
Curtis asked a body of educators a century ago — 
"Would you have counted him a friend of ancient 
Greece who quietly discussed the theory of patri- 
otism on that hot summer day through whose 
hopeless and immortal hours Leonidas and the 
three hundred stood at Thermopylae for liberty? 
Was John Milton to conjugate Greek verbs in his 
library when the last Englishman was imperiled?" 

This is a great institution with a great tradi- 
tion, and with a devoted alumni, and with the sup- 
port of the people of this State. Its establishment 
and continued functioning, like that of all great 
universities, has required great sacrifice by the 
people of North Carolina, I cannot believe that 
all of this is undertaken merely to give this 
school's graduates an economic advantage in the 
life struggle. 

"A university," said Professor Woodrow Wil- 
son, "should be an organ of memory for the State, 
for the transmission of its best traditions." And 
Prince Bismarck was even more specific. "One 
third of the students of German universities," he 
once said, "broke down from overwork, another 
third broke down from dissipation, and the other 
third ruled Germany." I leave it to each of you 
to decide into which category you will fall. 

I do not suggest that our political and public 
life should be turned over to college-trained 
experts, nor would I give this university a seat in 
the Congress, as William and Mary was once rep- 
resented in the Virginia House of Burgesses, nor 
would I adopt from the Belgian Constitution a 
provision giving three votes instead of one to col- 
lege graduates — at least not until more Democrats 
go to college. But I do hope that you will join 

This university produces trained men and 
women, and what this country needs are those who 
look, as the motto of your State says, at things 
as they are and not at things as they seem to be. 

For this meeting is held at an extraordinary 
time. Angola or Algeria, Brazil or Bizerte, Syria 
or south Viet-Nam, Korea or Kuwait, the Domini- 
can Republic, Berlin, the United Nations itself — 
all problems which 20 years ago we could not even 
dream of. 

Our task in this coimtry is to do our best, to 
serve our nation's interest as we see it, and not to 
be swayed from our course by the faijithearted or 


Department of State Bulletin 

the unknowing, or the threats of those who would 
make themselves our foes. 

The Long View 

This is not a simple task in a democracy. We 
cannot open all our books in advance to an adver- 
sary who operates in the night — the decisions we 
make, the weapons we possess, the bargains we will 
accept — nor can we always see reflected overnight 
the success or failure of the actions that we may 

In times past, a simple slogan described our 
policy : "Fifty-four forty or fight." "To make the 
world safe for democracy." "No entangling al- 
liances." But the times, issues, and the weapons, 
all have changed and complicated and endangered 
our lives. It is a dangerous illusion to believe that 
the policies of the United States, stretching as they 
do worldwide, under varying and different condi- 
tions, can be encompassed in one slogan or one 
adjective, hard or soft or otherwise — or to believe 
that we shall soon meet total victory or total 

Peace and freedom do not come cheap, and we 
are destined, all of us here today, to live out most 
if not all of our lives in uncertainty and challenge 
and peril. Our policy must therefore blend what- 
ever degree of firmness and flexibility which is 
necessary to protect our vital iiiterests, by peaceful 
means if possible, by resolute action if necessary. 

There is, of course, no place in America where 
reason and firmness are more clearly pointed out 
than here in North Carolina. All Americans can 
profit from what happened in this State a century 
ago. It was this State, firmly fixed in the tradi- 
tions of the South, which sought a way of reason 
in a troubled and dangerous world. Yet when the 
war came. North Carolina provided a fourth of 
all of the Confederate soldiers who made the su- 
preme sacrifice in those years. And it won the 
right to the slogan, "First in battle, farthest at 
Gettysburg, and last at Appomattox." 

Its quest for a peaceful resolution of our prob- 
lems was never identified in the minds of its peo- 
ple, of people today, with anything but a desire 
for peace and a preparation to meet their respon- 

We move for the first time in our history 
through an age in which two opposing powers 
have the capacity to destroy each other, and while 
we do not intend to see the free world give up, we 

shall make every effort to prevent the world from 
being blown up. 

The American eagle on our official seal empha- 
sizes both peace and freedom, and as I said in the 
state of the Union address, we in this country give 
equal attention to its claws when in its left hand 
it holds the arrows and in its right the olive 

This is a time of national maturity, and under- 
standing, and willingness to face issues as they 
are, not as we would like them to be. It is a test 
of our ability to be farseeing and calm, as well as 
resolute, to keep an eye on both our dangers and 
our opportunities, and not to be diverted by mo- 
mentary gains, or setbacks, or pressures. And it 
is the long view of the educated citizen to which 
the graduates of this university can best 

We must distinguish the real from the illusory, 
the long-range from the temporary, the signifi- 
cant from the petty, but if we can be purposeful, 
if we can face up to our risks and live up to our 
word, if we can do our duty undeterred by fanatics 
or frenzy at home or abroad, then surely peace and 
freedom can prevail. We shall be neither Red 
nor dead, but alive and free — and worthy of the 
traditions and responsibilities of North Carolina 
and the United States of America. 

Chief Minister of Uganda 
Visits United States 

The Department of State announced on October 
13 (press release 706) that Benedicto Kiwanuka, 
Chief Minister of the Government of Uganda, 
would arrive at Friendship International Air- 
port at Baltimore on October 1.5 to begin a week's 
visit in the United States as a guest of the U.S. 
Government. The Minister will be accompanied 
by E. B. Bhwambali and H. J. Obonyo, members 
of the Uganda Legislative Council. 

While in Wasliington, Minister Kiwanuka will 
confer with Fowler Hamilton, Director of the 
Agency for International Development, on Oc- 
tober 16 and Secretary Kusk on October 17. He 
will also meet with other leading oilicials of the 
Federal Government. 

During his stay in the United States, Minister 
Kiwanuka will visit the United Nations in New 

Ocfober 30, 1967 


U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major Issues 

Address hy Secretary Rush ^ 

It is a high privilege for me to be here. As a 
mere man, I have not been so outnumbered since 
I taught at a woman's college man years ago. 
But that experience caused me to treat your invi- 
tation as a command. I do not claim that, as a 
teacher of young women, I came to understand 
them. But I can confess that I was deeply im- 
pressed by them. 

One reason was their disconcerting practicality 
about public affairs. I found that women students 
insisted upon moving rapidly from the general to 
the particular, from the abstract to the tangible, 
from the global to the personal implication. I 
found them skeptical about the artificial and 
dangerous games they suspected men were prone 
to play with words, concepts, myths, and pretense 
on such important matters as war and peace. And 
I found them deeply interested in how the story 
is going to come out in the end, in the building of 
a decent world order, in arrangements which could 
make life tolerable for individuals and families, 
homes and local communities. 

Indeed, foreign policy is not a remote abstrac- 
tion, having only to do with entities called "states," 
notions like "sovei-eignty," and formal arrange- 
ments called "protocol." In this climactic period 
of history foreign policy involves every citizen, 
lays its hand upon every home, and embraces our 
personal aspirations for the kind of world in 
which we hope our children can live. 

We in the Department of State are deeply in- 
terested in what United Church Women think 
about the major issues of foreign policy. We fol- 
low your reports, appreciate your support when 
you feel you can give it, and pause to reflect if 

' Made before the United Church Women at Miami, Fla., 
on Oct. 11 ( press release 701 ) . 

policy fails to commend itself to you. I am grate- 
ful, therefore, for an opportunity to comment upon 
certain matters upon which you have passed reso- 
lutions at this meeting. 

The United Nations 

The first has to do with our support for the 
United Nations. The United Nations, of course, 
has its enemies — those who fear cooperation among 
nations, even though science has made this a world 
in which we must cooperate or die. The United 
Nations has its fair-weather friends, who cheer 
loudly when things go well but abandon ship if 
the sea gets rough. 

Then there are those who have the patient 
courage to support the United Nations year in and 
year out as an indispensable instrument of peace. 
Your resolutions over the years have spoken for 
your steadfast support, and you represent, I be- 
lieve, the great majority of the American public. 

I happened to be present at the birth of the 
United Nations in San Francisco more than 16 
years ago. Last month I was with it in New York 
during the crisis brought on by the tragic death of 
that hero of peace. Dag Hammarskjold. 

The story of the United Nations during the in- 
tervening years tells us a great deal about the 
world in which we live. It also enables us to ap- 
praise realistically the present capabilities of the 
Organization. I think we should be quite clear 
about wliat the United Nations can do and can- 
not do, what it is and what it is not. 

Obviously the United Nations has not fulfilled 
the hopes of some of its most devoted advocates 
in 1045. But it is more than a debating society, 
although debate, even when it does not lead to 
action, may serve as a safety valve for national 


Department of State Bvlletin 

passions and helps to clarify issues. We must 
recognize also that many of the problems put be- 
fore the United Nations are extremely difficult; 
they go there because they have not been solved 
somewhere else. 

The United Nations has not banished war. But 
it has reduced and averted threats to peace — in 
Iran, Greece, Palestine, Suez, Lebanon, and the 

The United Nations has not created unity in a 
divided world. But it has organized concerts of 
nations to do together the things upon which they 
can agree. 

The United Nations has not bridged the gap 
between the world of coercion and the world of 
free choice. But it provides a bridge between the 
Northern Hemisphere and the Southern Hemi- 
sphere, where most of the new nations are found 
and where most of the peoples of the non-Com- 
munist world are struggling to throw off their 
burden of poverty. 

The United Nations has not ushered in the mil- 
lennium. But it has laid the foundations for a 
world community through a wide range of inter- 
national institutions. Some, such as the World 
Bank and the International Monetary Fund, have 
grown into powerful, mature organizations ; others 
are still finding their way. Some do such undra- 
matic but important tasks as working out common 
technical definitions and allocating frequencies for 
radio transmission. Some have such dramatically 
humanitarian tasks as the elimination of malaria 
and the inoculation of millions of children against 
the disfiguring and crippling disease of yaws. 
Others are pioneering in new fields, such as plan- 
ning a world system of weather reporting. Over 
the years the United Nations has created the 
framework for doing more and more of the world's 
business on the basis of voluntary cooperation 
among sovereign states. 

Within this family of United Nations organi- 
zations the United States cooperates with most of 
the non-Communist world — despite Soviet ob- 
struction, despite the veto, despite threats to peace, 
despite severe budgetary problems, despite the pas- 
sion of such subjects as colonialism, despite the 
inexperience of new members and the inertia of 
old ones, and despite the inclination of us all to 
look upon our own views with parocliial 

The United Nations is the symbol and the pri- 
mary substance of the kind of world which the 

United States seeks to build. Its charter contains 
an expression of our deepest ideals. We are com- 
mitted firmly to supporting and strengthening the 
United Nations. We earnestly wish to extend its 
writ, its influence, its capacity to act. We look 
forward to a time when the Soviet Union will join 
the United Nations in spirit, as well as in name, 
when it, too, will abide by the principles of the 
charter and cooperate genuinely in strengthening 
the great international organization and its 

Regional Organizations 

The United Nations is not the only channel for 
United States foreign policy. We support various 
regional organizations. In Western Europe we 
have lent our encouragement to the formation of a 
great common market of nearly 300 million rel- 
atively prosperous and highly skilled peoples, the 
second greatest industrial complex in the world. 
We are working actively to create new institutions 
for economic cooperation throughout the North 
Atlantic community. 

We take part enthusiastically in the maturing 
complex of Western Hemisphere institutions. We 
welcome the trend toward common markets and 
other forms of cooperation in South and Central 
America. We salute the new Alliance for Prog- 
ress. We would like to see durable new forms of 
regional organization in southeast Asia. We 
-would welcome progress toward regional coopera- 
tion in the Arab world and in tropical Africa. 

These new institutions for regional cooperation 
are not alternatives to the United Nations. In- 
deed, they are specifically anticipated and author- 
ized in the charter. 

We have a vital interest in our system of 
defensive alliances against those who boast that 
they will make the world over in their own image. 
Against threats to freedom, the free must be firm 
and united. 

Many aspects of our foreign policy must be 
handled on a bilateral basis. 

Thus our foreign policy and overseas operations 
are conducted through a variety of United Na- 
tions, regional, and nation-to-nation arrangements. 
These instruments are not mutually exclusive. All 
are essential, and each complements the others. 
They must be used simultaneously. For our choice 
is not among standing firm in our direct confron- 
tation with the Soviets, or building an Atlantic 

Ocfofaer 30, 1967 


Community, or working with the United Nations. 
All three, and many other lines of action, help to 
preserve and develop the kind of world in which 
free peoples can live in peace and can flourish. 


I turn now to one of the most complex yet most 
urgent problems before the United Nations — dis- 
armament. President Kennedy, in his recent 
speech before the United Nations General As- 
sembly, put the matter simply and directly when 
he said : ^ 

Today . . . every man, woman, and child lives under a 
nuclear sword of Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of 
threads, capable of being cut at any moment by accident 
or miscalculation or madness. The weapons of war must 
be abolished before they abolish us. 

The United States had placed before the United 
Nations a new program for general and complete 
disarmament in a peaceful world.' Three cardinal 
principles underlie this program : 

First, there should be an immediate and sub- 
stantial start toward disarmament. Our program 
would bring promptly under control all basic ele- 
ments of national military power — nuclear weap- 
ons, strategic delivery systems, conventional arms 
and forces. No nation has ever before put for- 
ward a program providing for such comprehensive 
restrictions in the first stage of disarmament. 

Secondly, all disarmament obligations must be 
subject to effective international controls. As we 
shed our means of self-protection, we must be sure 
that others are doing so. 

Thirdly, adequate international peacekeeping 
machinery must be erected. Otherwise disarma- 
ment would leave the world in disorder. 

If these fundamental precepts were accepted, if 
the general approach to disarmament as set forth 
in our program were endorsed, we should be able 
to make real and rapid progress toward disarma- 

But it takes more than one to make an agree- 
ment. To date the Soviet Union has been, 
consistently, an unwilling party. It has said that 
it accepts the principle of control. But apparently 
it is willing to grant permission to look only at 
arms destroyed, not at those which remain. In- 

spection, so limited, would be a sham. The Soviet 
Union professes also to recognize the need for 
developing effective peacekeeping machinery. 
But it seems bent on undermining the very organi- 
zation created for this purpose: the United 

These are not encouraging signs. Nor can we 
find encouragement in the Soviet Union's capri- 
cious and cynical attitude toward a treaty banning 
nuclear weapons tests. The United States be- 
lieves that such a treaty would be a good way to 
make a start in the direction of disarmament. For 
3 years we, in conjunction with the United King- 
dom, have sought to negotiate such a treaty with 
the Soviet Union. We thought we were making 
some progress toward that goal. In the hope of 
reaching it, we — the U.K. and ourselves — pre- 
sented a complete treaty early this year.* It went 
far to meet prior Soviet positions. We indicated 
our readiness to sign the treaty immediately or to 
use it as the basis for further serious negotiation. 

Wliat was the reaction of the Soviet Union? 
First, it repudiated its previous agreement to one 
of the basic points. Then it insisted that negotia- 
tions of a test ban should be merged with negotia- 
tions on general disarmament — a complete reversal 
of its earlier position. Finally, the Soviets re- 
sumed nuclear testing.' The number, speed, and 
nature of their recent explosions shows that, while 
they were negotiating, the Soviets were making 
elaborate secret preparations for these tests. 

Faced with the Soviet testing and the Soviets' 
disinterest in concluding an agreement. President 
Kennedy ordered the resumption of nuclear weap- 
ons testing in the laboratory and underground.' 
He had to do so to protect our security and that 
of the free world. In his words : "We cannot en- 
danger that security by refraining from testing 
while others improve their arsenals." ' 

The United States nevertheless remains pre- 
pared to conclude an agreement which would, with 
safety to all, put an end to nuclear weapons testing 
in all environments. The Geneva conference is 
not formally ended. It is in recess. The delegates 
now assembled at the United Nations have an 
opportunity and an obligation to consider the 
situation and act accordmgly. 

* Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 

• For text, see (Bid., p. 650. 

' For text, see ibid., June ."5, 1961, p. 870. 

' Ibid., Sept. IS, 1961, p. 475. 


' Ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Further evidence of our national purpose to 
seek etfective and reliable disarmament agreements 
may be found in creation by statute of a United 
States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. 
This legislation was signed into law by the Presi- 
dent on September 26, 1961.* Significantly, it had 
the overwhelming support of both political parties 
in Congress. 

This is the first time we have had a permanent 
Government agency devoted to disarmament. 
Some of the earlier committees and agencies and 
other official groups which worked on the problem 
did excellent work. The Baruch-Acheson-Lilien- 
thal plan for international control of atomic 
energy, placed before the United Nations in 1946,* 
was statesmanship of the highest order. We then 
had a monopoly on atomic weapons. But we were 
willing to put these weapons aside and share with 
the world our Imowledge of the peacetime uses of 
atomic energy. Indeed, we proposed that all 
atomic energy enterprises throughout the world 
be owned or operated by an agency of the United 
Nations. That plan, in its basic features, com- 
mended itself to all the members of the United 
Nations except the Soviet bloc. But for Soviet 
obstructionism, there would have been no nuclear 
arms race. 

Other efforts which we have made in the inter- 
vening years have foundered on the same rock of 
Soviet obstructionism. Whether our latest efforts 
bear result depends primarily on whether the 
Soviets change their attitude. But with our new 
permanent United States Arms Control and Dis- 
armament Agency, we can be sure that our own 
Government will work diligently to move the 
world along the road toward disarmament. 

Foreign Aid 

Among the other important problems in which 
your organization has taken a sympathetic interest 
are foreign aid and foreign trade. 

I do not need to stress to you the necessity of 
our program of assistance to the underdeveloped 
nations of the free world. America owes what it 

' For text of President Kennedy's remarks when he 
signed the bill creating the Agency, see ibid., p. 646. 

" For an address by Bernard M. Baruch at the opening 
session of the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission on June 14, 
1946, see iiid., June 23, 1946, p. 1057. 

is today to our enduring support of freedom, 
justice and progress, here and abroad. This is 
the American message, which gives us national 
strength and purpose and causes other men to turn 
to us for hope and leadership. 

"Wlienever an underdeveloped country makes 
economic, social, and political progress it expands 
the frontier of freedom. Wlierever we cooperate 
in breaking down the barriers of ignorance, pov- 
erty, disease, and despair, we further not only the 
well-being of mankind but our own security. 

We have had programs of aid to the under- 
developed nations for more than a decade. With- 
out these the map of the world would be far dif- 
ferent today. But, with experience, we have 
realized that our past programs, despite their very 
real accomplishments, were inadequate in various 
respects. The past year has witnessed the making 
of a new program, that for a Decade of Develop- 
ment, to which many of our best minds have con- 
tributed, regardless of party. 

The paramount objective of our new program is 
to foster long-range social and economic develop- 
ment. Of course, there will continue to be need 
for emergency and special aid. We will continue 
to assist certain countries to maintain adequate 
military establishments or, in some cases, to save 
an economy from imminent collapse. But, wher- 
ever possible, we intend to move away from a 
"finger in the dike" operation. We intend to en- 
courage and support long-range planning and 
development by the recipients of aid. Such plan- 
ning should, of course, take account of local re- 
sources, necessary reforms, and priorities. 

Human and social development is an integral 
part of the total development process. Many of 
the new countries urgently need help in the field 
of education — education of leaders, of administra- 
tors, of technicians, as well as of the population 
generally. This is an important phase of our new 
program. In Africa more than a third of our 
total aid bill will be devoted to human and social 
development. Meeting these needs is a major 
part of the new program for social progress in 
Latin America also. 

Our new program emphasizes self-help. No 
amount of aid will save those who do not help 
themselves. And the assistance we can supply 
will be only a portion — often a small portion — 
of the total effort required. We regard it as our 

October 30, 7967 


first duty to help those of the less developed 
friendly countries that try to help themselves. 
By self-help we mean not only mobilizing local 
resources, levying appropriate taxes, and other 
financial and economic measures. We mean will- 
ingness to undertake, where necessary, land re- 
forms, other social reforms, and expansion and im- 
provement of education. Our goal is not only 
overall economic growth but an increasing meas- 
ure of social justice, to improve the lot of the great 
majorities who have so long suffered from pov- 
erty, illiteracy, and the lack of hope for anything 
better than bare subsistence. 

There are encouraging indications from a num- 
ber of countries that they are ready to undertake 
greater measures of self-help. When countries 
have demonstrated the will and capacity for self- 
help, they should not be allowed to fail in their 
efforts for lack of the margin of external aid 
which we can provide. 

The recent Act for International Development 
made available an increased appropriation for de- 
velopment assistance. It also enables us to coordi- 
nate more effectively a wide range of Government 
activities and to increase cooperation between the 
Government and various private agencies. 

In addition, other industrial nations — a major- 
ity of them rehabilitated in the past with our 
help — are able to provide increased aid to the un- 
derdeveloped countries. Most are furnishing ex- 
tensive aid already. In sub-Sahara Africa their 
effort exceeds ours severalfold and is rising. We 
are going to try to coordinate our joint efforts 
more closely to assure the best use of increased 
amounts of assistance. This partnership has al- 
ready started. A recent notable example was the 
consortium agreement for India, under which 
other developed nations and international agen- 
cies have promised to provide more than half of 
the $2,300,000,000 in external aid which India 
needs for the next 2 years. 

Another cardinal point in the new program is 
more efficient administration. Aid programs pre- 
viously administered by separate agencies have 
been brought under one roof in AID, the Agency 
for International Development, under a single 
administrator, Mr. Fowler Hamilton. Aid is 
being reorganized primarily along geographic 
lines to achieve clearer lines of responsibility and 
authority. And we are seeking the best men and 

women available in the United States to staff the 
key positions in this new agency. I 

Those are some of the principal new directions r 
and improvements in our program of economic 
assistance. I share the judgment of Senator Ful- 
bright that we now have "the best aid legislation 
in years." 

Foreign Trade 

Next year we shall have the problem of trying 
to obtain equally satisfactory legislation for our 
trade relations. The present trade policy law ex- 
pires in June 1962. The Executive, the Congress, 
and the American people will have to consider 
anew the nature of our basic interest in the inter- 
national exchange of goods. The choices and de- 
cisions that we make in this field will have far- 
reaching implications and consequences. What we 
do about trade policy will be a test of our ability 
to meet the test of leadership in the world of the 

National interest can be defined in a number of 
ways. By any definition, however, we have a na- 
tional interest in an expanding total volume of 
world trade. Last year we sold to other countries 
almost $20 billion worth of American goods. Our 
purchases from abroad were in the order of $15 
billion. As a nation we are stronger and richer 
because of tliese exchanges. Even on the most 
narrow grounds of material self-interest we need 
this trade. 

Some sectors of our economy are peculiarly and 
particularly linked to exports. Foremost among 
these is agriculture. We are the world's largest 
exporter of agricultural products. About $5 bil- 
lion of American agricultural commodities will be 
sold abroad this year. We will export half our 
wheat and rice crops, more than 40 percent of our 
cotton, and 30 percent of our soybeans. For many 
other agricultural commodities, as well, export 
markets take a very substantial share of our 

The figures for agricultural exports are dra- 
matic, but our export trade as a whole is a signifi- 
cant factor in our employment picture. It is 
conservative to estimate that iy^ million American 
workers owe their livelihood to foreign trade. 
This is the side of the coin that is too rarely turned 
over when we look at the impact of international 
trade upon our domestic well-being. 


Department of State Bulletin 

We are now coming face to face with a radically 
new situation in the world economy. It is one that 
bears critically upon our choices for trade policy. 
The European Economic Community has not only 
come into being but is likely soon to be expanded 
by the addition of the United Kingdom and other 
European states. The resulting economic union 
will have a population at least 40 percent greater 
than the United States. It will be, potentially, the 
world's largest single market. No later than 1969, 
and probably much sooner, the expanded Common 
Market will have virtually no restrictions on trade 
among its members. And it will present a common 
tariff and trade policy to the rest of the world. 

It is crucially important that we put ourselves 
in position to negotiate for fullest possible access 
to this Common Market. It is already abundantly 
clear that the dynamic new European grouping 
will afford very large opportunities for our ex- 
ports. They will remain empty opportunities 
unless we can gain access to the market. And, in 
its present form, our trade policy law does not 
give us the authority we need for successful bar- 
gaining with the European Economic Community. 

I could go on at some length to enumerate the 
specific material advantages that American in- 
dustry, American agriculture, American labor, 
and the American consumer stand to gain from an 
effective trade policy. These advantages are part 
and parcel of the national interest. 

There is another aspect of the matter, however. 
By virtue of our fabulous productivity we account 
for a huge portion, roughly 40 percent, of the 
world's output of goods and services. Because of 
our vast internal market international trade ac- 
counts for a smaller part of our total national in- 
come than is true in many other countries. Yet 
our imports and exports together comprise 30 per- 
cent of all the commerce of the world. What we 
do affects everybody. In trade, as in so many other 
matters, leadership has been placed upon us by our 
own capacities and accomplishments. We can 
exercise it wisely or badly, but exercise it we must. 

Our trade policy will be a key factor in the suc- 
cess or failure of the new countries to build and 
improve their economies. It will determine our 
long-run relations with Japan, where recovery 
from war and devastation has furnished so spec- 
tacular and so heartening an example of the value 
of free institutions. It will be a critical element in 

our political as well as our economic relationships 
within the Atlantic Community. 

The particulars of next year's trade legislation, 
of course, must be developed with the Congress 
in the forthcoming session. In the executive 
branch we have focused thus far on the general 
principles that we shall need to embody into law 
if we are going to safeguard and advance 
our national interests. Two vital points have 

First, we must have more flexible and adapt- 
able rules to govern our tariff negotiations and 
trade relations with other countries. The trade 
agreements law now on the books has accumu- 
lated over the years a series of restrictive amend- 
ments, the net effect of which has been to 
curtail and limit our ability to negotiate realis- 
tically with friendly countries. A trade policy 
that continues to be weighted down with these 
kinds of restrictions is hopelessly inconsistent with 
the needs of the times. It requires us to act 
defensively and timidly when our true interests 
call for boldness. The trade policy law that will 
be submitted to the Congress must at a minimum 
include the necessary authority to enable our 
negotiators to bargain as representatives of the 
greatest trading nation and richest economy in 
the world. 

The second main principle is that, so far as 
imports have an adverse effect on domestic indus- 
try or employment, the burden must be borne by 
the community as a whole. We must devise ways 
to assure that, if imports do cause injury, the 
injury will be effectively remedied. We must do 
this not by restrictions on trade, which only beget 
competitive restrictions, but usually and mainly 
by assistance, financed by all of us to those who 
are affected. 

The concept, you know, is not new. The de- 
pressed areas law enacted by the Congress last 
summer embodied an identical principle in rela- 
tion to regions that have suffered in tiie process 
of economic change. Indeed, the maximum con- 
ceivable dimensions of the import damage prob- 
lem are so small, by comparison, that we have 
no reason to shrink from this elementary provi- 
sion for making our national trade policy 

[Secretary Rusk closed with informal remarks.] 

Ocfofaer 30, 1961 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed 
on "Prospects off Mankind'' 

Following is the transcript of an interview of 
Secretanj Rusk on the '"''Prospects of Mankind'''' 
program broadcast over WTTG-TV^ Washington, 
D.C., on October 11^. 

Press release 605 dated October 7 

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt: Mr. Secretary, I can't 
tell you what a pleasure it is to have you ^oith its 
today, nor how grateful I am that you would take 
tlie time to he here on this program with us today. 

Secretary Rusk : Thank you. 

Mrs. Roosevelt: There are a number of questio-ns, 
of course, on this subject which we are to discuss, 
Berlin, luhich / think is perhaps one of the most 
important subjects at the moment in the minds of 
our own people and also in the minds of the world; 
so I would like, first of all, to ask you one which 
seems to be a peculiarly American dile?nma. How 
are we to persuade Mr. Khrushchev that we really 
cannot be pushed beyond certain limits and build 
up military power to make him feel that toe are in 
earnest, and, at the same time, try to persuade 
peoples of the world that we are not warmongering 
in doing this? This seems to me a dilemma, and I 
would like to have your answer, if you are willing 
to give it. 

Secretary Rusk: Mrs. Roosevelt, first let me 
say wliat a pleasure it is for me to be here with you 
on "Prospects of Mankind." Actually, in regard 
to your question and based on talks that I have had 
with representatives of peoples all over the world, 
I don't think that this is as much of a dilemma as 
it might appear to some. I think tliere is general 
understanding throughout the world as to what 
the purposes of American power are. And I think 
people have not entirely forgotten the history of 
the last 15 or 16 years. Tlie United States did 
demobilize drastically and promptly after World 
"War II. We had an atomic monopoly. We tried 
to put that atomic weapon under international con- 
trol. Our defense budget was about one-fourth 
or one-fifth of what it is these days. If we have 
increased our strength, it is because of a series of 
threats and challenges which developed after 
World War II, first in Europe and then in other 

parts of the world, which forced the free world to 
bring its strength into good order. 

I think that it is relevant that the American 
people after World War II committed themselves, 
and I think quite genuinely, with great determina- 
tion, as you yourself will recall, to the charter of 
the United Nations and threw ourselves behind 
that effort. And I think that is generally under- 
stood in most countries. Even the neutrals, I 
think, understand, broadly speaking, what we are 
after as a people. And especially the neutrals 
understand that, for the most part, that neutrality 
is possible only if the power of the Sino-Soviet bloc 
is confronted by a countervailing power by those 
who are committed to the peaceful purposes to 
which we in the West are committed. So that, 
although we regret the necessity of an increase in 
our strength, we believe the purposes are well and 
generally understood. I don't believe there is any- 
one who is under any illusion about who has started 
the pressures involved in this Berlin crisis. 

Mrs. Roosevelt: Of course, I think a great many 
people wish it were not necessary to build up 
strength because there are so many other things 
that need to be done. 

Secretary Rusk: Yes. I think it could be 
fairly said that the American people bear arms 
reluctantly ; they bear arms out of necessity. 

Mrs. Roosevelt: Then there is another question 
that has been on my mind a good deal, and that is, 
I have some feeling that there is justification for 
the fears that the Soviets have had of the nuclear 
rea)'mament of Germany, because I think none of 
us can forget that two wars did start in Germany, 
two world wars. But it is something I think loe 
have to take into consideratioii, and I have often 
wondered how much it is taken into consideration 
in the formulation of American policy. 

Secretary Rusk : As a matter of fact, this is 
not just a question of Germany, but it ramifies into 
much broader problems. Germany does not have 
a national nuclear capability at the present time. 
It does not have nuclear weapons. Its forces are 
a part of NATO, and the nuclear capacity of 
NATO is a United States nuclear capacity. We 
liave been opposed, we in the United States, to the 
further extension of national nuclear weapons 
capability. The problems of trying to keep these 


Department of State Bulletin 

frightening weapons under control when two, or 
three, or four might have them would be greatly 
multiplied if additional coimtries got these 
weapons in their hands. 

We tried in 1945 to work out an international 
control for such weapons because we knew that 
nature would not withhold its secrets from other 
countries. And we wanted to get this under con- 
trol before it became a matter of great controversy, 
contest, and arms race in this terrible field. This is 
why we have attached so much importance to the 
nuclear test ban treaty as a first step — perhaps a 
small step, but a first very significant step — in 
getting this entire modern weapons system under 
better control.' Had the Soviet Union been able to 
sit down and come to a satisfactory conclusion 
there, after the United States and the United 
Kingdom went to great lengths to meet what we 
thought were their positions in early negotiations, 
then perhaps we might have taken the first step. 
We hope it isn't too late to take that first step. But 
perhaps we can understand that the Soviets, in 
view of historical factors, might be especially 
sensitive about the situation in Germany, but this 
is a part of the broader problem. We must find 
some way to bring these weapons under control. 

Mrs. Roosevelt: Still our original proposal 
would still have value, wouldrCt it? 

Secretary Rusk : If we could get an agreement 
along the lines of the original proposal, there 
would be great merit in it ; but it is more difficult 
now that several governments have this capacity. 
But certainly a first step would be a nuclear test 
ban treaty under efi^ective inspection control. 

Mrs. Roosevelt: Is there any way that you be- 
lieve that the United Nations can contribute in the 
settlement of these Berlin issues? 

Secretary Rusk : I think there are two or three 
important influences brought to bear in the United 
Nations which have an effect. I do believe that the 
general body of opinion in the United Nations 
makes itself felt on both sides in a situation of this 
sort in the direction of moderation and reasonable- 

ness, trying to emphasize in the traditions of the 
U.N. that full exploration should occur when crises 
begin to develop to consider whether or not there 
might be a peaceful solution. If this question were 
put into the United Nations today, I suppose that 
the United Nations would prefer that the parties 
principally involved should first attempt by 
negotiation to find some sort of solution, but if 
the crisis deepens I think it is almost certain that 
the Berlin issue would be before the United Nations 
for full consideration by the world community, 
and in that situation the U.N. can play a very 
decisive role. 

Mrs. Roosevelt: That is something for us all to 
be thinking about, I think. And one short ques- 
tion: You have been holding conferences with the 
representative of the Soviet Foreign Office, Mr. 
Gromyko. Could you tell us what your general 
impressions in these conversations have been? 

Secretary Rusk : These talks which have been 
going on for some little time now are not negotia- 
tions in the usual sense of the word. We have felt 
that the proposals of the Soviet Union and the 
framing of those proposals did not provide an 
adequate basis for negotiation. It is a little as the 
President put it : "What's mine is mine and what's 
yours is negotiable."^ What we have been doing is 
trying through exploratory talks to find out 
whether there is any reasonable basis for serious 
negotiations of any questions that are properly 
negotiable. I think I can say that these explora- 
tory talks have been serious. I think the atmos- 
phere and mood has been on the whole constructive, 
but as to the outcome we shall just have to wait and 

Mrs. Roosevelt: I want to thank you so very 
much, Mr. Secretary. I think it is a wonderful 
thing that you were willing to come and give on 
this program of your knowledge for the American 
people, and we are very grateful to you. 

Secretary Rusk: It has been a very great 
privilege for me. Thank you very much, Mrs. 

* For text of a U.S.-U.K. draft treaty introduced in the 
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests at Geneva on Apr. 18, 1961, see Bulletin of June 
5, 1961, p. 870. 

' For President Kennedy's report to the Nation on the 
Berlin crisis, see iUd., Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267. 

Ocfofaer 30, 7 96 J 


International Investment and the Problems of Economic Growth 

iy Edwin M. Martin 

Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^ 

The neighborly relationship that exists between 
the United States and Canada is not nearly so 
unique as it once was. Science and technology 
have made all the nations as close neighbors today 
as you and we were half a century ago. This is 
an enlargement of our opportunities but also of 
our responsibilities. 

In many ways I think Canadians and Americans 
have a rather unique background for under- 
standing the many ramifications of the social 
relationsliips which are described by the word 
"neighborliness." I have recently lived for 6 years 
in Europe and have, of course, been interested 
in hearing visitors to North America comment 
on their experiences and impressions. The one 
trait which seemed to have most impressed them 
was this quality of friendliness, of neighborliness. 
I should not be regretful if future historians 
should agree that this was an outstanding char- 
acteristic of our society. 

Neighborliness on the block or in the farm com- 
munity is probably more a matter of heart than 
head. I suspect that, while a similar spirit is vital 
to good relations between countries, there needs to 
be much more head in it. Living together in the 
intimacy of "next-door neighbors" inevitably re- 
quires the daily adjustment of many differences 
in points of view and in metliods for dealing with 
situations. Between countries these potential 
points of friction will often be complex and 
thorny, requiring first-class brains and technical 
skills to resolve them, above and beyond mutual 

'Address prepared for delivery before the Manitoba 
Institute of Chartered Accountants at Toronto on Sept 
26 and read for Mr. Martin by 'WlUls C. Armstrong, 
U.S. Minister at Ottawa. 

understanding. And when one brings the whole 
free world somewhere within the circle of close 
and constant contact, the difficulty and frequency 
of the issues to be settled increase enormously. 

It is for this reason that, while not wishing to 
deny any student with a bent for science the ability 
to secure the best educational training he can ab- 
sorb, I personally object to an emphasis on science 
which would reduce the amount of brainpower 
devoted to human relations, to making scientific 
and technical progress contribute purposefully to 
man's advantage rather than destruction. 

As neighbors I hope we shall never get in the 
position described vividly in a story I heard at 
the annual Shakespeare birthday festival at 
Strat ford-on- Avon several years ago. It was told 
by the Bishop of Coventry, whose magnificent 
new cathedral, alongside the bombed-out shell of 
the old, is rapidly becoming a three-star attrac- 
tion for visitors from North America. He told 
about a village in his diocese in which a feud had 
developed between church and state, represented 
by the vicar and the town clerk. There had been 
a gypsy troup camping in a field next to the 
church. One morning the vicar noticed that they 
had departed during the night and went over to see 
how much of a mess they had made. He found a 
dead donkey. Immediately he rang the clerk on 
the phone and reported what he had found. The 
town clerk testily replied that he didn't know 
why he had been bothered; it was the duty of the 
clergy to bury the dead. The vicar smoothly re- 
plied that he had been misunderstood; he was not 
asking the clerk to do anything, he was merely 
notifying the next of kin. 

Your chairman has asked me to say something 
about one particular aspect of neighborly rela- 


Department of State Bulletin 

tions between countries, namely, international in- 
vestment. One may note immediately that it can 
seldom take place except between countries which 
are in some real sense neighbors. 

But it is currently taking place in unprecedented 
volumes. Because the causes of this upsurge, the 
nature of the flow of capital, and the problems 
raised are so different, I should like to divide what 
I have to say rather sharply into two parts. The 
first will deal with investment between indus- 
trialized countries, the second with the movement 
of capital from the industrialized coimtries to the 
less developed countries. You will observe that 
this division is more conceptual than real. Com- 
petition between the two sets of consumers is often 

Current Upsurge in Direct Private Investment 

Between industrial countries, current capital 
movements are largely in the form of direct pri- 
vate investment. This contrasts with earlier peri- 
ods when government bonds or corporate securities 
were the center of interest. This relatively recent 
urge of business firms to own plants abroad is the 
product of several factors, some new and some 
old, but all reflecting essentially competitive 

It has, for example, always been useful to be 
able to jump a high tariff wall by having an 
internal source of supply. It has always been 
desirable to move production to locations with 
lower labor or transport costs. But these were 
drastic moves, requiring the solution of many 
kinds of problems : personal relations with strange 
government bureaucracies and unfamiliar labor 
attitudes and uncertain consumers, maintaining 
adequate control of operations from a distance, 
repatriation of earnings, political uncertainties. 

During the past decade many of these worries 
have been lessened. Increased ease of travel and 
communication and increased contacts in the war 
and since have reduced the height of many of the 
hurdles, sometimes down to their real rather than 
imagined heights. Political and economic condi- 
tions have become relatively stable. Institutional 
arrangements and consumer tastes have become 
not only less strange but increasingly less different. 

Perhaps even more important has been the de- 
velopment of strong, positive incentives. A gen- 
eral expansion in demand and rapid changes in 
technology have made it necessary to choose loca- 
tions for many large new investments. 

Exceptionally rapid rates of growth and the 
promise of an enlarged tariff-free market in the 
area of the Six ^ have not only stimulated invest- 
ment among the Six but also from the United 
States and even somewhat from the United King- 
dom. U.S. entrance since the war on the world 
stage has brought an increased awareness of the 
ease of tapping from plants in the United King- 
dom the huge Commonwealth market, in addition 
to being close to European outlets. Increased 
competition in Europe and in third countries, as 
the recovery of European industry from the war 
has progressed, has persuaded many U.S. compa- 
nies to seek to lower their costs, labor or otherwise, 
by tackling the problems of setting up foreign 
subsidiaries or making licensing arrangements. 
The desire to stabilize profits by product diversifi- 
cation has been accompanied by some interest in 
achieving the same end by country diversification, 
in the hope the business cycle will not affect all 
areas alike. 

The result has been a wide variety of choices 
for companies planning new investment and a 
growing internationalization of business interests 
among the larger firms which may have a long- 
term political significance of some magnitude. 

To illustrate what has happened, U.S. net direct 
investment abroad in 1960 was $3 billion. Over 
the last 4 years it has averaged over $2i/^ billion. 
This compares with $1 billion 10 years ago. Can- 
ada has shared in this interest in investing abroad ; 
recent estimates indicate a total overseas invest- 
ment of Canadians of around $225 per capita, 
compared with the U.S. figure of about $260. In- 
terestingly enough, only about $90 of the U.S. 
figure is represented by investments in Canada, 
while Canada has a per capita investment in the 
United States of over $175. 

The pull of Western Europe is reflected in an 
increase from about $500 million in 1957 to about 
$1.3 billion in 1960. Despite the great pull of the 
Common Market, the United Kingdom alone got 
more than half of this 1960 total, nearly two and 
a half times as much as in 1957. The German fig- 
ure, while growing rapidly, was still just around 
$200 million in 1960. The Canadian take has re- 
mained fairly steady at around $800 million a 
year, not too much above the U.K. 1960 figure. 

•The European Economic Community, or Common 
Market, Is composed of Belgium, France, the Federal 
Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the 

Ocfober 30, 1967 


U.S. Balance-of-Payments Problem 

This new emphasis on international investment 
has brought many benefits but also some problems. 
We are concerned at present, for example, with 
its impact on our current balance of payments. 
Wliile the outward flow from the United States 
is of course of great help to the reserve position 
of the recipients, many of whom were earlier suf- 
fering from the postwar dollar shortage, most are 
now better off in this respect than we. 

It is often suggested that these investments 
cost our balance of payments nothing since the net 
outflow from the United States after deducting 
reinvestment of overseas earnings has been more 
than covered by earnings received on prior in- 
vestments. Moreover, the argument runs, current 
investments will expand future income. These 
are sound positions for the long run. But in the 
short run earnings will still accrue even if no new 
investments are made. 

There has also been concern in some quarters 
that overseas investment often represented an at- 
tempt to escape the high wage rates in the United 
States. Feelings on this score are accentuated 
when companies transfer exports to third countries 
to new overseas subsidiaries or even look to them 
to supply part of their U.S. market. This has 
happened not just or even particularly from 
areas such as Japan but more largely from the 
United Kingdom. It is, of course, true that over- 
seas investment usually goes to build new facilities 
and thus create new jobs, absorbing unemploy- 
ment in a foreign country rather than our own, 
where we still have more than we like. But it also 
often creates jobs by providing a market for 
initial equipment and some components and in- 
dustrial raw materials. More importantly, it per- 
mits sales in markets which would not be open 
to U.S.-produced goods. We have thus far re- 
sisted attempts to deny certain tax benefits to over- 
seas subsidiaries who ship more than a stated 
percentage of their output back into the United 

Despite these problems the present United States 
policy is to place no obstacles to new United 
States investment overseas in recognition of the 
importance of keeping open ourselves, and en- 
couraging others to keep open, the normal channels 
of private trade and financial transactions. We 
have sought, though no action has yet been taken, 
to remove certain special incentives which our 

tax laws were considered to give to overseas in- 
vestment, tliough only as far as the industrialized 
countries are concerned. The low level of invest- 
ment in the less developed areas and its political 
advantages made us unwilling to take similar 
action with respect to such investments. 

Encouraging Foreign Investment in the U.S. 

In addition to limiting the incentives to addi- 
tional investment in the industrialized areas, we 
are also trying to counteract the adverse effects I 
have mentioned by a campaign to encourage and 
facilitate foreign investment in the United States. 
The past trend has not been entirely one-way. I 
have already referred to the volume of Canadian 
investment in the United States. "V^ile data are 
not complete, it would appear that, if corporate 
security holdings are included, United Kingdom 
private investments in the United States are about 
equal in value to United States holdings in the 
United Kingdom. But new investments in recent 
years have been small. We hope we can persuade 
the reserve-rich European countries that the 
United States market is one deserving their at- 
tention in the form of investments here. In co- 
operation with interested State governments we 
are working out various programs to relax in- 
hibiting government controls, to bring investment 
opportunities to their attention, and to help them 
solve some of the adjustment problems we have 
faced abroad and know they will need help on 
here. As European labor costs rise and skilled 
labor becomes even scarcer, we feel more and more 
European industries will see competitive advan- 
tages in owning United States subsidiaries. 

There is one other problem which has arisen 
from this great wave of international capital in- 
vestments. There have been outbursts of nation- 
alist feelings against foreign investment, either in 
general or in particular cases, on the grounds that 
either the society in general or a particular in- 
dustry' or a large group of employees were coming 
under the control, or at least heavy influence, of 
foreign citizens. I saw several short-lived cases 
of this during my tour of duty in our London 

This is, of course, not a new story for the United 
States. Over a hundred years ago President 
Andrew Jackson in vetoing a bill passed by the 
Congress said : "If we must have a bank with pri- 
vate stockholders, every consideration of sound 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

policy and every impulse of American feeling ad- 
monishes that it should be purely Ame7ncan. Its 
stockliolders should be composed exclusively of 
our own citizens, who at least ought to be friendly 
to our Government and willing to support it in 
times of difficulty and danger." 

Fifty years earlier our first great financial 
statesman, Alexander Hamilton, took, however, 
an opposite view: "It is at least evident that in 
a country situated like the United States, with 
an infinite fund of resources yet to be unfolded, 
every farthing of foreign capital which is laid 
out in internal meliorations, and in industrial es- 
tablisliments, of a permanent nature, is a precious 

Even more pungently an eloquent Senator from 
South Carolina put the case in the mid-19th 
century in these terms: "No man . . . can deny 
that foreign capital, ay, British capital, has been 
the pap on which we fed; the strong aliment 
which supported and stimulated our industiy, 
even to the present day; the Southern people, 
although they have received the goods and sold 
their crops to British agents and British factors, 
whether in their own cities or those further north, 
are not the less republican, nor the less independ- 
ent in their politics, nor the less free from foreign 

I would suspect the realities of the situation, 
apart from passing natural emotional feelings, are 
largely influenced by whether or not the foreign 
subsidiary accepts and fully recognizes tlie ad- 
vantages it receives from the government and 
people in whose midst it is operating. If it be- 
haves in a responsible, public-spirited fashion 
toward its new government, its employees, and 
the community in which it operates — conducts 
itself as it would normally expect to do at home — 
there will be few real difficulties and the many 
advantages of the added facility will rapidly domi- 
nate public thought on the question. 

Declining Flow of Capital to Less Developed Areas 

Turning now to international investment in the 
less developed countries, we find a completely 
different picture. Instead of an expanding flow 
of capital across national boundaries, it appears 
to be declining. For example, the great increase 
in United States investment in Europe between 
1957 and 1960 did not result in an increase in the 

annual rate of United States overseas investment 
because it was accompanied by a sharp fall from 
$1.8 billion to under $600 million in investment 
in the less developed countries. Most of this fall 
was m one category, oil investment, wliich dropped 
from a Suez-swollen figure of $1.2 billion to $100 
million. Investments in other industries also de- 
clined—by some $100 million. 

United States overseas interests are not only 
heavily concentrated in oil, but Latin America is 
heavily preferred for both oil and other types of 
investment. Of the total additional United States 
direct private investment overseas of nearly $3 
billion in 1960, only $165 million was in Africa 
and Asia and the Middle East, and $65 million 
of that was oil. A good bit of the remainmg $100 
million was also in extractive enterprises, which, 
like oil, give the impression to natives of draining 
off their natural resources that God gave them 
without an adequate return or provision against 
the future when reserves are exhausted. 

Business groups frequently ask us how United 
States subsidiaries in less developed countries can 
best support United States policy objectives. In 
general my answer is that there is too little of 
such investment to make much difference and the 
first thing needed is more interest in investing in 
these areas. For I am convinced that there are 
wide areas of their economic life which can best 
be handled by private enterprise. Wliile each 
country must make up its own mind about the 
role it wishes to give private enterprise in the 
light of its circumstances and political philosophy, 
most of the free-world comitries do recognize a 
significant role. 

As one who has dealt with foreign aid pi-ob- 
lems ever since our program started, I am particu- 
larly impressed by the opportunities for direct 
people-to-people contact which are open to private 
enterprises, in contrast with foreign aid, which 
must necessarily all go through a government-to- 
government fumiel. 

But the contribution made will depend on how 
they behave. I finish up my answer to the busi- 
ness group question by suggesting that their best 
contribution to United States objectives is to be- 
have as responsibly and with as much public spirit, 
within, of course, the framework of local customs 
and laws and needs, as they would expect to do in 
order to be a respectable member of the community 
in the United States. 

Ocfober 30, I96I 

616065—61 3 


Need for Favorable Climate for Investment 

How can we get more private investment in 
these areas ? There is no single or simple answer. 

The developing country will usually recognize 
that its needs are so great that, in addition to 
public capital and technical assistance, private 
capital and managerial resources can be valuable 
means of meeting their serious shortages of re- 
sources. To secure the maximum benefits, it is 
necessary that a favorable climate for private 
enterprise be established. We are prepared to 
work with these countries on what this means in 
precise terms and how it can be provided without 
in any way impairing their full sovereign rights. 

But it is still true that in many areas unfamil- 
iarity with conditions, uncertainties about the 
local market, labor supplies, political stability, 
and other factors are serious and valid deterrents. 
We have been working for some years with 
various types of guarantee arrangements to 
diminish some of these risks. Our new aid legis- 
lation contains authority for an experimental 
$100-million program of all-risk guarantees, to be 
used only where close collaboration between gov- 
ernment and private capital is called for. It in- 
volves "share the loss" agreements, where the 
Government and the private investors would 
share any losses, from whatever causes, in agreed- 
upon ratios. 

United States loan funds are also available in 
instances where this can, by reducing the amount 
of private funds exposed to risk, make the vital 
difference between having a private investment or 
not. The terms of such loans can be varied to 
suit the individual circumstance, and on certain 
high-priority projects departures from ordinary 
commercial and banking practices may be in order. 
Such departures are fully justified when private 
skills and management are in reality the most 
effective instruments of assistance. 

"Feasibility Studies" 

Help in locating investment opportunities 
through Government assistance in "feasibility 
studies," which involve the gathering of the basic 
data necessary for the decision on whether or not 
to make an investment, will also be available. To 
facilitate this process and stimulate greater 
private-enterprise participation, a new program 
will be undertaken under which the United States 
Government will provide partial financing of 

feasibility studies by companies which are pro- 
posing to make investments. 

Of course public investment has been the main 
source of outside capital for most of the develop- 
ing areas of the world. Its wise use in providing 
basic economic and social infrastructure is a basic 
pi-erequisite for successful private investment. 
Without ports, roads and railroads, power, com- 
munity facilities, an educated labor force, efficient 
public service, law and order— all benefiting from 
our aid programs — private investment is well- 
nigh impossible on any scale. 

But foreign aid is a subject for several speeches 
all by itself. I should like to close with some brief 
observations on the importance to our civilization 
of success in the effort to which foreign aid — 
yours and ours — and our private enterprise ac- 
tivities in the developing countries are addressed. 

Impact of Western Progress 

As an economist I have had some experience 
with the risks of economic forecasting. I suspect 
forecasting what future historians will say about 
the present is even more risky. Nevertheless I 
shall be bold and predict that in the history books 
of 2500 A.D., if man is still dependent on such 
pedestrian things as books, the chapter on the 
20th century will be quite a long one, recording 
it as a major turning point in the development 
of human society on this planet. 

There will be many things to talk about, from 
the scientific revolution to the two most destruc- 
tive wars up to that date. But I would suspect 
that the most significant feature of 20th century 
life will prove to have been the foundation laid 
in that era for the history of mankind during a 
good many ensuing centuries by the success with 
which our centuiy handled the problems created 
by the final disintegration of many ancient so- 
cieties and cultures under the impact of Western 
"progress" and the dissolution of such organizing 
forces as were represented by the world empires 
of the 19th century. The emergence of a multi- 
tude of new nations and their transformation, 
along with numerous independent but heretofore 
aloof countries, into active participants in the 
stream of modern world history will surely ap- 
]ioar as a major event. Will it prove to have been 
a constructive influence or a destructive one? To 
do what we can to influence the answer to this 
question is our great responsibility. 


Department of State Bulletin 

I can think of no problem which the human 
race has faced in its past which has been more 
challenging, more difficult, or more important 
than this one. 

For several generations the growing impact of 
Western ideas and standards has been under- 
mining the traditional social and cultural and eco- 
nomic structures which, at their own levels, had 
provided a cohesive force for a majority of the 
world's population. With the advent of modern 
means of communication and transport, this de- 
structive process has been enormously accelerated 
in the last 40 years. 

Along with the disintegration of old standards 
the West has contributed two new ambitions, both, 
in their immediate impact, more destructive than 
constructive. The first is nationalism and the de- 
sire for political independence at almost all costs. 
The second is the urgent demand for a higher 
standard of living, for a society which in its 
materialistic splendor can hope someday, and 
sooner rather than later, to match the riches of 
the industrial countries of Europe and North 
America. Not only does this establish an enor- 
mously difficult goal to reach, but the very em- 
phasis on material achievement, desperately 
needed as it is, runs the risk of obscuring the 
importance of nonmaterial values without which 
the discipline and sacrifices necessary to material 
success can hardly be expected to emerge. 

The fact that the seriousness of this problem is 
recognized in ever- widening circles is a good omen 
for success. I sometimes get the impression that 
nearly all of my economic professorial friends 
who 10 years ago were busy on books about the 
dollar gap are now turning out books on economic 

Political Maturity and Moral Values 

We need help from all sources, and I think 
most of all from those so-called less scientific and 
less practical domains which deal with the re- 
lations between human beings in the realm of the 
mind and the spirit. But unless we Americans 
can, by our own actions and leadership, demon- 
strate and convince the peoples of the free world 
that there are important tilings in life besides the 
standard of living, that there are other objectives 
worth seeking and having, we shall, I fear, be 
faced with a real prospect of failure. Both our 
race against time for material prosperity itself 

and the probable need to achieve political ma- 
turity despite less-than-hoped-for material prog- 
ress, as well as success in our across-the-board 
competition with Soviet commimism for men's 
loyalties, depend on the growth of a belief in 
moral values on wliich day-to-day discussions can 
be founded. 

Perhaps our major problem in promoting eco- 
nomic growth is that we are not in command of 
the situation. We are better able to transmit the 
fruits of growth than the seed. The process we 
are trying to set in motion and help to sustain 
requires widespread transformations in attitudes, 
institutions, and structure. It requires leaders 
committed to economic and social progress and 
competent to organize, administer, and inspire 
their own people. We cannot bestow leadership. 
We can set some examples in behavior and atti- 
tudes, and we do command substantial resources 
that are important determinants of growth, in 
particular capital and technical skills. Wliere 
governments are making a determined effort to 
propel their economies forward, it is imperative 
that we help them in full measure. Where gov- 
erning groups resist change in the interest of 
privilege or are weak, unstable, and ineffective in 
translating ideas into action, our problem is to try 
to fashion our assistance in such ways as to en- 
courage the transformations that are needed. 
What is clear is that the process will be long-term 
and that it will require substantial and sustained 
effort on our part, guided by the wisest leadership 
we possess. 

U.S. Recognizes Government 
of Syrian Arab Republic 

Department Statement 

Press release 700 dated October 10 

The United States Government, having taken 
note of the declaration of the Government of the 
Syrian Arab Republic that it intends to respect 
and observe its international obligations, has to- 
day [October 10] extended recognition to that 
Government. The Government of the Syrian 
Arab Republic has been apprised of the desire of 
the United States Government to raise to the 
status of an embassy the American consulate gen- 
eral in Damascus and to appoint Mr. Ridgway B. 
Knight Charge d' Affaires. 

Ocfober 30, 7967 


U.S. states Policy on Recognition 
of a Cuban Government in Exile 

Following is a statement made hy Joseph W. 
Reap, Deputy Director of the Office of News, to 
news correspondents on October 7 and the text 
of a telegram from. Wymherley DeR. Coerr, Act- 
ing Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Af- 
fairs, to Julio Garceran. 


The recognition of a government of Cuba in 
exile at this time is not in the national interest of 
the United States because neither the Government 
of Switzerland nor any other government could 
then represent United States interests before the 
Castro regime. 

United States citizens are imprisoned in Cuba 
and can only be offered such protection as is avail- 
able in Cuba under the Castro regime by the con- 
tinued ability of a foreign government to repre- 
sent U.S. interests. 


Press release 696 dated October 7 

October 7, 1961 

Doctor Julio Gaeceran de Vall y Souza 
2128 Coral Way 
Apartment #4 
Miami, Florida 

Dear Mr. Garceran : The Department of State 
has seen reports that you have been chosen by the 
Association of Cuban Magistrates in Exile, one of 
the Cuban exile organizations, as the provisional 
President of the Government of Cuba in Arms in 
Exile. It is regrettable that you or the Association 
did not consult with the Department of State be- 
fore taking any such step within the territory of 
the United States. 

While the United States sympathizes strongly 
with your motives and looks to the day when free- 
dom will reign in Cuba, I must inform you that for 

" On Sept. 19 Mr. Reap made a similar statement to 
news correspondents : 

"The Dopartment of State does not believe that It 
would be In the United States national Interest to recog- 
nize a Cuban government in exile at this time." 

another government to establish itself within the 
territory of the United States, without the consent 
of the Government of the United States, would 
violate the sovereignty and territory of the United 
States under international law. 

I should also mention that the consent of the 
Government of the United States to the establish- 
ment of a government in exile would imply recog- 
nition by the United States of such a government. 
The Government of the United States, of coui"se, 
cannot permit itself to be forced into such a 

I am constrained to inform you that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States does not consent to 
the pretended or assumed existence of the Govern- 
ment of Cuba in Anns in Exile within its sovereign 
domain and, for that reason, I must suggest that 
whatever acts you or others associated with you 
have taken or may be taking looking to the estab- 
lisliment of such a government, without the invita- 
tion or consent of the United States, be dissolved 
and cease forthwith. 

I wish at the same time to assure you that this 
statement of United States policy with respect to 
the establishment and maintenance of the Govern- 
ment of Cuba in Arms in Exile within the United 
States in no way affects the policy of the Govern- 
ment of the United States toward the present 
regime in Cuba. As stated by the President of the 
United States : We do not intend to abandon Cuba. 
For the Secretary of State : 

Wtmberlet DeR. Coerr 

Acting Assistant Secretary of State 

Bureau of Inter-American Affairs 

Department of State 

Acts of Recognition Since 1953 

The Department of State, in response to an in- 
quiry, has compiled the following list of actions hy 
the United States Government since 1953 involv- 
ing the recognition of new states or new 

In 1953 the United States recognized a new Gov- 
ernment of Colombia on June 18 and a new 
Government (Republic) of Egypt on June 22. 

In 1954 the United States recognized a new 
Government of Paraguay on May 13 ; a new Gov- 


Department of State Bulletin 

ermnent of Guatemala on July 13; and a new 
Government of Honduras on December 16. 

In 1955 the United States recognized the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany on May 5; the 
reestablishment of Austria as a sovereign and 
independent state on May 15 ; a new Government 
of Argentina on September 25 ; a new Government 
of Viet-Nam on October 26; and a new Govern- 
ment of Argentina on November 17. 

In 1956 the United States recognized the Re- 
public of the Sudan on January 1 ; the Kingdom 
of Morocco on March 7 ; the Kingdom of Tunisia 
on March 22 ; a new Government of Honduras on 
October 27; and a new Government of Haiti on 
December 24. 

In 1957 the United States recognized a new 
Government of Haiti on February 21; the Re- 
public of Ghana on March 6 ; a new Government 
of Haiti on May 7 ; a new Government of Colombia 
on May 17; a new Government (Republic) of 
Tunisia on July 30 ; a new Government of Haiti 
on July 30 ; the Federation of Malaya on August 
31; a new Government of Guatemala on October 
29 ; and a new Government of Honduras on De- 
cember 21. 

In 1958 the United States recognized a new 
Government of Venezuela on January 28; the 
United Arab Republic, created from the union of 
Egypt and Syria, on February 25 (see below under 
1961 for recognition of the Syrian Arab Republic 
as a separate state) ; the Arab Union, created from 
the union of the Kingdom of Iraq and the Hashe- 
mite Kingdom of Jordan, on May 28 (dissolved 
later the same year) ; a new Government (Re- 
public) of Iraq on August 2; the Republic of 
Guinea on November 1 ; and a new Government of 
Sudan on November 22. 

In 1959 the United States recognized a new 
Government of Cuba on January 7. 

In 1960 the United States recognized the State 
(now Federal Republic) of Cameroon on January 
1 ; the Republic of Togo on April 27 ; a new Gov- 
ernment of Turkey on May 30; the Federation of 
Mali on June 20 (subsequently divided into Sene- 
gal and Mali, both listed below as recognized on 
September 24, 1960) ; the Malagasy Republic on 
June 26 ; the Republic of the Congo on June 30 ; 
the Somali Republic on July 1; the Republic of 
Dahomey on August 1 ; the Republic of Niger on 
August 3 ; the Republic of Upper Volta on August 
5 ; the Republic of Ivory Coast on August 7 ; the 

Republic of Chad on August 11 ; the Central Afi-i- 
can Republic on August 13 ; the Republic of Congo 
on August 15 ; the Republic of Cyprus on August 
16 ; the Gabon Republic on August 17 ; the Repub- 
lic of Senegal on September 24; the Republic of 
]\Iali on September 24 ; the Federation of Nigeria 
on October 1 ; the Islamic Republic of Mauritania 
on November 28; and a new Government of El 
Salvador on December 3. 

In 1961 the United States recognized a new 
Government of El Salvador on February 15; 
Sierra Leone on April 27; and the Syrian Arab 
Republic on October 10. 

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request 
on Distributing U.S. Views on Berlin 

Press release 708 dated October 13 


During the past few months the Crosscurrents 
Press, a firm chartered in the United States but 
registered with the Department of Justice as an 
agent of the state publications export monopoly 
of the U.S.S.R., has been distributing in substan- 
tial quantity Soviet propaganda material on Ger- 
many and Berlin. In view of the wide dissemina- 
tion given this material in this country, the U.S. 
Government, in a note delivered to the Soviet 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs on September 22, 
1961, asked the Soviet Government for the neces- 
sary facilities to distribute comparable materials 
in the Soviet Union presenting American views on 
the Berlin question. In this way, the U.S. Gov- 
ernment note pointed out, the Soviet people would 
be given an opportunity, as the American people 
have had, to study in some depth both sides of this 
critical problem. 

Yesterday the Soviet Government replied to 
this request. In essence the Soviet Government 
denied the facilities asked for, asserting that the 
Soviet Government could not agree to the distribu- 
tion of materials which, in its view, are not 

The texts of the U.S. Government's note of 
September 22, 1961, and the Soviet reply of Oc- 
tober 12, 1961, follow. 

October 30, J 96 1 



No. 333 

The Embassy of the United States of America 
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For- 
eign Allairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics and, upon the instructions of its Govern- 
ment, has the honor to set forth the following. 

In view of tlie extreme seriousness of the ques- 
tion of Berlin, it is imperative that the peoples of 
the Soviet Union and the United States — and, in- 
deed, all peoples — have the opportunity to read 
and study the governmental views that have been 
presented on this matter. 

The people of the United States and their Gov- 
ernment have traditionally maintained that the 
availability of differing views on all questions pro- 
vides the basis and stimulus essential for the just 
resolution of problems. In this regard, the United 
States Government notes that the full texts of the 
major communications of the Government of the 
Soviet Union on the question of Berlin have been 
carried by major daily newspapers in the United 
States. Furthermore, Crosscurrents Press, which 
is a firm chartered in the United States, but regis- 
tered with the Department of Justice as an agent 
of the Soviet state export monopoly for publica- 
tions and thus a channel for the views of the 
Soviet Government, has recently published in the 
United States, as one of a series of pamphlets con- 
taining Soviet materials, a mass edition of a pam- 
phlet entitled "The Soviet Stand on Germany". 
This contains a collection of documents presenting 
Soviet views on the Berlin question, with an in- 
troduction by the Chairman of the Council of 
Ministers of the U.S.S.E., Nikita S. Khrushchev. 
Although the Soviet press has published some of- 
ficial statements of the United States Government 
on the Berlin problem, the Soviet people have had 
no opportunity to study the American viewpoint 
on the Berlin problem in a fashion similar to the 
opportunity given the American people to study 
the Soviet viewpoint as presented in the pamphlet 
published by Crosscurrents Press. 

Since it is incumbent upon both Governments 
to take appropriate steps which seek to eliminate 
misunderstandings between the peoples of our two 
countries, the United States Government proposes 
that the Government of the Soviet Union make 
available to the United States Government facili- 

ties for the distribution at this time of comparable 
material presenting American views on the Berlin 
question. In this way, the Soviet people will have 
an opportunity, as the American people have had, 
to study in some depth both sides of this question, 
which is of such great importance. 

The Department of State is ready to proceed 
with this project, and it is hoped that the Govern- 
ment of the Soviet Union will give its immediate 
attention to makmg the requested facilities 

Embassy of the United States of America, 
Moscmo, Septemher 2B, 1961 


[Complimentary opening para^aph omitted] 

The Soviet Government has always believed that a 
broad exchange of truthful information plays an impor- 
tant role in assuring the best mutual understanding and 
the development of friendly relations between countries 
and peoples. There is not and cannot be any doubt that 
the exchange of such information serves the interest of 
strengthening i)eace. The Soviet Government supports 
precisely this position in its practical activity. 

But there is another form of information, or more 
exactly false information, used by certain circles in order 
to sow mistrust between states and incite enmity among 
peoples. The Soviet Government has always opposed 
this sort of "information" and naturally cannot agree to 
its distribution in the Soviet Union. If any other path 
were taken. It would not only not contribute to mutual 
understanding among peoples, but, on the contrary, it 
would directly damage the cause of strengthening inter- 
national ties and cooperation. 

In the note of the of the United States of 
America there is reference to the publication, upon the 
initiative of the American private publishing company, 
"Crosscurrents Press", of a selection of certain Soviet 
documents on the question of the conclusion of a peace 
treaty with Germany and the normalization of the situ- 
ation in West Berlin. In this connection, it must be 
noted that the competent Soviet organizations naturally 
do not object if this or that foreign publishing house 
approaches them with a request to publish any sort of 
official Soviet materials and documents or publishes such 
documents on its own initiative. This is the business of 
publishing companies. 

Public opinion in the Soviet Union is widely informed 
on all questions of international life and not only has a 
full understanding of the positions of all states, includ- 
ing the position of the Government of the United States 
of America as well, on questions of the international 
situation, but also speaks its mind energetically on all 
questions, especially when these concern the preservation 
and strengthening of peace and friendship among nations. 


Department of State Bulletin 

In this connection : The statement contained in the 
note of the Embassy of the United States of America to 
the effect that Soviet public opinion may not be informed 
on the American point of view on the Berlin question 
evokes bewilderment at the very least. The Embassy 
cannot fail to note that all basic documents, notes and 
statements of the Government of the United States of 
America on the German problem as a whole, including 
the Berlin problem as well, are regularly published in 
the Soviet press. Incidentally, for justice's sake, it 
should be said that the notes of the Soviet Government, 
like a majority of its statements, are far from always 
published in the American press, and if they are published, 
it is sometimes in distorted form. 

The Government of the United States of America can 
be sure that, if its leaders wish to address Soviet public 
opinion with constructive statements on the just solution 
of unsettled problems and the strengthening of peace, 
then materials of that sort, as has been the case earlier 
as well, will receive broadest elucidation in the Soviet 

United States Congratulates China 
on 50th Anniversary of Revolution 

Following is a message from President Kennedy 
to Chiang Kai-shek, President of the Republic of 

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated October 9 

October 5, 1961 

Your Excellency: Tlie people of the United 
States join me in offering congratulations on 
China's National Day which this year marks the 
50th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution. On 
this occasion we recall vividly the long, arduous 
struggle Free China has waged under your valiant 
leadership against foreign aggression and Com- 
munist tyranny and for the realization of the 
noble aspirations of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Our alli- 
ance, based on ties of historic friendship and unity 
of purpose, has withstood the tests of the past. 
May it grow ever stronger in the years ahead. 

Your Excellency, the American people share 
your abiding faith in the ultimate triumph of 
justice over evil. We look confidently toward the 
day when all the great people of China will again 
take their place in the struggle for those principles 
of freedom and progress espoused by Dr. Sun 

John F. Kjennedt 

President Kennedy Holds Talks 
With President of Argentina 

Following is the text of a joint communique 
released at tlie close of a meeting at New York 
City on September 26 between President Ken- 
nedy and President Arturo Frondisi of the 
Republic of Argentina. 

White House press release (Newport, R.I.) dated September 26 

The meeting between the Presidents of the 
United States and of the Republic of Argentina 
was held in the spirit of deep friendship and 
mutual respect which unites the two countries and 
wliich finds expression in the fruitful coopera- 
tion and close solidarity in ideals and aims that 
are common to the two nations. 

On the basis of tliis spirit of understanding and 
common interest the two Presidents joined in con- 
versation for four hours, during which time they 
considered subjects of the greatest relevance in 
the field of cooperation between the two coun- 
tries — questions relating to political solidarity and 
the economic and social development of the Amer- 
ican continent, as well as serious world problems. 

This frank understanding has made it possible 
to reaffirm the deep and unchangeable identity of 
purpose of the two nations, which, being based 
on a common historic tradition, has reached an 
unprecedented level, thanks to the work and effort 
of the two governments. 

President Frondizi expressed to President Ken- 
nedy the full adherence of Argentina to the un- 
tiring efforts on the part of the United States di- 
rected toward the maintenance of world peace, the 
preservation and broadening of the full exercise 
of freedom, representative democracy and the dig- 
nity of man, as well as toward the fuller develop- 
ment of the economically imderdeveloped coun- 
tries. President Frondizi made especially clear 
to President Kennedy the extent to which Argen- 
tina looks favorably upon President Kennedy's 
effort to give United States international coopera- 
tion policies a dynamic, far-reaching, realistic and 
effective content, which answers the pressing 
needs of the present serious situation. 

President Kennedy, in turn, expressed to Presi- 
dent Frondizi the importance that the United 
States gives to the firm and sincere adherence on 
the part of Argentina to those common ideals and 

October 30, 7961 


aims which, being characteristic of Western civil- 
ization, are the intrinsic and inherent values of the 
two nations. At the same time President Ken- 
nedy reiterated his firm decision to cooperate with 
President Frondizi, in the latter's effort to consoli- 
date, once and for all, effective democratic insti- 
tutions in Argentina, and to speed up, at an un- 
pi'ecedented rate, the economic development of 
his country. He expressed his assurance that 
these efforts contain a deep historic significance 
for this South American nation and constitute, by 
the same token, a decisive factor in the stabiliza- 
tion of democracy and the consolidation of social 
and economic progress in the entire Hemisphere. 

President Frondizi informed President Ken- 
nedy of the progress attained by his comitry in 
transforming its economic structure and the solid 
foundation of a modern nation. He reiterated 
the gratitude of his government for the extensive 
aid received from the United States towards that 

President Frondizi also explained his country's 
basic current problems and needs which require an 
immediate solution so that gains already achieved 
can be consolidated and national development can 
be carried out in a progressive manner. In this 
connection, he pointed out to President Kennedy 
the importance of United States cooperation, and 
emphasized the renewed determination derived 
from the formulation of the Alliance for Progress, 
as approved at Punta del Este.^ 

President Kennedy reiterated to President 
Frondizi the terms of the declaration that was for- 
mulated at the White House on May 24 of this 
year.^ He stated that the px-esent experience in 
Argentina constitutes an essential part of the Free 
World's effort to demonstrate, in a practical 
fashion, the capacity of the democratic countries 
to work for rapid economic and social develop- 
ment while reaffirming human rights and denying 
those violent methods which are inconsistent with 
the way of life of either country and which destroy 
human dignity and individual freedom. 

For all these reasons, the government of the 
United States will continue to collaborate with the 
efforts of Argentina. 

President Frondizi and President Kennedy dis- 
cussed various aspects of the Argentine develop- 

' BuixETiN of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459. 
' For a statement made by President Kennedy, see ibid., 
June 12, 1961, p. 920. 

ment plan which — in addition to projects already 
submitted for United States consideration — in- 
clude the El Chocon-Los Colorados project, the 
modernization of the meat packing industry, de- 
velopment of the fishing industry, expansion of 
housing programs, and water development. The 
Presidents agreed that these progi'ams were con- 
sistent with the basic aims of the Alliance for 
Progress. President Kennedy expressed his great 
admiration for the impressive efforts and sacrifices 
which Argentma has already made in order to 
speed up its economic and social development ; and 
his recognition of the effort being made to mobi- 
lize domestic resources for future development. 
Therefore, President Kennedy welcomed the op- 
portunity to reaffirm his government's firm com- 
mitment to assist the government of Argentina in 
its development program in order to help in bring- 
ing as rapidly as possible higher standards of 
living and increased social welfare to all the people 
of Argentina. He spoke of his government's in- 
tention to examine carefully the specific project 
applications for tlie above program and to con- 
sider them as rapidly as possible in view of their 
great importance for the people of Argentina. 

President Kemiedy was particularly impressed 
by the significance of the El Cliocon-Complex 
project in view of its potential for the transforma- 
tion of a vast region of the country. He noted 
that it was similar in concept to the highly success- 
ful TVA project in the United States. 

President Kennedy stated that he would join 
with the Argentine government in seeking to ex- 
pedite the completion of the survey of the project 
which is being undertaken by the Inter-American 
Development Bank. As sound plans are developed 
the United States government will consult with 
the Argentine government with respect to financ- 
ing of the project. In this connection this large 
and important project, which can be of such wide- m 
spread benefit for the Argentine people and which 
is receiving such a major impulse from the Argen- 
tine government, -will clearly require for its suc- 
cessful execution the full cooperation of European 
countries as well as the United States government 
and major international financial institutions. 

Among the problems of economic cooperation, 
special attention was given to those concerning 
commercial interchanges. There was full agree- 
ment concerning the need to continue joint efforts 
to promote the expansion of commerce between 


Department of State Bulletin 

the two countries in wliich Argentina at present 
has an unfavorable balance. Likewise, it was 
agreed that it is necessary to press vigorously 
in international forums such as GATT to achieve 
our common purposes. This will require a more 
intense effort to reduce restrictions on interna- 
tional trade that are obstructing the expansion of 
commerce with other countries. The importance 
to both countries that the European regional 
agreements grant fair treatment to imports from 
third countries was noted in this connection. 

The major issues in the present world political 
situation were thoroughly examined. During the 
exchange of views on problems such as the Berlin 
question, the resumption of nuclear tests, the main- 
tenance of peace, the Cuban situation and other 
situations and threats emerging from the Cold 
War, the President of the United States and the 
President of Argentina evidenced agreement on 
fundamental goals and President Kennedy stressed 
during the discussion his awareness of the sig- 
nificance of the growing Argentine participation 
in world affairs. 

The topics of political solidarity and economic 
cooperation in the American hemisphere received 
special attention. Both Presidents agreed as to 
the need for strengthening and revitalizing multi- 
lateral and bi-lateral machinery of the Inter- 
American system so as to guarantee, in a definitive 
manner, the prevalence of the principles of coop- 
eration, the principle of non-intervention by 
foreign powers in the affairs of this hemisphere, 
the principle of self-determination and non-inter- 
vention, political solidarity, mutual respect, effec- 
tive exercise of representative democracy and 
economic and social development in each and every 
one of the coimtries of this hemisphere. 

Department To Support Visit 
of Governors to Japan 

Press release 703 dated October 11 

The Department of State on October 11 in- 
formed Governor Wesley Powell of New Hamp- 
shire, chairman of the Governors' Conference, of 
plans for support by the Department of the visit 
to Japan of 10 U.S. Governors and the bringing 
to this country of 10 Japanese Governors. This 
exchange was proposed by the Governors' Con- 
ference at its meeting in Hawaii earlier this year. 

Besides Governor Powell, the others in the U.S. 

delegation will be Governors Paul Fannin, Ari- 
zona; Edmund G. Brown, California; William F. 
Quinn, Hawaii; John B. Swainson, Michigan; 
Elmer L. Anderson, Minnesota; Edwin L. Me- 
chem, New Mexico ; David L. Lawrence, Pennsyl- 
vania ; Buford Ellington, Tennessee ; and Gaylord 
A. Nelson, Wisconsin. All except Governor 
Quinn of Hawaii are currently members of the 
executive committee of the Conference. 

The State Department will facilitate the ex- 
change, to take place in early 1962, by providing 
travel grants and also living costs not otherwise 

President Abboud of Sudan Visits 
United States October 4-14 

Ibrahim Ahhoud, President of the Supreme 
Council for the Armed Forces and Prime Minister 
of the Republic of the Sridan, made an official visit 
to the United States October 4--H- Following is 
an exchange of greetings between President 
Kennedy and President Abboud on October 4 and 
a joint communique issued at the close of the 
Washington portion of President Abboud'' s visit 
on October 6. 


White House press release dated October 4 

President Kennedy 

Mr. President, members of your party, ladies 
and gentlemen : I wish to express on behalf of the 
people of the United States our great satisfaction 
in welcoming you to our country. 

This is the first occasion in the history of the 
Sudan that a leader of your country has come to 
visit the United States, and we are particularly 
glad that this should happen in this most signifi- 
cant year of 1961. 

Your flag, like the flag of the United States, tells 
us a good deal about your country. The blue for 
the Nile Eiver, the yellow for the desert, the green 
for what you have been able to do with the com- 
bination of the desert and the Nile. 

We welcome you also because you have set an 
example of a country with eight neighbors, all of 
whom live at peace with you and with each other. 
You have set a standard for your continent and 
indeed, in that sense, for the world. 

Ocfober 30, 7961 


So, Mr. President, we welcome you to Wash- 
ington. We are extremely happy that you will 
visit the United States, that you will see something 
of our country and something of our people. We 
are a young country. You are the leader of a 
country wiiich is even younger, but in a very real 
sense is perhaps the oldest part of the known world. 

So for many reasons, Mr. President, we welcome 
you here. We value the fact that you have chosen 
to visit us. We want you to know that your 
ministers and yourself will be most welcome, and 
we hope that when you depart you will carry with 
you a very real appreciation of the warm feeling 
of friendship that our country feels for yours. 

Mr. President. 

President Abboud > 

Mr. President Jolin F. Kennedy, President of 
the United States of America: At this moment 
when we begin our visit to your great country to 
make direct contact with your friendly nation, we 
feel overwhelmed by a deep sense of joy and 
happiness. This joy is derived from your bright 
history, and on behalf of the Sudan I present to 
you and to the gieat American nation our most 
sincere congratulations on the occasion of the 183d 
anniversary of the memorable Valley Forge — that 
great event which marked a chapter in the book 
of heroism and the gospel of principles written by 
your great Revolution under that outstanding 
leader, George Washington. Then they scored the 
first victory for the cause of independence and 
freedom. Your people presented this historical 
achievement to the world, that inspired and still 
inspires many nations for all these years to follow 
suit and be guided by its principles. 

It is a good omen, Mr. President, that our visit 
to the United States of America coincides with 
this dear occasion to you and to me. It enables 
us to couple our congratulations to you and to 
the American people with our sincere thanks and 
appreciation for your kind invitation which we 
were so fortunate to be able to accept on behalf of 
the Sudan. This invitation will further 
strengthen our friendship and cooperation. We 
shall always remember that you and the American 
people have readily shown to the Sudan, even 
before they achieved independence, sincere friend- 
ship and fraternity by sending missions of good 

' As Interpreted from the Arabic. 

will, by supporting our candidacy for membership 
in the United Nations, of cooperation between the 
two nations on an exemplary and disinterested 

I have no doubt that this visit which we make 
on behalf of the Sudan will remain as a landmark 
in the history of our relations. The warm recep- 
tion accorded me by you, Mr. President, and by 
the honorable members of your administration, 
demonstrates once more those kind feelings and 
sincere friendship extended toward the Sudan. 

Indeed, this visit will be of great significance 
because it came at a time when many nations, par- 
ticularly Africans, have achieved independence 
and become full members of the international 
family. They have awakened up to shoulder their 
responsibilities for the welfare of their people 
within a happy and peaceful world. 

For all these considerations, Mr. President, we 
are happy to be able to accept your kind invita- 
tion, which is a good example of cooperation 
between members of the international family and 
the establishment of close relations on the basis of 
mutual respect and confidence, especially during 
this troubled period of human history. 

It gives me great pleasure, Mr. President, to 
convey to you and to the great American people on 
this occasion a message from the Sudanese peo- 
ple, a message of good will and true friendship 
stemming out of the genuine desire to further these 
friendly relations and strengthen them on the 
basis on which they started : mutual confidence and 
respect for the interests of our countries and the 
world at large. 

In spite of the long distances that separate our 
two countries, we have many things in common. 
The system of government derived from the 
principles of your revolution and our revolution. 
We now devote our efforts to establish a system 
of our own, based on our traditions and aiming 
at the fulfillment of the wishes of our people for 
freedom and social justice in the true Sudanese 
pattern — again similar to the situation of your 
great country in the American Continent. The 
Sudan stretches from the Arab world into the 
heart of Africa and is adjacent to no less than 
eight countries. We are fully aware that this 
situation imposes on us the declaration and ap- 
plication of a clearly cut policy based on sincerity 
and cooperation inside as well as outside the con- 
tinent — that we have to stand for eradication of 
what remains of foreign domination and for de- 

Deparfment of Stale Bullelin 

veloping the economic and social life of the 

Thus we safeguard freedom in Africa and, 
hence, the peace of the world. In this spirit, which 
we feel is shared by the American people, we look 
forward, Mr. President, to the forthcoming meet- 
ings. I am confident from what we already know 
of your personal courage and frankness that our 
deliberations will have far-reaching results in the 
fulfillment of the objectives of our two nations and 
in strengthening world peace and prosperity. 

Finally, to the captain and crew of this magnifi- 
cent and efficient aircraft which the President has 
so kindly placed under our disposal, as an indica- 
tion of honoring the Sudan, in my person, to them 
I wish to express my deep thanks and appreciation 
for all that they have done to make the journey 
most comfortable. 

I wish also to congratulate them for the con- 
fidence of their people in charging them with the 
history-making feat, the landing of the first 
Boeing 707 at Khartoum Airport, a feat which 
in fact they have performed with distinguished 

Thank you. 


White House press release dated October 6 

President Abboud and President Kennedy have 
had a most cordial exchange of views on a variety 
of subjects of interest to the Sudan and to the 
United States. Their talks revealed that the two 
Presidents shared a common concern for the pres- 
ervation of world peace, and a common reliance 
on the United Nations as the most effective instru- 
ment for maintaining peace. 

The two Presidents considered that the current 
international situation underscored the impor- 
tance of reaching through negotiation mutually 
acceptable solutions to existing disputes, especially 
when moral issues are involved, such as the right 
of self-determination, which belongs to the peoples 
of every continent. President Abboud stressed 
the importance of rapidly implementing the right 
of self-determination throughout the African con- 
tinent. President Kennedy expressed satisfaction 
with the political gains which had been achieved 
by the African peoples and confirmed his hopes 
and expectations for further progress to this end. 

President Abboud explained that the policy of 
non-alignment followed by the Kepublic of the 

Sudan was designed to strengthen and consolidate 
the independence of the Sudan and to enable it to 
play a constructive role in the resolution of situa- 
tions which are sources of international tensions. 
President Kennedy confirmed that the United 
States fully endorsed the determination of the 
newly-independent countries of Africa to main- 
tain their independence. He noted that the sup- 
port given by the Sudan to the mission of the 
United Nations in the Congo had contributed to 
an important extent to the maintenance of that 
country's independence and territorial integrity. 

President Kennedy drew attention to the 
courageous struggle of the people of West Berlin 
to preserve their independence and to the determi- 
nation of the United States to support them in 
their efforts to live in peace and freedom. Presi- 
dent Abboud confirmed that the Kepublic of the 
Sudan also attached great importance to a peace- 
ful resolution of the Berlin question on terms 
which are consistent with the legitimate expecta- 
tions of the people of Berlin and of the German 
people as a whole. 

The two Presidents were in complete agreement 
as to the importance of the early conclusion of a 
nuclear test ban agreement based on an effective 
system of inspection and control. They also 
agreed that efforts should be continued in the field 
of general disarmament with a view to reducing 
international tensions and the increased applica- 
tion of the resources of the world to the task of 
economic and social development. 

President Abboud explained to President Ken- 
nedy the steps the Sudan was taking to promote 
economic development and social justice. He con- 
firmed the Sudan's intentions to mobilize its 
human and material resources in accordance with 
an integrated national plan to be executed by a 
planning organization with the requisite author- 
ity, and outlined the steps the Sudan was taking 
to achieve this goal. 

The two Presidents agreed that talks would con- 
tinue between their advisers with respect to ex- 
panding and expediting their cooperation in key 
areas in which the United States can most effec- 
tively assist the self-help efforts of the Republic 
of the Sudan. 

President Abboud extended to President and 
Mrs. Kennedy a cordial invitation to visit the 
Sudan. President Kennedy said that he and Mrs. 
Kennedy look forward to such a visit whenever 
his presidential duties permit. 

Ocfober 30, 1961 


The U.N., a Forum for Reaffirming 
Man's Common Humanity 

Remarks hy Adlai E. Stevenson 

UjS. Representative to the United Nations ^ 

Here at Brandeis you are daily bringing to life 
the Justice's o\vn ideal of a university. "To be 
great," he said, "a university must express the 
people and the community at their best. The aim 
must be high and the vision broad ; the goal seem- 
ingly attainable but beyond immediate reach." 

I am reminded of many of Justice Brandeis' 
words in my own work at the United Nations, for 
it is, above all else, a place in which men from 
many lands strive to bring into focus the two ele- 
ments in our lives that concerned him most : law 
and social progress. 

"America's fundamental law," he said, "seeks 
to make real the brotherhood of man." I know of 
no finer phrase to describe the purpose of the 
charter of the United Nations, although I am 
mindful that the performance falls far short of the 

No Assembly in the United Nations' history has 
equaled the importance of our meetings in New 
York at this time. There is really only one item 
on our agenda — the survival of the human race. 
Mr. Khrushchev hardly needs to threaten us. We 
know he can fill the air with radioactive fallout. 
We know he can wipe out smaller countries as 
though they were summer flies. He is doing the 
former. And no one doubts his ability to do the 

Equally he must know that America's atomic 
arsenal is big enough to wipe out most — perhaps 
all — of what the Russian people have built up so 
painfully in the last 40 years. It is not the pos- 
sibility of annihilation that we need to be reminded 
of. The only issue is whether the fijial atomic 
holocaust can be avoided. 

And here I would like to express my belief that 
it can. One ugly obstacle to creative action which 
we must avoid is hopelessness — the feeling that 
nothing can be done. I agree with Sir Charles 
Snow's view that "when men believe events are too 
big for them, there is no hope." 

'Made at Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass., on 
Oct. 8 (U.S./U.N. press release 3787 dated Oct. 7). Am- 
bassador Stevenson was awarded an honorary degree of 
Doctor of Humane Letters. 

These events we face are not too big for us. We 
must, we can, rise to the heights of statesmanship 
needed to bring our fearful forces of destruction 
under control. I say this not because of some des- 
perate act of blind faith — although I confess that, 
like Winston Churchill, I do profoundly believe 
that "God lias not despaired of his children." 

My reasons for faith are simple and positive. 
Tliey center on the fact that men have contrived 
over large areas and long epochs to live at peace 
with each other. Human history is not simply 
one long record of desperate fratricidal war. Be- 
side man the angry pugnacious animal, we must 
set man the friend and neighbor. Human nature 
is capable of both peace and war. What we have 
to establish are the institutions and conditions 
under which his peaceful instincts are fostered and 
his tendency to violence held in check. 

Wliat are these preconditions? We can know 
them because we have them inside domestic society. 
Over long periods a quarter of the human race 
lived at peace inside the old Chinese Empire. The 
record of the United States has been to preserve 
the peace inside the country, with only one im- 
portant breakdown in a hundred years, and in a 
territory of continental scale. 

Keeping the peace is not, then, impossible. But 
it does demand the minimum conditions which 
give us peace loithin the state, and I would like to 
underline the fact that all the policies my Govern- 
ment seeks to put forward, all the resolutions it 
supports and initiatives it wants to follow, lead 
back in one way or another to this fundamental 
objective — to build for our world the institutions 
and habits of a common life, to create the kind of 
society from which atomic war can be banished 

Particular issues are far less important than this 
fundamental point. We can patch them up. We 
can even live with them, provided our society is „ 
geared to peace. But if our fundamental attitudes f| 
and institutions are faulty, no particular settle- 
ment will do more than stave off the day of holo- y 
caust. The risk of destruction will be renewed ^ 
with each new conflict of interest, and since no 
human society is conceivable without such con- 
flicts, we shall remain perpetually, wearingly, _ 
despairingly exposed to the risk of planetary f 

It is insanely unsafe to accept such a possibility. 
There is a German phrase : "Better an end to the 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

horror than a horror without end." With each 
renewed crisis, tempers fray, nerves grow un- 
steadier, the temptation to seek violent conclusions 
grows more acute. Only a society that can medi- 
ate its conflicts peacefully — as do, on the whole, 
our domestic societies — has any hope of with- 
standing the wear and tear of differences and 

My Government profoundly respects and wel- 
comes the participation of all the United Nations 
in the pursuit of peaceful solutions for our trou- 
bled world. The old American cry of liberty has 
been amended today to read : "No extermination 
without representation," and it would indeed be 
intolerable if the great powers — in whose hands 
admittedly the instruments of destruction lie — 
were to disregard arrogantly and indifferently the 
right of all members of the human race to their 
share of life. 

So in all the proposals which we may make for 
securing the peace, we seek the full participation 
of other governments. Nothing less than a shared 
and functioning world order will meet our needs ; 
no power, however great, can build this alone. We 
must all be partners, all participants in the ex- 
periment of building a civic order for all mankind. 

The concept of mankind as a family has begun, 
however shyly, to make a concrete appearance on 
the stage of the world. It is the hope and de- 
termination of my Government to give it a 
permanent and central part to play. 

Yet again and again as one speaks of the policies 
and institutions which are needed in the world if 
man is to survive, one is haunted by the fear that 
the imagination, the warmth, the sheer human 
courage needed for such changes will not be 
available in time. It was another of our greatest 
jurists, Judge Learned Hand, who reminded us 
that freedom cannot be preserved in constitutions 
if it has already vanished from the hearts of 

Let us then use this great forum of the United 
Nations to reaffirm our common humanity. The 
bombs that blast the West can destroy the East. 
Tlie radiation that slays the white child will not 
spare the Indian or the Chinese. Faced with the 
risk of atomic war, we are all one in our total 
vulnerability. We can all suffer. We can all die. 
The masks we wear will not save us from blast 
and burn. Our deafness will not spare us when 
the rockets fall. 

And if just once, even if only through fear, we 
can see each other as we really are, all of us frail, 
mortal, human, confused, culpable, yet sole heirs 
of a tremendous past and sole creators of a possi- 
ble future — can we continue to look in each other's 
eyes, reading hatred and destruction ? 

I do not believe it. And here, in this community 
of scholars and students, in this repository of 
that tremendous past, among creators of that pos- 
sible future, my confidence is restored, and I am 
proud and happy to become a member of this 
commimity where truth is enshrined in walls and 

Interpreting and Extending 
tlie Dimensions of Democracy 

Remarhs hy Mrs. Katie Louckheim 
Consultant on Women's Activities ^ 

I am flattered to be asked to give you my inter- 
pretation of the part we as professional women 
must play in translating the dimensions of our 
democratic society. For all of us, I am certain, 
the spirit of democracy is evident in many dif- 
ferent ways; we see it with our eyes, we make it 
tangible and believable in deeds, we feel it in our 
hearts. We value it highly, we accept it thank- 
fully as our heritage, and above all we share in its 
blessings by listening to one another. We point 
with pride to our free institutions, to our right to 
worship and speak as we please. We praise our 
political freedoms, our freedom to debate and to 

All these things we know, we accept, and in our 
own way cherish. But what, we may well ask 
ourselves, are we doing about it ? 

Wlaat are the dimensions of our noblest dream, 
for democracy is a dream, the noblest dream ever 
dreamed by man. It is the dream of our fore- 
fathers, the dream of a free society, free to go for- 
ward, to progress and improve, and by means of 
its free institutions and associations to forge the 
future in which the greatest good for all may, by 
peaceful means, be achieved. 

Today this dream, through no fault of ours, has 
new dimensions, dangerous dimensions. For as 

' Made before the D.O. Federation of Business and Pro- 
fessional Women's Clubs on Oct. 1 (press release 676 
dated Sept. 30). 

October 30, 7961 


President Kennedy said so eloquently in his ad- 
dress to the U.N.,- sometime in the next 10 months 
we must make decisions which will determine 
whether we all perish in a fiery holocaust or hope- 
fully survive to progress in freedom and dignity. 

These are awesome decisions. These decisions — 
on Berlin, on disarmament, on the use of atomic 
weapons — mercifully are not our responsibility. 
We are living in a desperately complicated world, 
and the best we can do is to know that the 
courageous, forthright, and farsighted men mak- 
ing these decisions deserve our sympathetic trust 
and our prayers. 

But what we can do is interpret the dimensions 
of this democracy with which we are blessed, and 
that is wliat I should like to talk with you about. 
What are these dimensions, and which of them lie 
within our province? In what way can we par- 
ticipate in extending and articulating these 

Let us examine them in the light of our own 
experience. We are busy people. We are con- 
stantly consumed with our own concern, with the 
dilemmas of our daily experience. We are preoc- 
cupied with our productive occupations. We are 
immersed in appointments, meetings, gatherings, 
and in the many other obligations of an urban 
society. But one overwhelming fact immediately 
impresses itself upon this limited view: What we 
do, how we live, work, compete, how we relate 
to one another is no longer just our concern. For 
what we do is everyone's concern ; how we live and 
relate, react, whatever and wherever it may be, is 
known everywhere. Democracy is on trial, and 
therefore we are on trial. All over the world 
there are eyes and ears, listening, watching, ob- 
serving, evaluating, making judgments. 

I have recently traveled halfway round the 
world. During the course of my travels I learned 
many valuable lessons. The most important of 
these can be simply stated: We are judged by our 
deeds, by whether we act according to the prin- 
ciples of our Constitution, our Bill of Eights, the 
intentions of our Founding Fathers. 

The spirit of democracy in the eyes of the un- 
committed nations — democracy and its dimen- 
sion.s — is only as true as it is viable. We are the 
children of revolution, the heirs of freedom. 
And yet, unless this spirit is made manifest here 

* For text, see Bttlletin of Oct 16, 1961, p. 619. 

and now, in our everyday life, it is but a promise 
given and not kept. 

When we preach of liberty and freedom for all, 
we must not only mean it but live accordingly. 

Do you know what the most striking evidence 
has been as far as the have-not nations, the watch- 
ing nations, are concerned? I will tell you. For 
them the spirit of revolution, the spirit of free- 
dom, has been reenacted and reborn in the sit-ins, 
in the peaceful demonstrations in lunch counters, 
in the Freedom Riders, the news that white and 
black men together have carried the torch of 
liberty high. 

The quiet courage with which our Attorney 
General, Robert Kennedy, has ordered an end of 
segregation in interstate carriers is cheered in a 
thousand hamlets and marketplaces. The peace- 
ful means by which the Department of Justice at 
Attorney General Kennedy's direction has insisted 
on safeguarding the voting rights of all our people 
has been applauded in every country where the 
right to self-government has been recently 
achieved. These are the shots that are heard 
around the world. 

If we are to win this much-extended cold war, if 
we are to prove to all those who watch and wait 
for us to lead that democracy and not totalitarian- 
ism is the answer, these are the weapons we must 

These then are the dimensions of our democracy. 
These matters are our concern. They do lie di- 
rectly within our province. And these are the 
ways in which we can prove that in our enlarged 
role as women, women with many skills and 
talents, we can lead and make the force of our 
opinion felt. 

By direct participation, by support, by making 
the force of our opinions felt, we can hasten these 
peaceful procedures, we can articulate them in our 
daily busy lives. By affirming that democracy 
alone of all the means of government devised by 
man permits of change, by admitting that we need 
to make progress by these means we can make our 
contribution count. By moving forward vigor- 
ously to remove all traces of discrimination, we 
can assume the leadership role as women we so 
rightfully claim. 

Recently I attended a meeting at which officials 
of important national women's groups such as 
yours were present. One of these officials raised 
the question of how we might best combat com- 
munism. She suggested workshops, discussion 

Department of State Bulletin 

groups, study groups, conferences. My answer 
■was quite a different one. The best way to com- 
bat communism is to act — to prove daily by doing 
that democracy is the only society in which the 
greatest good for the greatest number can be 

Let us talk frequently about democracy, about 
its dimensions, about the greater opportunities 
for women, but let us also act. Let us prove that 
we as women can make an important contribution, 
that we have earned our place not only as skillful 
professionals, administrators, homemakers, organ- 
izers of community endeavor, but as leaders in the 
fight for freedom for all people regardless of race, 
creed, or color. 

As business and professional women in the Na- 
tion's Capital, we have a unique opportunity, and 
a special obligation, to demonstrate democracy to 
our many foreign visitors and resident diplomats. 
Not only can we extend cordial hospitality to 
them, inviting them to our meetings and to our 
homes — as you do, of course, in your international 
programs. But we can also directly influence the 
conduct of community business life so that visitors, 
especially those from the newer nations, feel wel- 
come in all neighborhoods and all public places 
and so that they realize all our citizens are equally 

You are soon to take part in a hemispheric con- 
ference of business and professional women in 
Puerto Rico, and you have a special interest in 
Latin America; so you will be interested in the 
reaction of a visitor from Panama. Last spring 
my ofRce sponsored the visit of 12 Latin American 
women whose special interest was social welfare. 
The Panamanian member of the group was of 
mixed African and Indian ancestry. She came to 
the United States with much hesitation, afraid 
that she might have unhappy experiences. For- 
tunately her experience was happy; she was 
warmly received wherever she went. At the end 
of her stay she said to me : "I know now that what 
matters in the United States is not the color of a 
person's skin, but the person himself." Let us 
make certain that all our visitors come to this 

"We are fortunate. We are fortunate for many 
reasons, not only in our birthright but because we 
are taking our rightful part at that moment in 
history when what we do can tip the scales for 
our side and perhaps make the difference between 
defeat and victory. 

Immigration and Refugee Problems 

Remarks hy Michel Cieplinshi * 

You have invited me to speak to you on immi- 
gration and citizenship and the problems ahead. 
Our greatest challenge is to maintain an enlight- 
ened administration of our immigration and cit- 
izenship laws without losing sight of the ever- 
present danger of infiltration by those who wish 
to destroy our system of government and way of 
life. While we in the Bureau of Security and 
Consular Affairs will make every effort to facili- 
tate and streamline passport and visa procedures 
within the framework of existing law, we must 
remain mindful of this danger. 

During the coming year we will continue our 
past efforts to improve procedures in the visa and 
passport fields. The Passport Office, in coopera- 
tion with other Federal and State agencies, has 
recently developed improved methods of reporting 
and recording births of United States nationals 
abroad. It has also inaugurated on a worldwide 
basis a completely new and simplified procedure 
for handling passport and citizenship records at 
our posts abroad. The Passport Office also has 
underway extensive plans for increasing its effi- 
ciency in handling citizenship cases referred to its 
Washington headquarters. The Visa Office, 
which not long ago overhauled all its regulations 
and is in the process of completing installation of 
the new immigrant visa procedures, is making 
continued efforts to streamline its operations and 
methods of cooperation with visa officers in the 

The immediate concern of the Office of Eefugee 
and Migration Affairs, another office within the 
Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, is the 
plight of the world's homeless and stateless per- 
sons — the refugees. Let me first say that we can 
be proud of the record our Congress, our Govern- 
ment, and the American people have established 
since the end of World War II. Since then the 
United States has spent over $1,200,000,000 on the 
refugee problem and we have admitted to our 
shores over 800,000 refugees. 

'Made before the American Immigration and Citizen- 
ship Conference at New Yorlc, N.Y., on Oct. 6 (press 
release 684 dated Oct. 4). Mr. Cieplinslii is Deputy Ad- 
ministrator of the Bureau of Security and Consular 

Ocfober 30, J 96 7 


Generous as has been the response of the free 
world to the plight of the unfortunate victims of 
totalitarian oppression, there still remains a job 
to be done. In looking at the problems ahead, we 
in the Government and the voluntary agencies 
must be alert to the remaining refugee problems 
and to those which are developing throughout the 
world. Our eyes must look beyond Europe and 
envisage the plight of new refugee groups in Asia, 
Africa, and here in the Western Hemisphere. 

Another disturbing element is the increased re- 
cent activity of Communist governments in the 
refugee field. They try to copy the Western 
Powers by sending relatively smaller but much 
more publicized shipments of food and relief 
goods. They have already succeeded in moving 
refugee children back behind the Iron Curtain. 
The Communists who create the political upheav- 
als which in turn spawn the refugees are now 
posing as their friends and benefactors. They 
are desperately trying to take away from the 
United States its historic role as champion of the 
oppressed and persecuted people. 

It is our duty to uphold the true projection of 
America in the eyes of the world. So that the 
image of the Statue of Liberty does not fade in 
the eyes and in the minds of the peoples of the 
world, you and your members' work, contribution, 
and dedication are urgently needed. The prob- 
lems ahead which involve both old and new refu- 
gees will require utmost vigilance and the widest 
generosity and deepest compassion of the free 

Your organization and its many members are 
vitally interested in the revision of our immigra- 
tion policies. The immigration policy of the 
United States is not only a matter of domestic con- 
cern; it is an important factor in our foreign 
relations. The Department therefore whole- 
heartedly supported and welcomed the recent 
amendment to the Immigration and Nationality 
Act which eliminated the much-misunderstood re- 
quirement that a visa applicant state his race and 
ethnic classification. From a foreign policy point 
of view it was of equal importance that the Con- 
gress eliminated the ceiling on minimum quotas 
in the Asia-Pacific triangle and made it possible 
that new political entities do not lose any of the 
quotas held previously by their components. This 
' latter change in our laws will meet the problems 
created by the formation of newly independent 

nations, for example, the projected federation of 
The West Indies. From a long-range point 
of view, the Department recognizes the importance 
of placing all independent areas in the Western 
Hemisphere on an equal footing. 

The recent legislation also relieved certain pres- 
sures on oversubscribed quotas for the benefit of 
close relatives of American citizens and permanent 
resident aliens. The Department is in favor of 
any legislation which permits the unification of 
families separated in migration. It is hoped that 
eventually this objective will be met by more per- 
manent legislation, possibly following the ap- 
proach proposed by Representative [Francis E.] 
Walter in H.R. 6300, which would permit the use 
of unused quotas for this purpose. 

In summarizing the views of the Department 
on needed revisions of our immigration laws, I 
cannot do better than quote the President of the 
United States in his message to you when you met 
in March of this year. 

"The tasks we face in revision of our immigra- 
tion policy must be keyed to the tasks we face in 
connection with every aspect of our rapidly chang- 
ing world. The emergence of new nations in 
Asia and Africa, the assumption of power by any 
totalitarian tyranny, the cries for assistance when 
disaster strikes, all call for the best in our 
American traditions. Our immigration pro- 
grams must be free from any taint of racism or 

Panamanian Economic Mission 
Concludes Taiiis at Washington 

Joint Statement 

Press release 693 dated October 7, for release October 8 

A special Panamanian Economic Mission 
headed by Dr. Gilberto Arias, Minister of Finance 
of Panama, has engaged in talks with high United 
States Government officials, which were concluded 
October 5, on Panama's plans for social and eco- 
nomic development. The discussions afforded an 
opportunity for a full exploration of Panama's 
development needs and joint consideration of how 
Panamanian and United States resources can best 
be used to meet those needs within the framework 
of the Alliance for Progress. 

Members of the Mission included the Ambas- 
sador of Panama in Washington, A. Guillermo 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

Arango; Rudolfo A. Chiari and Ruben D. Carles, 
President and Director, respectively, of Panama's 
National Economic Council; Alejandro Remon, 
Comptroller General of the Republic; David 
Samudio A., Director General of the Bureau of 
Planning and Administration in the Office of the 
Presidency; and Jorge R. Riba and Rodrigo 
Nunez, Chief Technical Director and Economic 
Adviser, respectively, of the Bureau's Planning 

In the course of the talks, the Mission made a 
full presentation of Panama's economic situation 
and the goals and objectives of Panama's 5-year 
development plan (1962-66), the public invest- 
ments for purposes of social and economic de- 
velopment proposed under that plan, and the 
external assistance required for financing these 
investments. The Mission confirmed the inten- 
tion of the Government of Panama to request 
the panel of experts to be established under the 
Inter- American Economic and Social Council, to 
review the Panamanian long-range development 
plan in accordance with the procedures adopted 
in the Charter of Punta del Este.^ 

The Mission emphasized the determination of 
the Government of Panama to exert its maximum 
efforts to institute reforms and improvement in 
its systems of fiscal management and taxation, 
public administration, and laws governing land 
tenure and use in order to mobilize domestic re- 
sources effectively in support of the development 
program. It described a series of measures al- 
ready taken or planned toward this end consisting 
of a new and increased schedule of corporate and 
personal income taxes effective in May 1961, with 
provision for effective enforcement and collec- 
tions; the extension of the Civil Service system 
to a larger proportion of Government employees ; 
the more effective organization of Government 
departments to handle development tasks; and 
new legislation to be presented to the National 
Assembly in October to implement a program of 
agrarian reform. 

The representatives of Panama stated the inten- 
tion of their Government to make further progress 
in the equitable distribution of income, in im- 
proved utilization of resources, both human and 
material, in increasing the efficiency of production, 
in the creation of better agricultural credit sys- 
tems and other institutions leading to increased 
productivity and better public administration, in 

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463. 

promoting individual home ownership and en- 
couraging the establishment of family-size farms 
by transferring land titles to farmers at low cost 
and with long terms of payment, and to give in- 
creased attention to the social needs of the people 
of Panama. 

The United States officials participating in the 
talks expressed to the Mission the desire of the 
United States Government to support the efforts 
of the Government of Panama to promote its eco- 
nomic progress and achieve a greater measure of 
social welfare for the Panamanian people. It 
was recognized that the realization of the objec- 
tives of Panama's development program would 
require financial assistance from various sources 
including the United States, other friendly coun- 
tries, public international lending agencies, and 
private investment, both domestic and foreign. 

It was recognized that some of the projects in 
tlie program need further study and review be- 
fore they can be considered for external financial 
assistance. Both the Mission and United States 
officials agreed, however, that a number of projects 
in the Panamanian 5-year development plan lent 
themselves to immediate implementation. The 
United States Government therefore indicated its 
readiness, subject to the conclusion of satisfactory 
project agreements, to provide grants of $9.9 mil- 
lion to assist in financing the costs of high pri- 
ority projects such as school construction, 
agricultural extension services, housing, rural 
healtli centers and urban hospitals, training for 
road construction equipment, basic surveys of land 
and natural resources, and completion of studies 
of certain economic development projects included 
in the 5-year plan. The projects to be financed 
are integral elements of the Panamanian program 
and will contribute importantly to the achieve- 
ment of the objectives of the Alliance for Progress. 

This United States financial support of $9.9 
million will be in addition to loans totaling $22.6 
million recently extended to Panama by United 
States and international lending agencies. These 
comprise loans of $7.8 million for housing and 
feeder roads made by the Development Loan 
Fund; a housing loan of $7.6 million granted from 
the Social Progress Trust Fund of the Inter- 
American Development Bank (established by the 
United States Government imder the Act of 
Bogota =) ; and a loan of $7.2 million for feeder 

' For text, see ihid., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537. 

October 30, 1961 


roads extended by the International Bank for 
Eeconst ruction and Development in conjunction 
•with the loan for tliis project made by the De- 
velo])ment Loan Fund. 

The United States Government will also con- 
tinue its already established program of technical 
assistance and training in Panama for which a 
preliminary allocation of approximately $2.5 mil- 
lion has been made for the fiscal year 1962. 

In the course of the talks the Mission requested 
the United States Government to examine the 
possibility of improving opportunities for the sale 
of certain Panamanian products in the American 
market and also to consider the adoption of 
measures to improve control of the movement 
of goods from the Canal Zone to the Republic of 
Panama. Tlie United States Government ex- 
pressed its willingness to do so and also agreed 
to explore the possibilities of including Panama 
in the Food for Peace program. 

The Mission recognized tliat major segments 
of the external resources required for Panama's 
development program would have to be sought 
from the international lending agencies and from 
foreign private investment. 

"With the object of stimulating the flow of 
United States private investment into Panama, 
the Governments of Panama and the United 
States concluded an investment guaranty agree- 
ment in January 19G1. The Mission stated that 
the Executive branch of the Panamanian Govern- 
ment will submit this agreement to the National 
Assembly for ratification during its current 

President Concurs in Finding 
on imports of Dried Figs 

White House press release dated October 4 

The President on October 4 concurred with the 
U.S. Tariff Commission's recent finding that no 
formal investigation should be instituted at this 
time to determine whether tlie tariff should be 
reduced on imports of dried figs. The President 
found, with the Tariff Commission, tliat there is 
not sufficient reason to reopen the escape-clause 
action of August 1952 which resulted in an in- 
crease in duty on dried figs.^ Therefore the in- 
creased rate of duty established in 1952 will con- 

' Bulletin of Sept 1, 1952, p. 337. 

tinue to apply, without reduction or modification. 
The President's action was taken after consulta- 
tion with the Trade Policy Committee. The 
Tariff Commission's study was made pursuant to 
Executive Order 10401, which requires periodic 
review of affirmative actions taken under the 
escape clause. The Commission's report was sub- 
mitted to the President on August 30, 1961. 

New Schedule for Depreciation 
of Textile Machinery Announced 

White House press release dated October 11 

The President on October 11 announced a new 
depreciation schedule for textile machinery. On 
May 2 the President requested that the deprecia- ' 
tion deductions for textile machinery allowed un- 
der the income tax law be reviewed by the 
Treasury Department in the liglit of changing 
conditions.^ This review has been completed. 
Because of the increasing rate of obsolescence, the 
old administrative standards for estimated de- 
preciable lives of machinery are being adjusted. 
Specifically the estimated average useful lives sug- 
gested by the Internal Revenue Service for most 
textile machinery and equipment have been re- 
duced from 25 years or longer to 15 years and in 
some cases 12 years. The resulting speeding up 
of depreciation deductions, which reflects current 
technological conditions, will be of significant 
help to the industry in enabling it to modernize, 
meet foreign competition, and provide jobs. 

The Treasury's study of depreciation allowances 
is proceeding with respect to all industries, but 
in accordance with the President's directive the 
study of the depreciation rules for the textile in- 
dustry was accelerated. The results of the depre- 
ciation study for other industries will depend upon 
their particular conditions and circumstances. 
The objective is to determine whether or not exist- 
ing tax guides relating to depreciation provide a 
realistic measure of actual depreciation being sus- 
tained and if not to suggest adjustments that are 
appropriate to current conditions. 

In the textile industry it has been clearly demon- 
strated that the administrative guidelines for the 
period of years over which depreciation should be 
spread are no longer appropriate in view of chang- 
ing economic conditions. The industry is experi- 

' Bulletin of May 29, 1961, p. 825. 


Department of State Bulletin 

encing a major technological breakthrough in 
which advancing techniques engender further ad- 
vances and make even recently developed equip- 
ment economically outmoded long before it is 
physically worn out. The pressure for the adop- 
tion of technological innovations is accentuated 
by competition of foreign producers who, in many 
cases, enjoy the advantages of very liberal depreci- 
ation allowances as well as low wage costs. 


U.S. Replies to Cuban Charges 
in U.N. General Assembly 

Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson 

UjS. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

In the speech which the representative of Cuba 
[Raul Roa] made here this afternoon, he has 
added another to the incessant attacks against 
the United States which have characterized the 
Castro regime from its inception. I would have 
preferred not to take up the Assembly's time with 
any renewal of this public argument, but the Cu- 
ban representative's remarks have obliged me to 
claim my right of reply at least to a few of his 
charges. The balance will be dealt with at the 
proper time and place. 

First, Dr. Roa has charged that the United 
States was guilty of aggression against Cuba last 
April. The Cuban Foreign Minister seems to 
hold the Communist belief that repetition estab- 
lishes validity. The General Assembly consid- 
ered the same charge at its last session and adopted 
a resolution ' exhorting "all Member States to 
take such peaceful action as is open to tliem to 
remove existing tensions." Has Cuba heeded this 
resolution? Or has American peaceful patience 
been answered by the same violent and continuous 

In the next place the Cuban representative has 
declared that the United States is planning inter- 

'Made In plenary session on Oct. 10 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3792). 

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1616(XV) ; for test, see Buixetin 
of May 8, 1961, p. 685. 

vention and aggression against Cuba. The United 
States is not planning any intervention or aggres- 
sion against Cuba. We have a deep and a legiti- 
mate interest in what goes on in Cuba in this coun- 
try. Cuba is very near to us, and 60 years of 
close and friendly and beneficial relations bind 
the peoples of the two countries together. If 
there is any threat to the Cuban Government to- 
day, it comes not from the United States but from 
the Cuban people, who will not tolerate indefi- 
nitely the repressions to which they are now sub- 
jugated. But we have faith that the Cuban 
people in the normal, inexorable unfolding of his- 
tory will themselves correct injustice in their 

Another charge was that the United States is 
plotting to wipe out the leaders of tlie Castro gov- 
ernment. As to this repulsive accusation, let me 
only say that it is ridiculous and that, little as 
the United States likes Fidel Castro and his associ- 
ates, it abhors assassination as a means of accom- 
plishing political objectives. 

Then he made the familiar charge that Puerto 
Rico is a colony of the United States. The facts 
are that Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United 
States who have freely chosen their present com- 
monwealth. In 1953 the General Assembly ap- 
proved a finding that Puerto Rico had ceased to 
be a non-self-governing territory. A year ago 
similar attacks prompted the Governor of Puerto 
Rico, Luis Mufioz Marin, to send a message to the 
United Nations in which he said in part : ' 

The people of Puerto Rico are a self-governing people 
freely associated to the United States of America on the 
basis of mutual consent and respect. 

He went on to say : 

The United Nations General Assembly, by Resolution of 
November 1953, has solemnly recognized that the people 
of Puerto Rico effectively exercised their right to self- 
determination in establishing the Commonwealth as an 
autonomous political entity in a mutually agreed associa- 
tion with the United States. In further regard to the 
principle of self-determination, the Commonwealth Legis- 
lative Assembly has approved this very year a law au- 
thorizing another vote on Puerto Rico's status whenever 
10 per cent of the electors request it. 

I cannot conclude without mentioning that from 
Dr. Roa's remarks it might be inferred that the 
United States opposed the movement which 
brought Dr. Castro to power. Far from it. We 

' For text, see ibid., Oct. 24, 1960, p. 656. 

Oefober 30, 7967 


did our best to adhere to the same principle of non- 
intervention which Dr. Roa now so loudly invokes. 
At the same time, we followed our immemorial 
practice of granting political asylum in the United 
States to refugees from the Batista dictatorship. 
Among the refugees who enjoyed asylum here in 
this country was Dr. Castro himself. In fact, he 
organized and equipped his expeditionary force to 
a great extent on our shores. He was not such an 
ardent advocate of nonintervention in those days. 
But we are familiar with Dr. Roa's agility, and he 
has conveniently forgotten all of that. 

Wlien Dr. Castro and his comrades-in-arms came 
to power they had widespread support and good 
wishes from the American people and prompt 
recognition from the United States Government. 
Dr. Castro came to the United States 3 months 
later and was cordially received. Nevertheless, 
he chose to turn on this country, to appoint us as 
his chief enemy and whipping boy for all calam- 
ities, and to betray his promises to the Cuban 
people by stamping out political opposition, by 
stifling the free press, by delivering the economy 
and the military affairs of his country into the 
hands of the Soviet Union, by banning all political 
parties except the Communist, and by driving into 
exile every Cuban who criticized these steps. 

It is small wonder that Cubans deprived of their 
elementary human rights continue to flee by thou- 
sands from their beautiful island to find refuge in 
the United States and other hospitable and free 
countries. And this exodus goes on despite 
Castro's efforts to make their departure more diffi- 
cult. Only today the press reports that the Gov- 
ernment in Cuba has ruled that any Cuban who 
leaves for the United States and remains abroad 
for 29 days automatically loses everything he owns. 

Mr. President, here is a country whose new 
leaders after seizing power nearly 3 years ago set 
out to lead the whole Western Hemisphere to 
political, social, and economic reform. Instead 
they have led their own country into political and 
social reaction and economic chaos. Meanwhile 
the United States, which they have sought to por- 
tray as the chief enemy of their progress, has 
joined with the rest of the hemisphere in a mighty 
Alliance for Progress to build the social and eco- 
nomic foundation of democracy for all the peoples 
of the hemisphere. 

We look to the day when the Republic of Cuba, 
with whose people we in the United States have so 
many enduring ties of friendship, can join the rest 


of us in the hemispheric march to freedom and 

Generous American Support of UNICEF 
Urged by President Kennedy 

Statement by the President 

White House press release dated October 13 

The world's children offer our greatest promise 
for the future. It gives me great pleasure to send 
a message of congratulations and support to 
UNICEF again this year. 

The United Nations Children's Fund has 
worked tirelessly and effectively across national 
boundaries to help children escape the threat of 
hunger and disease. Their program of education 
in disease prevention, medical care and nutrition 
has already had a real impact upon today's chil- 
dren, and its benefits will be felt even more keenly 
by the millions of children to come. We can feel 
proud of the cooperative effort which has enabled 
UNICEF to carry out its work. 

UNICEF has caught the imagination of our 
people — especially our nation's children whose 
Halloween collections have become a symbol of 
concern and an expression of tangible aid. I urge 
all my fellow citizens, young and old, to support 
UNICEF generously again this year. 

John F. Kennedy 

Edward J. King Named to U.S.-Canada 
International Boundary Commission 

The Department of State announced on October 
13 (press release 705) that Edward J. King was 
sworn in on that date as U.S. Commissioner on 
the International Boundary Commission, United 
States and Canada. Mr. King will succeed Samuel 
L. Golan, whose resignation was recently accepted 
by President Kennedy. 

The International Boundary Commission, 
United States and Canada, was created under the 
provisions of the treaties between the United 
States and Great Britain of April 21, 1906, April 
11, 1908, and February 24, 1925.' The Commis- 

'34 Stat. 2948, 35 Stat. 2003, and 44 Stat. 2102. 

Department of Slate Bulletin 

sion consists of a U.S. Commissioner, a Canadian 
Commissioner, and their assistants. The Secre- 
tary of State exercises jurisdiction over the U.S. 
section of the Commission. Its purpose is to de- 
fine, mark, and maintain tlie demarcation of the 
international boundary line between the United 
States and Canada. 


Current Actions 

Fourth protocol of rectifications to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 3, 
1950. Entered into force September 24, 1952. TIAS 

Fifth protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement, 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Torquay December 16, 
1950. Entered into force June 30, 1953. TIAS 2764. 

Torquay protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade and schedules of tariff concessions annexed 
thereto. Done at Torquay April 21, 1951. Entered Into 
force June 6, 1951. TIAS 2420. 

First protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered 
into force October 21, 1953. TIAS 2885. 

Second protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva November 8, 1952. Entered 
into force February 2, 1959. TIAS 4250. 

Third protocol of rectifications and modifications to texts 
of schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva October 24, 1953. Entered 
into force February 2, 1959. TIAS 4197. 


Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Done 
at New Yorl£ October 26, 1956. Entered into force 
July 29. 1957. TIAS 3873. 

Acceptance deposited: Congo (L^opoldville), October 10, 


International sugar agreement, 1958. Done at London 
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 
1959 ; for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS 4389. 
Accession deposited: Paraguay, October 11, 1961. 


International telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
. into force January 1, 1961.' 

Ratifications deposited: Spain, August 19, 1961 ; Tunisia, 

August 25, 1961 ; UlJrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, 

August 30, 1961.= 
Accession deposited: Gabon, September 21, 1961. 
Application to: Trust Territory of Western Samoa, 

August 22, 1961. 
Ratified iy President of the United States: October 4, 

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in- 
ternational telecommunication convention, 1959. Done 
at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into force May 
1, 1961.' 
Ratified hy President of the United States: October 4, 


Trade and Commerce 

Acknowledged applicahle rights and obligations of the 
United Kingdom: Sierra Leone, August 25, 1961, with 
respect to the following: 

Protocol modifying article XXVI of the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 
1949. Entered into force March 28, 1950. TIAS 2300. 

Third protocol of rectifications to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy August 13, 
1949. Entered into force October 21, 1951. TIAS 2393. 

Annecy protocol of terms of accession to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Annecy Octo- 
ber 10, 1949. Entered into force for the United States 
October 10, 1949. TIAS 2100. 



Agreement approving the procedures for reciprocal filing 
of classified patent applications in the United States 
and Australia. Effected by exchange of notes at Wash- 
ington September 13 and October 2, 1961. Entered 
into force October 2, 1961. 


Treaty of friendship, establishment and navigation, and 
protocol. Signed at Brussels February 21, 1961.' 
Ratified hy President of the United States: September 
26, 1961. 


Agreement relating to the extension and strengthening 
of the continental air defense system. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Ottawa September 27, 1961. Entered 
into force September 27, 1961. 


Agreement for cooperation in the operation of atomic 
systems for mutual defense purposes. Signed at Paris 
July 27, 1961. 
Entered into force: October 9, 1961. 


Agreement concerning the closeout of the collection ac- 
count of the agricultural commodities agreement of 
April 11, 1957 {TIAS 3792). Effected by exchange of 
notes at Reykjavili May 3 and September 14, 1961. 
Entered into force September 14, 1901. 


Agreement amending the agreement of August 8 and 15, 
1960, relating to radio relay facilites in Liberia. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Monrovia July 11 and 
24, 1961. Entered into force July 24, 1961. 


Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense as- 
sistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 2014). 
Effected by exchange of notes at Luxembourg Septem- 
ber 18 and 22, 1961. Entered into force September 
22, 1961. 

' Not in force for the United States. 
' With a declaration. 

' Not In force. 

Ocfober 30, 1 96 1 



General agreement for economic, technical and related as- 
sistance. Signed at Asuncion September 26, 1901. En- 
tered into force Septeml)er 26. 1961. 

General asrecment for technical cooperation, as amended 
(TIAS 2645). Signed at Asuncion December 29, 1950. 
Entered into force December 29, 1950. TIAS 2176. 
Terminated: September 26, 1961 (superseded by agree- 
ment of September 26, 1961, supra). 


Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Montevideo September 26, 
1961. Enters into force on the date of the note by 
which Uruguay notifies the United States that the agree- 
ment has been approved In accordance with its con- 
stitutional procedures. 


Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at Saigon 
April 3, 1961.' 

Ratified by President of the United States: September 
26, 1961. 



Stanley L. McElroy as Special Assistant, Agency for 
International Development, effective October 4. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
694 dated October 7.) 


Recent Releases 

For sale 6j/ the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free publications, which may he ob- 
tained from the Department of State. 

United States Defense Areas in the Federation of The 
West Indies. TIAS 4734. 33 pp. 65«. 

Agreement, with annexes, with the Federation of The 
West Indies. Signed at Port of Spain February 10, 
1901. Entered into force February 10, 1961. With niera- 
oranduni of understanding and agreed minute; And re- 
lated exchange of notes between the British Parliamen- 
tary Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies and the 
Representative of the United States of America. 

Settlement of United States Claim for Postwar Eco- 
nomic Assistance to Germany — Purchase by the Deutsche 
Bundesbank of Partial Amount of Claim. TIAS 4737. 
6 pp. 5(f. 

Agreement with the Federal Republic of Germany. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Bonn and Bonn/Bad Godes- 
berg April 25, 1961. Entered into force April 25, 1961. 

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. 

TIAS 4743. 3 pp. 

Agreement with Pakistan, amending the agreement of 
April 11, 1960, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed 
at Karachi April 22, 1961. Entered into force April 22, 

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. 


TIAS 4745. 4 pp. 

Agreement with Colombia, relating to article III of the 
agreement of April 16, 1957, as amended. Exchange of 
notes — Signed at Bogota April 20, 1961. Entered into 
force April 20, 1961. 

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. 

TIAS 4747. 3 pp. 

Agreement with Colombia, amending the agreement of 
October 6, 1959. Exchange of notes — Signed at Bogotfi 
AprU 26, 1961. Entered into force April 26, 1961. 



' Not in force. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 9-15 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin 
which were issued prior to October 9 are Nos. 676 
of September 30 ; 6S4 of October 4 ; and 693, 695, and 
696 of October 7. 


Cultural exchange (Latin America). 

U.S. participation in International 

Black designated AID mission direc- 
tor, Senegal (biographic details). 

Recognition of Syrian Arab Republic. 

Rusk : United Church Women. 

Herder designated AID mission direc- 
tor. El Salvador (biographic 

Exchange visits of U.S. and Japanese 

Program for visit of President of 

King sworn in as U.S. Commissioner, 
U.S.-Cnnada International Bound- 
ary Commission (rewrite). 

Chief Minister of Uganda visits U.S. 

Program for visit of President of Fin- 

U.S. and Soviet notes on distribution 
of pamphlets on Berlin. 

Program for visit of President of 

*697 10/9 

*698 10/9 

•699 10/9 

700 10/10 

701 10/11 
•702 10/11 

703 10/11 

•704 10/12 

705 10/13 

706 10/13 
•707 10/14 

708 10/13 

•709 10/14 

•Not printed. 


Department of State Bulletin' 

October 30, 1961 


Vol. XLV, No. 1166 

American Principles. Interpreting and Extending 

the Dimensions of Democracy (Louchheim) . . 725 

Argentina. President Kennedy Holds Tallis With 

President of Argentina 719 

Atomic Energy. Secretary Rusls Interviewed on 

"Prospects of Manliind'' (Roosevelt, Rusk) . . 70S 


Edward J. King Named to U.S.-Canada Inter- 
national Boundary Commission 732 

International Investment and the Problems of 

Economic Growth (Martin) 710 

China. United States Congratulates China on 50th 
Anniversary of Revolution (Kennedy) .... 719 


U.S. Replies to Cuban Charges in U.N. General 
Assembly (Stevenson) 731 

U.S. States Policy on Recognition of a Cuban Gov- 
ernment in Exile (Coerr, Reap) 716 

Department and Foreign Service. Appointments 

(McElroy) 734 

Disarmament. U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major 

Issues (Rusk) 702 

Economic Affairs 

International Investment and the Problems of Eco- 
nomic Growth (Martin) 710 

New Schedule for Depreciation of Textile Machin- 
ery Announced 730 

Panamanian Economic Mission Concludes Talks 

at Washington 728 

President Concurs in Finding on Imports of Dried 
Figs 730 

U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major Issues (Rusk) . 702 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Prospects of Man- 
kind" (Roosevelt, Rusk) 708 

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request on Distribut- 
ing U.S. Views on Berlin (texts of U.S. and 
Soviet notes) 717 

Immigration and Naturalization. Immigration and 
Refugee Problems (Cieplinski) 727 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
Generous American Support of UNICEF Urged 
by President Kennedy 732 

Japan. Department To Support Visit of Governors 

to Japan 721 

Mutual Security 

International Investment and the Problems of Eco- 
nomic Growth (Martin) 710 

McElroy appointed AID special assistant .... 734 
U.S. Foreign Policy: Four Major Issues (Rusk) . 702 

Panama. Panamanian Economic Mission Concludes 

Talks at Washington 728 

Presidential Documents 

Generous American Support of UNICEF Urged by 

President Kennedy 732 

President Abboud of Sudan Visits United States 
October 4-14 721 

President Kennedy Holds Talks With President of 

Argentina 719 

The Public Responsibility of Educated Men . . . 699 
United States Congratulates China on 50th Anniver- 
sary of Revolution 719 

Public Affairs 

The Public Responsibility of Educated Men (Ken- 
nedy) 699 

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request on Distribut- 
ing U.S. Views on Berlin (texts of U.S. and So- 
viet notes) 717 

Publications. Recent Releases 734 


Acts of Recognition Since 1953 716 

U.S. Recognizes Government of Syrian Arab Repub- 
lic 715 

U.S. States Policy on Recognition of a Cuban Gov- 
ernment in Exile (Coerr, Reap) 716 

Refugees. Immigration and Refugee Problems 

(Cieplinski) 727 

Sudan. President Abboud of Sudan Visits United 
States October 4-14 (Abboud, Kennedy, and text 
of joint communique) 721 

Syrian Arab Republic. U.S. Recognizes Govern- 
ment of Syrian Arab Republic 715 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 733 

Uganda. Chief Minister of Uganda Visits United 

States 701 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Prospects of Man- 
kind" (Roosevelt, Rusk) 708 

U.S.S.R. Does Not Accede to Request on Distribut- 
ing U.S. Views on Berlin (texts of U.S. and So- 
viet notes) 717 

United Nations 

The U.N., a Forum for ReaflSrming Man's Common 

Humanity (Stevenson) 724 

U.S. Foreign Policy : Four Major Issues (Rusk) . . 702 
U.S. Replies to Cuban Charges in U.N. General 
Assembly (Stevenson) 731 

Name Index 

Abboud, Ibrahim 722 

Cieplinski, Michel 727 

Coerr, Wymberley DeR 716 

Frondizi, Arturo 719 

Kennedy, President 699, 719, 721 

King, Edward J 732 

Kiwanuka, Benedicto 701 

Louchheim, Mrs. Katie 725 

Martin, Edwin M 710 

McElroy, Stanley L 734 

Reap, Joseph W 716 

Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor 708 

Rusk, Secretary 702. 708 

Stevenson, Adlal E 724, 731 


United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C, 











. . . Let us call a truce to terror. Let us 

invoke the blessings of peace. And, as we 
build an international capacity to keep 
peace, let us join in dismantling the na- 
tioruil capacity to wage war. 

The above quotation is from President Kennedy's address before the 
United Nations General Assembly, September 25, 1961. The full text 
of his address, which is available in this 23-page pamphlet, covers the 
following subjects : 

Dedication to U.N. Charter and World Law 
Plan for General and Complete Disarmament 
Proposals To Halt Testing and Nuclear Arms Kace 
Worldwide Law and Law Enforcement 
Extending the Rule of Law to Outer Space 
United Nations Decade of Development 
Colonialism and the Principle of Free Choice 
Two Threats to the Peace 
Responsibilities of U.N. General Assembly 

Publication 7282 

15 cents 

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Washington 25, D.C. 

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Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



Vol. XLV, No. 1167 

November 6, 1961 


REVOLUTION • hy Under Secretary Bowles .... 739 


OCTOBER 18 746 

ISPHERE • by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson . . . 754 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLV, No. 1167 • Publication 7296 
November 6, 1961 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing OflQce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 25 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion apiiroved by the Director of the liiu-eau 
of the Budget (January 10, 1901). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items conlalne<l herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
07 State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed in the 
Readers' Quide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETINS includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made 6y the President and by 
t/ie Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is inchided concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
whicli the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

The Alliance for Progress, a Continuing RevoSution 

hy Under Secretary Bowles '■ 

It is a great pleasure for me to meet with you 
here at the binational institute to discuss the prob- 
lems and prospects of the Alliance for Progress.^ 

This great partnership is designed to strike at 
the roots of poverty and injustice throughout 
Latin America and to enable the people and gov- 
ernments of our 21 nations to strengthen their free 
institutions by peaceful, democratic means. If we 
are to succeed in this task, understanding and co- 
operation between our two great neighboring 
democracies is essential. Therefore let us briefly 
review the situation which confronts us. 

We live at a sober moment in history. Our 
generation faces changes, dangers, and opportuni- 
ties which are utterly without precedent. Every- 
where the world which our fathers knew is being 
challenged by powerful new revolutionary forces. 
What are these forces ? 

In a little more than a decade we have seen 
nearly a billion people in Asia and Africa throw 
off colonial rule to reclaim their independence or 
to establish new nations. We have seen the march 
of science pave the way for technological devel- 
opments which our grandparents could scarcely 
have imagined. We have seen the impact of this 
new technology reach into the most remote villages 
as people come suddenly to realize that illiteracy, 
ill health, and injustice are not part of God's plan 
for the unfortunate but evils to be met and 

At the same time we have seen the quickening 

'Address made before the Mexican-North American 
Cultural Institute at Mexico, D.F., on Oct. 19 (press 
release 721). 

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471, 
and Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459. 

pace of military science multiply the destructive- 
ness of modern weapons to a point where a single 
miscalculation can now wipe out life on much of 
this earth. 

This situation poses some hard questions: For 
instance, can the well-fed and comfortable minor- 
ity of mankind participate as leaders and part- 
ners in the process of peaceful revolutionary 
change? Or is it fated by its own fears and in- 
hibitions to stand uneasily on the sidelines, frus- 
trated and ineffective ? 

These questions are relevant not only to indi- 
viduals but also to nations. They are particularly 
relevant to my own country, the United States. 

History records that some privileged societies 
have had the wisdom to adjust themselves success- 
fully to rapidly changing political, economic, and 
social conditions beyond their borders. But I can 
remember no instance of a nation so favored as 
my own becoming a vigorous and effective partid- 
pant in the process of such change. 

The challenge to the people and the Government 
of the United States is clear : Can we become his- 
tory's first great exception ? I deeply believe that 
we can, and, because the success or failure of the 
Alliance for Progress depends in large measure on 
the attitudes and convictions which my country 
brings to it, I would like briefly to explain why. 

Worldwide Significance of American Revolution 

In spite of our mistakes and occasional de- 
partures from our democratic principles, we are 
deeply committed to the imiversal human values 
of justice and social responsibility, and this com- 
mitment has been reflected in many of our in- 
stitutions and traditions. 

November 6, 7967 


In the first place, our American Revolution has 
been a continuing revolution through wliich gen- 
eration after generation has dealt effectively and 
in great depth with changing economic and so- 
cial, as well as political, forces. George Wash- 
ington's Revolutionary armies gave us freedom 
from colonial rule. Yet this was not the climax 
of our Revolution ; it was the beginning. 

Geoi'ge Washington was closely followed by a 
great political revolutionary, Thomas Jefferson, 
author of our Declaration of Independence, who 
was determined tliat the new nation should be 
ruled by its people and not an elite of the for- 
tunate and "well born." Jefferson, in turn, was 
succeeded by such dedicated exponents of peace- 
ful economic and social change as Andrew Jack- 
son, Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson, and 
Franklin D. Roosevelt. 

Each of these leaders was opposed in his time 
by those who stood in the way of change. But 
through the democratic process each mustered de- 
cisive support behind policies designed to assure 
an increasing measure of economic and social jus- 
tice for all of our people. 

Moreover, from our earliest beginnings, we 
believed that the principles of our American 
Revolution had worldwide significance. It was 
Jefferson who said, "The American Revolution is 
intended for all mankind." The mass of mankind, 
he added, "was not born with saddles on their 
backs, for a favored few, booted and spurred, 
ready to ride them by the grace of God." 

Jefferson's vision of a democratic, peaceful rev- 
olution whose benefits were meant to be shared by 
all men has stayed with us throughout our history, 
and we have often supplied the words and acts 
that have kindled men's spirits. "The right of 
revolution," said Lincoln, "is a most sacred right ; 
a right which we believe is to liberate the world." 
Our Revolution, he thought, would lead the way 
to ease the lot of peoples "over a great 2)ortion of 
the globe." 

With Franklin D. Roosevelt, who outlined our 
good-neighbor policy in the 1930's, this peaceful 
revolutionary tradition was further reinforced. 
His four freedoms — freedom of speech and ex- 
pression, freedom to worsliip God in one's own 
way, freedom from want, and freedom from fear — 
were intended, in his own words, for "everywhere 
in the world." 

American Tradition of Self-Help 

A second factor which gives me confidence in 
the ability of my country to participate effectively 
in this great revolutionary adventure is our tradi- 
tion of self-lielp, of working together with our 
neighbors in behalf of a common goal. 

It was in this tradition that we built up the vast 
rural sections of our o^vn developing counti'v. 
Hard work and imagination were combined with 
a sense of neighborly cooperation in seeking the 
conmion good. And it was the village school- 
house, which provided education free for every 
child, that invariably received first priority. The 
result was communities in which men, women, and 
children of all ages and occupations developed a 
sense of belonging, of participation, of indi\ndual 

A strong contributing factor to this deeply 
rooted sense of individual dignity and security 
was our belief that each farmer has the right to 
own his own land and to devote his energies to 
improving its productivity. One of our first acts 
after winning our independence in 1783 was to 
repeal the British colonial laws which had pro- 
tected large estates. In 1862 our Congress passed 
the Homestead Act, which provided 160 acres free 
to every family willing and able to farm them. 

In the depression-ridden 1930's our national 
commitment to the farmer-owned, family-sized 
farm resulted in laws to provide long-term loans 
at vei-y low interest rates to stop mortgage fore- 
closures and otherwise to protect the farmer's abil- 
ity to work out his own future on his own land. 

Since World War II our deeply rooted belief 
that private ownership of the land is the very 
foundation of stable, democratic societies has been 
reflected in American foreign policy. 

Perhaps the most radical land reform in modern 
history was launched in Japan, immediately fol- 
lowing the war, by General MacArthur. Before 
Pearl Harbor less than one-third of Japanese 
farmers were landowners. As a result of the re- 
forms introduced by General MacArthur, 92 per- 
cent of all Japanese rural families now own their 
own land, on which they are producing more food 
and fiber per acre than anywhere in the world. 

Nearly a half centun' ago we accepted another 
economic doctrine which in many parts of Latin 
America is still considered radical — the progres- 
sive income tax. This tax called upon each citizen 


Department of State Bulletin 

to contribute to the welfare and security of our 
country in proportion to his earnings. 

Not only has this tax helped create a sense of 
economic justice in the United States; contrary 
to the predictions of its early opponents, it has 
helped foster rapid economic growth and increased 
capital investment. Indeed, the three nations with 
the highest per capita income and perhaps the 
fairest distribution of wealth in the world are those 
with the highest graduated income taxes, coupled 
with generous incentives for investment ; they are 
the United States, Canada, and the United 

The corporation tax on annual business earnings 
above $25,000 is now set at 52 percent. On top of 
that is a tax on personal income that rises rapidly 
as incomes rise to a top level of 90 percent. This 
means that a United States cor|3oration earning a 
million dollars gross profit pays $520,000 to the 
Federal Government. If the remaining $480,000 
is passed on as dividends to individual stock- 
holders, it is taxed on a steeply graduated basis as 
personal income. I do not suggest that taxes as 
high as these are called for in a developing 
counti-y. I mention them only to imderscore the 
effort which we are making at home. 

Lessons of Experience 

This, then, is the experience, tradition, and 
spirit that we bring to economic development in 
other countries. 

In our efforts to help other nations ease their 
poverty and expand their economies following 
World War II, we made many mistakes. Yet out 
of (his expei-ience has come a clearer understand- 
ing of the obstacles to rapid political, economic, 
and social growth and how these obstacles can 
l»st be overcome. 

As •s^o consider the possibilities and pitfalls of 
tlie challenging new Alliance for Progress, we 
sliould, I believe, face certain hard facts. 

For instance, we have learned by experience 
that there is a strict limitation on what any for- 
eign nation can do for others, regardless of the 
extent of its resources and good will. Neither 
prosperity nor freedom can be bestowed on one 
people by another. They must be earned by hard 
work, initiative, and often through sacrifice. 

For instance, there must be a willingness among 
the educated, privileged minority to forgo some 

immediate gains in a common effort, to create free 
societies, which alone can assure political, social, 
and economic growth by peaceful means. 

Wo have also learned that we cannot apply pat 
answers willy-nilly to widely varying situations. 

In Africa, for instance, the greatest barrier to 
economic and political progress is the lack of well- 
trained men and women to lead the forward surge. 
Education and training on a mass basis are re- 
quired to break this bottleneck and to provide the 
African nations with a new capacity to develop 
their capital and human resources. 

In Asia a totally different situation exists. In 
most Asian countries the central fact is the pres- 
sure of a great and rapidly expanding population 
against a limited resource base. Here the require- 
ments are not only for more trained people but for 
the outside capital which is essential to an indus- 
trial and agricultural breakthrough. 

Latin America presents a different kind of chal- 
lenge. Here we find a rich cultural heritage based 
on a common tradition. Here are nations which 
150 years ago threw off the shackles of foreign 
domination. Here are peoples with vast, untapped 
natural resources. 

In Mexico, as in the United States, an increasing 
measure of economic and social justice has gone 
hand in hand with political freedom. The revolu- 
tion which began here a half century ago con- 
tinues to influence the public life of your country. 
The Mexican people, therefore, have a special re- 
spect for and understanding of the dynamic power 
of the democratic process. 

In many other Latin American nations, how- 
ever, the revolutionary process petered out once the 
great liberators had broken the colonial ties. In 
spite of the courageous and dedicated efforts of 
many great democratic leaders, the economic and 
social reforms that alone can give depth and 
dignity to any society were often stifled or di- 
verted. And because the essential economic and 
social changes have not been forthcoming in many 
Latin American nations, great wealth often exists 
side by side with abject poverty. 

In particular, the cry for land has created deep- 
seated frustration and bitterness. The Spaniards 
and Portuguese who seized control of Latin Amer- 
ica in the 16th, I7th, and 18th centuries introduced 
feudal institutions from Europe. "Wlien the colo- 
nial ties were broken in the early 19th century, the 

November 6, 7967 


dominant role of the large landlords was, in most 
parts of the continent, largely unchallenged. 
Today it is said that 1.5 percent of the people of 
Latin America — those with 15,000 or more acres 
each — own half of all agricultural land. As a 
result, a majority of Latin Americans are poor 
tenant farmers, often deeply in debt to their 

If this antiquated rural system produced an 
adequate supply of food and fiber at reasonable 
prices, the social and economic injustices would 
be less apparent. However, because so much 
land has been set aside for cash crops and because 
farming methods are largely outdated, many 
Latin Americans continue to suffer diet 

There is urgent need for greater productivity, 
tJirough expanded savings, capital investment, 
and training; also the wiser use of existing re- 
sources, greater sensitivity to human needs, and 
a more just distribution of wealth which already 

Poverty must be recognized as a form of tyr- 
anny in itself; economic development as a liberat- 
ing force. Yet economic development will fail 
in its purposes if its benefits go primarily to a 
wealthy elite. 

Our task, therefore, is not only to bake a bigger 
economic pie but to take greater care in how the 
pie is sliced. Improved education and health, 
moreover, should be looked upon not only as the 
fruits of development but as a means to develop- 
ment. For this reason they are doubly important. 

We in the LTnited States deeply admire the ef- 
forts of the Government and people of Mexico 
to secure a more just economic and social balance. 
In the course of j'our revolution I understand that 
more than 50 million acres have been distributed 
to the peasants and tliat your net real income 
has been multiplied five times in the last 25 years — 
a record matched by few nations in the world. 

Objectives of Alliance for Progress 

The Alliance for Progress provides the basis 
for a partnership of nations designed to bring 
a fresh, democratic approach to the economic and 
social problems of the whole Western Hemisphere. 
How can such a partnership best be developed? 
How should the role of each partner be defined 
and understood ? 

In September 1960 the Act of Bogota ' stressed 
that economic and social development can only 
succeed if it is a two-way street. "The success 
of a cooperative program of economic and social 
progress," it said, "will require maximum self- 
help efforts on the part of the American republics 
and, in many cases, the improvement of existing 
institutions and practices, particularly in the 
fields of taxation, the ownership and use of land, 
education and training, health and housing." 

In August 1961, at Punta del Este, the Declara- 
tion to the Peoples of America * on the Alliance 
for Progress was even more precise. "Unjust 
structures and systems of land tenure and use" 
were condemned. Programs of integrated agrar- 
ian reform in accordance with the characteristics 
of each country to assure that "the land will be- 
come for the man who works it . . . the founda- 
tion of his increasing welfare, and the guarantee 
of his freedom and dignity" were vigorously 

The declaration called for tax laws, demanding 
more from those who have most, to punish tax 
evasion severely, and to redistribute the national 
income "in order to benefit those who are most in 
need, while, at the same time, promoting savings 
and investment and reinvestment of capital." 

The declaration finally expressed the conviction 
that "these profound economic, social, and cul- 
tural changes can come about only through the 
self-help efforts of each country." 

In early September the Congress of the United 
States passed economic aid legislation ^ which in- 
corporated these principles and spelled out Presi- 
dent Kennedy's responsibility in allocating the 
funds which were made available. For instance, 
this new legislation states that in making loans 
and grants to developing nations the President 
shall "take into account . . . the extent to which 
the recipient country is showing a responsiveness 
to the vital economic, political, and social concerns 
of its people, and demonstrating a clear determina- 
tion to take effective self-help measures. . . ." 

The legislation also stresses the need for compre- 
hensive, well-thought-through plans which will 
guard against waste and corruption. It calls for 
special encouragement to integrated rural com- 

' For text, see ihU}., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537. 

* For text, see ihid., Sept. 11, 19G1, p. 462. 

• Public Law 87-195. 


Department of State Bulletin 

munities to help assure greater opportunity and 
justice to those who till the soil. In its specific 
reference to Latin America, the new economic as- 
sistance program emphasizes that aid should be 
given "in accordance with the principles of the 
Act of Bogota." 

Essentials of Successful Development Program 

These, then, are our clearly stated objectives. 
Wliat about the program itself? Although tech- 
niques, standards, and specific programs are still 
in the development stage, a few general points 
may be considered. 

A challenge which requires particularly prompt 
and careful consideration lies in the rural areas, 
where 60 to 70 percent of the people of Latin 
America now live. In dealing with this question 
we must look beyond the popular slogans which 
call vaguely for "land reform." Although in- 
dividual or cooperative land ownership is essential 
to the development of dynamic rural communities, 
it is not enough in itself. If rural families are 
to achieve the increasing dignity and opportunity 
which they so urgently seek, government extension 
services must be created to promote modern farm- 
ing methods and the more efficient use of resources. 
Moreover, such extension services should include 
carefully integrated programs for the development 
of health clinics, schools, and roads. 

Low-interest loans must also be made available 
and cooperatives formed so that whole communi- 
ties may learn to work together to lift themselves 
up by their bootstraps. Where feasible, streams 
must be dammed and tube wells dug to provide 
water for irrigation. 

By encouraging all able-bodied people in the 
commimity to volunteer their labor in building 
these new facilities, the extension worker can fur- 
ther increase their sense of individual pride and 
participation. One overriding lesson has emerged 
from our recent experience in working with rural 
societies: Only when programs for rural better- 
ment are carefully integrated are human energies 
fully released. 

Let me suggest with particular emphasis that no 
country that aspires to economic development can 
say that it cannot afford to educate its children. 
It cannot afford not to educate its children. Nor 
can it afford not to conserve the health of its 

Another essential form of self-help which was 
stressed in both the Act of Bogota and the recent 
conference at Punta del Este is the graduated in- 
come tax. Such tax systems are needed to soak up 
idle profits, while offering dynamic incentives for 
capital investment in productive new enterprises. 

Although we have no desire to interfere in the 
affairs of others, we know from hard experience 
that sharp and showy differences between rich and 
poor breed bitter mirest and frustration among 
the less privileged. 

Another condition essential to increasing do- 
mestic investment and to successful development 
is a rational relationship between the currency of 
the developing nation and that of those with which 
it trades. 

May I add that I do not see why my Govern- 
ment or any other capital contributor should be 
asked for loans or grants to replace runaway in- 
digenous capital that could be kept at home by the 
same kind of curbs with which the British helped 
restore the soundness of their »iConomy following 
the war. 

Role of the United States 

I have offered these views in a spirit of genuine 
humility. We do not pretend to know all the 
answers to the complex problems of economic and 
social development. Yet the lessons we have 
learned have been learned by the harsh process of 
trial and error and often have been learned at very 
great cost. It is in that spirit that I share them 
with you tonight. 

Now what precisely is the United States pre- 
pared to do to help those nations which are taking 
the essential steps to help themselves in the spirit 
of the Act of Bogota ? 

Each nation will present its own special needs 
and opportunities. However, substantial sums are 
available from a variety of agencies for loans and 
grants for development programs; also teclmical 
specialists for planning, operations, and develop- 
ment; agricultural products such as wheat, maize, 
powdered milk, and fats ; and Peace Corps volim- 
teers, largely recruited from our universities, to 
help in teaching, surveying, and other projects. 

Studies are also under way which we hope may 
lead to agreements that will provide assured fair 
prices for various commodities which are vital to 
tlie prosperity of Latin American countries. 

November 6, J967 


Working Partners in a Great International Eflort 

The issue before us can be bluntly stated : What 
we jointly pledfjed under the terms of the Act of 
Bogota is no less than a continuing peaceful, 
democratic revolution calling in many cases for 
drastic change from the old ways. 

How fully have we weighed the implications of 
this pronomicement ? How clearly have we sensed 
the formidable difficulties which lie ahead ? They 
stem from several sources: from a sense of hope- 
lessness among millions of impoverished peasants 
and slum dwellers, from the conviction among 
many important political leaders that constructive, 
peaceful change is impossible, and from the op- 
position of economic interests which are unwilling 
to face the hard realities of today's revolutionary 

It would be folly for us to underestimate these 
difficulties. Yet we should take heart at the grow- 
ing support among influential leaders and groups 
for the programs which will be required to meet 
our stated objectives. 

In April 1957, for instance, the Fourth Inter- 
national Catholic Congress on Rural Life Prob- 
lems was held in Santiago, Chile. The conference 
concluded that the establishment of small, inde- 
pendently owned farms was the key to the free- 
dom, stability, and progress of Latin America and 
of most of the underdeveloped world. 

"All men have a right to live lives worthy of 
human beings," the charter adopted by the 
Catholic Congress said. "God does not will that 
some shall enjoy extravagant riches while others 
. . . lack even the barest necessities." The charter 
wisely observed that the necessary changes in the 
old pattern of society cannot be achieved merely 
by exhortation. "A certain measure of inter- 
vention," it stressed, "must be provided by the 
national governments." 

To men of stout hearts and deep conviction, our 
age offers an exciting opportunity to lead and to 
participate in a great international eii'ort for dem- 
ocratic development. The challenge is particu- 
larly great for younger men and women who have 
so much to gain by the success of this movement 
and so much to lose by its failure. 

This is no task for the timid or the doctrinaire. 
We must steer a pragmatic middle course between 
the naive assumption that the world can be re- 
made overnight and the panicky fear of ideolog- 
ical hobgoblins. 

The Communists did not create the wave of 
revolutionary change which is now sweeping 
Latin America, '^^1lat they are seeking to do is to 
ride this wave for their own destructive purposes. 
If every Commimist turned in his card tomorrow, 
this so-called "revolution of rising expectations" 
with all its fennent and vast potential for chaos 
or improvement would still be with us. 

Lenin proclaimed communism to be the wave 
of the futui'e. More and more, however, it has 
emerged as a sterile doctrine which rejects both 
the univei-sal moral values and the clear lessons 
of history. _ 

We should never underestimate the achieve- :| 
ments of Soviet industry and science. Nor should 
we allow our own military power ever to sag be- 
low the levels necessary for our mutual defense. 
However, when the record of our time is written, 
I believe it will be agreed that whatever the Soviet 
Union has accomplished in a material sense has 
been achieved not by communism but in spite of it. 

For the last 16 years Communists have con- 
trolled every kindergarten, school, and college in 
East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, 
Rumania, and Bulgaria. From morning to night 
students in these schools have been exposed to 
Communist textbooks. Communist libraries, Com- 
munist teachers, Communist radios, and Commu- 
nist speeches. 

Precisely what has been achieved by this mas- 
sive Communist indoctrination ? In October 1956, 
the answer was spelled out in the streets of Buda- 
pest, when 25,000 young Hungarians were killed 
fighting Soviet tanks. It is reflected today in the 
bitter attitudes of the young students in Poland, 
Rumania, East Germany, and other satellite 

And what about that great "competition be- 
tween two economic systems" that the Kremlin has 
been demanding since the war? Haven't we had 
precisely such a competition between East and 
West Germany — the former operating under a 
Communist totalitarian system and the latter free 
and independent ? Does any objective man doubt 
the results? 

In 10 years some 4 million East Germans, most 
of them under 25 years of age, left their homes to 
live in West Germany. In August, when the flow 
of refugees reached 3,000 daily, the Soviets were 
forced to establish a barbed wire and concrete 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

barrier and to block the escape routes with 

No, communism is not our greatest hurdle. The 
principal obstacle lies within ourselves. 

The challenge for us and our generation is 
abundantly clear: Can we, the citizens of such 
free nations as Mexico and the United States, for- 
get past differences and misunderstandings to be- 
come working partners in the extraordinary 
political, economic, and social revolution which 
now involves most of mankind? Can we put 
aside our own narrow, selfish interests to help 
build the dynamic democratic societies which alone 
can offer people of all races, religions, and creeds 
the opportmiities and the justice which they seek? 

We have all made mistakes, and there is much 
to be done in our countries. Yet over the years 
the record of the United States and Mexico in sup- 
port of peaceful, democratic change both at home 
and abroad has been a proud record. 

In the spirit of our own continuing revolutions, 
therefore, let us join with our 225 million neigh- 
bors to the soutli in this great adventure in inter- 
national cooperation — the Alliance for Progress. 
There is no time to waste. As President Lopez 
Mateos recently said, "At Punta del Este, the door 
was open to the hopes of the people. A delay or 
inefficiency in the action agreed upon will produce 
a bitterness of total despair." 

Your President has accurately stated the chal- 
lenge. Let us accept it together boldly and with 
high hopes. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Brazil, 
Roberto de Oliveira Campos, presented his creden- 
tials to President Kennedy on October 18. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi- 
dent's reply, see Department of State press release 
717 dated October 18. 


The newly appomted Ambassador of Laos, 
Prince Khampan, presented his credentials to 

President Kennedy on October 17. For texts of 
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's 
reply, see Department of State press release 715 
dated October 17. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Liberia, 
S. Edward Peal, presented his credentials to Presi- 
dent Kennedy on October 19. For texts of the 
Ambassador's remarks and the President's reply, 
see Department of State press release 722 dated 
October 19. 

U.S. Commemorates 5th Anniversary 
of Hungarian National Uprising 

Department Statement 

Press release 727 dated October 20 

Five years ago Hungarian patriots bravely 
struggled against tremendous odds in an effort to 
win national independence and the freedoms to 
which all manlcind and all nations are entitled. In 
complete disregard of the principle of self-de- 
termination Soviet military forces brutally inter- 
vened to suppress this national uprising of the 
Hungarian people. 

The United Nations has repeatedly condemned 
this Soviet intervention and the accompanying 
Soviet violations of human rights and freedoms. 
The Soviet Government stands in defiance of the 
United Nations by refusing to comply with its 
expressed will. It continues to hold subject not 
only the Hungarian nation but other peoples of 
Eastern Europe. 

On this fifth anniversary of the Hungarian na- 
tional uprising free men everywhere will pay 
tribute to the valor of the Hungarian people and 
reaffirm their respect for Hungary's struggle 
against Soviet imperialism. It is also fitting to 
assure the Hungarian people that they are not 
alone in their just aspirations for freedom and 
national independence. The free world, as well 
as the other Eastern European peoples, will not 
forget the sacrifices of the Hungarian patriots for 
the ideas we all share. 

HoM&mher 6, 196? 


Secretary Rusk's News Conference of October 18 

Press release 720 dated October 18 

Secretary Rusk : Before we start let me say that 
our meeting in this room is frankly experimental. 
As some of you know, we were not entirely satis- 
fied with the large auditorium, where we were 
swallowed up. But if you have any reactions as 
to place after today's experience in this room, 
please pass them along to Mr. Tubby or Mr. 'Wliite, 
and we will do our best to settle down in a place 
that is generally satisfactory. 

I know that you will wish to know whether I 
have any comments on Chairman Khrushchev's 
speech of yesterday.' Let me say that I have not 
yet received the full text in translation and would 
not wish to characterize it in general terms. In 
a speech of this character the excerpts which are 
received early might be affected by additional 
material which would be in the complete text, and 
these matters in fine print sometimes are im- 
portant. From the portions which I have seen it 
is clear tliat Chairman Klirushchev ranged widely 
over the field of foreign affairs and said a good 
many things which could not be supported by the 

Today, however, I would comment on one state- 
ment he made. He said : 

If the Western Powers show readiness to settle the 
German problem, then the question of the time of signing 
a German peace treaty will not be of such importance. 
We shall then not insist that the peace treaty be signed 
without fail by 31 December, 1961. 

Tliis confirms publicly what has been said in 
private talks, including our talks with Mr. Gro- 
myko [Andrei A. Gromyko, Soviet Minister of 
Foreign Affairs]. His public statement, indicat- 
ing that he does not assert an ultimatum with 
respect to time, may serve to reduce tension some- 
what. But his jrencral observations about the 

' Mr. Khrushchev addressed the 22d Congress of the 
Soviet Communist Party on Oct. 17. 

German and Berlin problems show little, if any, 
change from what has been said before. He did 
not go into details, but one would not expect him 
to in a general review of this character. 

Our discussions in recent weeks with the Soviet 
Union are properly called exploratory talks. 
They have not been negotiations but an attempt 
to discover whether a basis for negotiation exists. 
In this process we have kept our allies fully in- 
formed, both through the ambassadorial group 
in Washington and in NATO. 

Wlien a serious and dangerous difference arises, 
there are various ways of dealing with it. One 
would be for the two sides to growl publicly at 
each other until something happens. Another is 
to establish contact in order to clarify the situa- 
tion and to guard against a catastrophe which 
might be brought on by ignorance, miscalculation, 
or mistake. In the modern world I believe that it 
is important that great powers not lose contact 
with each other in the presence of a severe dis- 
agreement. Exploratory talks can clarify an un- 
derstanding of vital issues and our determination 
to defend them. They can also discover whether 
there is any basis for negotiations which might 
lead to a peaceful conclusion. We believe that 
responsible statesmen must keep in touch with 
each other — not despite the difficulties and dangers 
but because of them. 

If systematic negotiation can occur at some 
point, that does not insure that an agreement can 
be readied. The object would be to reach an agree- 
ment which fully protects the legitimate vital in- 
terests of botli sides. But since governments have, 
not unexpectedly, different views as to what these 
interests are, negotiation does not always succeed. 

Tliere has been considerable speculation about 
differences among the Western Allies with respect 
to tlio liandling of the problem of Germany and 
Berlin. I do not wish to pretend that there have 
not been differences, but it is important for us to 


Department of State Bulletin 

know, and for Mr. Klirvislichev to know, wliat these 
do and do not mean. There is complete agreement 
in the West on the nature of our vital interests in 
Germany and Berlin and on the necessity for de- 
fending those vital interests. There is general 
agreement on the need for preparations to meet 
a severe crisis if one develops. There has been 
some disagreement on the timing and nature of 
contacts with the Soviet Union ; these have more 
to do with procedure than with substance. It 
would not be correct to believe that there is any 
crisis within the "West with respect to Germany 
and Berlin. Consultations among the Four Pow- 
ers most directly involved in Germany and Berlin 
continue on a daily basis, and on a regular basis 
in NATO. Whether a particular group of experts 
meets in a particular place, or whether tentative 
arrangements for such a meeting do not material- 
ize, is not as important as the basic unity on which 
we are proceeding and the regiilar consultations 
which are going forward. 

Peruvian Proposal to OAS on Cuba 

I might also make a brief comment on the im- 
portant subject raised yesterday in the Organiza- 
tion of American States by the Peruvian Ambas- 

We are giving active and thorough attention to 
the important Peruvian proposal of yesterday to 
the Council of the OAS that a committee be des- 
ignated to investigate abuses of civil liberties and 
Cuban interventionist activities in other Ameri- 
can countries. It is essential that the governments 
of the Americas review how they can best meet 
tlieir responsibilities to protect the security of 
their peoples and that of the hemisphere as a 
whole, and how efforts being made or contemplated 
within the OAS to gain these objectives can be 
best handled. 

Peruvian Ambassador [Juan Batista de] La- 
valle, in his presentation to the Council of the 
OAS, eloquently described the causes for hemi- 
sphere-wide concern with developments in Cuba 
since the Castro government transformed that 
country into an accomplice of the Sino-Soviet 

We may be certain the world will be watching 
the OAS approach to the Cuban problem. The 
central question here, as it is in other parts of 
the world, is: Can people who are devoted to a 
world of free choice, opposed to a world of coer- 

cion, keep Communist intervention from under- 
mining and destroying independent nations? 
Now I am ready for your questions. 

Exploratory Talks on Berlin 

Q. Mr. Secretary., you Jiave spoken of possible 
negotiations with Russia on Berlin. Would you 
spell out at all what the criteria are as to token 
■we migJit enter that phase? 

A. I would anticipate that what I referred to 
as exploratory talks would continue in order to 
discover whether there is a satisfactory basis for 
negotiation. Those talks may occur in a variety 
of ways. As you know, Ambassador [Llewellyn 
E.] Thompson is here for detailed briefing and 
consultation and will be returning shortly. I 
understand that the British Ambassador in Mos- 
cow is returning for similar consultation. Per- 
haps other Western ambassadors in Moscow may 
do the same. But that would give us a variety 
of channels and opportunities for pursuing these 
exploratory talks somewhat further. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, a dispatch from Moscow a 
few moments ago reported that the Soviet Union 
had sent a new note to the Western Powers, and 
it is presumed to he on the question of access to 
Berlin. Could you tell us anything at all aiout 

A. No, quite frankly, and this is another in- 
stance where the press is faster than diplomatic 
cables. I have not had information about that 

Q. Mr. Secretary, it is clear you handled this 
group of experts, what you called your '■'■four wise 
men''' — there has been some confusion — toill these 
four wise men, or senior officers, meet, and if yes, 
where, and if not, why? 

A. Well, you know, I quite frankly have been 
a little surprised at the importance that this par- 
ticular meeting has assumed. I suppose this is 
partly because, with a matter that is being han- 
dled primarily through private talks of one sort 
or another, anything which becomes visible be- 
comes news. But I have been surprised, for ex- 
ample, to have people suppose that the ambas- 
sadorial group here in Washington is supposed 
to be a low-level group and that this special 
meeting of experts is a higher level group. 

November 6, 7967 


We have the most responsible possible means of 
consultation here — they are meeting at this in- 
stant — through the ambassadors. Now if on oc- 
casion, as has occurred in the past, it is desirable 
for a particular group to get together for more in- 
tensive work in one of the other capitals on a par- 
ticular aspect of its work, that may occur. But 
this particular arrangement did not seem to com- 
mend itself to all the governments involved, and so 
tentative plans did not fully materialize. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., you spoke, sir, of general 
Western agreement on substance hut some differ- 
ence on principles. 

A. I beg your pardon — on procedure. 

Q. Some differences on procedure. Do you feel, 
Mr. Secretary, that hefore there can he any agree- 
ment on procedure something more has to he de- 
veloped in the exploratory talks, and if so, could 
you give us some indication of what? 

A. I think that we have indicated publicly, as 
well as privately, that the framework of negotia- 
tion to which the Soviets most frequently refer 
is too narrow, that a discussion about a peace 
treaty with Gennany and a solution of the prob- 
lem of West Berlin on that basis is too restric- 
tive an agenda for serious discussions of the 
problems of Germany and Berlin. 

That certainly would be one of the points that 
would have to be further clarified, and tliere would 
be others. But I hope you will understand that 
I do not wish to get into the substantive points 
of negotiation at this stage, when it would not be 
helpful for me to do so. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you heJieve that ths ex- 
ploratory talks can get under way again hefore 
the German'^ have formally established a new 

A. I think that would not be an obstacle. The 
exploratory talks did occur before the new govern- 
ment was formed and announced. We have been 
in close touch with Bonn on these matters. I do 
not anticipate any change, any significant change, 
in German policy on the mutter. We fully under- 
stand each other on these problems. So that I 
would think tliat this is not a major point thei-e. 

There will be, of course, a great deal of Allied 
consultation to review what the Gromyko talks 
came up with and of course to review carefully 

tlie speech of Mr. Khrushchev before the Party 
Congress, and this will affect the nature and the 
timing of further exploratory talks. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, it is generally agreed that the 
differences hetiveen the Allies center around the 
U.S. and British desire to keep negotiations going, 
the French and West Germans'' desire to stand 
pat and firm. In view of Khrushchev''s postponing 
or calling off his ^dtimatu7n or postponing Ids 
deadline, is this a result of Allied firnvness or a 
result of U.S. policy to continue negotiation? Who 

A. Well, I would not wish, in the first place, 
to refer to these talks that have been going on as 
negotiations. Nor would I wish to pose two capi- 
tals against two capitals on matters of this sort. 
I think that is much too simplified. 

But in answer to the main part of your question, 
I would think that it would be highly speculative 
to try to decide what is causing what and what 
influences are making themselves felt on one side 
or the other. I think that Mr. Khrushchev under- 
stands the seriousness of the Western position 
and the seriousness of Western determination. To 
what extent this is having an effect on him we 
shall have to see. 

Q. May I ask you ahout Mr. Williams' [Assist- 
ant Secretary for African Affairs G. Mennen 
Williams'] conversations in Tunis, xchich have 
aroused some speculation? Can you say whether 
we are giving any consideratio-n to recognizing 
the provisianal government of Algeria? 

A. I should think that would be a premature 
question. The Algerian situation is one which we 
hope will be resolved shortly through the process 
of negotiation. We hope these negotiations will 
be successful and that that very troublesome and 
difficult question can be removed from the agenda. 
Mr. Williams did meet certain representatives of 
the Algerian side socially while visiting in Tunis, 
but I think that it did not change the situation 
in any way. 

Soviet Nuclear Tests 

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you had any assurances 
either informally or foTvnally about the Soviet 
Union's nuclear explosions to the effect that it will 
not harm the United States in any way, and have 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

you heard anything to the effect you think it will 
not take flaoef 

A. No, we have liad no assurances from the 
Soviet Union on that matter. Indeed, the infor- 
mation which we have comes from Mr. Ivliru- 
shcliev's speech, and, quite frankly, I have not had 
the official transcript of that portion of the speech 
in front of me yet. I have a copy of a broadcast 
in English to the United Kingdom, with which I 
think you are all familiar. 

I will not elaborate unduly on the statement 
made at the Wliite House last evening about this 
50-megaton explosion. But we are quite sure that 
this will cause people all over the world to think 
a great deal about this event. It stands against 
the backgromid of two Soviet votes for an un- 
policed moratorium. One possibility, since the 
statement we have suggests that they might be 
concluding this series of tests by the end of Oc- 
tober — and, as I say, we have no information other 
than that — one possibility is that they might con- 
clude tliis series of tests, then support another 
unpoliced moratorium until they are ready for 
another series of tests. That would not be a very 
productive enterprise, I should think. 

These problems help to explain why we believe 
that the path to a ban on nuclear tests lies through 
a treaty, a treaty such as that tabled by the United 
States and United Kingdom at Geneva this year,- 
a treaty which will give assurance to all of those 
who are directly interested that secret prepara- 
tions are not going forward, that tests, if con- 
ducted, will be ascertained, and that violations will 
free the other signatories from obligations under 
the treaty. 

We hope that the Soviet Union, if it has made a 
finn decision to conduct such an explosion, will 
think again about it. Such an explosion is not 
necessaiy from a technical point of view. The 
tests whicli have been conducted already in the 
ranges which have been used are fully adequate 
for any teclinical or scientific purpose. 

Just why the Soviet Union would wish to deto- 
nate a 50-megaton explosion is something about 
which we can all speculate. But if they have in 
mind a demonstration, we hope that they will think 
very hard about all that it will demonstrate and 
not just a particular point that they wish to 

U.S. Calls on U.S.S.R. Not To Test 
50-IVIegaton Nuclear Bomb 

White House Statement 

White House press release dated October 17 

It is reported that the Soviet Union plans to 
explode a giant nuclear bomt) — the equivalent to 50 
million tons of TNT. 

"We call upon the Soviet Union to reconsider this 
decision, if in fact it has been made. We know 
about high-yield weapons. Since 1957 the United 
States has had the technical know-how and mate- 
rials to produce bombs in the 50-100 megaton range 
and higher. But we also know that such weapons 
are not essential to our military needs. Further- 
more, full-scale tests are not necessary to develop 
50-megaton bombs. Such an explosion could only 
serve some unconfessed political purpose. 

We believe the peoples throughout the world wlU 
join us in asking the Soviet Union not to proceed 
with a test which can serve no legitimate purpose 
and which adds a mass of additional radioactive 
fallout to that which has been unleashed in recent 

' For text, see Bulletin of June 5, 1961, p. 870. 
November 6, I96I 

We hope very much that we can move toward a 
test ban treaty just as promptly as possible. 

Situation in Southeast Asia 

Q. Would you give us an appraisal^ sir, of the 
situation in southeast Asia, in Viet-Nam and Laos, 
and the effect that this is having on Thailand and 
Cambodia and the other neighboring countries? 

A. The security of southeast Asia as a region is 
a matter of the greatest importance, and the most 
immediate concerns there at the moment are, of 
course, Laos and Viet-Nam. I believe that today 
Prince Souvamia Phouma [of Laos] may be meet- 
ing with the King at Luang Prabang to begin dis- 
cussions on the constitution of a government. 

The agreement among the three princes that 
Souvanna Phouma might be recommended as the 
Prime INIinister is only the beginning of what 
could be a difficult negotiation, because the object 
would be to get a government which would be in 
fact neutral, and in fact independent, and would 
be able to lead Laos in that direction. 

It is too early yet to say whether these negotia- 
tions can be successful. Meanwhile, the work in 
Geneva goes ahead. But the work at Geneva will 


be strongly influenced by what happens in these 
negotiations in Laos about a government. 

As you know, General [Maxwell D.] Taylor is in 
Vict-Nam to review that situation for the Presi- 
dent and the departments of Government 

Although the armed forces of south Viet-Nam 
have improved considerably in strength and in 
initiative and in equipment and training, there has 
been a significant upsurge in guerrilla activity, 
guerrilla activity which has been supported by 
cadres and by supplies moving in from the north, 
some of it directly, some of it by way of Laos. 

Of course, the threats to the security of Laos and 
Viet-Nam are matters of great concern to other 
countries in that area, such as Thailand, Cam- 
bodia, and indeed others. We are looking forward 
to General Taylor's report with the greatest 
possible interest. When we get it, we will con- 
sider what can be done to steady that situation in 
that part of the world. 

U.S. Policy on Aid to Yugoslavia 

Q. ~Will you state the objectives of our economic 
aid to Yugoslavia and lohether it continues to serve 
those objectives? 

A. First let me review the situation briefly. 
Yugoslavia is a Communist country and has been 
since World War II. And no one in any of the 
administrations which have considered this matter 
has overlooked this fact. 

A more important fact, however, is that in 1948 
Yugoslavia broke away from the Soviet bloc and 
since that time has been not only independent of 
the Soviet bloc but also a divisive influence on 
world communism and a source of considerable 
dissension within the Communist bloc. 

It has been a policy of three administrations to 
support Yugoslavia's determination to maintain 
its independence. As a part of our efforts to help 
Yugoslavia preserve that independence, we have 
furnished substantial economic and military as- 
sistance, including military grant aid from 1951 
through 1957. There is no doubt that our aid did 
serve to strengthen Yugoslavia's eff'orts to main- 
tain its independence. These developments have 
not been without effect on the Soviet bloc. 

You may recall that last December, in the 
famous declaration issued by the Communist par- 
ties at the time of the Communist summit, there 
were some very severe criticisms of Yugoslavia 


contained in that declaration, and you will observe 
that Yugoslav policies have again been criticized 
in the 22d Congress of the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union, wliich is now taking place. 

I think some of the criticism which this policy 
is now receiving stems to a certain degree from 
public disappointment that our aid to Yugoslavia 
has not led to full Yugoslav agreement with the 
foreign policy of the United States. But, as the 
President has stated, our aid programs are not 
designed to purchase agreement with us. In our 
view countries are entitled to national sovereignty 
and independence, and the basic purpose of our 
aid is to strengthen the efforts of recipient coun- 
tries to maintain their national sovereignty and 

Some of the disappointment in this country 
has come from the Belgrade meeting.' We do 
not believe that that Belgrade meeting indicated 
that Yugoslavia was in the process of losing its 
independence, even though some things were said 
there that we ourselves did not particularly ap- 
prove. So that is the basis of our policy. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., could you spell out what we 
regard as our remaining rights in East Berlin and 
specifically whether or not we regard the con- 
tinued, circulation of Allied personnel into East 
Berlin as a vital right? 

A. We have quadripartite rights with respect 
to East Berlin, which we are not abandoning, and 
these are matters which will be subject to con- 
versations with all the powers interested. We do 
expect to have our personnel go into East Berlin 
as necessary, under our existing quadripartite 
riglits, and we expect the Soviet Union to recog- 
nize those rights and protect them. 

Hope for Agreement on New U.N. Secretary-Genera! 

Q. Mr. Secretary, it has been some 4 weeks now 
that we have been arguing over a successor to the 
Secretary-General of the United Nations. Do 
you foresee more haggling over this, or do you 
think it has to come to a head fairly soon? 

A. Wo do think that this ought to come to a 
head promptly. The time that has been spent thus 
far has been used to find out whether there was a 
basis for agreement, general agreement. Because, 
if such were possible, it would be in the broadest 

•■' For background, see iUd.. Oct. 2, 1961, p. .53!). 

Department of State Bulletin 

sense better for the United Nations to proceed on 
that basis. 

But this agreement cannot be achieved at the 
cost of crippling the United Nations or of inflict- 
ing deep injury on the arrangements anticipated 
by the charter. 

We believe that there must be a Secretary-Gen- 
eral who has the confidence of the United Nations 
and who has the full authority to act in accord- 
ance with the charter and whose responsibility for 
the Secretariat is unencumbered by diffuse and 
indefinite arrangements of any sort. We think 
that his principal assistants should be selected by 
him and on a geographical basis as intended in 
the charter and that these assistants should not be 
grouped in accordance with any doctrine of po- 
litical forces, as has been advanced. 

We would like to be able to proceed on the basis 
of agreement, but if that agreement is not possible, 
then it would be up to the General Assembly to 
determine to proceed without agreement because 
the fundamental interest of the U.N. and of the 
large membership of the U.N. in this question is 

We think it possible that this might come to a 
head very shortly. Intensive consultations are 
testing, today or tomorrow, just what the possi- 
bilities might be. 

Q. What is the present feeling within the ad- 
ministration on the necessity for resuming atmos- 
pheric tests? 

A. That is a matter on which the President has 
commented. I would suppose that he would make 
his position on that public at the appropriate time. 
I would not wish to comment on that myself. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have heen more privileged 
than any other man in the Western community to 
discuss both Berlin, Germany, and southeast Asia 
with the Russians directly. Can we have at least 
some of your estimates on what they are really up 
to, what their objectives are on both sides of the 

A. I think that on that question I would have to 
refer to some remarks that I made at the National 
Press Club * on the underlying crisis of our period, 
the type of crisis precipitated by the policies an- 
nounced last December and on January 6th and, 

* IMd., July 31, 1961, p. 175. 

from preliminary information, perhaps repeated 
in the speech of yesterday. 

If the Communist world believes that its brand 
of revolution is historically inevitable, and pur- 
sues that belief in action, then we shall have re- 
current problems so long as that is the case. 
Because the great struggle will be between those 
who want that kind of world and those who want 
the kind of world set forth in the United Nations 

That does not mean that in a particular situa- 
tion there may not be reasons for settling par- 
ticular questions. But the settlement of par- 
ticular issues is made vastly more difficult and 
complex by this miderlying crisis of which I have 
spoken earlier. 

This is not the same kind of negotiation that 
one would expect to get into where both sides can 
be confident that their basic objectives are the 
same. So this is the complicating factor. 

West Berlin Trade Relations 

Q. The recent reports released by the Depart- 
ment of Commerce have revealed that West Ber- 
lin trade toith the Soviet bloc countries is at an 
alltime high. It is twice that of Great Britain 
and France ivith the Soviet bloc countries, and 
four times that of the United States. In view 
of present tensions over Berlin and West German 
dejiiands of the West, hoio do you interpret bur- 
geoning trade relations between West Germany 
and the Communist states? 

A. I would not relate the level of trade at the 
particular moment with the Berlin issue as such. 
The West Germans have entered the world ti'ade 
picture with great vigor and great skill, and it 
is not surprising that their trade with the Soviet 
bloc and other groups of countries would have 
increased, so that I would not wish to comment 
particularly on that point. As far as our own 
trade with the Soviet bloc is concerned, I shall 
have an opportunity next week to discuss tliat 
matter with the committee of the Congress, and I 
hope some of you will be there. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, back again, sir, on the 
question of Allied consultations on the matter of 
Berlin and Germany. Is the administration satis- 
fied, sir, with the present scope and level of 
progress in these consultations, or is there some 
consideration being given to a possible meeting 

November 6, 1 96 J 


between either yourself or the President and 
Chancellor Adenauer? 

A. I would think that the channels for con- 
sultation •which exist at the present time are en- 
tirely adequate for present purposes. I vcouldn't 
wish to speculate on the possibility of a foreign 
ministers meeting or some other kind of meeting, 
but for the present we woidd like to make full 
use of existing channels. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has already heen some 
criticism of the United States for having spent 
^ weeks in dwcussing with Russia the possibility 
of agreement on tlie new Secretary-General. 
What do you say in ansioer to such criticism? 

A. I indicated earlier that I thought that, if it 
were possible to proceed on the basis of an agree- 
ment without any compromise whatever with the. 
basic necessities of the United Nations, this would 
be desirable. I think the Soviet Union ran into 
the fact that the troika proposals simply are not 
negotiable in the United Nations, that they were 
in effect stillborn as far as the U.N. is concerned — 
the Secretary-General's post is concerned. Now, 
if this period of time makes it possible for them 
to reconsider, to get the full flavor of the attitude 
of the overwhelming majority of the members of 
the General Assembly and to understand that 
troika, as they saw it, is not possible, then it might 
be possible to proceed on some other basis con- 
forming to the charter, and that has been the 
purpose of the time spent. 

No Future in Idea of Disengagement 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on the German and Berlin is- 
sues, to ivhat extent is the United States Govern- 
ment willing to consider any type of sonal 
arrangement affecting both sides of the East 
German — of the Iron Curtain under the context 
of European security? 

A. I would not suppose that the idea of disen- 
gagement has any future in it, because disengage- 
ment implies the abandonment of responsibilities 
and implies the creation of perhaps a vacuum, 
which would not itself be conducive to stability 
and peace. On the other hand, if any progress at 
all can be made in the field of general disarmament 
which applies to all countries and not on a dis- 
criminatory basis and which itself could lead to 
the reduction of the scale of forces at present, say, 

in Europe, as well as in other parts of the world, 

this in itself might not only be an evidence of re- 
duction of tensions but might itself contribute to 
a reduction of tensions. 

I do not want to get trapped into the use ot 
such words as "consider" and "study." Some of 
you will recall some difficulties that we had with 
this many years ago. Any organization like the 
Department of State or Disarmament Agency is 
going to study almost any idea that comes down 
the track, including the proposals from those with 
whom we are in sharp disagreement and including 
proposals that we ourselves could not accept. So 
that I hope that we won't let those two words 
trick us here. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in this connection Senator 
[Hubert H.] Humphrey has been saying that this 
Government is seriously considering the so-called 
Rapacki proposal.^ Nov\ if this: is true vwi''d if 
be correct to assume that our policy had changed 
since 1959, when toe had insisted that we would 
only consider disengagement in Germany? 

A. I would say that, on the subject of disen- 
gagement and the way to achieve a reduction of 
force in Europe and the general field of disarma- 
ment, our policy has not changed. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, for clarification, in answer 
to Mr. Roberts'' [Chalmers M. Roberts, Washing- 
ton Post and Times Herald] question, did you 
mean to exclude the subject of zonal arrangements 
affecting both sides from U.S.-Soviet talks and 
apply them only to disarmament questions, or is 
it possible that, as an adjunct to the general effort 
of disarmament, there may still be possible some 
U.S.-Soviet arrangement toward this end? 

A. I would not think that there would be a 
U.S.-Soviet arrangement on a matter of that sort. 
These are matters for all of the governments in- 
volved in a particular part of the world, and we 
are not negotiating ourselves with the Soviet Un- 
ion on matters of vital interest to all of these other 
countries. But I would not suppose that zonal 
arrangements of the disengagement type are in- 
volved here. Under the disarmament plan which 
we have put forward ° it is possible that various 
regional arrangements might come into being in 
the field of disarmament not only in Europe but 
in other continents, so that this is a matter which 

'■ For l)a(kgroun(J, see ihiif.. Slay 19, 1958, p. 821. 
" lhi:l.. Oct. 16. 19G1, p. O.-.O. 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

can be taken up in pace with and alongside of the 
general problems of disannament. 

Q. Mr. Secreta'iy, some of the confiosion over 
this seems to have arisen from the fact that the 
Western position seems to have broadened tJie 
Berlin talks to include European security prob- 
lems in this problem of Germany. If you are 
talking about things like zonal arrangements and 
disengagement, what do you mean when you talk 
about hroademng the problem to include Euro- 
pean security? What are the elements there? 

A. I said earlier that I was going to try to re- 
sist talking about the substance of negotiations in 
these matters because we haven't reached the point 
of negotiation yet and I qviite frankly don't think 
that I should go into it, but these are not the only 
alternatives that miglit be taken up under a 
broader concept of improving the general secu- 
rity situation in Europe. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, from, tohat you have seen 
and studied in Mr. Khrushchev^s speech, would 
you say that the chances for peace with honor are 
better, or worse, or the same? 

A. In a 61/^-hour speech I would think that 
much would depend on what part of the speech 
you have seen. I would be very i-eluctant, having 
seen as much of it as I have, to characterize the 
speech in any single, simple way. I am sui-e you 
will find many quotes there that will point in dif- 
ferent directions, and some quotes that would sup- 
port almost any point of view in terms of a gen- 
eral characterization of the situation. In some 
aspects it seems to be quite moderate in tone, and 
in some other aspects it was quite uncompromising 
in tone. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you plan to attend the 
Tokyo meeting of the Cabinet members? 

A. That is my present plan, particularly since 
this is the first one. This was worked out while 
Prime Minister Ikeda was here.' It is patterned 
after a similar arrangement we have with Canada. 
If the situation permits it, I should like very 
much to go, and my schedule at the moment in- 
cludes a quick turnaround trip to Tokyo. 

Q. Would it include any other countries? 

A. I might, since I have not been to Korea in a 

very long time, and I would like to make a very 
brief visit there at the same time. 

Outlook for Communist China's Membership in U.N. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, what is the outlook for the 
issue of Communist China's m,embership in the 
United Nations at this session of the General 

A. I would think that Communist China would 
not be admitted to the United Nations at this ses- 
sion of the General Assembly. This is a matter 
which is seriously before the members of the U.N. 
I think that we luiderstand the problems involved, 
that a very considerable nmnber of the members 
of the U.N., far more than recognize Peiping, 
recognize and support the Government of the Re- 
public of China, as do we, and I would not think 
that there would be any change in the General 

^ Q. Mr. Secretary, is it likely that the United 
States loould introduce a resolution to resolve the 
problem of succession to the Secretary-General- 
ship of the United Nations? And, if so, how soon? 
We have been reading about a possible deadline 
at the end of the loeek. 

A. There has been continuous consultation with 
representatives of many gi'oups of nations on this 
point. I would suppose that a resolution would 
be more broadly representative than one we would 
ourselves introduce. 

Q. We would support it? We would be one of 
the supporters? 

A. Quite frankly I don't think that I can 
answer that question at the moment, because they 
are discussing this and other points this afternoon 
in New York. 

Q. Sir, could you possibly elaborate a little 
more on your possible trip to Tokyo, this meeting 
in question? I am not familiar with it. And 

A. This is a joint United States-Japanese com- 
mittee at the Cabinet level to discuss trade and 
economic relations between the two countries. It 
is scheduled in Tokyo for early November. And 
the plan would be that next year our Japanese 
colleagues would join us here in the United States 
for a visit. 

' For background, see iBid., July 10, 1961, p. 57. 

Q. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. 

November 6, 7967 

616883—61 3 


The United Nations and the Western Hemisphere 

by Adlai E. Stevenson 

UjS. Representative to the United Nations ^ 

A la prensa Ubre de las Americas le traigo las 
mas cordiales saludos de la gente y del gobiemo 
de los Estados Unidos. 

I am very happy to have this chance to pay my 
respects and the respects of the Government and 
people of tlie United States to the Inter- American 
Press Association and its eminent leaders. We 
recognize you as a force for a free and enlightened 
press in this hemisphere and for friendship among 
the American Republics, and we welcome you most 
heartily to our shores. 

At a dinner just as I was leaving for South 
America last spring,^ as President Kennedy's rep- 
resentative, my friend Bob Hope said: "Adlai's 
going to South America to visit the friends of the 
United States— and he will be back the same day." 
Well, I was gone for 22 days, and if I had been 
so foolish as to try to meet all the friends of the 
United States in even one of the 10 countries I 
visited, it would have had to be more like 22 years. 
There was not always and everywhere a complete 
meeting of minds — nobody expects that — but there 
was always a meeting of friends; for that I am 
full of gratitude. 

I will confess that this last trip was more strenu- 
ous than my other trip through Latin America, 
over a year ago, when I met many of you and 
traveled as a ijrivate citizen and as a working 
journalist. Since then my situation has changed. 
I haven't gone as far as my esteemed friend, Pedro 
Beltran of Peru, who went from running a news- 
paper to running a country. But as a public o9i- 

' Address made before the Inter-American Press Asso- 
ciation at New York, N.T., on Oct. 16 (U.S./U.N. press 
release 3796). 

■For Ambassador Stevenson's report to the Secretary 
of State on his trip, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 311. 

cial on this last trip I had another direct experi- 
ence with the enterprise of the reporters and 
editors of Latin America, and I can testify that 
there is plenty of it ! And I have often remarked 
that there are more really great newspapers in 
South America than anywhere I've been — and 
that's jiist about everywhere. 

Before I leave the subject of that trip, there is 
just one little incident on which I think I owe an 
explanation to television viewers, at least in tliis 

It seems that the TV newsreels in the United 
States showed two brief scenes from my visit to 
Brazil, in rapid succession : first. President [ Janio] 
Quadros, as he then was, driving himself to church 
in an old Volkswagen, and then a picture of me 
arriving for a meeting with President Quadros 
in the biggest, shiniest limousine I ever saw. Nor 
did the TV say that it belonged to the Governor 
of Sao Paulo. 

Having come to South America as a messenger 
of progress for the common man, I felt a little like 
the poor fellow in Lincoln's story who, in the bar- 
baric manner of the frontier, was being ridden out 
of town on a rail, and when somebody asked him 
how he liked it he said : "If it wasn't for the honor 
of the thing, I'd just as soon walk !" 

Looking around this room, I see some friendly 
and familiar faces from the upper ranks of Amer- 
ican journalism, and that makes me feel very 
much at liome, especially as they are so much more 
friendly since I stopped running for President. 
But I have no reservations about the Latin iVmer- 
ican and Canadian press, who have always been 
most discerning and treated me with such charity 
and kindness. Indeed, tlianks to you, I've often 
felt that I ran for President in the wrong country. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

I feel at home, too, because I know that the 
Inter-American Press Association is a great force 
for freedom — not only for the freedom of the 
press, and the responsible self-discipline of the 
press, but for freedom in all its aspects. 

Today the progress of freedom in our hemi- 
sphere gives us all cause to rejoice, for in the past 
5 years the dictators who throttled the free press 
in the Americas have fallen one by one. That is 
one of the truly bright spots in the picture of our 
troubled age. 

Let me add a word of gratitude to Jack Howard 
and the other distinguished representatives of 
the newspapers of New York who are our hosts 
today. They are helping me to repay the debt 
of gratitude which I owe for your kindness to 
me in Latin America. 

Role of Latin American Countries in the U.N. 

I would lilve to talk to you today about two great 
and interconnected communities: the worldwide 
community of the United Nations, in which I now 
have the honor to serve, and the community of 
the Western Hemisphere, which long antedates 
the United Nations and to which all of us in this 
room belong. 

One of the great sources of confidence and re- 
assurance to me on returning last January to the 
United Nations, where I had served in its earliest 
beginnings, was the continued importance of the 
Latin American countries in the work of the U.N. 
From the very beginning, when the United Na- 
tions had only 50 members, that membership in- 
cluded all the 20 countries of Latin America. 

They were founders of the Organization. It 
was because of tliem that the link between regional 
organizations and the United Nations was written 
into chanter VIII of the U.N. Charter. 

They formed (he first informal I'egional caucus 
at the U.N., the Latin American caucus, which 
still meets regularly to discuss U.N. business in a 
democratic spirit. That was the model and 
inspiration for all the other regional caucuses 
which have come into existence at the United 

It would be hard to exaggerate the value of the 
services which Latin America has rendered to the 
United Nations in leadership and in ideas. Four 
of its statesmen have served as presidents of the 
General Assembly. Many of its representatives 
have headed important committees, such as the 

Political Committee of the General Assembly, 
whose chairman this year is the very able perma- 
nent representative of Argentina, Ambassador 
[Mario] Amadeo. 

Its statesmen have reported to the United Na- 
tions on far-off trouble spots. And many of 
them have performed distinguished services in the 

Once the Latin American countries made up 
two-fift!is of the membership of the United Na- 
tions. Today with 100 members, they are only 
one-fifth. But their influence remains, because it 
is more than a matter of arithmetic. They are not 
a bloc, though that term is sometimes carelessly 
applied to them. They are nobody's satellites — 
the Soviet Union to the contrary notwithstanding. 

Their delegates are admired for their independ- 
ence of thought, for their devotion to the rule of 
law in international affaii-s, for their parliamen- 
tary and oratorical powers, and for their inextin- 
guishable faith in the future of the United 
Nations. The smn of their value to the work of 
the U.N. is truly beyond calculation. 

Speaking of oratorical powers, I remember one 
story that is told about a particularly eloquent 
orator of the old school, a representative of his 
Latin American countiy in the United Nations 
for many years. One day after one of his most 
stirring addresses a member of the Secretariat 
found the text of his address on the lectern and 
noticed that the margins were all carefully marked 
in red to indicate where he should raise his arm in 
a dramatic gesture and where he should lift his 
eyes to the heavens, and so forth. Then on one 
page was the simple marginal note : "Weak Point. 

If I begin raising my voice during this speech I 
hope you won't misunderstand ! 

Selecting a New Secretary-General 

And the first thing I want to raise my voice 
about is the selection of a successor to Dag Ham- 
marskjold — which is the gravest crisis the institu- 
tion has faced. What we do now provisionally to 
meet this crisis may well be permanent, and any 
decisions now which compromise the efficiency and 
integrity of the Secretariat as an operating 
agency will be the first step on the slippery 
path downhill to a debating society without oper- 
ational responsibilities or competence. And there 
are, as we know, some members of the U.N. who 

November 6, 1961 


want just that and who view with alarm the emer- 
gence of a strong international agency that may 
be and has been an obstacle to predatory self- 

During all of the negotiations over a temporary 
successor to Dag Hammarslrjold, the United States 
and many other delegations who perceive the grave 
implications have been guided by just one prin- 
ciple : They have sought to preserve the integrity 
of both the office of the Secretary-General and the 
charter of the United Nations. 

That remains the sole United States objective. 
The charter prescribes that the Secretaiy-General 
shall be free to select his principal assistants and 
that he shall make these appointments on the basis 
of ability, with due regard to geographical 

An equitable geographic distribution would in 
our view be the Secretary-General and five Under- 
Secretaries, who together with the Secretary-Gen- 
eral cover the six main geogi'aphic areas of the 

The Soviet Union wants to compromise this 
principle by forcing the new Secretary-General to 
select his assistants on a political basis. This is 
wholly contrary to the spirit of the charter. And 
to divide the Secretariat on ideological lines would, 
we think, import the cold war and destroy the 
concept of a truly international Secretariat owing 
its loyalty not to the countries of origin but to the 

The Soviet Union has talked of having various 
numbers of Under-Secretaries, but in each case 
the political consideration remains uppermost. 
This is obviously the reason for insisting on a 
second Eastern European in addition to a Soviet 
national. The Soviet Union also insists that the 
Secretary-General shall, in advance of his election, 
make certain public declarations of his intent. 
Any attempt, prior to appointment, to bind or 
prescribe this official's relations with his subordi- 
nates is clearly contrary to the charter. For the 
Security Council and General Assembly to select 
in effect the top staff of the Secretary-General is 
of course a contradiction of the whole concept of 
the executive responsibility and authority of the 
Secretary-General . 

The United States is willing to consider any 
plan that is consistent with the charter and which 
does not impair the effectiveness of the Secretary- 


U.N. Issues of Importance to Latin America 

May I say in parentheses, to you who represent 
the press of Latin America, that I have been sur- 
prised not to discover you represented in the world 
press corps that covers the United Nations. 
There I have found full-time correspondents from 
such countries as India, Germany, Egypt, Israel, 
Switzerland, Canada, Sweden, and Japan; but 
the only full-time correspondent from anywhere 
between the Rio Grande and the Straits of Magel- 
lan is one who represents an agency recently 
created in Habana imder the somewhat pre- I 
sumptuous name of Prensa Latina! 

Is that the best you can do ? 

You may ask what things of special interest a 
reporter from a Latin American newspaper would 
find if he came to cover the United Nations. I 
could begin with your particular interest, the free- 
dom of the press. The United Nations has dealt 
with that issue from the beginning. In 1948 the 
Western Hemisphere voted solidly for the Uni- 
versal Declaration of Human Eights, adopted that 
year by the General Assembly, article 19 of which 
declares "freedom to hold opinions without inter- 
ference and to seek, receive and impart informa- 
tion and ideas through any media and regardless 
of frontiers." i 

"VVe are still working on that issue in the United 
Nations today. This fall we will be urging the 
adoption of a Declaration on Freedom of Informa- 
tion. Latin America can take pride in that docu- 
ment because it had its origin last year in a 
meeting of the U.N. Economic and Social Council 
in Mexico City, where it was sponsored by the 
delegations of Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, and the 
United States — what might be called an all- 
American delegation ! 

In fact all the great questions — whether of 
human rights, of peaceful settlement of disputes, 
or of bettering living standards — all the great 
questions which concern tlie Western Hemisphere 
also concern the whole world and find their place 
in the debates and resolutions and pi'Ograms of 
the L^nited Nations. In this slirunken world, if 
there is war anywhere, none of us can really be 
at peace; if any man is enslaved, none of us is 
entirely free; if any family goes hungry, none of 
us who are well fed can feel complacent. 

Just 2 weeks ago President Kennedy spoke be- 
fore the United Nations and said : ' "Political 

' ma., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 

Department of Slate Bulletin 

sovereignty is but a mockery without the means 
of meeting poverty and illiteracy and disease." 
He proposed the launching of a United Nations 
Decade of Development to meet those evils which 
afflict at least half of the world's population. 
That too is one of the great themes at the United 
Nations which would be familiar to any visiting 
reporter from Latin America. 

New Truths About Human Development 

In fact this theme of economic and social de- 
velopment — I might even say of human de- 
velopment — has come more and more into the 
foreground of our thoughts in the years since the 
United Nations was founded. 

The San Francisco charter, written in 1945, 
speaks in its famous preamble of "social progress 
and better standards of life in larger freedom." 
But in the first j'ears of the United Nations we 
were so preoccupied with urgent matters of war 
and peace that only the smallest beginnings were 
made toward a United Nations effort to meet that 
hunger for development. 

Then steadily the voices of the less developed 
countries, including those of Latin America, made 
themselves heard, and we realized that their prob- 
lem too was hugely important. So the learning 
process began. 

As we gained experience in this field we learned 
some new truths. We learned that industrial de- 
velopment and great public works by themselves, 
however important they are, are not enough. They 
may even cause new chaos and suffering unless 
there is a social conscience, decent wages, decent 
housing, education, and medical care. 

We learned that economic development can court 
political disaster if it merely benefits the fortimate 
few while the gulf between rich and poor grows 
still more dangerously wide. 

We learned that it was impossible to build a 
modern economy on foundations of massive 
poverty, illiteracy, feudalism, tax avoidance, and 
social injustice. 

We learned, in short, that a social revolution in 
some cases is a precondition of political stability 
and economic growth. 

We learned that a coimtiy's development pro- 
gram must be sustained over a long timespan — 
nearer a decade than a year. 

We learned how vital it is for the developing 
countries and tlie great potential sources of pri- 

vate investment to educate each other and get rid 
of their respective fears, so that responsible pri- 
vate capital can play its full part in the war 
against poverty and social injustice. 

Finally, we learned that the decisions on these 
vital points can only be made by the government 
of the developing country. It takes political 
courage. And it takes still more courage to make 
the efforts and social changes necessary to sup- 
port these expensive programs without ruinous 

We first learned many of these truths right here 
in the Western Hemisphere. To a great extent 
Latin America has served as a laboratory for the 
economic and social advancement of the whole 

But though we have learned some lessons, until 
this past year we had scarcely begun to apply them 
even in Latin America. Measured against the 
political awareness of the peoples of this hemi- 
sphere, and its widespread practice of political 
democracy, we realized that we were still danger- 
ously short of the need in what we had been doing 
for the economic and social progress of Latin 
America's common man. 

Indeed, we must honestly confess that not 
enough of us saw how great an effort was required 
until it was brought home to us by the tragedy 
of Cuba. Here was a people with many brave 
and talented leaders, shackled by a venal dictator- 
ship and outraged by extremes of wealth and 
poverty. It had all the makings of violent revolu- 
tion. And when the Cuban revolution happened, 
almost at once it betrayed its bright promises and 
gave itself to fanaticism, to revenge, and to that 
worldwide scavenger of ruined revolutions, com- 
munism directed from Moscow. 

Now, of course, the new rulers of Cuba claim 
the right to lead the march of what they call 
"progress" througliout the Americas — and they 
seem to want to begin by lighting the fires of vio- 
lence wherever they can. 

What a tragedy it would be if we who speak for 
freedom and tolerance were to be asleep at this 
moment, when the forces of totalitarianism are 
so hard at work ! 

We might find that one country after another 
was succumbing to the violence of the extreme 
right or the extreme left, or, as has often happened, 
that the extreme right wing and the left wing 

November 6, 1961 


had joined togetlier at the expense of the humane, 
moderate, progressive center. 

If we don't want this to happen, we must get on 
with the business of freedom. "VVe must indeed 
be "on the Lord's side," on the side of the golden 
rule, on the side of the extension of the blessings 
of freedom to the many millions among us who 
today are too poor to be free. It is really as simple 
as that, and as diflicult, and as urgent. 

An Alliance for Progress 

I believe that realization has now sunk in, not 
only in the United States but in the whole 

The trip I made last June showed me how wide- 
spread it was in South America. Almost every- 
where I found that statesmen were more alert than 
ever to the basic issue: If political democracy is 
to prevail it must bring a better life for the com- 
mon man. This issue had long been important 
but now it liad clearly become urgent. And that 
is the spirit which underlies the document signed 
last August 17 at Punta del Este, the cliarter of 
the 10-year Alliance for Progress, which contains 
these words : * 

It is our inpscapable task ... to demonstrate to the 
poor and forsaken of our countries, and of all lands, that 
the creative powers of free men hold the key to their 
progress and to the progress of future generations. 

Thus for the next 10 years we in the West wDl 
be at work meeting the challenge of destructive 
revolution with a peaceful and creative evolu- 
tion — an evolution more rapid, and more compre- 
hensive, and touching the lives of more people, 
than any that our history has ever known. It will 
have man}' aspects: 

Speeding up industrial development. 

Diversifying one-commodity economies. 

Creating a regional common market. 

Stabilizing markets for major export commod- 

Reforming tax systems to relieve the low- and 
middle-income groups and ending the tax evasion 
which costs Latin American governments billions 
of dollars every year. 

Dividing the land more equitably, making it 
more productive, and improving storage and trans- 
portation of crops. 

Finally, and perhaps most important, direct ex- 
penditures for better education, better housing, 
and better health services, without which neither 
economic development nor stable government will 
be possible. Ever}' child should have at least 6 
years of schooling, and adult illiteracy must be 
wiped out. 

It is a big program. Over 10 years Latin 
America will have to invest in its own progress, 
not counting outside help, the equivalent of more 
than $80 billion. On top of this it will require 
at least $20 billion from outside sources. That 
$20 billion is much more than we in the United 
States spent on the Marshall plan. And it is a 
historic and heartening fact that the countries of 
Western Europe, which successfully completed 
the Marshall plan nearly a decade ago, are now in 
a position to furnish a significant part of the $20 
billion for the Alliance for Progress. 

As for the United States, we have announced, 
and the declaration of Punta del Este confirmed, 
that we will provide a major part of the $20 bil- 
lion, including over $1 billion in the first year. 
You may be interested to hear that we are already 
meeting this pace. In the 6 months since last 
March 13, when President Kennedy proposed the 
Alliance for Progress,' our Government has made 
82 loans to 16 of our 19 partners in the alliance, 
and these 82 loans total over $700 million. 

Another most encouraging step was taken by 
the United States Congress in authorizing long- 
term commitments for development loans and 
credits. This will greatly assist the leaders in 
Latin America to plan their long-range national 
efforts with some assurance of continuity. 

I think we in the United States have come a 
long way. Tliose of us who can remember a gen- 
eration back will perhaps recall the cartoon of the 
new President of the United States who went on 
a good- will tour in Latin America. Unfortu- 
nately, all he had to offer to the coimtries seeking 
aid from Washington was good will — nothing 

So Roy Howard's great cartoonist, Talburt, pic- 
tured him standing beneath Miss South America's 
balcony, strumming on his guitar and singing ro- 
mantically. As she leaned over expectantly, he 
serenaded her with tliat old popular song en- 
titled "I can't give you anything but love, baby!" 

* For text, see Hid., Sept. 11, 1061, p. 463. 

« Ihid., Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471. 

Department of State Bulletin 

Now we can give you something more than love. 
In fact the steps already taken by the United 
States Government are an assurance to our friends 
in Latin America that this country has now as- 
signed to development and social progress in this 
hemisphere a higher priority than ever before in 
our history. 

My impression from many different sources is 
that a new atmosphere of optimism and enthusi- 
asm was generated at Punta del Este, and that 
atmosphere still prevails largely throughout the 

But it would be foolish to ignore the difficulties 
that lie ahead. So many of the Latin American 
leaders I met in my last two trips have told me 
that real social and economic progress depends 
on self-help — on the ability of their own govern- 
ments to make reforms in their land systems and 
tax systems, to prevent inflation, and to practice 
some degree of economic self-denial. Often these 
policies may cause tension and political strain. 
But they are now miiversally accepted as neces- 
sary by the governments that signed the Act of 
Bogota® in 1960 and the Charter of Punta del 
Este in 1961. 

Practical Meaning of Seif-Help 

Self-help ! That is the key to so much of our 
common concern. If it were lacking, no amount 
of money in outside aid will do much good. So 
it is worth exploring for a moment just what self- 
help means in this context. 

A nation is helping itself when it contributes 
local labor, materials, and land to meet the costs 
of its programs ; when it reforms its tax system to 
expand government revenues and distribute tax 
burdens more equitably; when it formulates a 
realistic long-range development plan for alloca- 
tion of resources. 

A nation is helping itself when it reforms and 
strengthens its educational system to provide wider 
opportunities to all the people of the country. 

A nation helps itself when it puts into effect 
agrarian reforms to improve rural life and to feed 
its people better; when it improves credit facili- 
ties for the benefit of small savers, small farmers, 
and small business concerns ; when it makes loans 
to build housing for low-mcome families; and 

' For text, see iUd., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537. 

when it improves the efficiency and standards of 
integrity of government administration. 

Not by any means least, a nation helps itself 
when it keeps prices stable to encourage invest- 
ment and when it encourages private enterprise 
to stimulate the ingenuity and the efforts of in- 
dividual citizens so that they contribute to the 
nation's pi'oductivity and prosperity. 

That is the practical meaning of self-help, 
without which the Alliance for Progress would be 
bomid to fail. 

I do not expect it to fail. In fact I cannot 
remember a period of brighter hopes or more vig- 
orous determination in the affairs of the American 
Republics. We are already on the move. 

Right at this moment 60 tax experts from all 
of the participating nations are meeting in Buenos 
Aires to study ways of strengthening tax systems. 
This is a first major step by the Alliance for 
Progress. Already Uruguay and Panama have 
enacted new and more progressive tax laws. 
Venezuela has increased its income, gasoline, and 
inheritance taxes to speed up the land-reform pro- 
gram and resettle .350,000 rural families. 

In the vital field of low-cost housing, progress 
is in the air in nearly every Latm American 
country. In education Colombia and Venezuela 
are moving ahead. 

These are but straws in the wind, but we know 
the wind is blowing. The Alliance for Progress is 
alive and at work. 

To keep it alive and to realize its magnificent 
promise of real and meaningful democracy for the 
200 million people of Latin America, that will re- 
quire 10 years of dedication by the governments 
of all the developing members to two great princi- 
ples : basic reform and self-help. 

All who practice these principles will find the 
United States a willing and eager partner. For in 
our hands is the chance to show, once and for all, 
that no people in search of material progress and 
social justice need to pay for these things by sub- 
mitting to totalitarian rule. In our hands is the 
future of democracy in the Western Hemi- 
sphere — and the example of democracy for all the 

Some of you may wonder why I, whose work is 
at the United Nations, have talked so long about 
the affaii's of the American Republics. Partly it 
is my interest in this hemisphere, which goes back 
a long way. But partly it is my belief that what 

November 6, 7967 


strengthens the hemisphere and brings us closer 
to our democratic ideals also strengthens the 
United Nations itself. 

The goals of the United Nations are not just 
for debate in those modernistic buildings on the 
East River. They are for application in the daily 
life of nations and in all our relations with one 

Ijet me close with a plea to you, the leaders of 
the free inter- American press. We look to you to 
keep us faithful to our pledges. You, like Soc- 
rates, must always be the gadfly of the state and 
of the people, rousing us to greater efforts just 
when we most want to sink back into a comfortable 

Then in another 10 years, when the door of real 
freedom and a decent life has opened at last for 
millions of the poorest people in the Americas, 
you through your great influence will have played 
a part in the success of that historic and liberating 

I wish you well. 

President Kekkonen of Finland 
Visits United States 

President Urho K. Kekkonen of Finland, ac- 
companied hy Mrs. Kekkonen and Minister of 
Foreign Affairs Ahti Karjalainen, made an official 
visit to the United States October 16-November 2. 
Following is an exchange of greetings between 
President Kennedy and President Kekkonen on 
October IG and the text of a joint com77iunique 
based wpon talks they held at the White House 
that day. 


White House press release dated October 18 
President Kennedy 

Mr. President and Minister, I want to express 
on behalf of the people of the United States our 
great satisf act ion at your visit here. As President 
of your country, I think you must realize that 
Finland and the Finnish people are identified in 
the minds of the people of the United States with 
those qualities of courage and fortitude and per- 
severance which have made the reputation of 

your country and people second to none here in 
the United States. 

They are the qualities which we have found 
in those Finns who have come among us and raised 
their families, and it is a source of personal pleas- 
ure to us all that during your visit here you will, 
in Michigan, have a chance to \\s\t one of those 
families who are related to you. 

In addition, throughout the long history of the 
Finnish people, and especially today, we have 
come to recognize in the actions of her people 
her outlook on life, her determination to maintain 
her own freedom, her own integrity. 

So, Mr. President, no visitor could bo more 
welcome. We are delighted to have you here 
personally. Your last visit to the United States 
was when you led the Olympic team from Fin- 
land to Los Angeles in 1932. Much has changed 
in this country since then, and much has changed 
in your own country. But I am confident that the 
same warm ties which were in existence then, many 
years ago, in other days, are strengthened today. 

Mr. President, though you have come from a 
far north country here to the United States, to 
Washington, you have come to a country which 
is warm in its welcome to you and in our admira- 
tion for your people. 

President Kekkonen 

Mr. President and Mrs. Kennedy, I wish to ex- 
press my very sincere thanks for the friendly 
and warm welcome with which you have received 
me and my wife. The invitation you extended to 
us has been greatly appreciated in Finland as an 
expression of friendship toward the Finnish 

We have both very much looked forward to 
this visit to the United States and to tliis oppor- 
tunity of meeting you personally, Mr. President 
and Mrs. Kennedy. It is at the same time a great 
pleasure for us to be able to see your beautiful 
Capital and to visit also other parts of your great 
country and to meet with American people. Our 
attention will be directed especially to your power- 
ful economy, your splendid scientific achievements, 
and the progress you have made in the social 

This moment when I step on American soil 
gives me occasion to remember those hundreds of 
thousands of Finns who have settled in this coun- 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

try and who with their toil and labor have made 
themselves a place in the American community. 
They are a living bond between our two peoples. 
Mr. President, we Finns are keenly aware of the 
friendship of the people of the United States to- 
ward the people of Finland. I hope that my visit 
to the United States will further develop and 
strengthen the good and friendly relations which 
have always existed between our two countries. 


White House press release dated October 17 

The President of Finland and Mrs. Urho K. 
Kekkonen were guests yesterday of President and 
Mrs. Kennedy at a White House luncheon. Fol- 
lowing the luncheon the two presidents exchanged 
views with regard to current international devel- 

President Kennedy paid tribute to the many 
common ties between Finland and the United 
States and the democratic ideals the two nations 
share. Regarding Finland's position on the world 
scene the American President took account of Fin- 
land's treaty commitments and expressed Ameri- 
can understanding for the reasons why Finland 
follows a policy of neutrality. He stated the 
United States will scrupulously respect Finland's 
chosen course. President Kennedy emphasized 
that all nations must avoid interference in the 
affairs of Finland. 

President Kekkonen expressed his appreciation 
for the long-standing friendship between Finland 
and the United States, and for the understanding 
shown in the United States for Finland. Assert- 
ing that the purpose of Finland's foreign policy 
is to safeguard the security and independence of 
the nation, the Finnish President reaffirmed his 
country's intention to remain neutral while main- 
taining the confidence and friendship of all 

Presidents Kennedy and Kekkonen discussed 
recent world events. They agreed it was essential 
for both countries to support the United Nations 
as firmly as ever, since that body offers all men 

their greatest hope for achievement of the noble 
causes envisioned in the Charter. 

Presidents Kennedy and Kekkonen discussed 
economic and cultural relations. The outlook for 
European economic development and the implica- 
tions for other countries of possible enlargement 
of the European Common Market were reviewed. 
There was agi-eement between the presidents that 
current exchanges of students, teachers, leaders 
in various fields, and cultural and artistic presen- 
tations should be fostered. Exchanges of this 
nature were commended as a fundamental aid in 
developing understanding of each other's prob- 
lems as well as consolidating existing friendship 
between the peoples of the United States and 

Presidents Kennedy and Keldionen expressed 
their mutual hopes that peace and justice would 
prevail in the world. All nations, large and small, 
have a grave responsibility toward civilization in 
that they must constantly search for a formula to 
bring true and universal peace, said the two presi- 
dents. Only a sustained effort in pursuit of this 
great objective, using all available human talents 
and resources of nations, can assure progress to- 
ward realization of this goal, one of man's oldest 
and most basic desires. 

President's Offer of Good Offices 
Accepted by Afglianistan and Pakistan 

White House press release dated October 17 

The President's offer of good offices to the Gov- 
ernments of Afghanistan and Pakistan to assist 
these Governments in arriving at a solution of the 
current transit trade difficulties has been accepted. 
The President has appointed Ambassador Living- 
ston T. Merchant as his personal representative to 
visit the two coimtries and consult with appropri- 
ate officials. Ambassador and Mrs. Merchant will 
arrive in the area on October 19. The Ambassa- 
dor, who formerly was Under Secretary of State 
for Political Affairs, is expected to resume his 
duties as Ambassador to Canada by early 

November 6, 1961 


Mr. McCloy Resigns as Adviser to President, Reports on U.S. Activities 
in Field of Disarmament and Arms Control 

Following is an exchange of letters between 
President Kennedy and John J. McCloy, Adviser 
to the President on Disarmament, together with a 
series of documents enclosed in Mr. McCloy''s 

White House press release dated October 8 



President Kennedy 

October 6, 1961 

Dear Mr. McClot : I would like to extend my 
hearty thanks to you for the work you have done 
as my Adviser on disannament and arms control. 
You have made a notable contribution to the 
country and to the world in this most important 

Through your service the Government has been 
able to table at Geneva a workable, effective and 
understandable draft treaty for the banning of 
nuclear weapons tests.* 

In the field of general disarmament, your dis- 
cussions with Mr. Zorin [Valerian A. Zorin, 
Deputy Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R.] con- 
cerning the principles wliich should guide future 
disarmament negotiations have cleai'ed away 
many of the misunderstandings and misconcep- 
tions which liave clouded tliis difficult subject. 

At tlie sume time, your development of the 
United States Program for General and Complete 
Disarmament in a Peaceful World has set forth 
clearly the proposals of the United States for an 
effective disarmament agreement with the Soviet 
Union and other countries. 

You have also perfonned a valuable service in 
connection with the establishment of a permanent 
agency of the Government to deal with the prob- 
lems of disarmament and ai-ms control. After 
giving this matter the most thorough considera- 
tion, you arrived at a recommendation with re- 
spect to the organization of the Government in 
the field of arms control and disarmament whicli 
I transmitted to the Congress.* The substantial 
majority by which the Congress has recently en- 
acted the Arms Control and Disarmament Act is 
a tribute to the soundness of your recommenda- 
tions and the diligence and persuasiveness with 
which you presented them to the Congress.' 

In all of these steps you have assisted in clarify- 
ing the position of the United States as a country 
wliich is seeking realistic, mutually balanced and 
beneficial steps to reduce the dangers of war and 
to obtain the kind of disarmed world we all pre- 
fer. These tasks liave been carried out at a time 
when the mtransigence of others, especially on the 
issue of control over nuclear testing, has brought 
disappointment to the woi'ld. But we must not 
be discouraged, and I am confident that in the 
longer view what you have done will be recorded 
as a major contribution to the great task of achiev- 
ing disarmament. 

In expressing my thanks, I know I am express- 
ing the thanks of our countiy also. I am very 

' For text, see Bulletin of June 5, 1961, p. 870. 

' For text of the draft legislation, see ibid., July 17, 
19C1, p. 101. 

' For a statement by Mr. McCloy before the Senate For- 
eign Relations Committee on Aug. 14, see ihid., Sept. 4, 
1961, p. 41.> ; for remarks made by President Kennedy on 
Sept. 26, when he sisnod legislation creating the Agency, 
see ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 646. 


Department of Stafe Bulletin 

glad that we shall continue to have the benefit of 
your advice in this most important field. 

John F. Kennedy 

The Honorable John J. McClot 
Adviser to the President on Disarmament 
Washington^ D.C. 

Mr. McCloy 

October 6, 1961 

Dear Mr. President : At the commencement of 
your Administi-ation, you requested me to under- 
take a special mission, later confirmed to me in 
writing by your letter of January 27, 1961, the 
essence of which was to act as your Adviser on 
problems of disarmament and arms control, in- 
cluding the nuclear test ban. In addition to the 
request to make recommendations regarding the 
formulation of the United States policy in these 
areas, you also requested me to make recommenda- 
tions to you as to the type and nature of the 
organization within the Government which would 
be best designed to deal with the very important 
problems in this field. 

In carrying out this mission, I have worked in 
very close association with the Secretary of State 
and the Secretary of Defense, as well as with other 
Agencies of the Government having an interest 
in these matters. 

The first problem which demanded attention 
was the then impending resumption of the test 
ban negotiations at Geneva.'' Intensive efforts 
were made to present to that Conference a con- 
structive position which could promptly serve as a 
basis for an agreement. This work was completed 
prior to the resumption of the negotiations and a 
comprehensive draft treaty was, in due course, 
presented to the Conference, which, if adopted, 
could have effected the banning of all nuclear test- 
ing, with reasonable assurance that the obligations 
undertaken were being fulfilled. Mr. Arthur H. 
Dean conducted these negotiations on behalf of the 
United States, ably assisted by Mr. Charles Stelle, 
and an experienced staff. The proposals put forth 
by the United States were designed to afford a 

* For a history of the political and technical develop- 
ments of the negotiations from Oct. 31, 1958, to Aug. 22, 
1960, see ihid., Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482. 

reasonable basis for negotiation, if the Soviets 
wanted a workable agreement, or, if the Soviets 
did not want a workable agreement, to make that 
fact clear. We hoped for the former, but our 
hopes for the conclusion of an agreement were 
rudely shaken from the first day of the resumed ne- 
gotiations by the new position taken by the Soviet 
Union in regard to the matter of controls and in- 
spection. Subsequent events, particularly the 
breaking of the voluntary moratorium through the 
resumption of extensive and rapid nuclear testing, 
indicated that there had been no serious intent on 
the part of the Soviet Union to reach an agree- 
ment in the course of these negotiations. The 
Soviet testing is of such a character that prepara- 
tions for it must have been actively undertaken 
from the outset of the resumed negotiations, if not 
before. In spite of the disappointing attitude of 
the Soviet Union, the United States continued to 
search for a basis for an agreement covering all 
tests and finally proposed an agreement without 
controls and inspection on Soviet territory which 
would ban testing in the atmosphere where fallout 
was a continuing threat to health. 

In the light of the high potential that these 
negotiations possessed for constructive action on 
the one hand, and the apparent pre-determination 
on the part of the Soviet Union to avoid reaching 
any agreement on the other, I regret to say that 
this Geneva Conference constitutes the most dis- 
couraging exercise in disarmament negotiations 
since the close of the war. I enclose with this let- 
ter a brief resume of the Geneva negotiations (Tab 
A). More comprehensive reports are, of course, 
on file with the Secretary of State ; and Mr. Dean 
has himself reported from time to time to you at 
considerable length on the negotiations. 

Other negotiations, in the form of a follow-up 
of the conversations begun during the Fifteenth 
General Assembly of the United Nations between 
Foreign Minister Gromyko and Ambassador 
Stevenson on the subject of comprehensive dis- 
armament, were likewise impending. These nego- 
tiations were resumed during the montlis of Jime, 
July, August, and September, in Washington, 
Moscow and New York, between Deputy Foreign 
Minister Valerian Zorin and myself. The pur- 
pose of these negotiations was to develop a state- 
ment of principles which would serve as the 
framework for resumed negotiations on compre- 

Nowember 6, 196? 


hensive disarmament as well as to agree upon the 
forum in which such negotiations could take 
place. A statement of agreed principles was 
reached containing what I believe to Ije some 
highly significant principles on which future 
negotiations might proceed. Tliough we were un- 
able to agree on the composition of the forum, 
prior to the reconvening of the General Assembly 
of the United Nations, and we likewise disagreed 
on the desirability of including a certain sentence 
in the statement of principles which would have 
emphasized the necessity of verifying remaining 
force levels, the extent of our agreement was, as I 
say, impressive. As for the failure to agree on the 
composition of the forum, though we jiroffered 
four different proposals, I do not despair of our 
being able to reach a settlement of this issue in 
due course, assuming a real desire on the part of 
the Soviet Union to reach a comprehensive dis- 
armament agreement. 

I also enclose (in Tab B) a summary of my dis- 
cussions with Mr. Zorin, as well as the joint state- 
ment of agreed principles dated September 20, 
1961 filed with the United Nations on the same 
day, a letter from me to Mr. Zorin dated Septem- 
ber 20, the reply of Mr. Zorin dated September 21, 
the United States memorandum dated Septem- 
ber 14 setting forth the United States position 
with respect to general disarmament, also as filed 
with the United Nations on September 20, and the 
memorandum of July 29, 1961, setting forth the 
position of the United States in respect to the com- 
position of the forum for the resmiiption of nego- 
tiations likewise filed in the United Nations on 
September 20, 1961. 

Likewise, during the course of the spring and 
summer extensive work was undertaken leading 
to the preparation of a plan for general and com- 
plete disarmament. Panels of distinguished ex- 
perts were convened and they worked industri- 
ously to make recommendations in the various 
aspects of disarmament and arms control. Nu- 
merous consultations with our Allies and the repre- 
sentatives of appropriate agencies of the Govern- 
ment took place and the result was the plan sub- 
mitted to the United Nations on September 25th 
of this year. A report covering the development 
of this plan, including a copy of the plan itself, is 
enclosed herewith (Tab C). 

As for the second aspect of my mission, namely, 
the matter of the character and position of the 

Agency to deal with the problem of disarmament 
and arms control within the United States Gov- 
ernment, I believe the passage of the Arms Con- 
trol and Disarmament Act by both houses of 
Congress with such substantial majorities speaks 
for itself. I have, however, enclosed herewith a 
short summary of the adoption of the legislation 
(Tab D) . I feel that you can take deep satisfac- 
tion in the seriousness with which the Congress 
dealt with this important problem in a very busy 
session and I know it must be particularly gratify- 
ing to you that the Bill had such wide bipartisan 
support. The authoritative position which the 
new Agency now holds by Statute in the Govern- j 
ment is another earnest of the serious intent of the 
United States to seek a sound and constructive 
resolution of the tremendous hazards involved in 
a modern arms race. l 

With the passage of the legislation, the conclu- ' 
sion of my negotiations with Mr. Zorin, and the 
introduction of the United States plan for dis- 
armament at the General Assembly, my mission, 
I believe, is concluded. I am happy to learn that 
you have already designated a man of such experi- 
ence and capacity as William C. Foster to direct 
the Agency and to become your principal adviser 
on Disarmament as the Statute provides. He wUl 
be inost effectively assisted by one of the finest 
and ablest public servants I have ever known — 
Mr. Adrian S. Fisher. 

I remain deeply convinced that constructive 
steps must be taken in this field of disarmament 
and arms control if the World is to avoid disaster 
of a cataclysmic nature. I also believe that with 
the position which the United States maintained 
at the Geneva Conference on nuclear testing, with 
the acceptance of an agreed statement of princi- 
ples under which negotiations for general and 
complete disarmament could be resumed, and, 
finally, with the impressive votes on the Arms 
Conti-ol and Disarmament Act, that the United 
States has shown what must appear to all a thor- 
oughly convincing display of its sincerity and 
willingness to bring to an end the hazards of an 
indiscriminate arms race. If others will demon- 
strate a similar will and intent, real assurances 
could be felt that constructive progress in this 
all important field could now take place. 

I have been greatly honored to liave been se- 
lected by you for this mission and I am particu- 
larly appreciative of the unfailing support I have 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

received from you, the Secretary of State, and the 
Secretary of Defense during the course of my 

Respectfully yours, 

John J. McCloy 



held at Geneva, Switzerland 
March-September, 19S1 

In January and February, 1961, all of the U.S. positions 
on the outstanding issues of the nuclear test ban con- 
ference were carefully reviewed. In this connection, a 
very distinguished panel of scientists and experts were 
convened under the Chairmanship of Dr. James B. Fisk, 
and the resulting report served as the basis for a recon- 
sideration of the entire problem. Consultations with the 
Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Direc- 
tor of the Atomic Energy Commission, and others, were 
conducted and frequent reports and discussions were held 
with the Joint Atomic Energy Committee of the Congress. 
Soviet statements on the issues on which they considered 
it necessary to reach agreement were also earefuUy ex- 
amined. This review of U.S. positions resulted in the 
drafting of new proposals. Each proposal was designed 
to meet, as far as possible, the views of the Soviet Union 
on major outstanding issues. Each of the new U.S. posi- 
tions was also thoroughly discussed with the United 
Kingdom and a joint position was reached. 

On March 21, 1961, Ambassador Arthur H. Dean, who 
was asked to lead the U.S. Delegation at the Geneva 
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests, presented these new compromise proposals to the 
Soviet Union. The Western proposals included pro- 
visions : 

(1) to reduce the number of control posts on Soviet 
territory from 21 to 19 and in the United States from 
17 to 16 ; 

(2) to extend from 27 months to 3 years the proposed 
moratorium on small underground tests and the associated 
seismic research program ; 

(3) to in.stitute the means to ban aU nuclear weapons 
tests in space ; 

(4) to ask the Congress for legislative authority to 
permit Soviet internal inspection of the nuclear devices 
used in the seismic research and peaceful engineering 
programs ; 

(5) to accept a veto over the total annual budget; 

(6) to organize the policy-making Control Commission 
so as to give the Soviet Union a voice in guiding the 
control system equal to that of the United States and the 
United Kingdom combined. 

On May 29th, the UK and the US, in a further effort 
to induce agreement, also proposed to reduce the number 
of on-site inspections in the territory of each of the 

negotiating states from 20 to a possible 12, depending on 
the number of suspicious seismic events. 

The Soviet Union did not accept these attempts to re- 
solve the outstanding differences. Instead, on March 21, 
1961, it withdrew its previous agreement on a single Ad- 
ministrator to over.see the daily executive and admini.'<tra- 
tive tasks of the control organization. In place of the 
single Administrator, the Soviet Union proposed to sub- 
stitute a three-man directorate — the "troika"— with each 
member, Soviet, Western, and neutral, possessing a veto 
over every action of that body. The "troika" arrangement 
would, of course, have made a mockery of effective control 
by providing a possibility of completely paralyzing the 
executive arm of the control organization. 

Subsequently, and throughout the remainder of the 
negotiations, the Soviet Union maintained a stance of 
unyielding obduracy. The Soviet Union also made clear 
in its aide memoirc given to the President at Vienna on 
June 4 ■ that the only way agreement could be reached on 
the test ban was to merge consideration of it with tlie 
broader problem of general and complete disarmament. 
Finally, on July 1.5, the United States and the United 
Kingdom asked for urgent consideration of the problem 
at the Sixteenth Session of the General Assembly." 

On August 28, in a last attempt to make progress be- 
fore General Assembly consideration of the test ban issue, 
and as an indication of our willingness to go even further 
in order to induce agreement, Ambassador Dean returned 
to Geneva with additional new proposals. These proposals 
provided for : 

( 1 ) Removal of the single administrator by a decision 
of seven members of the Commission ; 

(2) Staffing of on-site inspection teams in the USSR, 
UK, and US so that up to one-half of the personnel could 
come from neutral nations ; 

(3) Methods to lower the threshold of the treaty by 
extending the control system so that all or practically all 
underground tests would be included in the treaty ban 
either immediately or at the end of the three-year mora- 
torium on small underground weapon tests. 

On August 31, 1961, the Soviet Union suddenly an- 
nounced the resumption of nuclear weapon tests and on 
September 1, exploded its first device in the atmosphere. 
In the days immediately following, the President and 
Prime Minister Macmillan offered to ban all tests in the 
atmosphere without any additional controls. Subsequently, 
the Soviet Union stepped up the momentum of its rapid 
test program and on September 5, the intention of the 
United States to resume nuclear weapon tests underground 
was announced.' 

The rapid progress of the Soviet Union's test program — 
fifteen shots of from small to intermediate yield over a 
period of twenty-two days— suggests that extensive secret 
preparations for test resumption were undertaken by the 
Soviet Union during a major portion of this year's session 

" For text, see ibid., July 3, 1961, p. 22. 
" Ibid., July 31, 1961, pp. 184 and 190. 
' For background, see ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 475 ; Sept. 
23, 1961, p. 515 ; and Oct. 2, 1961, p. 543. 

November 6, 7961 


of the Geneva Conference. The first Soviet shot came 
within hours of the announcement of resumption and on 
at least one occasion two weapons were exploded within 
the period of a single day. 

On September 9, Chairman Khrushchev delivered his re- 
jection of the atmospheric test ban proposal to our Am- 
bassador at Moscow." The same day, the Geneva 
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests recessed. 

It was proposed by the UK and the US that the recess 
last until after the completion of General Assembly de- 
bate on the nuclear test ban item. The Soviet representa- 
tive agreed, but was unwilling to commit himself 
specifically to any resumption of the talks. 

The United States and the United Kingdom have sub- 
mitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations a 
resolution urging that an agreement to ban nuclear weapon 
tests under effective control be concluded at the earliest 
possible time.' This proposal remains the cornerstone of 
our policy. The test ban, as pointed out in the President's 
speech to the General Assembly on September 25, 19G1,'° 
is the logical place to begin on a program of general and 
complete disarmament. It is a step which can be taken 
now to reverse the dangerous and burdensome syms race, 
to inhibit the spread of nuclear weapons and the capa- 
bility to manufacture them, to contribute to the reduction 
of international tensions and to eliminate any health 
hazard associated with nuclear testing. It is to be hoped 
that effective and forthright action by the United Nations 
General Assembly on the resolution proposed jointly by the 
United Kingdom and the United States will ensure that 
this first step is taken as soon as possible. However, it 
is clear that this objective can be achieved only if the 
Soviet Union reverses its present policy and agrees to 
participate in further negotiations at Geneva in good faith 
and with an intention to reach an accord with a willing- 
ness to accept whatever reasonable controls and inspection 
mea.sures the situation demands to insure fulfillment of 
the objective. 

OCTOBEE 2, 1961. 




A. Background 

As a result of an understanding reached between Am- 
bassador Stevenson and Foreign Minister Gromyko during 
the second half of the 15th Session of the United Nations 
General Assembly, there took place an exchange of views 
between the US and the USSR on questions relating to 
disarmament and the resumption of negotiations in an 
agreed body. At the Secretary of State's request, Mr. 

" For text, see ibid., Sept. 25, 1961, p. 515. 

•D.N. doc. A/C.1/L.280. 

" Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 

John J. McCloy served as United States spokesman during 
that exchange. 

The exchange of views took place in Washington, D.C. 
from June 19 to June 30 ; in Moscow, from July 17 to 
July 29 ; and in New York, from September 6 to Septem- 
ber 19, 1961. In the course of the talks, both sides intro- 
duced documents setting forth their respective views. 

During the entire exchange, an effort was made on the 
part of the U.S. representative to reach an understanding 
with the Soviet Union on a basis which would permit a 
speedy resumption of multilateral disarmament negotia- 
tions. The United States took the position that the ob- 
jective of the exchange was to reach agreement between 
the US and the USSR on the framework for disarmament 
negotiations and on the composition of the negotiating 
body, such agreement to be submitted as recommendation 
to the other States concerned. 

The United States set forth its views on what it re- 
garded as the basic principles by which any comprehen- 
sive disarmament negotiations should be guided. In the 
first instance, it endeavored to impress upon the Soviet 
Union its conviction that : 

(1) The disarmament process should go hand-in-hand 
with a gradual development of institutions designed to 
settle international disputes by peaceful means and effec- 
tively to maintain peace ; 

(2) Implementation of all obligations undertaken by 
States should be subject to effective verification so as to 
give assurance to all parties that all obligations are being 
fulfilled ; and 

(3) The implementation of any agreement that can 
be reached on a specific disarmament measure or group of 
measures should not await agreement on a full program 
of general and complete disarmament which might well 
involve a lengthy period of negotiations. At the same 
time, the US emphasized its readiness to negotiate with- 
out interruption until a total program of general and com- 
plete disarmament has been developed and agreed. 

The United States also proposed four alternative 
formulae for the composition of the negotiating body, 
including a forum comprised of the members of the Ten- 
Nation Committee and additional ten States, including 
non-committed States, selected on the basis of equitable 
geographic distribution. 

At the outset of the talks, the Soviet Union took the 
position that no disarmament negotiations could take 
place unless and until a US/USSR understanding was 
reached on the basic provisions of a specific disarmament 
plan. In spite of the position taken by the United States 
that no specific disarmament plans, which of necessity 
affect the interests of many other States, should be dis- 
cussed in the absence of such States, the Soviet Union 
sought to prove, on the basis of its plan, the merits of 
Its own approach. The Soviet Union also refused to 
discuss the question of the composition of the negotiating 
body until a US-USSR understanding on the basic provi- 
sions of a disarmament plan was reached. 

The USSR pursued this approach almost until the end 
of the Moscow phase of the talks. Two days before the 
end of that phase, the USSR altered its position and 


Department of State Bulletin 

agreed to discuss a statement of principles. It also ex- 
pressed its views on the question of the negotiating 
forum, reiterating its past position which provides for 
addition to the membership of the Ten-Nation Committee 
of a component of neutral States, thus reflecting the 
Soviet concept of a World divided into three distinct 

The final phase of the talks, which took place in New 
Tork, was devoted to efforts to arrive at an agreed state- 
ment of principles for future disarmament negotiations. 
As a result, on September 19, agreement was reached on 
a document that was acceptable to both sides and a 
report to that effect was submitted to the United Nations. 
The text of the US/USSR report and of the joint US/ 
USSR statement of agreed principles is attached here as 
part of Tab B. The United States also submitted to the 
United Nations a memorandum on the principles which 
should govern negotiations for general and complete dis- 
armament in a peaceful world and a US memorandum 
on the composition of the negotiating forum which had 
been presented earlier in the course of the discussion. 
A text of these documents is also attached hereto as part 
of Tab B. 

The question of the composition of the negotiating body 
remained unresolved. 

B. Evaluation 

The exchange of views vras useful in the sense that both 
sides had an opportunity to expound their respective 
positions and thus gain a greater insight into each other's 
thinking. Although the main US objective — that of mak- 
ing possible the resumption of disarmament negotiations 
at an early date — could not be achieved, it is believed that 
the joint statement of agreed principles is an important 
step in that direction. 

It should be recognized that while the joint statement 
is not a disarmament plan in Itself, or an agreement as 
to specific measures, it does constitute recognition by both 
sides of certain fundamental concepts which the US be- 
lieves to be essential if any progress in comprehensive 
disarmament is to be made. 

Thus, both sides have recorded their readiness to nego- 
tiate a total program for general and complete disarma- 
ment without prejudice to such areas of agreement as 
could be reached and implemented, perhaps as part of the 
total program, even before such program has been de- 
veloped and agreed. 

Among the important principles which the Soviet Union 
has agreed to include in the statement are those of the 
need for a gradual development of international peace- 
keeping institutions and for a control system assuring 
all parties that the obligations undertaken are being faith- 
fully fulfilled. The Soviet Union, however, still refuses 
to accept what the US believes to be inherent in this latter 
concept ; namely, that there should be verified not only 
obligations with respect to reductions of forces or arma- 
ments, but also those relating to the maintenance of 
agreed levels of forces or armaments. The US under- 
standing of this problem was expressed in the letter 
which Mr. McCloy sent to Mr. Zorin on September 20. 
This letter, together with Mr. Zorin's reply, is attached 
hereto as part of Tab B. 

U.S.-U.S.S.R. Report to General Assembly, With 
Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for Disarma- 
ment Negotiations 

[For test, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.] 

Letter From Mr. McCloy to Mr. Zorin 

[For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 595.] 

Letter From Mr. Zorire to Mr. McCloy 

September 21, 1961 

Deab Mr. McCloy : I have received your letter of Sep- 
tember 20th in which you make a reservation with regard 
to the position which the United States intends to take in 
further negotiations on disarmament. 

In accordance with the agreement reached between us 
during the bilateral exchange of views, the U.S. agreed 
not to include in the Joint Statement by the Government 
of the USSR and the USA on the principles for disarma- 
ment negotiations the clause which is known to you and 
the acceptance of which would represent agreement to 
the concept of establishing control over armament instead 
of control over disarmament. In your letter you indi- 
cate that the clause expresses "a key element in the U.S. 

In this connection, I must state that, as you well know, 
the position of the USSR on the question of control over 
general and complete disarmament has been set forth 
sutflciently, fully and clearly in statements by the Soviet 
Government and its head, N. S. Khrushchev. The Soviet 
Union advocates the most thorough, the most strict inter- 
national control over measures of general and complete 
disarmament. While being for effective control over dis- 
armament and desiring to facilitate as much as possible 
the reaching of agreement on such control, the Soviet 
Union at the same time resolutely opposes establishment 
of control over armaments. 

It follows from your letter that the U.S. seeks to 
establish control over armed forces and armaments which 
will be retained by states at the various stages of dis- 
armament. However, such control, which in fact means 
control over armaments, would become an international 
.s.vstem of legalized espionage, which, of course, cannot be 
accepted by any state which is interested in its security 
and in the maintenance of world peace. The U.S. position 
in this matter, if the U.S. continues to insist on the above 
mentioned clause, cannot but make more difficult agree- 
ment on a program of general and complete disarmament, 
the general principles of which have been agreed between 

As to the Soviet Union, it will continue to exert every 
effort to develop as promptly as possible a treaty on gen- 
eral and complete disarmament under effective interna- 
tional control. 

Sincerely yours, 

V. A. Zorin 

Permanent Representative 

of the USSR to the UN 

November 6, 7967 


U.S. Memorandum on Principles That Should Gov- 
ern Negotiations for General and Complete Disarma- 
ment in a Peaceful World 

[For test, see Bulletin of Oct 9, 1961, p. 591.] 

U.S. Memorandum on Composition of the Disarma- 
ment Forum 

[For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 591.] 



With the completion in March of the review of the 
nuclear test policy, attention was directed next to the 
development of a comprehensive United States disarma- 
ment plan. The statements of Foreign Minister Gromyko 
and Ambassador Stevenson concerning the bilateral dis- 
cussions on the forum and framework of a resumed dis- 
armament negotiation made it necessary for the United 
States to be prepared for the resumption of these nego- 
tiations by July 31, 1961. Given the shortness of time to 
prepare and then to coordinate within the U.S. Govern- 
ment and with the Allies a new, far-reaching disarma- 
ment plan, two decisions were made : first, to have the 
U.S. Disarmament Administration prepare a draft plan 
drawing on new ideas that had emerged from extensive 
work on arms control going on in the Universities and 
Research Foundations, on new ideas recently submitted 
by our Allies, and on a variety of proposals in previous 
negotiations ; and, second, to assemble a number of panels 
composed of distinguished individuals considered experts 
in the various areas of arms control and disarmament to 
address themselves to the draft plan. 

The following were the panels and their chairmen : 

Conventional Arms and Armed Forces: Major Gen. John 
B. Hull 

Nuclear Armaments: Professor Harvey Brooks, Dean of 
Engineering, Harvard University 

Delivery Vehicles: Dr. Donald Ling, Bell Telephone Lab- 

Chemical, Biological, Radiological Warfare: Dr. Robert 
Cairns, Hercules Powder Company 

War hy Accident, Miscalculation, Surprise Attack: Pro- 
fessor Thomas C. Schelling, Harvard University 

International Legal and Security Arrangements: Profes- 
sor Louis Henkin, University of Pennsylvania Law 

Regional Disarmament: Mr. Gerard Smith, formerly As- 
sistant Secretary of State for Policy Planning 

Outer Space: Dr. Chalmers Sherwin, Aerospace Corpora- 

New Approaches: Mr. Richard Leghorn, President, ITEK 

Economic Aspects of Disarmament: Dr. Emile Benoit, 
Columbia University 

The work of these panels was completed by May 13 and 
the Policy Staff then prepared a revised draft of the 

U.S. disarmament plan, taking into account the reports 
of these panels. This draft was circulated on May 31 for 
comment within the Government and as a staff draft 
given on June 1 to our Western partners for their com- 
ment. Agreement had been reached between the US 
and USSR to have bilateral disarmament discussions be- 
ginning June 19 in Washington with the hope — as the US 
understood it — of agreeing on the framework for future 
multilateral negotiations. Because the preambular part 
of the new draft plan dealing with the goal, the task, and 
the principles governing negotiations constituted the US 
recommendation for the framework of new negotiations, 
clearance on the substance of this part of the draft was 
sought and obtained from the Government and the Allies 
in time for the beginning of the US-USSR bilaterals on 
June 19. 

Taking into account Departmental and Allied com- 
ment, another revision of the plan was produced and cir- 
culated on June 24 in preparation for a meeting of the 
heads of Departments and Agencies concerned on July 5. 
The principal issue remaining within the U.S. Govern- 
ment after this "Meeting of Principals" was the question 
of the relationship of the various measures to each other. 
After a week of extensive discussion in Washington be- 
ginning July 10 with representatives of Canada, France, 
Italy, and the United Kingdom (the other Western mem- 
bers of the Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee), a final 
meeting of the Principals was held on August 3. The 
final decision on the substance of the plan was made by 
you on August 18 and consultation with NATO was com- 
pleted on August 31. Finally, on September 25, the 
product of these efforts — entitled "Declaration on Dis- 
armament: A Program for General and Complete Dis- 
armament in a Peaceful World" — was submitted to the 
General Assembly of the United Nations and publicly re- 
leased in connection with your address to the General 

The proposals contained in this plan represent an im- 
aginative yet realistic program to bring the present arms 
race to an end. The plan advances in many respects well 
beyond what has heretofore been put forward by the 
United States in the field of disarmament. The new fea- 
tures include a recognition of the fact that progress In 
disarmament must be accompanied by measures to 
strengthen institutions for maintaining peace and for 
settlement of international disputes by peaceful means by 
including provisions for the establishment of a permanent 
United Nations Peace Force and peacekeeping machinery 
strong enough to cope with the threats or use of force 
by any nation or grouj) of nations. These new features 
also include an increased emphasis on the reduction and 
eventual elimination of nuclear weapons and delivery 
systems at an early stage in tlie disarmament process, 
including measures designed to prevent a proliferation of 
nuclear weapons to nations not now owning them. The 

" Freedom From War: The United States Program for 
Ocnrral and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World 
(Department of State publication 7277) : for sale by the 
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing 
OflSce, Washington 25, D.C. ; price 15 cents. 


Deparfmenf of State Bullefin 

plan also includes a commitment to seek and implement 
immediately as wide an area of agreement as possible 
and to continue this effort without interruption until 
general and complete disarmament has been achieved. 
The last word, of course, has not been spoken on dis- 
armament, and reasonable flexibility is essential if dis- 
armament is to be achieved. However, if the Soviet 
Union and other Communist states are seriously in- 
terested in disarmament, the US proposals can afford 
a realistic basis for negotiation of a detailed disarmament 

Declaration oir Disarmament: A Program for Gen- 
eral and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful 

[For text, see Buixetin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.] 



In the President's letter to Mr. John J. McCloy of 
January 27, 1961, the latter was given the task of making 
recommendations to the President regarding the organi- 
zation of the U.S. Disarmament Administration and re- 
lated activities. The U.S. Disarmament Administration, 
which was then in existence as a part of the Department 
of State, had been established by Departmental order by 
Secretary of State Christian A. Herter on September 9, 
I960." No Director had been appointed for the organiza- 
tion. It was headed by Mr. Edmund A. Gullion, an able 
career Foreign Service Ofiicer, who had been designated 
as Acting Deputy Director on October 12, 1960. 

Because of the pressing and immediate problems in 
connection with preparation of the U.S. position of the 
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests, it was not possible to devote a great deal of per- 
sonal attention to this problem until the formulation of 
the U.S. position for the Geneva discussions and Ambassa- 
dor Dean had left for the Geneva Conference on March 15, 
19C1. In the spring of this year, as part of the study of 
this problem, consultations were conducted with the Sec- 
retary of State, the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman 
of the Atomic Energy Commission, the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget, as well as a number of other Gov- 
ernment officials, including the President of the United 
States. Consultations also took place with a number of 
private persons whose experience and knowledge in the 
field of Government organization was impressive, includ- 
ing Professor Richard E. Neustadt of Columbia Univer- 
sity, Mr. Robert A. Lovett, Mr. James A. Perkins of the 
Carnegie Corporation, and Mr. Don K. Price of the Ford 

As a result of these studies, the conclusion was reached 
that an Agency should be established by statute at an 
authoritative level in the Government with the excep- 
tionally broad competence, functions, and resources re- 
quired to work on the problems of arms control and 
disarmament, including the conduct of the research so 
essential to progress in this field. Though there was 
considerable support for an entirely independent Agency 
reporting only to the President, the conclusion was 
reached that those conducting this research should be in 
the same organization as those charged with conducting 
negotiations in the field, and that the organization should 
be subject to the direction of the Secretary of State, al- 
though distinct from the Department of State. Since the 
Director of the new Agency would have to deal with and 
coordinate the activities of many other agencies of Gov- 
ernment which have direct access to the President, it was 
felt that the Director should serve as the principal ad- 
viser to the President as well as to the Secretary of State 
in the disarmament field, with direct access to the Presi- 
dent upon notification to the Secretary of State. 

A draft bill was prepared, which put these conclusions 
in the form of a statute. This bill was transmitted to 
the President of the United States for formal clearance 
throughout the Government on May 9, 1961, together with 
an explanatory letter of transmittal and an accompanying 
memorandum. As a result of the clearance process, the 
draft bill was slightly revised and was transmitted to the 
President by letter of June 23, 1961. The President, in 
turn, transmitted the draft bill to the Vice President and 
the Speaker of the House by letter of June 29, 1961." 

In the Senate, it was Introduced as S. 2180 by Senator 
Humphrey and eight other Senators. In the House, it 
was initially introduced as H.R. 7936 by Congressman 
Morgan, and 70 other similar or identical bills were subse- 
quently introduced in the House. 

Hearings on these bills were held in the latter part of 
August and early September before the Committee on 
Foreign Relations of the U.S. Senate and the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives. At 
these hearings, the support for the bill was completely 
bipartisan in nature. Witnesses testifying in support of 
it included officials impressive in quality and number of 
both your Administration and the Administrations of 
Presidents Eisenhower and Truman. A letter, which 
President Eisenhower had written in support of the prin- 
ciples on which the bill was drafted, was introduced into 
the record of both Committees. Both Committees re- 
ported the bill favorably by unanimous vote. 

The bill passed the Senate on September 8, 1961 by a 
vote of 73 to 14. A crucial amendment offered by Senator 
Goldwater which would have crippled the research pro- 
gram was defeated by a vote of 46 to 43. The bill passed 
the House of Representatives on September 19, 1961 by a 
vote of 290 to 54. A Conference Committee report was 
adopted by the House of Representatives on September 23, 
1961, by a vote of 250 to 50 and in the Senate by unani- 

'^ Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 481. 
November 6, 7 96 J 

' Ibid., July 17, 1961, p. 99. 


mous consent. The President was able to report the 
passage of the bill to the General Assembly of the United 
Nations on September 25, 1061. 

As anally passed by the Congress, the Act incorporated 
the general principles of the bill originally transmitted 
to you on June 29, 1061 ; although, in the process of legis- 
lative deliberation, the language was clarified in several 
important respects to express more accurately the con- 
cepts which underlay the original bill. 
October 2, 1961. 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Review 
Motion Picture Exchanges 

Press release 716 dated October 17 

The U.S.-U.S.S.R. Standing Committee on Co- 
operation in the Field of Cinematography, estab- 
lished under the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Agreement on 
Scientific, Technical, Educational and Cultural 
Exchange of November 21, 1959,' met in Wash- 
ington from October 2 until October 17, 1961 to 
review progress of exchanges in the field of motion 
pictures during the last two years. 

The Committee discussed matters which have 
arisen in connection with the purchase and sale of 
theatrical films; distribution and exhibition of 
theatrical films; exchange of documentary films; 
exchange of delegations of film specialists; (joint) 
co-production of films; and premieres and 
publicity in connection with the distribution of 
theatrical films. The Committee also discussed in 
general terms future cooperation in the field of 
motion pictures. 

At the end of their discussions, the Committee 
issued a Memorandum of Agreement (attached). 

The Committee was represented on the United 
States side by Turner B. Shelton, Director of the 
Motion Picture Service of the U.S. Information 
Agency, and Eric Johnston, President of the Mo- 
tion Picture Association of America, Inc. Ad- 
visers to the U.S. delegation were Ralph A. Jones, 
Deputy Director of the Soviet and P^astern Euro- 
pean Exchanges Staff of the Department of State; 
Harry G. Barnes of the Office of Soviet Union Af- 

fairs in the Department of State; Hans N. Tuch, 
Policy Officer for Eastern Europe in the U.S. In- 
formation Agency; and Kenneth Clark, Vice 
President of the Motion Picture Association of 
America, Inc. The Soviet Union was represented 
by A. N. Davydov, President of Sovexportfilm, 
and Boris Krylov, Chief of the American Section 
of the State Committee for Cultural Relations 
with Foreign Countries. Advisers to the Soviet 
delegation were L. O. Arnshtam, Soviet film direc- 
tor, and Yuri Volsky, Counselor of the Soviet Em- |, 
bassy in Washington. 


October 17, 1061 
Memorandum on the Meeting of the Standing Commit- 
tee Established Under the Section Dealing With 
Cooperation in the Field of Cinematography of the 
Scientific, Technical, Educational and Cultural 
Exchange Agreement Between the United States 
and the USSR. 

The Standing Committee on Cooperation in the Field 
of Cinematography established under the Scientific. Tech- 
nical, Educational and Cultural Exchange Agreements 
signed between the United States and the USSR on Jan- 
uary 27, 1058 ^ and November 21, 1050, met in Washington 
in October, 1061. During the course of the di