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JV9.19353, Ia30. 

> 1962 




9 I S- 









VOLUME XL VI: Numbers 1175- 


January 1 -June 25, 1962 



Date of Issue Pagi 



Jan. 1, 1962 1- 



Jan. 8, 1962 41- 



Jan. 15,1962 81- 



Jan. 22,1962 121- 



Jan. 29,1962 157- 



Feb. 5, 1962 193- 



Feb. 12,1962 229- 



Feb. 19,1962 265- 



Feb. 26,1962 309- 



Mar. 5,1962 353- 



Mar. 12, 1962 401- 



Mar. 19, 1962 441- 



Mar. 26, 1962 485- 



Apr. 2, 1962 529- 



Apr. 9, 1962 569- 



Apr. 16,1962 613- 



Apr. 23,1962 657- 



Apr. 30,1962 701- 



May 7,1962 745- 



May 14, 1962 785- 



May 21, 1962 821- 



May 28, 1962 857- 



June 4,1962 893- 

928 /^-^ 
964 ' 


June 11, 1962 929- 


June 18, 1962 965-1004 



June 25, 1962 1005- 





Corrections for Volume XLVI 

The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call atten- 
tion to the following errors in Volume XLVI: 

January 15, page 89, first column: The first sen- 
tence in the second paragraph should begin "To- 
morrow is the 131st anniversary of the death of the 
great liberator of this country . . . ." 

March 19, page 465: The subhead should read 
"President Kennedy's Message of February 25." 


Volume XVI: Numbers 1175-1200, January 1-June 25, 1962 

Abello, Emilio, 418 
Able, Elie, 164 

ACDA. See Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. 
Achilles, Theodore C, 324 

Adjustment assistance. See Trade ad.iustment assistance 
Adoula, Cvrille, 137, 203, 335 

Advertising material and commercial samples, interna- 
tional convention (1952) to facilitate the importa- 
tion of, 817 
AEC. See Atomic Energy Commission 
Afghanistan : 
Antilocust operation, U.S. aid, 987 
Soviet activities in, address (Bowles), 675 
Technical cooperation program, agreement vpith U.S. 

amending, 610 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 398 
Africa (see also individual countries) : 
Agriculture in, address (Williams), 639 
Challenge to American enterprise in, address (Wil- 
liams), 60 
Colonial issues in, statement (Bingham), 70, 72 
Communism in, resistance to, address (Bowles), 375 
Economic and educational development of, U.N. General 

Assembly action re, letter (Stevenson), 224 
FAO program in, article (Phillips, Sohl). 394 
Health problems in, address (Williams), 26 
Independent African states, conference of, address 

(Williams), 845 
Mid- Africa, regional groupings within, address (Wil- 
liams), 841 
Newly independent countries in : 
Progress in, address (Bowles), 255 
U.S. relations with, address (Fredericks), 879 
Organization of African States, formation of, joint 

communique (Kennedy, Olympic) re, 638 
Refugee problem in, addresses : Brown, 102 ; Cieplinski, 

UNESCO meeting of African education ministers, an- 
nouncement, 607 
Unity in, efforts to promote, joint communique (Houp- 

houet-Boigny, Kennedy), 952 
U.S. policy and relations, statement and addresses: 

Rowan, 380 ; Williams, 26, 544, 719, 841, 917 
Visits of U.S. officials to: 
Assistant Secretary Williams, 722 
Deputy Assistant Secretary Tasca, 52 
Voting record of African states in U.N., remarks 
(Rusk), 490 
African and Malagasy Union, addresses and statement 
(Williams), 172, 722, 843, 916 

Agency for International Development : 
Act for, cited, 151, 152 
Administration and accomplishments of, statement 

(Rusk), 660, GOl 
Appointments, 35, 78, 698 
Appropriations, need for, address (Rusk), 901 
Confirmations : Gaud, Hutchinson, Janow, Moscoso, 

398 ; Peyser, 1041 
Establishment and purpose of, addresses : Bowles, 254, 

258 ; Kennedy, 161 ; Rostow, 628 ;, 407 
Factfinding mission to Dominican Republic and other 

Caribbean islands, 177 
Far East, inspection of AID efforts in, 143 
Financing of inter-American police academy by, 847 
Policy of, address (Tubby), 300 

Programs in : Africa, 63, 547, 643 ; Brazil, 105 ; Colom- 
bia, 91 ; Dominican Republic, 425 ; Korea, 143 ; 
Venezuela, 91 
Aggression, Soviet conception of, address (Mann), 506 
Agrarian reform, Venezuelan project, remarks (Kennedy) 
and text of joint communique (Betancourt, Kennedy), 

Agricultural Sciences, Inter-American Institute of (OAS), 
convention on and protocol (1958) of amendment to, 
154, 397 

Agricultural surpluses, U.S., use in overseas programs : 

Address and statement: Gardner, 151; Rusk, 948 

Agreements with: Bolivia, 438, 697; Brazil, 654, 818; 
China, Republic of, 854, 1041 ; Colombia, 154, 482, 
610; Cyprus, 305; Greece, 482; Guinea, 398, 854; 
Iceland, 654 ; India, 890, 961 ; Indonesia, 512, 961 ; 
Iran, 305, 512; Israel, 78, 741, 854; Korea, 566; 
Liberia, 818 ; Morocco, 482 ; Peru, 698 ; Philippines, 
106 ; Poland, 35, 106, 779, 818 ; Spain, 305 ; Syrian 
Arab Republic, 782 ; Tunisia, 482 ; Turkey, 78, 306, 
610; United Arab Republic, 438, 698, 818, 1002; 
Uruguay, 890 ; Venezuela, 926 ; Viet-Nam, 106, 398, 
961 ; Yugoslavia, 106, 890, 1041 

Emergency relief aid to : Chinese refugees, 994 ; Kenya, 
244 ; Togo, 639 ; Tunisia, 641 

School lunch program, memorandum of understanding 
with Cyprus re grant for, 610 

United Nations, memo of understanding re Congo francs 
acquired under program, 482 
Agricultural trade : 

Canadian-U.S. consideration of problems of, joint com- 
munique on, 169 

Common Market policy re (see also European Economic 
Community), 561, 563, 564, 713, 715, 770, 1033 

Index, January to June 7962 


Agricultural trade — Conlimied 

GATT consideration of {see also Tariffs and trade, gen- 
eral agreement on), agreements with EEC with re- 
spect to corn, sorghum, wheat, rice, and poultry, 512 
U.S. agricultural trade : 

Agreements with : Brazil, 818 ; China, Uepublic of, 

782; Colombia, 926; El Salvador, 926; Guatemala, 

1002; India, 782; Ireland, 854; United Kingdom, 


Need for expansion of, address and statement: Ball, 

603 ; Martin, 474 
Restrictions on, address and statement: Gudeman, 6; 
Rusk, 197, 198 
Agricultural workers, agreement further extending agree- 
ment (19rjl) with Mexico, 106, 151 
Agriculture {see also Agricultural headings and Fiod and 
Agriculture Organization) : 
Research and development of in Mexico, remarks 

(Rusk), 792 
Role in Africa, addresses (Williams), 545, 639 
Agricultural workers, agreement further extending agree- 
of, agreement with Brazil amending and extending 
1953 agreement re, 961 
Agronsky, Martin, 241 
Ahidjo, Ahmadou, 418, 543 

AID. See Agency for International Development 
Air Afrique, address (Williams), 844 
Air transport and services. See Aviation 
Aircraft. Sec Aviation 
Al-Atiqi, Abdul Rahman Salim, 970 
Algeria : 

Cease-fire in, address (Fredericks), 881 
Refugees from, address (Cieplinski), 733 
Violence in, U.S. concern with, 1023 
Aliama para el Progreso. See Alliance for Progress 
Alliance for Progress : 

Authorizations and appropriations requested of Con- 
gress, address, message, and statement : Kennedy, 
160, 551 ; Rusk, 663 
Emergency credit to Dominican Republic under, state- 
ment (Kennedy), 258 
Goals and principles of, addresses and remarks : Bowles, 
255; Kennedy, 89, 01, 92; McGhee, 724; Rostow, 
968; Rowan, 379; Rusk, 361, 462, 492, 703, 910, 921; 
Stevenson, 559 
OAS support, statement (Stevenson), 557 
Progress, message (Kennedy), 552 
Projects in : Argentina, 470; Brazil, 706, 778; Chile, 538; 

Panama, 215 
Punta del Este consideration of: resolution on, 280; 

statements (Rusk) , 267, 271, 275 
Relationship to U.S. foreign i)oIicy, address and re- 
marks (Rusk), 787 
Ambassadors. See Diplomatic repre.seutatives uml iDutcr 

Foreign Service 
American Association for the United Nations, 12th an- 
nual conference of national organizations called by, 
message (Kennedy), 578 
American Foreign Ministers. See Punta del Este con- 

American Republics («ee also Latin America and in- 
dividual countries), Foreign Relations, volume on, 
American Revolution, principles and objectives of, ad- 
dress (Mann), 501, .504 
American States, Organization of. See Organization of 

American States 
Anderson, Mrs. Eugenie, 1041 
Angola : 

Problems of, addresses : Cleveland, 331 ; Fredericks, 

Refugees from, addresses : Brown, 102 ; Cieplinski, 

U.N. General Assembly consideration of situation In, 
statements (Stevenson) and text of resolution, 
U.S. position re, statement (Bingham), 70 
Antarctica, treaty of, address (Stevenson), 580 
ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand, U.S.) : 
11th Council meeting : 

Announcement of Secretary Rusk's attendance, 481 
News conference ( Rusk ) re, 864 
Text of communique, 869 
U.S. delegation, 871 
Treaty of, 938, 944 
Apartheid problem, address and statement : Bingham, 71 ; 

Williams, 173 
Argentina : 

Alliance for Progress loan to, 470 

Cuban exclusion from OAS system, statement re posi- 
tion on, 282 
Political situation in, U.S. concern, statement (Rusk), 

Scientific Mission on Foot and Mouth Disease in, co- 
operative effort with U.S., 67, 543 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

GATT, declaration on provisional accession to, 397 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international, 

with six annexes, 1002 
Wheat agreement, international, 026 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 398 
U.S. relations with, continuance of, 778 
Armaments (see also Disarmament, Military equipmeni, 
and Nuclear headings) : 

Soviet-bloc supply to, 644 
Suspension of traffic in arms with : 
Punta del Este resolution, 282 
Statements re : Rusk, 275, 285, 286, 287 ; Stevenson, 
Internationa! control and reduction of: 
U.S. proposed outline of treaty for : 
Statement (Rusk), 532, 534 
Text of, 748, 752, 754, 757 
Armed forces : 

Cuban, training of by Soviet-bloc instructors, 645 
Force levels for, reduction of : 

Inspection during process, message and statement: 
Kennedy, 358 ; Rusk, 359 


Department of State Bulletin 

Armed forces — Continued 
Force levels for, reduction of — Continued 
Proposals for, statements (Rusk), 535, 621 
U.S. proposed outline of treaty for, text of, 747, 749, 
752, 755, 757 
Geneva conventions relative to treatment in time of 

war, 500 
Thai forces, U.S. contribution to, joint statement (Kho- 
man. Rusk), 499 
Armed forces, U.S. : 

Abroad, addresses (Rusk), 941, 948 
Cubans in, statement (Stevenson), 556 
In Southeast Asia : 

Address (Rostow), 968 

In Thailand, letter (Yost) and statements (Kennedy, 
SEATO, Thai), 904 
Strength of, address (Johnson), 246 
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. : 
Economic and Social Consequences of Disarmament in 

the United States, release of publication, 902 
Purpose, address (Rusk), 903 

Report of, transmission to Congress, message (Ken- 
nedy), 349 
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia (see also Southeast 
Asia Treaty Organization and individual countries) : 
Communist aggression in, address (Bowles), 2.57 
Development in : 

Address (Bowles), 674, 675 
Petroleum resources, ECAFE symposium on, 852 
Education in, UNESCO/ECAFE conference, 695 
Emerging nations of, address (Johnson), 53 
Southeast Asia : 
Situation in : 
Address (Rostow), 967, 968 
Joint communique (Kennedy, Macmillan), 803 
Voice of America Lao and Thai language broadcasts 
to, statement (Rusk), 377 
Associa(;ao dos Ex-Combatentes do Brasil, 878 
Atlantic Alliance. See North Atlantic Treaty Organ- 
Atlantic community (see also North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization) : 
Economic integration and cooperation within, address 

and message (Kennedy), 161, 162, 233, 238 
Importance of and means of strengthening, statement 

(McGhee), 132 
Partnership in, addresses: Ball, 364, 414, 416, 666; 
Cleveland, 805; Johnson, 992; McGhee, 292, 828; 
Rusk, 934 
Unity of, address (McGhee) , 680, 681, 682 
U.S. part in, address and remarks : Bundy, 419, 423 ; 
Kennedy, 906 ; Rusk, 910 
Atlantic Fisheries, Northwest. See Northwest Atlantic 

Atlantic partnership. See under Atlantic community 
Atomic energy : 
International control of, U.S. proposal and policy re, 

address and statement (Rusk), 798, 932 
Mutual defense purposes of, agreement for cooperation 

with Belgium, 1002 
Nuclear weapons. See Nuclear weapons 

Atomic energy — Continued 
Peaceful uses of (see also Atomic Energy Agency) : 
Agreements for cooperation with : Brazil, 1002 ; Can- 
ada, 961 ; China, Republic of, 1002 ; Colombia, 739, 
741 ; European Atomic Energy Community, 961 ; 
Greece, 697 ; Portugal, 1002 ; Thailand, 1002 
Fissionable materials, transfer to peaceful purposes, 
statements and U.S. treaty proposal : Rusk, 534, 619, 
623 ; treaty outline, 750, 750 
AVeather stations, nuclear powered, remarks (Cleve- 
land), 695 
Atomic Energy Agency, International : 
Atomic reactors, agreement with U.S. for inspection of 

safeguards, 696, 697 
Director General Eklnnd to visit U.S., announcement, 

Statute of, amendment to, 106, 189, 259, 397, 438, 566, 
610, 854, 889, 925, 961 
Atomic Energy Commission, U.S., 444, 739, 795 
Atomic reactors : IAEA inspection of safeguards, agree- 
ment for, 696, 697 
Australia : 
Administration of New Guinea, statement (Bingham), 

ANZUS communique, 869 

Common heritage with U.S., address (Rusk), 936 
Deputy Premier, discussions with U.S. re trade, joint 

statement, 549 
EEC and Commonwealth trade problems, address and 

statements (Rusk) , 865, 867, 946 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

IAEA statute, amendment to article VI.A.3 of, 961 
International telecommunication convention (1959), 

with annexes, 511 
International trade in cotton textiles, arrangements 

re, 38 
Radio regulations (1959), with appendixes, annexed 
to international telecommunication convention 
(1959), 511 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 1041 
Austria : 

Fund for settlement of persecutee property losses, filing 

of claims against, 718 
Pension payments made retroactive to claimants, 302 
Treaties, agi'eements, etc. : 

Educational exchange program agreement with U.S., 


Declaration giving effect to provisions of art. XVI : 

4 of, 397 
Declarations on provisional accessions of Switzer- 
land and Tunisia, proc&s-verbaux extending, 3.50 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
International trade in cotton textiles, arrangements 
re, 38 

Index, January to June 7962 


Austria — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S.-Austrian interim air transport agreement of 1947, 

consultations re renegotiation of, 718 
Visit of Chancellor to U.S., joint communique (Gorbach, 
Kennedy), 832 
Automobiles, reciprocal tariff concessions under GATT, 

562, 565 
Aviation : 

Air Afrique, address (Williams), 844 

Air transport negotiations with Austria, 718 

Aircraft, jet, sale of to Yugoslavia, statement (Rusk), 

Berlin air corridors, Soviet harassment of Western 

traffic in, U.S. memorandum of protest, 370 
Colonel Glenn's flight, world reaction to, remarks 

(Rusk), 492 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Air services transit, international agreement (1944), 

653, 817, 925 
Aircraft, double taxation on earnings from opera- 
tions of, agreement with Colombia for relief of, 
Aircraft, imported, certificates of airworthiness for, 
agreement with Federal Republic of Germany, 350 
Aircraft manufactured by Lockheed-Azcdrate, agree- 
ment with Mexico re certificates of airworthiness, 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, 259, 

438, 653, 654, 782, 817, 854, 889, 961 
Landing rights for commercial aircraft, agreement 
with Indonesia extending arrangement for, 854 
Zanderij Airport in Surinam, agreement with Nether- 
lands re U.S. use of, 890 

Balaceanu, Petre, 25 
Balance of payments, U.S. : 
Deficit in : 

Causes of, address (Ball), 671 

Measures to counteract, address and message: Ball, 
415 ; Kennedy, 550 
Expansion of exports necessary to U.S. stability in, 
address, message, and report: Kennedy, 231, 233, 
239 ; Rusk, 196, 197, 199 ; Trezise, 647, 884 
Importance of maintaining, addresses : Kennedy, 162 ; 
Rostow, 835 
Ball, George W. : 
Addresses, article, correspondence, and statements: 
American Business Abroad, 912 
Atlantic partnership, 364, 412, 666 
Congo, elements of U.S. policy in, 12, 43 
Foreign policy, practice of, 872 
GATT, cooperation in strengthening of, 118 
Less developed countries, 4, 412 
Nuclear weapons, transfer of to other countries, U.S. 

position, 609 
Speech review proceflures of Department of State, 

513, 1038 
Trade Expansion Act, proposed, major aspects of, 597 
United Nations, role of, 632 

Ball, George W. — Continued 

Attendance at GATT cotton textile conference, 218 
Confirmation as Under Secretary of State, 306 
Visit to Panama, 215 
Barbosa da Silva, E. P., 118 
Baseball gloves and mitts, decision against increasing 

duty on, 649 
Bataan Day, 729 
Batchelder, Charles, 123 
Battle, Lucius D., 1041 
Battle, William C, 1041 
Bayley, Edwin R., 78 
Belgium : 
IMF, Belgian commitment to, 187 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Atomic energy, mutual defense purposes, agreement 

with U.S. for cooperation in, 1002 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 

Compensatory concessions under GATT for certain 

tariff actions taken by U.S.. 512 
Proces-verbaux extending declarations on provi- 
sional accessions of: Switzerland, 817; Tunisia, 
IAEA, amendment to art. VI.A.3 of statute of, 397 
Mutual defense assistance agreement with U.S. 

amending annex B of 1950 agreement, 77 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Visas and visa fees, agreement with U.S. re reciprocal 
waiver of, 1041 
Bell, John O., 306 
Bengelloun, Ali, 499 
Berger, Samuel D., 951 

Berlin (see also Germany and Germany, Federal Republic 


Addresses, remarks, and statements : Ball, 875 ; Bundy, 

419, 424 ; Kennedy, 161, 168, 708 ; R. Kennedy, 762, 

764 ; Rostow, 967, 968 ; Rusk, 84, 123, 127, 165, 166, 

200, 201, 241, 243, 360, 450, 457, 460, 797, 798, 799, 

801, 802, 868, 939, 976 

East Berlin, Soviet position on East German claim to, 

statement (Rusk), 360 
Free access to Berlin : 

International Access Authority, U.S. proposal for, 463 

Western rights to, addresses, statements, and U.S. 

note: Rusk, 84, 4.50, 457, 460, 798; U.S. note, 370 

Free-world unity of position on, statement (Rusk), 127 

Mission of General Clay to, statements (Kennedy), 168, 

NATO communiques re, 51, 862 
Negotiations and consultations on : 

Basis sought, joint communique (Kennedy, Mac- 

millan), 94 
Ex-ploratory talks with Soviet Union re, statementa 

(Rusk), 123, 200, 201, 808, 976 
Possibility of with Soviets, U.S. views, statements 
(Rusk), 797, 798, 799, 801, 802 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Berlin — Continued 

Soviet position re, addresses and statements: Rostow, 

967 ; Rusk, 360, 450, 798 
U.S. position, addresses and statements: Ball, 875; 
Bundy, 419, 424; Kennedy, R., 762; Rostow, 907; 
Rusk, 80, 450 
Wall in : 

NATO views re, 51 
Problem of, statement (Rusk), 166 
Betancourt, Romulo, 90 

Bills of lading, international convention (1924) for uni- 
fication of rules re, 305, 610 
Bingham, Jonathan B., 69, 398 
Blumenthal, W. Michael, 259, 596, 848, 997 
Bohlen, Charles E., 652, 1012 
Bolivia : 
Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S. re, 438, 

ICEM constitution, 511 
Bontempo, Salvatore A., 118 
Borton, Hugh, 142 
Bowles, Chester: 
Addresses : 

Asia, Balance Sheet on, 674 
Education for World Responsibility, 206 
Global forces shaping history, 371 
Middle East, situation in, 765 
U.S. foreign policy, 252 
Ambassador at Large and President's Special Repre- 
sentative and Adviser on African, Asian, and Latin 
American affairs : confirmation, 306 ; designation, 
Far East Regional Operations Conference, attendance 

at, 511 
Foreign policy briefings at Chicago, participation in, 104 
Visit to Middle East, Africa, South Asia, and Far 
East, 251 
Brazil : 

Associagao dos Ex-Combatentes do Brasil, message 

(Kennedy), 878 
Cuban exclusion from GAS system, position on, 283 
Expropriation of IT&T holdings, statement (Rusk), 

Northeast Brazil, U.S. aid to, 740, 778, 960 
Trade unions of, statement (Kennedy), 470 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities agreements with U.S., 654, 

Agricultural trade agreement with U.S., 818 
Agriculture and natural resources, cooperative pro- 
gram of, agreement with U.S. amending and ex- 
tending 1953 agreement re, 961 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of, agreement amend- 
ing 1955 agreement with U.S., 1005 
Communications satellites, agreement with U.S. on 

cooperation in testing of, 154 
Economic and social development in the Brazilian 
Northeast, agreement with U.S. for cooperation 
in, 740 
GATT, protocol relating to establishment of sched- 
ule III (1958), 350 

Brazil — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 
Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. for es- 
tablishment of, 106 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Sodium sulphates and manganese ores, agreement 
with U.S. re settlement of debt for purchase of, 350 
Special services program, agreement with U.S. re, 

Vocational education program, agreement with U.S. 

extending 1950 agreement re, 961 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. extension of credit to, 105 
U.S. science attach^ at Rio de Janeiro, appointment, 

Visit of President to United States, 259, 705 
Brezhnev, Leonid, 164 
British Cameroons, U.N. Trust Territory of, dissolution 

of, 25 
British East Africa, International telecommunication 

convention (1959) , with annexes, 397 
British Guiana : 
Touring, convention concerning customs facilities for, 

Road vehicles, customs convention on temporary im- 
portation of, 566 
U.S. economic planning team visits, 769 
Brown, Richard R., 100 
Brubeck, William H., 890 
Bulgaria : 

Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
U.S. Minister, confirmation, 1041 
Bundy, McGeorge, 419 
Bunker, Ellsworth, 975, 1039 
Burma : 

GATT, rectifications and modifications to texts of sched- 
ules, protocols 6, 7, 8, and 9, 350 
U.S. recognition of government of, 499 
Burns, John H., 306 
Business Abroad, American, address (Ball) , 912 

Cabot, John M., 306 

Calendar of international conferences and meetings {see 
also subject), 36, 107, 220, 303, 383, 480, 605, 651, 780, 
850, 924, 995 
Cambodia : 
Communist subversion In, threat of, address (Bowles), 

GATT, protocol of accession to, 696 
Cameroon : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 499 
Immigration quota, U.S. establishment of, 25 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, 

and protocols to, 654, 961 
Cultural property, convention (1954) and protocol for 

protection in event of armed conflict, 225 
Economic, technical, and related assistance agreement 
amending 1961 agreement with U.S., 482 

Index, January to June 1962 


Cameroon — CJontinued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — (Jontinued 

Narcotic drugs, manufacture and regulating the dis- 
tribution of, convention (1931) for limiting, 38 
Narcotic drugs, protocol (1948) bringing under inter- 
national control drugs outside the scope of the 
1931 convention, 38 
Opium, protocol (1953) regulating the production, 

trade, and use of, 511 
Opium and other drugs, convention (1912) relating 

to suppression of abuse of, 38 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Slavery convention (1926), as amended, 654 
Visit of President to U.S., 418, 543 
Canada : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 955 

IMF, Canadian commitment to, 187 

International Joint Commission (U.S.-Canada), 728, 

Nuclear weapons, question of availability to, statement 

(Rusk), 457, 458 
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Com- 
mittee on, 7th meeting, delegations and text of 
communique, 105, 168 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Atomic energy, civil uses of, amendment to 1955 

agreement with U.S., 961 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Copyright convention (1952), universal, and protocol 

S, 1002 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

Double taxation, conventions with U.S. for avoidance 
of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on estates : 
1944 and 1950 conventions, termination of, 739, 
740 ; 1961 convention, 305, 512, 739, 740, 782 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Proc6s-verbaux re provisional accessions of: 

Switzerland, 350 ; Tunisia, 818 
Protocol for accession of Portugal, 1041 
Haines cutoff road for winter maintenance of Hames- 

Fairbanks pipeline, agreement with U.S. for, 740 
Haines-Fairbanks pipeline, agreement with U.S. for 

construction of additional pumping stations, 890 
High seas fisheries of North Pacific Ocean, interna- 
tional convention (19!)2) on, 740 
IAEA statute, amendment of, 189 
NATO status-of -forces agreement, agreements supple- 
menting and implementing agreement on, 106 
Radio regulations (1959), 782 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international, 

with six annexes, 890 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Canal Zone, inter-American police academy in, opening 

of, 847 
Cancer research, Japan-U.S. joint project, 955 


Caribbean Organization, designation as public interna- 
tional organization. Executive order, 188 
Carpets, woven, decision to increase duty on, 649, 650, 671 
Casablanca powers, list of and cultural objectives, ad- 
dresses (Williams), 172, 843, 844 
Castro, Fidel, 556, 558 

CENTO. See Central Treaty Organization 
Central African Republic: 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials. C44 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 306 
Central America, seasonal marketing fund proposed for, 

178, 998 
Central Treaty Organization : 

Economic Committee, 10th session: 
Statement (Rostow), 522 
Text of communique, 526 
U.S. delegation, 436 
Secretary General, visit to Washington, 411 
10th Ministerial Council meeting : 
Statement (Rusk), 859 
Text of communique, 860 
U.S. delegation, 861 
Ceramic tile, decision against increasing duty on, 649 
Ceylon : 

Governor General of, message (Kennedy) to, 644 
GATT, declaration on extension of standstill provisions 

of art. XVI :4, 397 
GATT, declaration on provisional accession of Argen- 
tina to, 397 
Radio Ceylon, agreement amending and extending 
agreement with U.S. re, 890 
Chad, UNESCO health project in, address (Williams), 

Chancellor, John, 241 

Charlotte, Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, 950 
Charter of Punta del Este. See Punta del Este, Charter 

Chayes, Abram, 851 
Cheese, Colby and blue-mold cheese, actions on imports of, 

Chiari, Roberto F., 976 
Chile : 

Economic development, joint communique with U.S. re 

financing of, 538 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Educational programs, agreement with U.S. amend- 
ing 1955 agreement for financing, 566 
GATT, declaration on provisional acces.sion of Switz- 
erland, proc&s-verbal extending, 350 
Satellite tracking facility at Mapallenes Province, 
agreement with U.S. re reactivation of, 77 
University of Chile, economic training, address (Rusk), 
China ; 
Foreign Relations, volume on, released, 610 
U.N. representation question : 
General Assembly action, letter and statement 

(Stevenson), 222, 320 
Soviet draft resolution, 117 

Department of State Bulletin 

China — Continued 

U.N. representation question — Continued 
U.N. important-question resolution, 117 
U.S. position on, statements (Stevenson), 108, .320 
China, Communist (see also Communism and Sino-Soviet 
bloc) : 
Aggression in Asia and the Far East, statement (Steven- 
son), 108. 109 
Communist failure in, address (Rusk) , 454 
Disarmament conference, question of participation in, 

statement (Rusk), 462 
Economic problems of, addresses : Johnson, 57, 58 ; Tre- 

zise, 595 
Guerrilla warfare training centers in, statement (Ste- 
venson), 109, 110, 116 
Objectives and methods of attainment, address (Achil- 
les), 324, 325 
Refugees from. Sec under Refugees 
Revolution in, results of, address (Bowles), 371, 375 
Tibet, domination of, statement (Bingham), 74 
U.N. representation question. See under China 
U.S. policy toward, address (Bowles), 676 
U.S. shipment of food to, question of, statement (Rusk), 
China, Republic of : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 205 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S., 782, 

854, 1041 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of, agreement amending 

1955 agreement with U.S., 1002 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (19G0) 
on, 740 
U.N. representation. See China : U.N. representation 

U.S. aid to, address (Tubby), 301 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 1042 
Christmas Lsland, U.K.-U.S. nuclear test project, joint 

statement re, 329 
Cieplinski, Michel, 730 

Citizenship, domestic and foreign responsibility of, ad- 
dress ( Louehheim ) , 337 
Civil aviation. See Aviation 

Civilian persons in time of war, Geneva convention rela- 
tive to treatment of, 398, 566 
Claims : 
Austria : 

Fund for settlement of persecutee property losses, 

filing of claims against, 718 
Retroactive pension payments by, 302 
Damage from nuclear tests, U.S. position re compen- 
sation in event of, 840 
Yugoslavia, negotiations re U.S. claims against, 847 
Clay, Lucius D., 168, 708 
Cleveland, Harlan : 
Addresses, remarks, and statement : 
Disarmament, progress toward, 583 
Meteorological observations, cooperation in. 694 
The Practice of Peace, 1019 
United Nations : 
Bond issue, 96 
Role in U.S. foreign policy, 330 

Cleveland, Harlan — Continued 
Addresses, remarks, and statement — Continued 

U.S. diplomatic relations, problems of, 803 
Trip to Europe and Congo, announcement of, 760 
Cleveland, Stanley M., 073 
Coale, Ansley J., 306 

Cocoa, trade problems, statement (Blumenthal), 998 
Codex Alimentarius Commission (FAO/WHO), establish- 
ment at FAO conference, article (Phillips, Sohl), 394 
Coerr, Wymberley DeR., 1042 
Coffee : 
Problems of trade in, address (Blumenthal), 907 
Seasonal marketing fund proposed by U.S., 178, 998 
U.S. importation of, address (Trezise), 885 
Worldwide agreement on, joint support of, communique 
(Goulart, Kennedy), 706 
Cold war, statements re : Rusk, 559 ; Stevenson, 553 
Collective security (see also Mutual defense) : 
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. See Southeast 

Asia Treaty Organization 
Europe. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Latin America. See Organization of American States 
Near and Middle East. See Central Treaty Organiza- 
Regional arrangements for : 

Iran-U.S. views, joint communique (Kennedy, 

U.S. position on, address and statement : Johnson, 
246, 250 ; McGhee, 131, 133, 1.35 
Colombia : 

Cuban exclusion from OAS system, position on, 282 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S., 154 

482, 610, 926 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of, agreement with U.S. 

for cooperation in, 739, 741 
Continental shelf, convention on, 482 
Double taxation on earnings from operations of ships 
and aircraft, agreement with U.S. for relief of, 77 
Geneva conventions (1949) on treatment of prisoners 
of war, wounded and sick, and civilians in time 
of war, 398 
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, 

protocol of amendment to convention on, 154 
WMO convention, 189 
Visit of President and Mrs. Kennedy, address and re- 
marks (Kennedy), 91 
Colonialism (see also Self-determination and Trust terri- 
tories) : 
Development and passing of, addresses and remarks: 
Ball. 364, 413, 414, 633 ; Cleveland, 807 ; Rusk, 945 ; 
Stevenson, 210, 212 ; Williams, 170 
U.N. General Assembly consideration of : letter, re- 
marks, and resolution: Rusk. 490; Steven.son, 223; 
text of res., 76 
U.S. position re, address and statements: Bingham, 69; 
Johnson, 58 ; Stevenson, 147 
Colorado River water : 
Agreement with Mexico re supplying of water under 

1944 agreement, 144 
Problem o fsalinity, joint U.S.-Mexican study of, 650 

Index, January to June 7962 


Commerce, Department of, commercial program within 
Foreign Service, interdepartmental agreement witli 
State Department for, 741 
Commercial agreements. See Trade: Treaties 
Commodity Trade, Commission on International (ECO- 

SOC), confirmation of U.S. member, 596 
Commodity trade problems {see also Agricultural head- 
ings and individual commodity) : 
Canadian-U.S. consideration of, communique on, 169 
GATT declaration re disposal of surpluses, 10 
Latin American and U.S. officials confer on seasonal 

marketing problems, 178 
Stabilization agreements, formulation of, remarks 

(Kennedy), 540 
U.S. proposals and views re, address, article, and state- 
ment : Blumenthal, 997 ; Phillips, Sohl, 395 ; Rusk, 
Common markets. See European Economic Community, 
European Free Trade Association, and Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development 
Communications (see also Radio, Satellites: Communi- 
cation, and Telecommunications) : 
Advances in, address (Bohlen), 1015 
Films as an international means of, remarks (Tubby) 

Communism (see also China, Communist ; Germany, East; 
Sino-Soviet bloc; and Soviet Union) : 
Aggression and subversive activities In: 
Africa, statement (Williams), 918 
Southeast Asia, addresses, messages and statements: 
Bowles, 675, 676 ; Diem, 14 ; Johnson, 53, 54 ; Ken- 
nedy, 13, 914; Rusk, 455, 458, 459, 498; SEATO, 
905 ; Thai, 905 ; Tost, 905 
"Western Hemisphere. See under Cuba and Punta 
del Este conference 
Communist organizations : 

Address (Hughes), 981, 982, 984 

Regulations and statement re issuance or revocation 
of passports to members of, 179, 202, 847 
Doctrine of, address (Mac Arthur), 710 
Economic challenge of (see also Less developed coun- 
tries: Economic offensive), address and statement: 
Ball, 598 ; Trezise, 592 

Failures of, addresses and statement: Rusk, 790, 868 
948 ; Tubby, 16 

International challenge and threat of and measures to 
combat, addresses, communique, and statement: 
Achilles, 326; ANZUS, 870; Ball, 417; Bowles, 372^ 
374 ; Cleveland, 1019, 1020 ; Harriman, 177 ; Johnson' 
245 ; Khoman, 498 ; Rostow, 626, 629, 6.30, 967, 968,' 
970 ; Rowan, 379, 380 ; Rush, 449, 498 ; Tubby 299' 

Objectives of, addresses and statement: Johnson, 54; 
Rostow, 522, 525; Rusk, 896, 897, 898, 899, 934 

Problems of, address (Kennedy), 616 

Propaganda. See Propaganda 

Refugees from, addresses : Brown, 101, 103 ; CiepUnskl, 
731, 733 ; Stevenson, 211, 557 

Rivalry for control between Moscow and Poiping, state- 
ment (Rusk), 241 

Communism — Continued 

Strategy and techniques of, addresses, remarks, and 
statements: Rusk, 84, 272, 276, 488; Stevenson, 

Theories, Dogmas, and Semantics of, addresses (Mann) 

U.S. strategy toward (see also infra), address (Mc- 
Ghee), 683 
Communist countries : 

Trade agreement concessions denied to, address and 

act : summary of act, 344 ; Weiss, 341 
U.S. policy toward, addresses: Bohlen, 1017; McGhee, 
&31 ; Rostow, 835 ; Rusk, 902 
Communist Party : 
Authority in, address (Mann), 502 

Members in U.S., restrictions on issuance of passports 
to, 847 
Conference of the eighteen-natlon committee on disarma- 
ment. See 18-nation committee on disarmament, 
conference of 
Conferences and organizations* international (see also 
suljject), calendar of meetings, 36, 107, 220, 303, 
383, 480, 605, 651, 780, 850, 924, 995 
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), civU aviation conven- 
tion (1944), international, 889 
Congo, Republic of the ( Leopold ville) : 
Consulate at Stanleyville, opening of, 853 
Francs acquired by U.S. under agriculture commodities 
program, memo of understanding with U.N. re, 482 
Freedom of exit for Moise Tshombe, 769 
International telecommunication convention (1959), 

with annexes, 77 
Prime Minister's visit to U.S., toasts (Adoula, Ken- 
nedy), 335 
Situation in. See Congo situation 
Visit of U.S. Assistant Secretary (Cleveland), announce- 
ment, 760 
Congo situation: 
Developments in, addresses, article, communique, and 
statements : Ball, 43, 635, 876 ; Kennedy, Macmillan, 
95; Rostow, 967, 968; Rusk, 126, 165, 199, 216; 
Stevenson, 222 ; Williams, 136, 547, 720 
Katangan secession : 

Kitona agreement, 49, 95, 137, 171 
Negotiations for reintegration, address, article, and 
statements : Ball, 40 ; Department, 11, 49, 95 ; White, 
10 ; Williams, 720 
U.N. action re, 48 

U.S. opposition to, address and statement: Rusk, 
217 ; Williams, 136, 140 
Maps, 43, 45 

Preparation for self-government, problem of, state- 
ment (Bingham), 71 
Refugee problem, address (Brown), 102 
U.N. operation in : 

Addresses and statement: Ball, 035, 876; Rusk, 126 
Communist People's Dailii comment on, 116 
Financial obligations of U.N. members for (see aUo 
International Court of Justice: U.N. assessment), 
U.S. position, 435 
Kalanga attacks against, statements: Ball, 12; De- 
partment, 11 


Department of State Bulletin 

Congo situation — Continued 
U.N. operation in — Continued 
Security Council consideration of, question of, state- 
ment (Stevenson), 304 
Soviet opposition to, article (Ball),4G 
U.X. bond sale for payment of (.see also United Na- 
tions: Financing of: Bond issue), U.S. views, 160, 
311, 315, 317, 322 
U.S. contribution and support, article and addresses : 
Adoula, 33(); Ball, 12, 44, 4G, 50; Bowles, 207, 256; 
Cleveland, 97, 331, 332; Kennedy, 336; Rusk, 216, 
450 ; Williams, 140 
Congress, U.S. : 
Committee bearings on : 

Congo situation, statement (Rusk), 216 
Oil imports program, statement (Nichols), 31 
Speech review procedures of Department of State, 
letter and statements : Ball, 513, 1038 ; Rusk, 972 ; 
Tubby, 518 
Textile industry, statement (Martin), 218 
Documents relating to foreign policy, lists of, 68, 179, 

302, 382, 519, 734, 923, 994 
Legislation, tariff classification system, modernizing, 

statement (Kennedy), 1038 
Legislation proposed : 

Communications satellite corporation, U.S., statement 

(Plimpton), 815 
Foreign aid program for FY 1063, address, message, 

and statement : Kennedy, 550 ; Rusk, 659, 901 
Peace Corps, expansion of, letter (Kennedy), .521 
Philippine indemnity for war damage, statement 

(Kennedy), 911 
Refugee aid programs, address (Cleplinskl), 732, 734 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, addresses, message, re- 
port, and statement : Ball, 597 ; Coppock, 958, 1031 ; 
Kennedy, 163, 231, 239 
U.N. bond purchase, message, proposed bill, and state- 
ments : Kennedy, 311 ; Rusk, 312 ; Stevenson, 317 ; 
text of bill, 312 
Presidential addresses, messages, reports, etc. See 

tinder Kennedy 
Senate approval requested for safety of life at sea con- 
vention (1960), statement (Trezise), 520 
State Department relations with, statement (Rusk), 126 
Conservation of the living resources of the high seas, con- 
vention on, 854 
Consultative Committee on Security (OAS), Special, 

Punta del Este resolution re establishment of, 279 
Contiguous zone and territorial zone, convention (1958) 

on, 225, 854 
Continental shelf, convention (1958) on, 77, 225, 482 
Contingency fund, authorization request for FY 1963, 

message and statement : Kennedy, 551 ; Rusk, 664 
Control Commission, International, Communist attacks 

on in Viet-Nam, 14 
Coombs, Philip H., 926 

Cooperatives, growth of, U.S. assistance in, address (Wil- 
liams), 642 
Coppock, Joseph D., 426, 770, 956, 1027 
Copyright convention (1952), universal, and protocols, 1, 
2, and 3, 77, 305, 1002 

Corrick, Ann, 358 

Costa Rica, Vienna convention (1961) on diplomatic re- 
lations, 817 
Cotton : 

Sale of to Poland, 779 

Zipper tape, consultations with Japan re exports to 
U.S., 1037 
Cotton Textile Committee (GATT) : 
Establishment of, statement (Martin), 219 
Meeting of and text of agreement reached, 2.50, 430 
Cotton textiles : 
Arrangements (1961) re international trade in, cur- 
rent action, 38 
GATT negotiations on trade in, 218, 259, 430 
Long-term cotton textile arrangement, text of, 431 
Hong Kong restraint of shipments to U.S., discussions 
re, 848 
Crawford, William A., 306 

Charges against : 

OAS and call for World Court opinion re, statements 

(Stevenson) and text of draft resolution, 684 
United States, General Assembly rejection, state- 
ments: Plimpton, 559; Stevenson, 553 
Communism in and threat to American Republics (see 
^ also Punta del Este conference),, report, 
and statements: Rostow, 967, 968; Rusk, 85, 125, 
165, 166, 168, 242 ; Stevenson, 553, 687 ; U.S. report, 
Guantanamo Naval Base in, U.S. treaty rights to, state- 
ment (Rusk), 287 
NATO-U.S. alinement of policy toward, statement 

(Rusk), 459 
OAS consideration of and actions re. See Punta del 

Este conference 
Refugees from, addresses and statement: Brown, 101, 

103 ; Cieplinski, 732 ; Stevenson, 557 
Soviet-bloc military aid to. See Armaments : Cuba 
Sugar quota, determination of, proclamation (Ken- 
nedy), 34 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 


Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia, 

350, 397 
Declaration on relations between contracting par- 
ties of GATT and Poland, 397 
Proces-verbal of rectification concerning protocol 
amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX 
and protocol amending preamble and parts II 
and III, 350 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. trade with, embargo on, proclamation and state- 
^ ments : proclamation, 283 ; Rusk, 285, 287, 288, 348 
Cultural relations and programs (see also Educational 
exchange and Exchange of persons) : 
Japanese-U.S. exchanges: 

Discussions and conference on, 99, 142 
Use of GARIOA funds in programs, 188 

Index, January to June 1962 


Cultural relations and programs — Continued 
Soviet-U.S. exchanges: 

Statements : Bohlen, 652 ; Hughes, 982 
Test of joint communique, 653 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Cultural exchange agreement with U.A.R., 959 
Cultural property, convention (1954) and protocol 

for protection in event of armed conflict, 225 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, agree- 
ment and protocol on importation of, 817 
Exchange of films with Rumania, 959 
Exchanges in scientific, technical, educational, cul' 
tural, and other fields, 1962-63 agreement with 
U.S.S.R., 512. 652 
Customs (see also Tariff jwlicy) : 

Commercial samples and advertising material, inter- 
national convention (1952) to facilitate the im- 
portation of, 817 
Road vehicles, private, customs convention (1954) on 

temporary importation of, 38, 566, 782 
Touring, convention (1954) concerning customs facili- 
ties for, 566, 817 
Customs unions. See Common markets 
Cyprus : 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, memorandum of under- 
standing with U.S. re grant for school lunch pro- 
gram, 610 
Educational exchange program, agreement with U.S., 

225, 350 
IBRD and IMF articles of agreement, 77 
IDA articles of agreement, 854 

Universal postal convention (1957), with final proto- 
col, annex, regulations of execution, and provisions 
re airmail with final protocol, 77 
Wheat, memorandum of understanding with U.S. re 
purchase of, 305 
Visit to U.S. of President Makarios and discussions with 
U.S. official.s, 413, 1011 
Czechoslovakia : 

Civil aviation convention, International, protocol (1961) 

to, 854 
GATT, proces-verbaux extending declarations on pro- 
visional accession of Switzerland and Tunisia, 926 

Dahomey : 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention, international, protocol 

(1961) to, 854 
Geneva conventions relative to treatment of prisoners 

of war, wounded and sick, and civilians, 566 
Narcotic drugs, convention and protocol (1931) on, 

Road trafl3c convention (19-49), with annexes, 259 
Slavery convention (1926), as amended, 961 
Visit of goodwill mission to U.S., 1036 
Dean, Arthur H., 888 

Decade of Doveloi)ment. See under I'liitcil Xiitions 
Declaration of Independence, cited, 60 

Defense (see also Collective security and Mutual de- 
fense) : 
Furnishing of defense articles and services for purpose 
of internal security, agreement with El Salvador 
re, 818 
Inventions relating to defense for which patent appli- 
cations have been filed, agreement for safeguarding, 
Strengthening of by U.S., address (Bowles), 254 
U.S. collective defense arrangements, address (John- 
son), 246, 250 
Defense, Department of, speeches reviewed by Depart- 
ment of State, statement and remarks : Ball, 513, 
Tubby, 518 
Defense Board, Inter-American, 557 
Democracy, defense of by Venezuela, letter (Kennedy), 

Denmark : 
Educational exchange programs, agreements with U.S. 

re, 1041 

Compensatory concessions for certain tariff actions 

taken by U.S., 512 
Declarations giving effect to and extending standstill 

provisions of art. XVI : i, 818 
Declarations on provisional accessions of Switzerland 

and Tunisia, proces-verbaux extending, 350 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
IAEA statute, amendment of, 854 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
De Peiia, Marco A., 129 
Dependent territories : 
African, problems of, address (Fredericks), 881 
Pacific, territories of, ANZUS assistance to, address 
(Rusk), 944 
Development Assistance Group: 
Commitment to underdeveloped countries, statement 

(Rusk), 165 
Committee meeting in Paris, U.S. representative to, 
designation (Rubin), 1042 
Development Loan Fund, loans to Ghana, 30 
Development loans and grants, authorizing legislation re- 
quest for FY 1963, message and statement : Kennedy, 
551; Rusk, 663 
Diem, Ngo Dinh, 13 
Dillon, Douglas, 168 
Diplomacy : 

Addresses and remarks : Ball, 876 ; Bowles, 677 ; Cleve- 
land, 803; McGhee, 1007; Rusk, 488 
Dulles Library of diplomatic history, statement (Rusk), 
Diplomatic IHstorfi, International Law, and the Condnet 
of Foreign Relations, Department of State Publiea- 
tions on, 190 
Diplomatic recognition and relations : 
Argentina, continuance of relations with, 778 
Dominican Republic, U.S. relations with, 34, 120 
Vienna convention (1961) on diplomatic relations and 
protocol concerning compulsory settlement of dis- 
putes, 817 


Department of State Bulletin 

Diplomatic representatives abroad, U.S. See under For- 
eign Service 
Diplomatic representatives in tlie U.S. : 

Presentation of credentials : Cameroon, 499 ; Canada, 
955; Central African Republic, 644; China, 205; 
Dominican Republic, 904 ; Ecuador, 1C9 ; Gabon, 
1(!9; Greece, 479; Iran, 707; Kuwait, 970; Mali, 
871 ; Morocco, 499 ; Philippines, 418 ; Rumania, 25 ; 
Soviet Union, 644 ; Syrian Arab Republic, 244 
Travel of in U.S., State Advisory Committee considera- 
tion of, 382 
Disarmament (see also Armaments, Arms Control and 
Disarmament Agency, Nuclear test-ban treaty. Nu- 
clear weapons, and Outer space ) : 
Agreed principles for, U.S.S.R.-U.S. joint statement of, 

statement (Rusk), 533 
Chinese Communist views on, cited, 116 
Coordination of U.S. approach to, addresses (Bowles), 

253, 257, 376 
Economic and social consequences of: 
ACDA publication, release of, 962 
U.N. report on, statement re (Rusk), 532 
Eighteen-nation disarmament conference at Geneva. 
See Eighteen-nation committee on disarmament, 
conference of 
■•^General and complete, U.S. position, letter, proposed 
treaty outline, and statement : Ball, 609 ; Kennedy, 
747 : text of outline, 747 
International Disarmament Organization, U.S. proposal 

for, 621, 622, 747, 749, 751, 759 
Negotiations {sec also Eighteen-nation committee) 
NATO communique re, 51, 52 

U.K.-U.S. joint communique and report re, 95, 409 
U.N. call for, letter (Stevenson), 223 
U.S. efforts for, addresses, Cleveland, 583, 585; Ken- 
nedy, 160 ; Rusk, 4.54 
U.N. consideration of, statement (Stevenson), 319 
Use of savings from for peaceful purposes, joint com- 
munique (Goulart, Kennedy), 706 
Verification of, Soviet and U.S. views on : Kennedy, 
465 ; Khrushchev, 468, Rusk, 124 
Disarmament agency, U.S. See Arms Control and Dis- 
armament Agency, U.S. 
Dobrynin, Anatoliy Fedorovich, 644 
Dominican Republic : 
AID mission to, 177, 425 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 904 
Developments in, statements : Kennedy, 128 ; Rusk, 165, 

108, 200, 202, 203 
Diplomatic relations with : 
Conditions for, 34 
Resumption of, 129 
Emergency credit to, statement (Kennedy) , 258 
Military assistance, U.S. team survey of need, 258 
OAS system, participation in, remarks (Kennedy), 541 
Soviet charges of OAS action against, statements 

(Stevenson), 690, 693 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 

Dominican Republic — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
Economic, technical, and related assistance, agree- 
ment with U.S. for, 305 
Investment guaranties, agreement with U.S. re, 854 
Military assistance, agreement with U.S. for, 697 
Peace Corps, agreement with U.S. re establishment 

of, 854 
Safety of life at soa, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 482 
Double taxation, agreements and conventions for avoid- 
ance of on : 
Estates, with Canada, 305, 512, 739, 740, 782 
Income, with : Colombia, 77, Greece, 512 
List of U.S. agreements in force, 261 
Drugs, narcotic : 

Manufacture and distribution of, convention (1931) 

limiting and regulating, 38, 259, 397, 740 
Opium, and other drugs, production, trade, and use of : 
Convention (1912), 38, 350, 566, 740 
Protocol (1953) regulating, 350, 511 
Protocol (1948) bringing under international control 
drugs outside the scope of 1031 convention, 38, 259, 
397, 740 
Dulles Library of diplomatic history, statement (Rusk), 

Duncan, John P., Jr., 392 
Dutton, Frederick G., 306 

East- West relations, address (Ball), 874 

ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the Far 

Economic and military matters, agreement with Korea 
rescinding certain provisions of agreed minute for 
cooperation in, 398 
Economic and Social Consequences of Disarmament in 
the United States, ACDA publication, release of, 962 
Economic and Social Council, U.N. : 

Commission on International Commodity Trade, con- 
firmation of U.S. member, 596 
Documents, lists of, 437, 526, 609, 738, 817, 889 
Population Commission of, confirmation of U.S. repre- 
sentative, 306 
U.S. representative to, confirmation (Kotschnig), 926 
Economic and social development {see also Economic and 
technical aid to foreign countries, Foreign aid pro- 
grams, and Less developed countries) : 
Africa, progress in, addresses (Williams), 60, 171 
CENTO'S programs for, communiques and statement : 

communiques, 520, 861 ; Rostow, 523 
Drive toward worldwide, address and remarks (Rusk), 

Food programs to aid in, statement (Gardner), 1.52, 

Health in relation to, address (Williams), 28 
India, progress in, address (Johnson), 56 

Index, January fo June 7962 


Economic and social development — Continued 

Japan, progress in, addresses : Jolinson, 55 ; Trezise, 

Latin America {see also Alliance for Progress), co- 
operation in, address and remarks (Kennedy), SO, 
91; joint communique (Bctancourt, Kennedy), 90 
Long-range financing and planning, address and state- 
ment : Johnson, 59 ; Rusk, CGO, 6G3 
Middle East, progress in, address (Bowles), 765, 767, 

OECD. See Organization for Economic Cooperation 

and Development 
Population growth, relationship to, address (Nunley), 

Programs of and U.S. cooperation with : Brazil, 706, 
740, 778; British Guiana, 769; Chile, 538; Domini- 
can Republic, 128, 425; India, 57, 124; Iran, 760; 
Korea, 143 ; Tunisia, 425 ; Viet-Nam, 141 
Soviet progress in, addresses : Hughes, 980 ; Trezise, 

U.S. policy for furthering, addresses, remarks, and state- 
ment: Bowles, 372; McGhee, 723, 1009; Rusk, 18, 
407 ; Stevenson, 581 
Economic and technical aid to foreign countries (see also 
Agency for International Development, Agricultural 
sur|)luses, Alliance for Progress, Economic and social 
development. Foreign aid programs, Inter-American 
Development Bank, and International Development 
Association) : 
Address, message, remarks, and statement : Kennedy, 

550 ; R. Kennedy, 762, 763 ; Mann, 508 ; Rusk, 659 
Aid to; Afghanistan, 610; Africa, 173, 547, 643, 721, 
882 ; Brazil, 105, 778 ; Cameroon, 482 ; Dominican 
Republic, 305; Ecuador, 818; El Salvador, 106, 697; 
Ghana, 30; Iran, 154; Korea, 398, 951; Nicaragua, 
782 ; Nigeria, 25 ; Panama, 106, 698 ; Viet-Nam, 142 
Program for FY 1963, message and statement: Ken- 
nedy, 550 ; Rusk, 659, 663 
Soviet-bloc aid, addresses, communique, and message: 
Bowles, 766; Hughes, 981; Johnson, 249, 250; Ken- 
nedy, 232, 233, 234 ; McGhee, 726 ; NATO, 863 
U.N. agencies for, article and statement: Gardner, 152; 
Phillips, Sohl, 395 
Economic and Trade Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Com- 
mittee on, 7th meeting, 105 
Economic assistance to Japan, postwar, agreement for 

settlement of debts resulting from, 188, 305 
Economic Commission for Africa, U.N., 251, 845, 846 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, U.N. : 
Education conference, participation with UNESCO in, 

18th session of, U.S. delegation, 251, 481 
Petroleum Resources of Asia and the Far East, Second 
Symposium on, 852 
Economic Commission for Europe, U.N. : 

Housing Comniittce, 23d session of, U.S. delegation, 925 
U.S. representative to 17th session, confirmation (Kot- 
Economic Cooperation and Development, Organization for. 
See Organization for Economic Cooperation and De- 

Economic policy and relations, U.S. {see also individual 
countries and Trade Expansion Act of 1962, pro- 
posed) : 
American Agriculture in Foreign Trade, address (Mar- 
tin), 471 
Domestic economy : 
Nation's security dependent upon, address (Rostow), 

Tennessee Valley -\uthority, example of progress in, 

address ( Rusk ) , 898 
Trade policy, effect on, addresses, message, and re- 
marks : Johnson, 988 ; Kennedy, 237, 825, 908 ; Weiss, 
Foreign economic policy : 
Addresses and remarks: Ball, 364, 413; Bundy, 420; 
Coppock, 427, 956; Galbraith, 1024; Johnson, 247; 
Kennedy, 824 ; R. Kennedy, 761 ; McGhee, 289 ; Ros- 
tow, 627 ; Rusk, 403 
Balance-of-payments problem. See Balance of pay- 
Cuba, embargo on trade with: proclamation, 283; 

statement (Rusk), 285,287, 288 
Foreign aid program. See Foreign aid 
Tariff policy. See Tariff policy, U.S. 
World Trade Week, proclamation, 825 
Soviet challenge to, addresses : Mann, 509 ; Trezise, 592 
Ecuador : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 169 
Cuba, exclusion from O.IS system and sanctions against, 

position on, 283 
Treaties, agreements, etc.: 

Economic, technical, and related assistance, agree- 
ment with U.S. for, 818 
ICEM constitution, 511 

Telecommunication convention (1959), international, 

with six annexes, 890 

Education {see also Cultural relations and programs, 

Educational exchange, and Exchange of persons) : 

Africa, U.S. aid and views on need for, addresses 

(Williams), 173, 546, 547, 548, 643 
Contacts with foreign educators and students, state- 
ment (Rusk), 460 
Economic and social development, importance in, re- 
marks and statement (Rusk), 20, 660 
International affairs, need for education in, addresses: 

Bowles, 206 ; Tuhhy, 15 
Land-grant college system, U.S., address (Rusk), 901 
Mexico, progressive institutions in, remarks (Rusk), 

Philippines, U.S. aid to and exchanges with, 175, 176 
Role of the university, address (Kennedy), 615 
SEATO research fellowship program (1962-63), an- 
nouncement of, 76 
Study groups, formation and program of, address 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Financing of educational programs in Chile, agree- 
ment amending 1!)55 agreement on, 566 
Vocational education program in Brazil, agreement 
extending 1950 agreement re, 961 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

Education — Continued 
UNESCO/ECAFE conference on, 608, 695 
Viet-Nam, program in, joint Viet-Nam-U.S. communique 
on, 141 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, agreement 

and protocol on importation of, 817 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, U.N. : 
African education ministers meeting in Paris, announce- 
ment, U.S. delegation to, 607 
Asia, conference on education in, U.S. delegation, 695 
Chad, health program in, address (Williams), 29 
Constitution of, 512, 782, 818, 1002 

Nubian project, agreement with U.S. relating to a grant 
of funds for, 306 
Educational exchange program, international (see also 
Cultural relations. Education, and Exchange of 
persons) : 
Agreements with: Austria, 512; Cyprus, 225, 350; 
Denmark, 10-11; Ethiopia, 106; Ghana, 293, 350; 
Pakistan, 438 ; Peru, 961 ; U.S.S.R., 512, 652 
Fulbright program with Pakistan, 10th anniversary of, 

Importance of, remarks and statement (Rusk), 21, 460 
Value to U.S. of contacts with foreign students, address 

(Bowles), 209 
With Africa, address (Williams), 547 
EEC. See European Economic Community 
Egypt, political and economic developments in, address 

(Bowles), 674 
Eighteen-nation disarmament committee, conference of: 
Arrangements for : 

Call for by U.N., letter (Stevenson) re, 223 
Foreign Ministers preliminary discussions, proposals 
for, statements and messages : Kennedy, 358, 494 ; 
Khrushchev, 356, 494; Rusk, 359, 456, 458, 462; 
U.K.-U.S. position, 329, 356 
Framework and task of, messages and statement: 
Kennedy, 358, 465; Khrushchev, 356; Rusk, 201; 
U.K.-U.S., 355 
Heads of Government participation in, U.S. and 
Soviet views on : Kennedy, 358, 466 ; Khrushchev, 
357, 466, 494 ; Rusk, 360, 462 
U.S. delegation, advisers to, 536 

U.S.S.R.-U.S. request for U.N. services at, letter 
( Stevenson, Zorin ) , 205ji 
Committee of the Whole, agenda of, statements: De- 
partment, 664 ; Rusk, 623 
Disarmament proposals and position of: 
ANZUS, communique re, 870 
NATO, communique re, 862 

Soviet Union, messages and statements re: Depart- 
ment, 708; Khrushchev, 356, 466, 494; Rusk, 571, 
574, 970 
U.K.-U.S., message and statements : Department, 

205 ; Kennedy, Macmillan, 355 ; Rusk, 572, 573 
United States, addresses, letters, notes, statements, 
and proposed treaty outline: Ball, 609; Kennedy, 
446, 531, 747 ; McGhee, 829 ; Rostow, 629 ; Rusk, 531, 
571, 618, 903, 971 ; U.S. notes, 839, 840 ; treaty out- 
line, 747 
Mesican-U.S. efforts at, remarks (Rusk), 920, 921 

Eighteen-nation disarmament committee, conference of 
— Continued 
Negotiations, continuation of, U.S. position, 802, 840 
Nuclear tests, consideration of. See under Nuclear 

test-ban treaty, proposals for 
Report to U.N. on, statement ( re, 970 
Eighth Meeting of Consultation of the American Foreign 

Ministers. See Punta del Este conference 
Eklund, Sigvard, 652 
El Salvador: 
Agricultural trade, agreement with U.S., 926 
Communications between radio amateurs on behalf of 

3d parties, arrangements with U.S. for, 782 
Defense articles and services for purpose of internal 
security, agreement with U.S. for furnishing of, 
Economic, technical, and related assistance, agreement 
(1901) with U.S. for, superseding previous agree- 
ments for, 106, 697 
IDA articles of agreement, 889 
Universal postal convention (1957), 225 
Emergency Force, U.N. See Congo situation : U.N. forces 

in and United Nations Emergency Force 
Emergency fund. See Contingency fund 
Emergency relief to : Kenya, 244 ; Viet-Nam, 13, 14 
Erhard, Ludwig, 130 

Escape-clause policy, U.S., history of, address (Ball), 671 
Escapee Program, U.S., address (Cieplinski), 732 
Establishment, friendship, and navigation treaty with 

Luxembourg, 437, 438 
Estate-tax convention (1961) with Canada, 739, 740 
ETAP. See Expanded Program of Technical Assistance, 

Ethiopia : 

Educational exchange programs, agreement with U.S., 

Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. establish- 
ing, 1041 
Training of health oflBcers in, address (Williams), 29 
U.S. technical aid program in, address (Tubby), 301 
Europe (see also European headings, individual countries, 
and North Atlantic Treaty Organization) : 
Agricultural production in, growth of, address (Weiss), 

Austrian participation in economic integration of, joint 

communique (Gorbach, Kennedy), 832 
Central Europe, neutral free zones in, U.S. position re, 

Eastern Europe: 

Cultural association with Western civilization, ad- 
dress (Rusk), 87 
Soviet rule in, statement (Bingham), 74 
Foreign Relations, volume on, released, 926 
U.S. Representative to European Office of the United 
Nations and Other International Organizations, 
designation (Tubby), 698 
Visit of U.S. officials to: 
Assistant Secretary Cleveland, 760 
Attorney General Kennedy, 99, 762 

Index, January to June 7962 


Europe — Continued 
Visit of U.S. officials to — Continued 

Secretary Rusk, 974 
Western Europe : 

Aid to new African countries, address (Williams), 

Challenge and opportunities in for United States, 

address (MacArtbur), 709 
Economic development and unity in, addresses and 
statements: Ball, 306, 598, 667, 668; Bundy, 422; 
Martin, 471 ; McGhee, 132, 134, 679 ; Rostow, 969 ; 
Rowan, 379 ; Rusk, 86, 195, 196, 940, 946 ; Trezise, 
Marshall plan In, address (Tubby), 16 
Oil from U.S.S.R. and the Middle East for, address 

and statement: Bowles, 766; Nichols, 33 
Refugees in, aid to, addresses : Brown, 101 ; Ciepllnskl, 

U.S. partnership and trade with, addresses and mes- 
sage: Johnson, 991; Kennedy, 234; Rusk, 452 
European Atomic Energy Community, atomic energy, 
peaceful uses of, amendments to 1958 and 1960 agree- 
ments with U.S. for cooperation concerning, 961 
European Economic Community (Common Market) : 
Agricultural trade, U.S., implications for, addresses: 

Martin, 474 ; Weiss, 1032 
Australian-U.S. discussions re, joint statement (Ken- 
nedy, McEwen), 549 
Challenge to U.S. economy, addresses: Bundy, 420; 
Johnson, 248 ; MacArtbur, 712 ; Rusk, 196, 404, 405 
Economic unity within and expansion of, addresses, re- 
marks, and statements : Ball, 3, 367, 368, 415, 598 ; 
Bowles, 256; R. Kennedy, 763; Trezise, 595 
EEC-U.S. relations, joint communique (Kennedy, Hall- 
stein), 769 
GATT treaties with : 

Agreement pursuant to art. XXIV :6, 512 

Agricultural agreements with, 512 

Compensatory concessions for certain tariff actions 

taken by U.S., 512 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Joint declaration with, 512 
Latin American access to, remarks (Kennedy), 540 
Members of, 471m 
Norway, application for membership, joint commimique 

(Gerbardsen, Kennedy), 878 
Political implications of, addresses: Coppock, 1030; 

Rusk, 899 
Soviet countertrade proposal, statement (Rusk), 971 
U.K. negotiations with : 

Application for membership: 
Address (Coppock), 772 

U.S. support of, address (Martin), 471, 473, 477 
Canadian-U.S. trade committee views on, 169 
Commonwealth-U.S. interest in, addresses and state- 
ments : Ball, 367, 368, 415, 602; Rusk, 865, 866, 867, 
940, 946 
Joint communiques (Kennedy, Macmillan) re, 95, 803 
U.S. support and views, addresses and remarks : 
Achilles, .328; Ball, 008; Coppock, 427; Kennedy, 
907 ; McGhee, 680, 828 ; Rusk, 910 

European Economic Community — Continued 
U.S trade with {see also Trade Expansion Act of 1962, 
proposed) : 
Need for adjustment of U.S. policy, addresses: Cop- 
pock, 771, 773; Johnson, 989, 991; Kennedy, 824; 
Trezise, 647 
Presidential authority to negotiate tariff rates with, 
proposed (nee also Trade Expansion Act of 1962, 
proposed), addresses, message, and report: Ken- 
nedy, 162, 231, 239 ; McGhee, 290, 291, 293 ; Weiss, 
Tariff concessions exchanged with U.S., smnmary of 
negotiations, 561 
European Free Trade Association, 471n, 773 
Exchange agreement, U.S.-Soviet Union, in scientific, 
technical, educational, cultural, and other fields for 
1962-63 : 
Current action, 512 

Joint communique and statement (Bohlen), 652 
Exchange of persons progi^am (see also Educational 
exchange) : 
Exchange of scientists with Japan, joint communiques 

re, 67, 954 
Remarks (Rusk), 425 
Executive orders: 
Carribbean Organization, designation as public inter- 
national organization (10983), 188 
Inter-American Development Bank, amending previous 

order relating to (11019), 852 
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, administration 
by Secretary of Interior (11021), 887 
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance, U.N., FAO 

projects under, article (Phillips, Sohl), 395 
Experiment in International Living, 548 
Export-Import Bank, loans to: Brazil, 105; Ghana, 30 
Exports : 
African agricultural, address (Williams), 545 
Cuban, to U.S., prohibition of, statement (Rusk), 348 

Expansion of: 
Need for, addresses: Kennedy, 824, 826; Martin, 

472; Trezise, &46, 647 
Promotion program for, addresses, agreement, mes- 
sage, remarks, and report: Commerce and State 
Departments' agreement, 741 ; Kennedy, 232, 234, 
238, 239, 908 ; Rusk, 197, 198, 911 ; Tubby, 214 
Importance to economy of, addresses: Bimdy, 420; 

Coppock, 429 
Markets for, problems of, address (Johnson), 989 
World, address (Coppock), 1029 
Expropriation : 
Agreement with Panama protecting against, 566 
U.S. policy on, address (Ball). 914 

Fahs, Charles B., 096 

FAO. See Food and Agriculture Organization, U.N. 

Far East (sec also Asia and inilividiial countries) : 
AID inspection trip to, itinerary, 143 
Foreign Relations, volume on, released, 610 
Refugees. Sec Refugees and displaced persons 
Regional Operations Conference at Bagnio, 511 


Department of State Bulletin 

Farmers Union, National, aid to co-ops in Africa, ad- 
dress (Williams), 639, 643 
Fessenden, Russell, 673 

Fiji, copyright convention (1952), universal, 305 
Exchange of with Rumania, agreement for, 959 
Festivals, international, U.S. participation in, remarlis 
(Tubby), 215 
Finance Corporation, International, articles of agreement, 

Financing, compensatory, proposal to stabilize commodity 

trade, statement (Blumenthal), 999 
Finland : 

Reelection of President Kekkonen, message (Kennedy), 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 

Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Proces-verbaux extending declarations on provi- 
sional accessions of : Switzerland, 817 ; Tunisia, 
Rectifications and modifications to texts of sched- 
ules, 9th protocol, 818 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
Fish and fisheries: 

Fishing and conservation of living resources of the high 

seas, convention on, 854 
North Pacific Ocean, amendment to annex to interna- 
tional convention (1952) on the high seas fisheries 
of, 740 
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries : 
International Commission for, appointment of U.S. 

commissioner, 1040 
International convention for, declaration of under- 
standing re, 305, 566 
Flynn, Mrs. Elizabeth Gurley, 847 
Food and Agi-iculture Organization, U.N. : 
Agricultural and economic development in Asia, report 

re, address (Johnson), 57 
Constitution of, 740 
11th session of conference of, article (Phillips, Sohl), 

U.N. multilateral food program, study and recommen- 
dations for, statement (Gardner), 150, 152 
U.S. agreement re the Peace Corps, 890 
Food-for-peace program : 
Accomplishments of, address (Kennedy), 161 
Africa : 
Participating countries, address (Williams), 641 
Role in Togo, joint communique (Kennedy, Olympio), 
Aid to Brazil, 960 

Expanded program, address (Williams), 547 
Tuni.sia, program in, statement (Gardner), 151 
Foot and Mouth Disease, Scientific Mission on, members 
of and report to Argentina, 62, 543 

Foreign aid programs {see also Agency for International 
Development, Economic and social development, ayid 
Economic and technical aid) : 
Accomplishments of, address (Tubby), 299 
Foreign A.ssistance Act of 19(i2, proposed legislation, 
requests for enactment and authorizing appropria- 
tions, message and statement: Kennedy, 550; Rusk, 
659, 664 
International efforts for : 

Financing of, report, (Kennedy), 240 
Long-term planning, communique and statement: 
CENTO, 526; Rostow, 524 
Multilateral vs. bilateral, remarks (Rusk), 19 
Operations of: 

Changes in, address (Bowles), 253, 254, 258 
Coordination of by U.S. ambassador in country, ad- 
dress (McGhee),1009 
U.S. policy and objectives in, addresses: Bowles, 253, 
677 ; Cleveland, 806 ; Rusk, 18, 19, 21, 404, 406 ; Tubby, 
301; Williams, 61 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1962, proposed, message and 

statement : Kennedy, 550 ; Rusk, 659, 664 
Foreign Ministers (France, Germany, U.K., U.S.). See 
under Eighteen-nation disarmament committee, con- 
ference of : Arrangements for 
Foreign Ministers of American States, eighth meeting of 

consultation. See Punta del Este conference 
Foreign policy, U.S. : 

Briefing conferences, 104, 208, 476, 549, 576, 961 
Challenges to and problems of, addresses : Bowles, 252 ; 

Hughes, 979, 982, 983 
Congressional documents relating to. See under 

Defense Department statements pertaining to, review 
of, remarks and statement: Ball, 513; Tubby, 518 
Developments affecting, addresses and statement : Ball, 

413 ; Bohlen, 1014 ; Fredericks, 879 ; Rusk, 363 
Domestic base of, address (Rostow), 833 
Foreign attempts to influence, statement (Rusk), 165 
Principles, goals, and strategy of, addresses and re- 
marks : Achilles, 327 ; Ball, 872 ; Bowles, 768 ; Ken- 
nedy, 159 ; McGhee, 678, 827 ; Rostow, 625 ; Rowan, 
378 ; Rusk, 85, 451, 787, 897, 933, 945 ; Stevenson, 212 
Realities of, remarks (Rusk), 487 
Relationship of to : 
Industry communications programs, remarks 

(Tubby), 213 
Public information, address (Tubby) , 15 
Refugee problems, address (Brown), 103 
United Nations : 
Role of, addresses : Ball, 636, 638 ; Cleveland, 330 
U.N. bonds, promotion of through purchase, message 
and statements : Kennedy, 311 ; Rusk, 313 ; Steven- 
son, 318 
Foreign policy conference for nongovernmental organiza- 
tions, national, 961 
Foreign Relations, Importance of, address (Bohlen), 1012 
Foreign Relations of the United States, published: 
China, 194S, 610 
1941, Volnme V, The Far East, 610 

Index, January fo June 7962 

664859—62 3 


Foreign Relations of the United States, published— Con. 
19i2, Volume II, Europe, 926 
1942, Volume V, The American Republics, 1012 
Foreign Service (see also State Department) : 
Ambassadors and Minister, appointments and confir- 
mations, 35, 78, 189, 306, 398, 438, 482, 698, IWl 
Commercial program within. State and Commerce De- 
partments' agreement for, 741 
Consulate at Stanleyville, Republic of the Congo (Leo- 
pold viUe) , opening of, 853 
Courage of members of, remarks (Rusls), 488 
Diplomatic missions abroad, increase in, address 

(Rusk), 83 
Embassy aid to American businessmen abroad, address 

(Ball), 915, 916 
Foreign Service Inspection Corps, Inspector General, 

designation (Haselton), 1042 
Officers : 
Growth in number and responsibilities of, address 

(Bohlen), 1016 
Retirement benefits of, statement (Rusk), 455 
Role of, address (McGhee), 1007 
Regional operations conferences : 
Announcements of, 252, 511 
Objectives of, address (Bowles), 676 
Reorganization of, address (Bowles), 255 
Science attaches, appointments to: Bern, 566; Rio de 

Janeiro, 1042 
West Indies, termination of U.S. mission to, reestabllsh- 

ment of office of consulate general, 438 
Wives of Foreign Service officers, contribution to Serv- 
ice, remarks (Louchheim), 922 
Foreign Service Institute : 

Department of Commercial Affairs, established, 741 
Director of, designation (Morgan), 1042 
Senior Seminar in Foreign Policy, address (McGhee), 

France : 

Aid to Africa, address (Williams), 547 

De Gaulle position on Berlin negotiations, question of, 

statement (Rusk), 123 
German-French rapprochement through Common Mar- 
ket, address (MacArthur), 711 
IMF, French commitment to, 187 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
GATT, procfes-verbaux extending declarations on pro- 
visional accession of : Switzerland, 817 ; Tunisia, 
IAEA statute, amendment to, GIO 
Military procurement, memorandum of understanding 

with U.S. re, 77 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Status-of -forces agreement (NATO forces in Ger- 
many), agreements supplementing agreement on, 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Fredericks, J. Wayne, 607, 879 


Free elections : 

Cuban position on, statement (Stevenson), 557 
I'unta del Este conference resolution on, 280 

Freedman, Selma, 698 

Freedom, global struggle for, remarks (Rusk), 487 

Freedom-From-Hunger Campaign, review of by FAO, ar- 
ticle (Phillips, Sohl), 394 

Freeman, Orville, cited, 153 

Freites Barreras, Andres, 904 

Friedkin, J. F., 683 

Friendship, establishment, and navigation treaty with 
Luxembourg, 437, 438 

Fulbright program with Pakistan, 10th anniversary of, 

Gabon : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 169 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, 259 
Galbraith, John Kenneth, 1024 
Gardner, Richard N., 150, 586 

GARIOA. iSee Government and relief in occupied areas. 
GATT. See Tariffs and trade, general agreement on 
Gaud, William S., 398 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: Analysis of 

United States Negotiations, volumes released, 565 
General Assembly, U.N. : 

Committee I (Political and Security), consideration of: 
Cuban charges of U.S. aggression and intervention, 

statements : Plimpton, 559 ; Stevenson, 553 
Outer space, international cooperation in peaceful 
uses of, statement (Stevenson), ISO 
Consideration of all international disputes, question of, 

statement (Rusk), 242 
Documents, lists of, 149, 437, 526, 609, 696, 738, 816 
Member assessment for UNEF and ONUC operations. 

See under International Court of Justice 
Nuclear weapons, resolutions re transfer of, U.S. posi- 
tion on, letter (Ball), 608 
Resolutions : 

Angolan situation, 391 

China, representation of, an important question, 117 
Colonial countries, establishment of Special Com- 
mittee to further granting of independence to, 76 
Outer .space, international cooperation in, 185 
Test-ban negotiations at Geneva, resumption of, cited, 
10th session : 
Problems and achievements of, addresses, letter, and 
statement: Ball, 636; Cleveland, 334; Rusk, 167; 
Stevenson, 222 
U.S. repre.sentatives to, confirmation of, 398 
Geneva Accords of 195!,. 13. 14. 449, 450, 455 
Geneva conference of experts on detection of nuclear tests : 
Soviet repudiation of agreements of, U.K.-U.S. report 

on, C4 
Statement (Rusk). 572, 573 
Geneva conference on the disiontinuam'e of nuclear 
weapon tests : 
Soviet rejection of controlled test-ban treaty, 205 
U.K.-U.S. actions ro: 

Draft test-ban treaty proposed, statement (Rusk), 

Department oi Sfafe Bulletin 

Geneva conference on the discontinuancce of nuclear 
weapon tests — Continued 
U.K.-U.S. actions re — Continued 
Recess of proposed, 288 
Reports on, G3, 409 

Williuguess to continue test-ban negotiations in dis- 
armament conference, 205 
Geneva conventions (1949) on treatment of prisoners of 
war, wounded and sick, and civilians in time of war, 
398, 560 
Geneva disarmament conference (1962). See Eighteen- 

natlon disarmament committee, conference of 
Gerhardsen, Einar, 470, 877 
Germany : 

Berlin. See Berlin 
Kalmyk refugees in U.S., 17 
Problem of : 

Joint statement (Gromyko, Rusk), 625 
NATO views, 51 
Reunification of, U.S. position, address and remarks : 
Bundy, 424 ; R. Kennedy, 763 
Germany, East : 
Berlin. See Berlin 
Recognition of government of, U.S. position, statement 

(Rusk), 457 
Refugees from {see also Refugees), address (Cieplln- 

Situation in, statement (Rusk), 241 
Germany, Federal Republic of : 
Berlin. See Berliu 

French-German rapprochement through Common Mar- 
ket, address (MacArthur), 711 
IMF, German commitment to, 187 
Refugees from East Zone, absorption by, address (Ciep- 

Role in Western Europe, address (Bundy), 424 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Certificates of airworthiness for imported aircraft, 
agreement with U.S. for application to land Berlin, 

Compensatory concessions for certain tariff actions 

taken by U.S., 512 
Declaration giving effect to provisions of art. XVI : 

4 of, 397 
Rectifications and modifications to texts of sched- 
ules, 8th protocol of, 3.50 
NATO status-of-forces agreement, agreements sup- 
plementing and Implementing, 106, 189 
Safety of life at sea. International convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement. International, 926 
Vice Chancellor and Minister of Economics to visit U.S., 

announcement, 130 
Visits to, proposed : 
Attorney General Kennedy, plans for, 99 
White House Press Secretary, announcement, 846 
Ghana : 
Nuclear weapons tests, U.S. note to re resumption of, 

Ghana — Continued 
Refugees from, address (Brown), 102 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Copyright convention (1952), universal, and proto- 
cols, 1, 2, and 3, 1002 
Educational exchange, agreement with U.S., 293, 350 
GATT, declarations on provisional accession of Argen- 
tina and Tunisia to, 397 
IAEA statute, amendment to art. VI.A.3 of, 610 
Pollution of the sea by oil, international convention 

(1954) , with annexes, for prevention of, 1041 
Safety of life at sea. International convention (1960) 
on, 854 
, Scientific cooperation, agreement with U.S. for pro- 

gr;nn in bloniedicine, 2.59 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 1041 
Volta River project, U.S. aid, 30 
Gibraltar, copyright convention (1952) , universal, 305 
Glass, decision to Increase duty on imports, ($49, 650, 671 
Glenn, John H., Jr., 411, 492, 577, 582 
Goa, Indian use of force in, letter and statements : Rusk, 

124 ; Stevenson, 145, 224 
Goodneighbor policy, address and remarks (Kennedy), 

Gorbach, Alfons, 832 
Goulart, Joao Belchior, 259, 705 

Government and relief in occupied areas, Japanese ac- 
count, settlement of, 188 
Grant, James P., 225 
Greece : 

Ambassador to U.S., 479 

Economic development of, NATO members to assist 

in. Council communiques, 52, 863 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 482 
Civil uses of atomic energy, agreement with U.S. for 

cooperation re, 697 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

Double taxation, convention for avoidance of on in- 
come, with U.S., 512 
GATT, declaration on provisional accession of Switz- 
erland, proc&s-verbal extending, 350 
IDA articles of agreement, 654 
Loan of vessels to, agreement with U.S. re, 890 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
U.S. Ambassador: appointment, 189; confirmation, 306 
Green, Ronald W., 1040 
Greenfield, James L., 698 
Gromyko, Andrei A., 625 
Guantanamo Naval Base, U.S. treaty rights to, statement 

(Rusk), 287 
Guatemala : 

Agricultural trade, agreement with U.S., 1002 
Continental shelf, convention on, 77 
High seas, convention on, 77 

Road traflic, convention (1949) on, with annexes, and 
protocol re accession to of occupied countries or 
territories, 610 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 306 
Gudeman, Edward, 6 

Index, January to June 1962 


Guerrilla warfare in Latin America, Cuban inspired, 

statement (Stevenson), 554 
Guiana, British. See British Guiana 
Guinea : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S. re, 398, 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, protocol 

(1061) to, 654 
International telecommunication convention (1959), 

with annexes, 77 
Investment guaranty program, agreement with U.S. re, 

Slavery convention (1926), as amended, 961 
GulUon, Edmund, 11, 95 

Haines-Fairbanks pipeline, agreements with Canada re, 

740, 890 
Haiti : 

GATT, interim agreement, with U.S. re, 1041 

Punta del Este conference, statement by, 283 

Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
U.S. Ambassador: appointment, 35; confirmation, 306 
Ilallstein, Walter, 769 
Hamaday, Dan R., 925 
Hamilton, Fowler, 143 
Ilandley, William J., 35, 306 
Harrar, J. George, 543 
Harriman, W. Averell, 174, 438, 953, 993 
Hart, Parker T., 306 
Hart, Thompson, 35 
Haselton, Norris S., 1042 
Heads of Government meeting, proposed : 
Participation in Geneva disarmament conference. See 
under Eighteen-nation disarmament committee, con- 
ference of 
U.K.-U.S. views, 802 
Health and sanitation : 
Afi-ica, problems of, addresses (Williams), 26, 27, 546 
Foreipm aid i)rogram gains in, address (Tubby), 299, 301 
Scientific cooperation in the field of biomedicine, gen- 
eral agreement with Ghana for a program of, 259 
Viet-Nam, program in, joint Viet-Nam-U.S. communi- 
que on, 141 
World Health Organization. See World Health Organ- 
Herman, George, 464 

High Commissioner for Refugees, U.N., 101, 102, 731, 732 
High seas, convention on, 77, 225, 854 
High seas, freedom of, U.S. position re proclamation of 

danger areas, 839 
Hill, .lohn Calvin, Jr., 129 
Hoffmann, Harry G., 769 
Holy Sec, The. .See Vatican City 
Honduras, Cuban exclusion from GAS system, statement 

ro position on, 282 
Hong Kong : 

Chinese refugee problem, statement (Harriman), 993 
Cotton textiles, arrangements (1961) re international 

trade in, 259 
Cotton textiles, discu.ssions with U.S. oflJcials, 848 

Hosiery and knitwear manufacturing equipment, new de- 
preciation schedules for, 381 
Houphouet-Boigny, Felix, 764, 952 

Housing Committee (ECE), 23d session of, U.S. delega- 
tion, 925 
Housing project in Colombia, address and remarks 

(Kennedy), 91, 93 
Hughes, Thomas L., 977 
Hull, Cordell, cited, 904 
Human rights («ee also Racial equality) : 

Human Rights Week, 1961, proclamation, 08 
Inter- American Commission on, revision of statute of: 
Pimta del Este conference recommendation for, 282 
Statement (Stevenson), 557 
Hungary : 
Refugees flight from, remarks (Stevenson), 211 
Soviet occupation of, statement (Bingham), 74 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

IAEA statute, amendment to article VI.A.3, 925 
Law of the sea, conventions on, 225 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
U. N. consideration of problem of, statement (Steven- 
son), 320 
Hutchinson, Edmond C, 398 

IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, International 
lA-ECOSOC. See Inter-American Economic and Social 

IBRD. See International Bank for Reconstruction and 

Iceland : 

Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 654 
Industrial property, convention (1934) for protection of, 

Oil, pollution of sea by, convention (1954) for preven- 
tion of, 654 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
ICEM. See Intergovernmental Committee for European 

ICJ. See International Court of Justice 
IDA. See International Development Association 
IPC. See International Finance Corporation 
IJC. See International Joint Commission (U.S.-Canada) 
Ikeda, Hayato, 498 

IMF. See International Monetary Fund 
Immigration : 
Changes in U.S. laws governing, address (Cieplinski), 

Quotas established for Cameroon, Kuwait, Nigeria, and 
Syria, 25 
Immigration and Nationality Act, admendment providing 

for adjustment of quotas, 25 
Imports («ee also Customs; Exports; Tariff policy, U.S.; 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on ; and Trade) : 
Commercial sami)les and advertising material, inter- 
national convention (1952) to facilitate importa- 
tion of, 817 
Road vehicles, customs convention on temporary im- 
portation of, 566 


Department of State Bulletin 

Imports — Continued 
United States: 
Adjustment assistance to industries affected by im- 
ports. See Trade adjustment assistance 
Cotton textiles, discussions with Hong Kong officials 

re restrictions on, 848 
Cotton zipper tape, consultations with Japan re trade 

in, 1037 
Importance in U.S. economy, addresses : Coppock, 

1029 ; Johnson, 990 ;, 296, 884 
Oil imports program, congressional hearings on, state- 
ment (Nichols), 31 
Inconvertibility, guaranties against losses due to, agree- 
ment with Panama re, 566 
Independence movement. See Nationalism and Newly 

independent nations 
India : 
Malaria control program, U.S. assistance in, address 

(Tubby), 301 
I'rogress in, addresses ; Bowles, 675 ; Johnson, 56 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S., 782, 

890, 961 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol ( 1961 ) to, 654 
IAEA statute, amendment to article VI.A.3 of, 889 
Road traffic, convention (1949) on, with annexes. 653 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. aid to, 57 

Use of force in Goa by, U.S. views on, letter and state- 
ments ; Rusk, 124 ; Stevenson, 145, 224 
West New Guinea, U.S. views on Indian proposal for 
solution of problem of, statement (Bingham), 75 
Indonesia : 
Attorney General Kennedy's visit to, 99, 761, 762 
Soviet arms buildup in, statement (Rusk), 866 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 512, 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
GATT, proces-verbal extending declaration on provi- 
sional accession of Tunisia, 818 
Landing rights for commercial aircraft, agreement 

with U.S. extending arrangement for, 854 
Universal postal convention (1957), 225 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
West New Guinea, dispute with Netherlands re. See 
West New Guinea 
Industrial productivity, agreement with Mexico relating 

to program of. 78 
Industrial riroperty, convention (1883, as revised) for pro- 
tection of, 106, 189, 817 
Industrial revolution, effects on politics and society, 

address (Mann), 500 
Information activities and programs (see also Publica- 
tions, United States Information Agency, anrl Voice 
of America), need for TV and press coverage of, ad- 
dress (Tubby), 16,17 

Information Agency, U.S. See United States Information 

Interagency Textile Administrative Committee, 219 
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, statute of: 
Revision of, Punta del Este conference recommendation 

for, 282 
Strengthening of, statement ( Stevenson ) , 557 
Inter-American Defense Board, Cuban exclusion from 
participation in : 
Punta del Este resolution, text of, 281 
Statements re: Rusk, 268, 275, 285; Stevenson, 557 
Inter-American Development Bank : 
Executive order re, 852 
Report of, remarks (Kennedy), 541 
Inter-American Economic and Social Council, August 1960 

meeting, remarks (Kennedy) re, 539, 540 
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, con- 
vention (1944) and protocol of amendment to, 154, 397 
Inter-American Peace Committee: 

Investigation of violations of human rights in Cuba, 

Report of: 

Cited, 199, 281, 282 
Statement (Stevenson) re, 687, 689 
Inter- American system, Cuban incompatibility with, Amer- 
ican Republics decision re, statement (Stevenson), 
555, 557 
Intergovernmental Committee (U.N./FAO), establish- 
ment of, article (Phillips, Sohl), 393 
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration : 
Constitution of, .511 

Convention on, current actions, 697, 1002 
U.S. support of. address (Cieplinski), 732 
Interior, Department of : 

Salinity of Colorado River water supplied to Mexico 

under treaty of 1944, study of, 144 
Secretary of, administration of Trust Territory of 
Pacific Islands, Executive order, 887 
International Access Authority (Berlin), U.S. proposal 

for, 451, 463 
International Atomic Energy Agency. See Atomic Energy 

Agency, International 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development : 
Articles of agreement, 77, 654 
Financial statements, 435, 851 
Leadership in aiding India and Pakistan, address 

(Johnson), 56, 57 
Loans in Africa, 172 
International Boundary and Water Commission (Mexico- 
U.S.) : 
Activities of and U.S. Commissioner (Friedkin), 683 
Scientists named for joint study of salinity problem, 
International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fisher- 
ies, U.S. commissioner, appointment of, 1040 
International Commission on Measures To Reduce the 

Risk of War, proposal for. statement (Rusk), 620 
International Court of Justice : 

Cuban call for opinion on OAS action, statements 
(Stevenson) and text of Soviet-sponsored draft 
resolution, 684 
Statute of, 398 

Index, January to June 7962 


International Court of Justice — C!ontlnued 

U.N. assessment of member nations for emergency 
operations, opinion requested of : 
U.N. application to, i)7 

U.S. views and position on, 222, 311, 315, 435, 851 
International Development Association, articles of agree- 
ment, 6.>4, 8.H 889 
International Finance Corporation, articles of agreement, 

International Joint Commission (U.S.-Canada) : 
Niagara Falls, request for study by withdrawn, 728 
Pembina River, study of development of resources of, 

Role in U.S.-Canadian relations, statement (Kennedy), 
International Labor Conference, 46th session, U.S. dele- 
gation, 1040 
International law : 

Building of, address (Rusk), 935 

Outer space, development of principles for guidance In 
activities in, statement (Plimpton), 816 
International Monetary Fund : 
Articles of agreement, 77, 654 

Role in compensatory financing for commodity trade 

problems, proposed, statement (Blumenthal), 1000 

Strengthening of, proposals for, report to Congress 

(Kennedy), 240 
Supplementary resources borrowing arrangements, 187 
International organizations and conferences (see also 
subject) : 
Assistant Secretary Cleveland to visit European OflBce 

of, 760 
Calendar of International meetings, 36, 107, 220, 303, 

383. 480, 605, 651, 780, 850, 924, 995 
FY 1963, authorization request for U.S. contributions 
for, message and statement : Kennedy, 551 ; Rusk, 
U.S. participation in, remarks (Rusk), 18 
U.S. Representative to the European Office of U.N. and 
Other International Organizations, designation 
(Tubby), 698 
International Organizations Immunities Act (1945), pro- 
visions of, 188 
International Telecommunication Union: 

Communication system of global satellites, development 

of, statement (Plimpton), 811, 815 
Outer space, conference on radio frequency bands for, 
proposed : 
Address and statement: Gardner, 590; Stevenson, 184 
U.N. resolution re, 186 
"Internationalism," proletarian. Communist definitions of 

cited, 504 
Inventions, agreement for safeguarding inventions relat- 
ing to defense for vs-hich patent applications have been 
filed, 740 
Investment guaranty program : 
Address (Ball), 914 

Agreements with : Dominican Republic, 8.54 ; Guinea, 
890, 926 ; Ivory Coast, 78 ; Niger, 926 ; Panama, 566 ; 
Togo, 610 
Authorization requests for FY 1963, message and state- 
ment : Kennedy, iJSl ; Rusk, (MM 

Investment of private capital abroad : Africa, U.S. views, 
address (Williams), 546, 547 
Brazil, transfer of public utilities to state ownership, 
joint communique and statement: Goulart, Ken- 
nedy, 706 ; Rusk, 460 
Economic progress through, address (Mann), 508 
Mining and petroleum, investment in, address (Mc- 

Ghee), 72.5, 727 
New forms of security for, address (Ball), 913 
Philippine need for, address (Harriman), 177 
Protection of. See Investment guaranty program 
Tax incentives for, proposed elimination of, report 
(Kennedy), 239 
Iran : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 707 

CENTO. See Central Treaty Organization 

Economic development of, CENTO consideration of: 

communique, 526; statement (Rostow), 522 
Reform programs in, addresses (Bowles), 675, 767 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S., .305, 

Economic cooperation, agreement with U.S., 154 
Visit of Attorney General Kennedy to Tehran, plans 

for, 99 
Visit of Shah of and Empress Farah to U.S., joint com- 
munique (Kennedy, Pahlavi), 760 
Iraq, Vienna convention (1961) and protocol on diplo- 
matic relations, 817 
Ireland : 

Agricultural trade, agreement with U.S., 854 

Bills of lading, convention (1931) for unification of 

rules relating to, and protocol, 610 
Civil aviation convention, international, protocol (1961) 

to, 854 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Isle of Man : 
Copyright convention (1952), universal, 305 
NATO status of forces agreement, 305 
Israel : 

Development in, address (Bowles), 768 

GATT decision on accession of, 8 

Syrian-Israel observance of Armistice Agreement, 

statement (Yost) and test of resolution re, 735 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S., 78, 

741, 854 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 0.54 
GATT, declaration and protocol on accession to. 438, 

696, 1041 
GATT, interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
IAEA statute, amendment to article VI.A.3 of. 889 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (I960) 

on, 740 
Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision 1958), 305 
Wheat agreement, international. 926 
U.S. technical aid in, address (Tubby K 301 


Departmenf of Stale Bulletin 


IMF, Italian commitment to, 187 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1061) and 

protocol on, 817 

Compensatory concessions under GATT for certain 

tariff actions taken by U.S., 512 
Declaration giving effect to provisions of art. XVI : 

4 of, 3!)7 
Proc6s-verbaux extending declarations on provi- 
sional accession of : Switzerland, 817 ; Tunisia, 
OECD, convention on, with supplementary protocols, 

Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Sugar agreement (1958), international, 654 
Wheat agreements, international, 259, 926 
ITU. See International Telecommunication Union 
Ivory Coast: 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Geneva conventions relative to treatment of prisoners 

of war, wounded and sick, and civilians, 566 
Investment guaranties, agreement with U.S. re, 78 
Narcotic drugs : 
Convention (1931) limiting maniifacture and regu- 
lating distribution of, as amended, 397 
Protocol (1948) bringing under international con- 
trol drugs outside the scope of 1931 convention, 
Opium, protocol (1953) regulating production, trade, 

and use of, 350 
Opium and other drug.s, convention (1912) relating to 

suppression of abuse of, 350 
Road traffic convention (1949), with annexes, 259 
Slavery convention (1926) , as amended, 397 
Visit of President Houphouet-Boigny to U.S., 764, 952 

Jamaica, agreement with U.S. re establishment of Peace 

Corps program, 482 
Janow, Seymour, 35, 398 
Japan : 
Attorney General Kennedy's visit to, 50, 99, 761 
Cotton textiles, bilateral trade arrangement with U.S. 

on, statement (Martin), 219 
Cotton zipper tape exports to U.S., consultations re, 

Cultural and educational exchanges with, discussions 

on, 99, 142 
GATT, discussion of full participation by, 8 
Economic progress in, addresses : Johnson, 55 ; Rusk, 

87 ; Trezise, 594, 595 
IMP, Japan's commitment to, 187 
Role in aiding developed areas, address (McGhee), 

Trade relations with U.S., addresses: Kennedy, 826; 
MacArthur, 710 ; Trezise, 294 

Japan — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
Economic assistance, po.stwar, agreement with U.S. 

for settlement of debts resulting from, 188, 305 

Compensatory concessions under GATT for certain 

tariff actions taken by U.S., 512 
Declarations on provisional accession of : Switzer- 
land, 818 ; Tunisia, 350, 397 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
High seas fisheries of North Pucific Ocean, interna- 
tional convention (1952) on, 740 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Typewriter-ribbon cloth, understanding with U.S. re 

export of, 697 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation : 
1st meeting, remarks (Rusk), 425; text of joint com- 
munique, 66 
2d meeting, announcement, joint communique, and 
remarks (Harriman), 953 
U.S. relations with, addresses: Bowles, 253, 256; Ros- 

tow, 627 
U.S. resumption of nuclear weapon tests, exchange of 
messages (Ikeda, Kennedy) and U.S. note re, 497, 
Johnson, G. Griffith, 926, 988 
Johnson, U. Alexis, 53, 245 

Joint Commission (U.S.-Canada), International. See In- 
ternational Joint Commission 
Jordan : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, proto- 
col (1961) to, 654 
Development in, address (Bowles), 766, 767 

Kalmyk people, commemoration of 10th anniversary of 

arrival in U.S., 17 
Karachi Plan, 696 
Katanga, secession from Republic of the Congo. See under 

Congo situation 
Kearney, Richard D., 565 
Kekkonen, Urho K., 418 
KeUy, Harry C, 425 
Kelly, John M., 8."i2 
Kennedy, John F. : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Alliance for Progress, 539 

Berlin, mission of General Clay to, 168, 708 

Brazil, greetings to members of trade unions in, 470 

Disarmament, U.S. outline of treaty on, 747 

Dominican Republic, U.S. position re, 128, 258 

Education, role of the university in, 615 

IJC, role in U.S. -Canadian relations, 729 

Nuclear weapons : 

Nuclear Testing and Disarmament, 443 
Test-ban treaty, U.S. position, 624 

Philippines, U.S. relations with, 911 

Sino-Soviet bloc, 379 

State of the Union (excerpts), l.TO 

Index, January to June 1962 


Kennedy, John F. — Continued 
Addresses, statements, etc. — Continued 
Tariff classification system, 1038 
Thailand, dispatch of U.S. forces to, 904 
Trade of the U.S., relationship to Atlantic partner- 
ship, 823, 906 
Correspondence and messages : 
Brazil : 
Alliance for Progress program, letter to President 

Goulart re, 778 
Greeting to war veterans on VE-Day, 878 
Ceylon, congratulations to Governor General of, 644 
18-nation disarmament conference : 

Objectives of, letter read by Secretary Rusk at open- 
ing session, 531 
Proposals for, exchanges of messages veith Mr. 
Khrushchev, 355 (Joint message with Prime Min- 
ister Macmillan ) , 358, 4G5, 494 
Finland, congratulations to President Kekkonen upon 

reelection, 418 
Kenya, exchange of letters with President of, 244 
New Year's greeting to Soviet leaders, 164 
Nuclear weapons testing, U.S. plan for, message to 

Japanese Prime Minister re, 497 
Outer space, exchange of messages with Chairman 
Khrushchev re cooperation in exploration of, 411, 
Philippines, message to President Macapagal on 

Bataan Day, 729 
Refugees, U.S. concern for, letter cited, 104 
Tanganyika, independence of, 37 
United Nations, U.S. support of, 578 
Venezuela, defense of democracy, letter to President 

Betaneourt, 1023 
Viet-Nam, Republic of : 
New Year greetings to, 377 
U.S. aid to and support of, 13 
Decisions on Tariff Commission recommendations : 
Baseball gloves and mitts, carpets, ceramic tile, and 

sheet glass, 649 
Cheese, imports of, 779 

Lead and zinc, spring clothespins, stainless steel flat- 
ware, and safety pins, 382 
Straight pins, 849 
Tung oil and tung nuts, 883 
Executive orders. See Executive orders 
Meetings with Heads of State and officials of, remarks 
and Joint communiciues : Australia, 549 ; Austria, 
832; Brazil, 705; Cameroon, 543; Colombia, 91; 
Congo, 335; Cyprus, 1011; EEC, 769; Iran, 760; 
Ivory Coast, 0.52 ; Norway, 877 ; Saudi Arabia, 377 ; 
Togo, 638 ; United Kingdom, 94, 355, 802 ; Venezuela, 
Messages, letters, and reports to Congress : 

Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S., trans- 
mission of report of, 349 
Escape-clause investigation of straight pins, decision 

re, 849 
Foreign aid program, request for authorizations for 

FY 19C3, .550, 551 
Peace Corps, requesting legislation for expansion of, 

Kennedy, John F. — Continued 
Messages, letters, and reports to Congress — Continued 
Stale of the Union (excerpts) , 159 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, requests for enactment 

of, 231, 239 
U.N. bonds, request for authorization of purchase of 
and appropriation for, 311 
Proclamations. See Proclamations 
Visit to South America, 89 
Kennedy, Robert F., trip around the world : 
Announcement of and plans for, 50, 99 
Excerpts from addresses, 761 
Statements (Rusk), 203, 360, 459 
Kenya, U.S. famine relief aid, exchange of letters (Ken- 
nedy, Ngala), 244 
Khalatbary, Abbas All, 411 
Khoman, Tlianat, 498 
Khrushchev, Niklta S. : 

Congratulatory message re Colonel Glenn's space flight, 

18-nation disarmament conference, proposals for, mes- 
sages, 357, 466, 494 
New Year's greeting to President Kennedy, 164 
Kirk, Alan G., 1042 
Klutznick, Philip SI., 398, 481 
Knight, Ridg^vay B., 35, 306 

Knitwear and hosiery manufacturing equipment, new de- 
preciation schedules for, 381 
Kombet, Jean-Pierre, 644 
Korea, Republic of: 

AID loan for power project in, 143 
Health program in, address (Tubby), 301 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 566 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
Economic and military matters, agreement with T'.S. 
rescinding certain provisions of agreed minute for 
cooperation in, 398 
lAE.V statute, amendment to article VI.A.3 of, 889 
IMCO convention, 1002 

Nonimmigrant visas, agreement with U.S. re recipro- 
cal waiver of fees for, 1041 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.N. operations in, statement (Cleveland), 98 
U.S.-Korean relations, statement (Berger), 951 
Kotschnig, Walter, M., 926 
Kuwait : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 970 
Immigration quota, U.S. establishment of, 25 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Oil pollution convention (19,54), international, with 

annexes, 38 
Safety of life at sea, international convention ( 1960) 
on, 740 
U.S. Ambassador: appointment, 35; confirmation, 306 


Department of State Bulletin 

Kuwait — Continued 

U.S. recognition of, 25 
Kuwait Development Fund, 766 


Full employment goal of domestic policy, address (Ros- 

tow), 836, 837 
International Labor Conference, 46th session, U.S. dele- 
gation, 1040 
Trade unions in Brazil, statement (Kennedy), 470 
U.S. laws and benefits affecting, remarks (Robert Ken- 
nedy), 761 
Labor-Management Committee, President's, 473 
Labouisse, Henry R., 189, 306 
Lagos group, address (Williams) , 843, 844 
Land reform, Venezuelan project, remarks (Kennedy) and 
text of joint communique (Betancourt, Kennedy), 90 

ANZUS communique re, 870 

Civil aviation convention, international, protocol (1961) 

to, 854 
Situation in. See Laos situation 
VOA broadcasts to, statement (Rusk), 377 
Laos situation : 
Addresses and joint statement re : Bowles, 256, 257 ; 
Khoman, Rusk, 499; Rostow, 967, 968; Rusk, 85 
Cease-fire negotiations, address (Rusk), 449 
Communist aggression, address, correspondence, and 
statements : Johnson, 54 ; Kennedy, 904 ; Tbai, 904 ; 
Yost, 905 
Geneva negotiations and agreement for settlement, 

statements ( Rusk), 123, 126, 201, 939 
U.S. position, address and statement: Kennedy, 161; 
Rusk, 973 
Latin America («ee also Caribbean, Inter- American, 
Organization of American States, and individual 
countries) : 
Agricultural and economic training in, address (Rusk), 

792, 793 
Communist activities in. Sec under Cuba and Punta 

del Este conference 
Inter-American communication program through use 

of films, remarks (Tubby), 214 
Inter-American police academy in Canal Zone, opening 

of, 847 
Social and economic reform in {see also Alliance for 
Progress) : 
Cooperation in, address and remarks (Kennedy), and 
text of joint communique (Betancourt, Kenne- 
dy), 89 
Goals in, statement (Rusk), 661, 662 
Latin American free trade area, support of, communique 

(Goulart, Kennedy), 706 
Law of the sea (see also Safety of life at sea), conven- 
tions on, 77, 225, 425, 482 
Lead and zinc, decision against reopening escape-clause 

action on, 382 
League of Red Cross Societies, refugee program, address 

(Brown), 102 
Lebanon : 
IAEA statute, amendment to article VI.A.3 of, 889 
IDA articles of agreement, 854 

Lebanon — Continued 

U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 306 
U.S. technical aid project in, address (Tubby), 301 
Lee, Robert E., 154 

Less developed countries (see also Newly independent 
countries) : 
Aid to (see also Economic and social development and 
Economic and technical aid), need for and increase 
in, addresses, communiques, and remarks : ANZUS, 
870; NATO, 863; R. Kennedy, 702, 763; Rusk', 
453, 935, 941, 948 
Economic and social development of: 
Need for, address (Ball), 672 
Progress in, address (Louchheim), 337 
U.N. programs for, remarks and statement : Rusk, 
19; Stevenson, 321 
Economic offensive of Soviet-bloc countries : addresses, 
communique, message, and statement: Ball, 913, 
916 ; Bowles, 766 ; Hughes, 981 ; Johnson, 249, 250 ; 
Kennedy, 232, 233, 234 ; McGhee, 726 ; NATO, 863, 
Nichols, 33 
Obligations of Atlantic partnership members to, address 

(Ball), 413, 414, 417 
Population problems in, address (Nunley), 23 
Revolution of rising expectations in, address and state- 
ment: Bowles, 371, 374; Stevenson, 320 
Trade with : 
GATT discussion of promotion of, declaration, state- 
ment, and report on : Ball, 4 ; text of declaration, 
9; U.S. report, 7, 8 
Need for development of, addresses and statement : 
Ball, 598, 604; McGhee, 290; Weiss, 341 
U.S. role and policies, addresses and statement : Ball, 
913; McGhee, 830, 1008, 1010; Rostow, 628, 834, 838; 
Rusk, 404, 406, 659, 660, 900 
Use of GARIOA repayments for assistance to, 188 
Liberia : 

Negro American investments in, address (Williams), (53 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 818 

IBRD, IDA, IFC, and IMF, articles of agreement, 654 

Military equipment and materials, agreement with 

U.S. re furnishing of, 305 
Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. for estab- 
lishment in, 697 
Pollution of the sea by oil, international convention 

(1954) for prevention of, 890 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Liechtenstein, universal postal convention (1957), with 
final protocol, annex, regulations of execution and 
provisions re airmail, 890 
Lingle, Walter L., Jr., 698 
Lippmann, Walter, cited, 371, 417 
Loans, U.S., development, authorization request for FY 

1963, message (Kennedy), 550, 551 
Locust menace in Afghanistan, 987 
Louchheim, Mrs. Katie, 225, 337, 921 
Luck, J. Murray, 566 
Luxembourg : 

Grand Duchess to visit U.S., 950 

Index, January /o June 1962 


Luxembourg — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 
protocol on, 817 

Friendship, establisbment, and navigation treaty 
with U.S., 437, 438 

GATT, compensatory concessions for certain tariff 
actions taken by U.S., 512 

GATT, proc^s-verbaux extending declarations on pro- 
visional accession of Switzerland and Tunisia, 818 

OECD, convention and supplementary protocols, 225 

Macapagal, Diosdado, 665, 911 
MacArthur, Douglas II, 709 
Macmillan, Harold, 94, 355, 802 

Madagascar, cultural property, convention (1954) and 
protocol for protection in event of armed conflict, 225 
Mahoney, William P., 1041 
Makarios, Archbishop, 418, 1011 
Malagasy Republic : 
African and Malagasy Union, addresses and statement 

(Williams), 172, 722, 843, 916 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Air services transit, international agreement, 925 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, 782 
Universal postal convention (1957), with final pro- 
tocol, annex, regulations of execution, and provi- 
sions re airmail with final protocol, 77 
Malaya, international civil aviation convention (1944), 

protocol ( 1961 ) to, 654 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 871 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, proto- 
col (1961) to, 654 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international, 

U.S. Ambassador : appointment, 35 ; confirmation, 306 
Manganese ores and sodium sulphates, agreement amend- 
ing agreement with Brazil re settlement of debt from 
agreement of 1954 for purchase of, 350 
Manila Pact of 195/,, 904 
Mann, Thomas C, 500 
Manning, Robert J., 698 
Mansfield, J. Kenneth, 962 

Mapping agreement with Paraguay, cooperative, 259 
Marshall plan, 16 
Martin, Edwin M., 218, 471, 926 
Martin, John Bartlow, 482 
Martinez. Luis Manuel, 556 
Marton, Kndre, 123 
MatsHs, Alexander A., 479 
Mauritania : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, and 

protocols amending, 259, 854, 961 
Telecommunication convention (19iJ9), international, 

with six annexes, S90 
UNESCO constitution, 512 
WMO convention (1947), 305 
May, Herbert K., 1002 
Mbuh, .Jules, l(!i) 
McClintock, Robert, 398 
MeCloy, John J., 4!)2 

McConaughy, Walter P., 438 
McEwen, John, 549 
McGhee, George C. : 
Addresses : 

American ambassador, role of, 1007 
Atlantic Community, 131 

Mineral Resources and the World of the 1960'8, 723 
New trade program, proposals for, 289 
U.S. foreign policy, 678, 827 
Confirmation as Under Secretary of State, 306 
Meteorological Organization, World. See World Meteor- 
ological Organization 
Mexico : 
Agricultural research and development Ln, remarks 

(Rusk), 792 
International Boundary and Water Commission (U.S.- 
Mexico), 650, 683 
OAS system, exclusion of a member from, statement 

re, 283 
Oil importation from, statement (Nichols), 32 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural workers, agreement amending and ex- 
tending 1951 agreement with U.S., 106, 154 
Aircraft manufactured by Lockheed-AzcSrate, agree- 
ment amending agreement (1961) with U.S. for 
acceptance of certificates of airworthiness for, 305 
Civil aviation convention, international, protocol 

(1961) to, 854 
Industrial productivity, agreement with U.S. re pro- 
gram of, 78 
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, 
convention (1944) and protocol of amendment to, 
Safety of life at sea, convention (1948) and agree- 
ment with U.S. on, 189 
Television channels along U.S.-Mexican border, 

agreements with U.S. re, 818, 890 
Water supply from Colorado River, agreement with 
U.S. re scheduling of water under 1944 agreement, 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S.-Mexico, partners in a common task, remarks 
(Rusk), 919 
Meyer, Armin H., 306 
Middle East See Near and Middle East 
Migration, European, Intergovernmental Committee for, 

511, 732 
Military assistance {see also Military equipment, mate- 
rials, and services and Mutual defense) : 
Appropriation and authorization requests for FT 1963, 

550, 662 
Dominican Republic: 
Agreement providing, 697 
Survey of needs of, 258 
Importance of program, address (Rusk), 899 
Military equipment, materials, and services : 
Furnishing of, agreement with Liberia, 305 
Military procurement, memorandum of understanding 
with France re, 77 
Military establishments and expenditures : 

Importance to present U.S. security, address (Rostow), 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

Military establishmeDts and expenditures — Continued 
Reduction and discontinuance of, U.S. proposed treaty 
outline for, 747, 751, 756, 758 
Minerals : 

African resources, address (Williams), 545 
Resources and economic growth, address (McGhee), 723 
U.S. importation of, address (Trezise), 886 
Missiles : 

Importance of in U.S. defense pattern, address (John- 
son), 245, 246 
Research in missile penetration and defense, address 
(Kennedy), 445 
Monetary Fund, International. See International Mone- 
tary Fund 
Mongolia. People's Republic of, Cuban complaint of U.S. 
aggression, amendment to Cuban draft res., state- 
ment (Plimpton), 560 
Moreland, Allen B., 1042 
Morgan, George Allen, 1042 
Morocco : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S. re, 482 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 499 
Moscoso, Teodoro, 177, 398 
Moukouri, Jacques Kuoh, 499 
Mutual defense assistance agreements: 
ANZUS communique re, S71 
With Belgium, 77, 1002 

Narcotics. See Drugs, narcotic 

NASA. See United States National Aeronautics and 

Space Administration 
National defense and security : 

Foreign economic policy, relationship to, address (Cop- 
pock), 956 
Peaceful coexistence, relationship of to, address (Achil- 
les), 324, 327 
Policy of, address (Rostow), 629 

Trade agreements (see also Trade Expansion Act), 
proposed legislation re, 344 
National organizations, 12th annual conference of, mes- 
sage and addresses : Cleveland, 583 ; Gardner, 586 ; 
Kennedy, 578 ; Stevenson, 577 
Nationalism («ee also Newly independent countries) : 
African, addresses (WiUiams), 172, 173, 545, 640, 720 
Development of, addresses : Ball, 634 ; Kennedy, 616 ; 

Rostow, 627, 630 
Force of spirit of, address (Rusk), 788 
U.N. relationship to, statement (Stevenson), 321 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Navigation, friendship, and establishment treaty with 
Luxembourg, 437, 438 

Near and Middle East (see also Central Treaty Organ- 
ization and individual countries) : 
Divisions within, address (Hughes), 979 
Situation in, address (Bowles), 765 
Soviet efforts to communize, address (Bowles), 375 
UNEF activities in. See United Nations Emergency 
Netherlands : 

IMF, Netherlands commitment to, 187 

Netherlands — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

GATT, compensatory concessions for certain tariff 

actions taken by U.S., 512 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Weapons production, agreement with U.S., 225 
Whaling convention, international, and schedule of 

whaling regulations, 890 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Zanderij Airport in Surinam, agreement with U.S. 
re use of, 890 
West New Guinea, dispute witi Indonesia. See West 

New Guinea 
White House Press Secretary to visit, announcement, 
Neutralism, address (Adoula), 337 
New Guinea, Trust Territory of : 

Australia's administration of, statement (Bingham), 72 
Self-determination for, statement (Rusk), 867 
New Guinea, West. See West New Guinea 
New Zealand : 

ANZUS Council communique, 869 
Colby cheese exports to U.S., reduction of, 779 
Role in Pacific and Southeast Asia, address and state- 
ment (Rusk), 868,944 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 

Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Proems-verbal extending declaration on provisional 

accession of Tunisia, 926 
Protocol relating to establishment of new schedule 
Ill-Brazil, 350 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. relations with, address (Rusk), 942 
Newly independent nations (see also Less developed coun- 
tries and Nationalism) : 
Economic and social development of, addresses : Ball, 

365 ; Louchheim, 337 
Resistance to Communist penetration and control, re- 
marks, address, and statement : Bohlen, 1015 ; Rusk, 
127, 241 
U.S. policy toward and relations with, addresses and 
remarks: Ball, 413; Johnson, 58; Rusk, 490; Wil- 
liams, 170, 172 
Ngala, Ronald G., 244 

Niagara Falls, request for study on by IJC withdrawn, 728 
Nicaragua : 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Economic, technical, and related assistance, agreement 
with U.S., 782 
Nichols, C. W., 31 
Niger : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Investment guaranty program, agreement with U.S. re, 

Index, January to June J 962 


Nigeria : 
Economic development program in, address (Williams), 

Immigration quota, U.S. establishment of, 25 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Civil aviation convention, international, protocol 

(1961) to, 854 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

GATT, proc^s-verbal extending and amending declara- 
tion on provisional accession of Switzerland, 926 
IMCO convention, 697 
International Bice Commission, constitution (1953) 

of, 697 
Opium and other drugs, convention on suppression of 

abuse of, 566 
Sugar agreement ( 1958 ) , International, 305 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. aid to, proposed, 25 
Nonintervention : 

Principle of, U.S. position, statement (Stevenson), 557 
Punta del Este conference resolution on, 279 
Non-self-governing territories {see also Self-determination 
and Trust territories), U.S. administration of, state- 
ment (Bingham), 73 
North Atlantic Council, ministerial meetings of : 
28th (Paris), text of communique, 51 
29th (Athens) : 

Secretary Rusk's arrival statement, 861, 962, and 

CBS interview re, 863 
Text of communique, 862 
U.S. delegation, 864 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization : 

Aid to less developed countries, statement (Rusk) , 661 
Council of. See North Atlantic Council 
Creation and growth of, statement (McGhee), 133, 134 
Cuba, U.S. talks with NATO re, statement (Rusk), 

Military equipment supplied to Portugal, question of 

disposition of, statement (Stevenson), 387 
Norway-U.S. support of, joint communique (Gerhard- 
sen, Kennedy), 878 
Nuclear deterrent for, question of, addresses and state- 
ments : Ball, 666 ; Bundy, 422 ; McGhee, 828 ; Rusk, 
456, 458, 801, 973, 974 
State Department coordinator for, establishment of 

office, 673 
Status of forces, agreements supplementing agreements 
on, 106, 189, 305 
"^ Unity and effectiveness of, addresses : Johnson, 246, 
250 ; Kennedy, 161 
U.S. relations with, address and remarks: Ball, 637; 
Rusk, 490 
North Pacific Ocean, high seas fisheries of, amendment to 

annex to International convention (1952) on, 740 
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries : 

International Commission for, U.S. commissioner, ap- 
pointment of, 1040 
International convention for, declaration of under- 
standing re, 305, 666 

Norway : 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 654 
Customs convention (1954) on temporary Importa- 
tion of private road vehicles, 38 
GATT, interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
GATT, proems- verba ux extending declarations on pro- 
visional accession of Switzerland and Tunisia, 818 
IAEA, amendment of article VI.A.3 of statute of, 

Safety of life at sea, international convention (19G0) 

on, 740 
Whaling convention (1946), international, and sched- 
ule of regulations, 154, 1041 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Visit of Prime Minister to U.S., 470, 877 
Nubian project, UNESCO, U.S. grant of funds for protec- 
tion of temples and monuments, 306 
Nuclear energy. See Atomic energy and Nuclear headings 
Nuclear free zones, establishment of, U.S. position on, 

Nuclear test-ban treaty, proposals for : 
18-nation conference consideration of : 

Negotiations, progress of, statements : Department, 

664 ; Kennedy, 624 ; Rusk, 798 
Nuclear test-ban discussion in context of general 
disarmament, U.K.-U.S. proposal and Soviet rejec- 
tion, 205, 228 
Preconference ministerial discussion by nuclear pow- 
ers, U.S. proposal, statements (Rusk), 458, 462 
Resumption of tests by U.S., question of effect on 
conference, statement (Rusk), 464 
Japanese position on, message (Ikeda), 498 
Soviet position and proposals, communique, message 
and statements : Dean, 888 ; Department, 288, 665 ; 
Kennedy, 624; Khrushchev, 409, 495, 496; NATO, 
51 ; Rusk, 795, 799 
U.K.-U.S. proposals and efforts for, joint communique, 
reports, and statements on, 63, 64, 288, 409, 707, 
U. S. proposals and position on, address, message, notes, 
statements, and treaty outline : Dean, 888 ; Kennedy. 
447, 497, 498h, 624. 747: Rostow, 969; Rusk, 167, 
201, 535, 571. 795, 796, 797, 860, 869, fMO, 944, 945 ; 
treaty outline, 750; U.S. notes, 839, 840 
Nuclear weapons: 

Control, inspection, and reduction of, U.S. proposals for, 

statements and treaty outline : Kennedy, 624 ; Rusk, 

619, 020, 009; treaty outline, 747, 750, 756, 758 

Factor in U.S. foreign policy, address (Bohlen), 1014 

Fissionable materials, ban on production for weapons 

purposes (see also under Atomic energy, peaceful 

uses of), U.S. proposal for, statement (Rusk), 534 

NATO nuclear defense policy. Council communique re, 

NATO nuclear deterrent, question of, 422, 456, 458, 666, 

801, 828, 973, 974 
Tests. See Nuclear weapons tests 

Transfer of to nonnudear countries, U.S. position on, 
address, correspondence, and statements: Ball, 60S; 
Cleveland, 805 : R\isk, 457. 459, 972, 975 


Department of State Bulletin 

Nuclear weapons — Continued 

U.N. General Assembly recommendations re, letter 
(Stevenson), 223 
Nuclear weapons tests: 
Cessation and control of : 

Detection and identification of. See Geneva con- 
ference of experts on detection of nuclear tests and 
Nuclear test-ban treaty, projwsals for 
Geneva conference on. See Geneva conference on the 

discontinuance of nuclear weapon tests 
Test-ban treaty. See Nuclear test-ban treaty, pro- 
posals for 
Resumption of by : 
Soviet Union : 

Communist China's views on, 116 
Japanese position on, 498 

U.S. views on, 443, 444, 446, 464, 497, 535, 839, 840 
United States : 
AEC announcement re, 795 
ANZUS communique re, 870 

Need for and purpose of, address, joint communi- 
que, and statements : Dean, 888 ; Kennedy, 443, 
466; Kennedy, Macmillan, 94; Rusk, 360, 464, 
795, 796, 797, 944 
Soviet views on, messages (Khrushchev), 469, 495 
U.K.-U.S. cooperation at Christmas Island, 329 
U.S. correspondence with: Ghana, 840; Japan, 
497. 839 
Soviet call for moratorium on testing during 18-nation 
disarmament conference, 708 
Nunley, William T., 22 

OAS. See Organization of American States 

OECD. See Organization for Economic Cooperation and 


African, production of, address (Williams), 545 
ECAFE symposium on development of petroleum re- 
sources of Asia and the Far East, 852 
Geologists' role in development of, address (McGhee), 

723, 725, 726, 728 
Middle East and U.S.S.R. production of, 766 
Oil imports program, hearings before congressional 

committee, statement (Nichols), 31 
Pollution of sea by, convention (1954) for prevention 

of, 38, 77, 654, 890, 1041 
Soviet sale of, address (Hughes), 981 
Olympic, Sylvanus, 638 
OXUC. See Congo : U.N. operation in 
Operation Crossroads, 548 
Opium. See Drugs, narcotic 

Organization for African and Malagasy Economic Cooper- 
ation. See African and Malagasy Union 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
Accomplishments and purpose of, addresses and re- 
marks, McGhee, 292, 829; Rusk, 910 
Consultation and coordination among members, address 

(Ball), 670, 672 
Convention on, with supplementary protocols, 225, 782 
Expansion of gross product of, address and statement : 
McGhee, 724; Rusk, 164 

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
ment — Continued 
Organization and development of, statement (McGhee), 

133, 134 
State Department coordinator with, establishment of 

office, 073 
U.S. cooperation in, addresses (Ball), 365, 367, 415, 637 
Organization for Trade Cooperation, agreement on, 397 
Organization of American States : 
Council of : 
Measures against : 

Cuba, statement (Rusk), 275, 287 
Dominican Republic, discontinuance of, statements : 
Department, 129 ; Kennedy, 128 
Pan American Day, 1962, observance of, address 
(Rusk), 703 

Charges against OAS and call for World Court opin- 
ion re, statements (Stevenson) and text of draft 
resolution, 6S4 
OAS pronouncements and actions re Castro regime. 
Sec Punta del Este conference 
Ministerial meeting, 8th Meeting of Organ of Consulta- 
tion. See Punta del Este conference 
Panel of experts : 

Proposals of, statement (Blumenthal), 999, 1000 
Responsibility of, remarks (Kennedy), 540 
Special Consultative Committee on Security of the: 
Establishment of, instructions re, 279 
U.S. member, nomination, 591 
OTC. See Organization for Trade Cooperation 
Outer space (see also Satellites, earth) : 

Colonel Glenn's flight, significance of, statement (Ste- 
venson), 577, 582 
Peaceful uses of, need for international cooperation in, 
statements : Plimpton, 809 : Rusk, 620 ; Stevenson, 180 
U.N. actions re uses of, addresses, correspondence, and 
resolution: Ball, 6.36; Gardner, 587; Stevenson, 
223; text of resolution, 185 
U.N. registry of launchings into, U.S. information for, 

address and letter (Gardner, Stevenson), 588 
U.S. proposals and views, addresses and treaty outline : 
Kennedy, 160 ; Rusk, 932 ; text of proposed treaty 
outline re, 751 
U.S.S.R.-U.S. cooperation in, proposals for, addresses, 
correspondence, and statement : Gardner, 587, 591 ; 
Kennedy, 411, 536, 615 : Khrushchev, 411 ; Plimpton, 
812; Rusk, 903 
Outer Space. U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of : 
Cooperative efforts within, letter (Kennedy), .537 
Meeting of, addresses and statement re : Cleveland, 584 ; 

Gardner, 587, 588 ; Plimpton, 809 ; Stevenson, 584 
Responsibilities of, statement (Stevenson) and U.N. 
resolution on, 181, 184, 18a, 186 

Pacific Commission, South, membership of, 960 

Pacific Conference, South, 5th session of, U.S. delegation, 

Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of the : 
Address (Ball), 634 

Index, January fo June 1962 


Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of the — Continued 

Administration of by Secretary of Interior, Executive 
order, 887 
Pallia vi, Mohammad Reza Shah, 760 
Pakistan : 

CENTO. See Central Treaty Organization 
Fulbright program with, 10th anniversary of, 955 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Cotton textiles, arrangements regarding international 

trade in, 38 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

Educational exchange program, agreement amending 

agreement (1950) with U.S., 438 
GATT, interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
GATT, procfes-verbaux extending declarations on 
provisional accession of Switzerland and Tunisia, 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1962; ad- 
dress (Rusk), 703 ; proclamation, 542 
Panama : 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Economic and technical cooperation, agreements with 

U.S. for, 106, 698 
ICEM constitution, 511 
Investment guaranties program, agreement with U.S. 

re, 566 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
Visit of President Chiari to U.S., 976 
Visit of Under Secretary Ball to, 215 
Panama Canal Company, quarterly meeting of Board of 

Directors, U.S. representative to, 215 
Paraguay : 

Cooperative mapping agreement with U.S., 259 
Copyright convention (1952), universal, and protocols, 

1, 2, and 3, 77 
Geneva conventions (1949) on treatment of prisoners of 
war, wounded and sick, and civilians in time of war, 
Reciprocal trade agreement with U.S., agreement ter- 
minating portions of and bringing up to date sched- 
ule I of, 741 
Passports : 
Issuance to members of Communist organizations, re- 
vision of regulations re, announcement and state- 
ment (, 179,202 
Revocation due to subversive activities, hearings on, 847 
Patents, inventions relating to defense for which patent 
applications have been filed, agreement for safeguard- 
ing, 740 
Peace : 

Communist conception of, address (Mann), 505 
Importance of military strength in maintenance of, ad- 
dress (Itusk), 84 
Peace force, international (sec alxo United Nations 
Emergency Force), building of, address (Cleve- 
land, iJS5 
Peaceful settlement of disputes, U.S. proposed measures 
to strengthen process of, 243, 753, 756, 759 

Peace — Continued 
Peacemaking role of U.S., address (Ball), 875 
The Practice of, address (Cleveland), 1019 
Peace Corps : 

Addresses : Bowles, 208 ; Kennedy, 161 

Expansion of requested of Congress, letter (Kennedy), 

FAO agreement with U.S. re, 890 
Programs : 
Africa, addresses : Fredericks, 882 ; Williams, 547 
Agreements for establishment : Brazil, 106 ; Domini- 
can Republic, 854; Ethiopia, 1041; Jamaica, 482; 
Liberia, 697 ; Sierra Leone, 225 ; Somali, 926 ; Thai- 
land, 350 ; Tunisia, 482 ; Venezuela, 1041 
Philippines, address (Harriman), 175 
Peaceful coexistence : 

Relationship of U.S. national security to, address 

(Achilles), 324 
Soviet policy, addresses (Rusk), 934, 938 
Pembina River, study of resources by International Joint 

Commission (U.S.-Canada), 728 
People's Daily, cited, 116 

Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 698 
Educational exchange programs, agreement amending 

19.j6 agreement with U.S. for financing of, 961 
GATT, declarations on provisional accession of Tunisia, 

817, 818 
GATT, interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
Petroleum. See Oil 
Peyser, Seymour M., 1041 
Philippines : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 418 
Educational programs of, U.S. assistance in, address 

(Tubby), 301 
Rizal Day, address and message : Harriman, 174 ; Rusk, 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S.. 106 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. Ambassador : appointment, 78 ; confirmation, 306 
U.S.-Philippine relations, address, message, and state- 
ment : Harriman. 174 ; Kennedy, 729, 911 
U.S. role in establishment of Republic of, address 

(Johnson), 59 
Visit of President to U.S. : announcement of proposed 
trip, 605 ; postponed, 911 
Phillips, Ralph W., 392 
Pico, Rafael, 425 

Pins, straight, decisions against Increasing duty on, 849 
Pittsburgh, role in U.S. economy, address (Johnson), 988 
Plimpton, Francis T. P., 398, 559, 809 
Poland : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S. re 
purchase of, 35, 106, 779, 818 


Department of State Bulletin 

Poland — Continued 
GATT, declaration on relations with contracting par- 
ties, 397 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 306 
Visit of Minister of Foreign Trade to U.S., 871 
'Claris and Minuteman programs, strengthening of, ad- 
dress! Ball), 007 
»oIaris submarines, U.S. commitment to NATO, Council 
communique and statement: communique, 8C2; Rusk, 
Police academy, inter-American, opening of, S47 
'Dilution of sea by oil, international convention (1954) 

for prevention of, 38, 77, 654, 890, 1041 
'once Miranda, Neftali, 169 
'opulation explosion: 
Problem of, U.S. policy, address and statement : Bohlen, 

1015; Rusk, 800 
Relationship to economic and social development, ad- 
dress (Nunley), 22 
'ortugal : 
GATT decision on accession of, 8 
Problems of Angola and Goa. See Angola and Goa 
Threat of withdrawal from United Nations, U.S. views 

on, statement (Rusk), 124 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of, agreement amending 

1055 agreement with U.S., 1002 
GATT, interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
GATT, protocol of accession to, 696, 1041 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. relations with, address (Fredericks), 882 
'ostal convention (1957), universal, with final protocol, 
annex, regulations of execution, and provisions re 
airmail, 77, 225, 482, 782, 890 
'overty, means of overcoming, address (Galbraith), 1024 
'owers, Francis Gary, 359 

'risoners of war, Geneva convention on treatment of, 566 
'rivate enterprise : 

American system of, address (Martin), 478 
Loan to Ivory Coast Development Bank to promote, 
joint communique (Houphouet-Boigny, Kennedy), 
Role in : 

Africa, address (Williams), 61, 62 
Domestic economy, address (Rostow), 837 
Less developed countries, address (McGhee), 830 
'reclamations by the President : 
Cuba, embargo on trade with (3447), 283 
GATT tariff agreement, announcement of proclamation 

(3468) giving effect to, 848 
Human Rights Week, 1961 (3442), 68 
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1962 

(3452), 542 
Sugar quota for Cuba, (3440), 34 
United Nations Day, 1962 (3649), 853 
World Trade Week, 1902 (3474), 825 
'rocurement for foreign aid program, U.S. position, mes- 
sage (Kennedy), 550 
'reject Mercury (see also Tracking stations) Australian- 
U.S. cooperation in, address (Rusk), 941 

Propaganda : 
Cuban, in the Americas, statement (Stevenson), 554 
Soviet use of, address and statement: Ball, 515, 517; 
Hughes, 981, 982 
Property, cultural, convention (1954) and protocol for 

protection in event of armed conflict, 225 
Property, industrial, convention (1883, as revised) for 

the protection of, 106, ISO 
Property, industrial, convention (1934), for the protec- 
tion of, 817 
Pryor, Frederic L., 359 

Public Law 480. See Agricultural surpluses and Agricul- 
tural trade 
Publications : 
ACDA, Economic and Social Consequences of Disarma- 
ment in the United States, released, 962 
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 

lists of, 68, 179, 302, 382, 519, 734, 923, 994 
State Department : 
Diplomatic History, International Laio, and the Con- 
duct of Foreign Relations, Department of State 
Publications on, 190 
Foreign Relations of the United States, published : 
China, 19J,3, 610 

19J,1, Volume V, The Far East, 610 
19^2, Volume II, Europe, 926 
19/i2, Volume V, The American Republics, 1042 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: Analysis of 

United States Negotiations, volumes released, 565 
Lists of recent releases, 78, 190, 226, 742, 818 
United Nations, lists of current documents, 149, 436, 
526, 009, 696, 738, 816, 889 
Punta del Este, Charter of : 

Message, statement, and remarks re : Kennedy, 5.51 ; 

Rusk, 661, 662, 789 
U.S.-Venezuelan support of, text of joint communique 
(Betancourt, Kennedy), 90 
Punta del Este conference (Jan. 1962) : 
Accomplishments of, TV report on and news confer- 
ence re (Rusk), 267, 285 
Communist penetration of Western Hemisphere, con- 
sideration of and actions re : 
Decision and resolution on, 278, 554 
Statements re: Rusk, 270, 272, 276, 277, 284, 285; 
Stevenson, 553, 556, 685 
Cuban exclusion from OAS system, consideration of : 
Statements re : Rusk, 125, 199, 200, 202, 242, 207, 270, 
273, 275, 277, 284, 286, 348, 361, 451, 403 ; Stevenson, 
687, 689 
Texts of resolution and member statements re, 281 
Purpose of and U.S. delegation to, 224 

Qods-Nakhai, Hosein, 707 

Racial equality : 
In Africa, address and statement : Bingham, 71 ; Wil- 
liams, 546 
Responsibility of citizens for, address (Louchheim), 339 
Radio («ee a/so Telecommunications) : 

Communications between radio amateurs on behalf of 
3d parties, arrangement with El Salvador, 782 

ndex, January to June J 962 


Kadio — Continued 
Badio Ceylon, agreement amending and extending agree- 
ment with Ceylon re, 890 
Regulations (1959), witli appendixes, annexed to in- 
ternational telecommunications convention (1959), 
Radioactive fallout, minimal content of U.S. proposed 

tests, address (Kennedy), 444 
Rapacki plan, U.S. objections to, 665 
Red Cross Societies, League of : 

Chinese Communist refusal of aid from, address (Stev- 
enson), 117 
Program of work with refugees, address (Brown), 102 
Red Flag, journal of Chinese Communist Party, cited, 115, 

Refugees and displaced persons : 
Angolan refugees in the Congo, U.S. support of U.N. 

aid to, statement ( Stevenson) , 387 
Arab refugee problems, address (Bowles), 768 
Chinese : 

In Hong Kong, U.S. position and aid, address (Har- 

riman), 993 
U.S. admission and aid to, address and statement : 
Cieplinski, 732 ; Rusk, 974 
Flight from Communism, remarks and statement 

(Stevenson), 211, 557 
Kalmyk people in U.S., 10th anniversary of arrival, 17 
Problem of, U.S. and U.N. concern for and aid to, 
addresses: Rrown, 100; Cieplinski, 730 
Regional organizations (see also subject): 
Discussion of, address (McGhee), 831 
Trading arrangements, GATT discussion of, 8 
U.S. participation in and position on, addresses and 
statement: Achilles, 328; Cleveland, 332, 804; 
McGhee, 135, 830 ; Rusk, 902 
Research (see also Science, Scientific cooperation, and 
Satellites) : 
Cooperative efforts in, statement (Plimpton), 814 
SEATO fellowship program for, announcement of, 70 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of : 

Self-government for, address (Fredericks), 881 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

GATT, declaration on provisional accession of 

Switzerland, procfts-verbal extending, H'A) 
GATT, proei^'s-verbal extending declaration on acces- 
sion of Tunisia, 818 
ICEM withdrawal from, 511 
Wheat agreement, international, 026 
Rice, Edward I^arl, IS!) 
Rice, sale of to I'oland, 779 
Rice Commission, Inlcrnational, amended constitution 

(1953), 697 
Ritchie. Charles Stewart Alnion, 955 
Rizal Day, 174, 175 
Road trafiic, convention (1949) on, with annexes, 77, 259. 

610, 653, 782, 817 
Road vehicles, private, customs convention (10.54) on 

temporary importation of, 38, 566, 782 
Rostow, Walt Whitman, 438, 522, 625, 833, 067 
Rountree, William M., 43(i, 526 
Rowan, Carl T., 378 

Ruanda-Urundi, Trust Territory of : 

Flight of refugees from Ruanda, address (Brown), 102 
Independence for, U.N. action, remarks (Rusk), 40C 
Rubber Study Group, International, 909 
Rubin, Seymour J., 1042 
Rumania : 
Films, exchange of with U.S., 9.59 
Minister to U.S., credentials, 25 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Law of the sea, conventions on, 225 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international 

with six annexes, 890 
U.S. Minister, confirmation, 306 
Rusk, Dean : 
Addresses, remarks, and statements : 
Alliance for Progress. 361, 462, 402, 787 
ANZUS Council meeting, 481, 804 I 

ANZUS partners in cooperative efforts, 930 
America's Goal — A Community of Free Nations, 44}' 
Argentina, situation in, U.S. policy, 800 
Atomic energy, international control of, 798 
Attorney General Kennedy's trip, 203, 360 
Australia and New Zealand, role in Pacific area' 

Berlin. See Berlin 

Brazil, discussions re U.S. holdings in, 460 
CENTO, 10th Ministerial meeting, 859 
Cold war, 5.59 

Communism, 241, 284, 28.5, 455, 458, 459, 974 
Congo, proposed visit of Prime Minister Adoula U 

U.S., 203 
Congo situation, 12, 126, 165, 199, 216 
Cuba : 

Communist penetration of Western Hemisphen 

through, threat of ,125, 165, 166, 168 
NATO-U.S. policy toward, question of, 459 
OAS consideration of and actions re. See und& 

Punta del Este conference 
U.S. trade with, 288, 348 
Disarmament, 18-nation disarmament conference : 
Preconference discussions and participants, ques 

tion of, 456, 458, 462 
U.S. position and proposals. 124. 201, 461, 531, 61f 
708, 802, 970 
Dominican Republic, progress in, 16.5, 168 
Dulles Library of diplomatic history, 923 
Economic and social development, 18, 493 
Euroi)e. proposed trip to, 974 
Euroiiean Economic Community, U.K. negotiation 

with, S(i5, 866, 867 
Fcueign aid program for FY 1963, 659 
Foreign educators and students, contacts with, 460 
Foreign policy, U.S., 165, 3(i3, 487 
Foreign Service officers, 455 
Germany, East : 

Recognition of, IT.S. position on, 457 
Sitnaticm in, 241 
Guantanamo Naval Base, 287 
India, U.S. policy toward, 124. 
Inter-American Defense I'.oard. 285 
Issues of contemporary history, 83 


Department of Sfafe Bulletii 

ask, Dean — Continued 

Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued 
Japan, scientific cooperation with, 425 
Land reform in Latin America, 492 
Laos, 123, 120,201,973 

Mexico-U.S., partners in a common task, 919 
NATO Council meeting at Alliens, 861, 803, 962 
NATO nuclear deterrent force, question of, 456, 458, 

New Guinea, problems of, 864, 866, 867 
Newly independent states, resistance to Communist 

pressure, 127, 241 
Nuclear weapon tests : 

Test-ban treaty, efforts toward, 167, 571, 795, 797 

U.S. resumption of, necessity for, 300, 46-1, 796 
Nuclear weapons, si)read of use of, U.S. po.sition, 457, 

458, 4.59, 972, 975 
OECD, expansion of gross product of, 164 
Pan American Day, 1902, 703 
Passport regulations, 202 
Peaceful settlement of disputes, 243 
Philippines, Rizal Day, 175 
Population increase, problem of, 800 
Portugal, continued membership in the U.N., question 

of, 124 
Punta del Este conference, 267, 270, 284, 287, 361 
Refugees, Chinese, U.S. admission of, 974 
Santo Domingo, situation in, 200, 202, 203 
Science, space, and foreign policy, 031 
Sino-Soviet bloc : 

Cuban alliance with, 274, 275, 2S4 

Economic offensive of, 127, 910 
Soviet Union : 

Arms buildup in Indonesia, 866 

German problem, U.S. discussions with re, 625 

Negotiating with, 123, 124, 127, 167 

Release of Francis Gary Powers, 359 

Trade proposal, 971 
State Department: 

Position re use of word "Victory," 972 

Relations with Congress, 126 
Summit conference, proposed, 797, 798 
Thailand, U.S. relations with, 498 
Trade and Aid — Essentials of Free World Leadership, 

Trade legislation, proposed, 866, 868, 909 
Trade policy, U.S., 195 
U.A.R., economic consultations with, 800 
Underdeveloped countries, assistance to, 165 
United Nations : 

General Assembly, 16th session, 167, 242 

U.K.-U.S. consultations on affairs of, 204 

U.N. bonds, U..S. purchase of proposed, 312, 362 
Viet-Nam : 

Aggression against, 127 

Situation in, 868, 869. 9.39 

U.N. consideration of problem, question of, 243 

U.S. policy toward, 363, 455, 458, 459, 461, 463 
Voice of America : 

Lao and Thai language broadcasts to Southeast 
Asia, 377 

20th anniversary of, 510 

Rusk, Dean — Continued 

Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued 
West New Guinea, 125, 203, 401, 870, 975 
World crisis, U.S. policy in, 895 
Yugoslavia, U.S. policy toward, 340 
New.s conferences, transcripts of, 199, 284, 455, 795, 864, 

Radio and TV interviews, transcripts of, 123, 126, 164, 
241, 358, 464, 803 
Ryerson, Knowles A., 960 

Safety Conference, international, statement (Trezise), 

Safety of life at sea, conventions on : 
194S convention, 189 
1900 convention : 

Current actions, 740, 854 

Senate approval requested, statement (Trezise), 520 
Safety pins, decision against reopening escape-clause ac- 
tion on, 382 
Salinger, Pierre, 846 
Salter, .Tohn L., 698 
San Marino : 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

Road traffic, convention (1949) on, 782 
Sarawak, copyright convention (1952), universal, 305 
Satellites, earth (see also Outer space) : 
Communications satellites : 
Agreement with Brazil, 154 
International cooperation in, statement (Stevenson) 

and U.N. res., 183, 185, 186 
Progress in development of, addresses : Cleveland, 

584; Gardner, 589 
U.S. proposals and policy re, statement (Plimpton), 
811, 815 
Tracking station.s, 77, 537, 810, 812 
Weather satellites, cooperation in use of: 
Program for, addresses : Cleveland, 584 ; Gardner, 

588; Kennedy, 536 
Technical studies and personnel for, statements and 
U.N. res. : Plimpton, 811, 815 ; Stevenson, 183 ; text 
of res., 185 
Saud ibn Abd al-Aziz Al Saud. 377 
Saudi Arabia : 
Aviation, international civil, convention (1944) on, 

Improvements in, address (Bowles). 767 
Visit of King Saud to U.S., 377 
Wheat agreement, international, 1041 
Schactzel, J. Robert, 673, 1042 

Science {see also Atomic energy, Nuclear weapons. Outer 
space. Research, and Satellites) : 
Advancement of science and technology, address 

(Bowles), 371,376 
Attach('>s, appointments to : Bern, 506 ; Rio de Janeiro, 

New frontiers for, address (Rusk), 931 
Scientific cooperation. See Scientific Cooperation 
Scientific, educational, and cultural materials, agreement 
and protocol on importation of, 817 

dex, January fo June 7962 


Scientific cooperation, U.S. witli : 
Argentina, Scientific Mission on Foot and Mouth Dis- 
ease, study and report of, 67, 543 
Ghana, program of cooperation in the field of biomedi- 

eine, agreement for, 259 
Japan, joint committee on scientific cooperation, an- 
nouncement, communiques, remarlcs : announce- 
ment, 953 ; Ru.slv, 425 ; texts of communiques, C6, 954 
Mexico, joint study of salinity problem, 650 
U.S.S.R, : 
Agreement on exclianges in scientific, technical, edu- 
cational, cultural and other fields for 1962-63, 512, 
Weather satellite system, U.S. proposals for coopera- 
tion in, letter (Kennedy), 536 
Sea. See Law of the sea 

SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Organization 
Secretary of State. See RusIj, Dean 
Security Council, U.N. : 
Cuban call for World Court opinion on OAS action, con- 
sideration of, statements (Stevenson) and draft 
resolution, 684 
Documents, lists of, 149, 436, 696, 738 
Goa, proposed cease-fire resolution, statements (Steven- 
son), 145 
Israel and Syrian observance of Armistice Agreement, 

statement (Tost) and text of resolution, 735 
U.N. operations in the Congo, proposed consideration 
of, statement (Stevenson), 304 
Self-determination : 
American Republics' position, statement (Stevenson), 

Angolan right to, U.S. position on, statements (Steven- 
son), 385 
Punta del Este conference resolution on, 279 
U.S. position on, addresses and statements: Bingham, 
71, 72, 74, 75; Cleveland, 1022; Mann, 505; Wil- 
liams. .546 
Senegal, international civil aviation convention, protocol 

(1961) to, 854 
Ships and shipping: 
Double taxation on earnings from operations of, agree- 
ment with Colombia for relief of, 77 
Loan of vessels to Greece, agreement for, 890 
Oil pollution convention (1954), international, 38, 77, 
054, 890, 1041 
Shoup, David M., 381 
Shutt, Charles, 126 
Sierra Leone : 
Commercial samples and advertising material, interna- 
tional convention (1952) to facilitate the importa- 
tion of, 817 
Customs convention (19.54) on temporary importation 

of private road vehicles, 782 
Educational, scientific, and cultural material.?, agree- 
ment and protocol on importation of, 817 
Law of the sea, conventions on, 425 
Narcotic drugs : 
Manufacture and distriI)Ution of, convention (1931) 

and protocol (194S), 740 
Opium and other drugs, convention (1912) relating 
to the suppression of the abuse of, 740 


Sierra Leone — Continued 
Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. for estab 

lishment of, 225 
Road traffic, convention (1949) on, with annexes, 81' 
Slavery convention (1926), as amended, 817 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international 

with annexes, 189 
Touring, convention (1954) concerning customs facili 

ties for, 817 
UNESCO constitution, 818 

Universal postal convention (1957), 482 I 

WMO convention, 697 ' 

Simms, John W., 853 
Simonpietri, Andre C, 1042 
Singapore-British Borneo grouj), international telecom 

munication convention (1959), with annexes, 106 
Sino-Soviet bloc (see also Communism and individua 
countries) : 
Activities in the Congo, article (Ball), 45 
Cuban alliance with : 
Military aid to, 644 
Punta del Este resolutions and explanatory state 

ments re, 2S1 
U.S. views, statements: Department, 129; Rusk, 267 
274, 27.5, 284 
Design of, statement (McGhee), 131, 132 
Economic development and offensive, addresses and re 

marlis : Rusk, 790, 910 ; Trezise, 593 
Pressures on newly independent states, statemen- 

(Rusk), 127 
Rift within, question of, addresses : Hughes, 983 ; Ros 

tow, 631 
Subversion in the Americas, Inter-American Peac( 

Committee report on, cited. 199 
Trade policies of, address (McGhee), 291 
Western European economic unity vs., address 

(Rowan), 379 
Yugoslav relationship with, statement (Rusk), 346 
Slavery convention (1926), as amended, 397, 654, 817, 961 
Snyder, James, 3.58 
Social and economic development. See Economic and 

social development 
Sodium sulphates and manganese ore.s, agreement amend- 
ing agreement with Brazil re settlement of debt for , 
purchase of, 350 
Sohl, Walter W., 392 
Sokolsky, George, 380 
Somali Republic, Peace Corps program, agreement with 

U.S. for establishment of, 926 
South Africa, Republic of : 
Apartheid policy of, address and statement : Bingham, 

71; Williams, 173 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pr>l 

tocol ( 1961 ) to, 654 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on, 

IAEA, amendment to statute of, 438 
Wheat agreonient, international, 926 
South and Southeast Asia. See Asia and individual 

South Pacific Commission, 960 

Department of State Bulletin 

South Pacific Conference, 5th session of, U.S. delegation, 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization : 
ANZUS communique re, 870 
Membership of, 77 
Research fellowship program (1962-63), announcement 

of, 76 
Thai-U.S. statement (Khoman, Rnsk) ro, 498 
U.S. forces in Thailand, Council statement re, 905 
Soviet Union (see aluo Communism and Sino-Soviet 
bloc) : 
Afghanistan, Soviet activities in, address (Bowles), 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 644 
Arms buildup in Indonesia, statement (Rusk) , 866 
Berlin situation. Sec Berlin 
China, People's Republic of, membership in the U.N., 

proposed U.N. draft resolution on, 117 
Colonial empire of, remarks and statement : Bingham, 

69, 73, 74 ; Stevenson, 211, 212 
Communism in, addresses (Mann), 503, 509 
Congo situation, Soviet activities and position, article 

and statements : Ball, 46 ; Rusk, 217 ; Stevenson, 304 
Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, 22d, address 

re (Mac.\rthur), 710 
Cuba, sponsorship in the U.N. of Cuban charges against 

OAS and the United States, statements and draft 

resolution : Stevenson, 556, 557, 684 ; resolution, 693 
Diplomatic contacts with U.K. and U.S. Ambassadors, 

joint communique (Kennedy, Macmillan), 94 
Disarmament. See Disarmament and Eighteen-nation 

disarmament committee, conference of 
Economic challenge of, address (Trezise), 592 
Foreign policy of, addresses : Hughes, 977 ; Rusk, 195 
Geneva conference on the discontinuance of nuclear 

weapon tests, proposals and actions re, 205, 288 
German problem, 424, 625 

Goa, invasion by India, veto of proposed Security Coun- 
cil res. on, statement ( Stevenson ) , 149 
Industrial and military aims of, address (Bowles), 371, 

Middle East, pressures on, address (Bowles), 765, 766 
Negotiating with, address, communique, and statements : 

Johnson, 251; Kennedy, 161; NATO, 51, 52; Rusk, 

123, 124, 127, 167 
New Year's greeting, exchange with U.S., 164 
Nuclear weapons and tests. See Nuclear headings 
Oil exports, statement (Nichols), 32 
Outer space, U.S.S.R.-U.S. cooperation in, proposals for, 

addresses, correspondence, and statement : Gardner, 

587, 591 ; Kennedy, 411, 536, 615 ; Khrushchev, 411 ; 

Plimpton, 812 ; Rusk, 903 

Peaceful coexistence, policy of, addresses : AchlUes, 324 ; 
Rusk, 934, 938 

Problems of, address (Bowles), 256, 258 

Release of Francis Gary Powers and Frederic L. Pryor, 
statements (Rusk), 359 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Exchanges In scientific, technical, educational, cul- 
tural, and other fields for 1962-63, agreement with 
U.S. for, 512, 652 

Soviet Union — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (19G0) 

on (with a reservation), 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
United Nations : 
Failure to pay share of peace-keeping operations In 
the Congo and Middle East, U.S. views, statements 
and message : Cleveland, 97 ; Kennedy, 312 ; Rusk, 
Strategy in, statements (Stevenson), 223, 319, 321, 
U.S. relations with, address and statement.^ : Boblen, 

652, 1017, 1018 ; Rusk, 903 
White House Press Secretary to visit, announcement, 

World trade proposal, statement (Rusk) , 971 
Sow, Oumar, 871 
Space. See Outer space 
Spain : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S. re close- 
out of account, 305 
Civil aviation convention, international, protocol (1961) 

to, 854 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 098 
Special Consultative Committee on Security (OAS) : 
Punta del Este resolution re establishment of, 279 
U.S. member, nominated, 591 
Special Fund, U.N. : 
FAO projects of, article (Phillip.?, Sohl), 395 
Surveys for raw materials financed by, address (Mc- 
Ghee), 726 
Special services program, agreement with Brazil re, 961 
Spring clothespins, decision against reopening escape- 
clause action on, 382 
Stainless steel flatware, decision against reopening escape- 
clause action on, 382 
Standards of living, world, address (Williams), 545 
State Advisory Committee to the Chief of Protocol, 4th 

meeting of, 382 
State Department (see also Agency for International De- 
velopment, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 
Foreign Service, and Peace Corps) : 
Activities of , address (Ball), 874, 875 
Ambassador at Large and President's special represen- 
tative (Bowles) : confirmation, 306; designation, 
Appointments and designations, 78, 118, 154, 189, 225, 

565, 698, 890, 962, 1002, 1042 
Assistant Secretaries of State, confirmations and resig- 
nation : Battle, 1041 ; Coombs, 926 ; Harriman, 438 ; 
Johnson, 926 ; Manning, 60S ; Martin, 926 
Atlantic Affairs, post of Deputy Assistant Secretary for 

established, 673 
Counselor (Rostow), confirmation, 438 
Domestic information program on foreign affairs, re- 
sponsibility for, address (Bowles), 208, 210 
Foreign policy briefing program and conferences, 104, 
208, 476, 549, 576, 961 

Index, January fo June 7962 


state Department — Continued 
Immigration laws, responsibilities in administration 

of , address (Cieplinski), 730 
Interdepartmental agreement with Commerce for com- 
mercial program within Foreign Service, 741 
Publications. See under Publications 
Relations with Congress, statement (Rusk), 126 
Resignations : Bontempo, 118 ; Coombs, 926 
Speech review procedures, remarks and statement: 

Ball, 513 ; Tubby, 518 
State Advisory Committee to the Chief of Protocol, 

4th meeting of, 382 
Under Secretary for Political Affairs, confirmation (Mc- 

Ghee), 306 
Under Secretary of State, confirmation (Ball), 30G 
"Victory," Department position re use of word, letter 
and statement : Ball, 1038 ; Rusk, 972 
State of the Union, address (Kennedy), 159 
Status of forces (NATO), agreements supplementing and 

implementing agreement on, 106, 189, 305 
Steeves, John M., 398 
Stevenson, Adlai E. : 
Address, remarks, and statements: 
Angola, U.S. position, 385, 390 
China, question of representation in U.N., 108 
Cuban and Soviet call on Security Council for World 

Court opinion on OAS action, 684 
Cuban charges of U.S. aggression and intervention, 

Freedom, Winds of, 210 

Goa, Indian use of force in, U.S. views on, 145 
Outer space, international cooperation in peaceful 

uses of, 180 
Tanganyika, membership in the U.N., 37 
United Nations: 

Decade of Development, 577 

Operations in the Congo, question of Security 

Council consideration of, 304 
U.S. policy, 317 
Letters : 

Disarmament negotiations, joint request with 
U.S.S.R. for U.N. services at coming conference, 
Space launchings, U.S. supplies information to U.N. 

on, 588 
U.N. General Assembly, 16th session, transmitting 
report on, 222 
U.S. representative to the U.N., confirmation, 398 
Stevenson, William E., 78, 306 
Stewart, C. Allan, 398 
Stockpiles, strategic, dispo.sal problem, statement (Blum- 

entbal), 999 
Student exchanges with Africa, address (Williams), 547, 

Subversive Activities Control Act, 179, 847 
Sugar : 
Cuban quota, determination of, proclamation, 34 
Dominican Republic, U.S. position on nonquota alloca- 
tion to, 34 
International sugar agreement (1958), 305, 654 
Summit conference, proposed (sec also Eighteen-nation 
committee, conference of: Heads of Government par- 
ticipation), statements (Rusk), 360, 462, 797, 798 

Supporting assistance, authorization request for FY 1963, 

message and statement : Kennedy, 551 ; Rusk, 663 

Surprise attack, prevention of, need for, statement 

(Rusk), 623 
Sweden : 

IMF, Sweden's commitment to, 187 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Civil aviation convention (1944), international, proto- 
col (1961) to, 654 
Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia, 

procfis-verbal extending, 350 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Proc&s-verbal extending declaration on provisional 
accession of Switzerland, 818 
IAEA, amendment of statute of, 106 
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migra- 
tion, withdrawal from, 511 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
Switzerland : 

GATT discussion of provisional accession of, 8 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Declaration and proces-verbal on provisional ac- 
cession to, 189, 350, 438, 817, 926 
Interim agreements, with schedules, 511 
Proces-verbal extending declaration on provisional 
accession of Tunisia, 818 
Reciprocal trade agreement (1936) with U.S., agree- 
ment modifying, 610 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. science attach^, appointment, 566 
Syrian Arab Republic : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement amending 1961 

agreement with U.S., 782 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 244 
Immigration quota, U.S. establishment of, 25 
Israel-Syrian Armistice Agreement, observance of, state- 
ment (Tost) and Security Council res., 735 
U.S. Ambassador: appointment, 35; confirmation, 306 
U.S. recognition, 25 

Taiwan. Sec China, Republic of 
Tanganyika : 

Independence of, congratulatory message (Kennedy), 3T 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, 817 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) and 

protocol on, 817 
GATT, admitted as contracting party to, 38 
GATT, declarations and protocols re, 350, 397, 398, 

4.38, 512, .'')06 
FAO constitutiou, 740 
UNESCO constitution, 782 
WMO constitution, 697 
U.N. membership, admission to, statement (Stevenson), 
37, 398 


Department of State Bulletin 

Tariff Commission, U.S. : 

Duties under proposed trade expansion act, 237, 341, 

Recommendations re escape-clause cases, 382, 649, 779, 
849, 883 
Tariff policy, U.S. (*'ee also Customs; Economic policy 
and relations ; Tariffs and trade, general agreement 
on ; and Trade) : 
Adjustment of, need for (see also Trade Expansion Act 
of 19G2, proposed) : addresses, message, and report: 
Ball, 669 ; Kennedy, 231, 239 ; MacArthur, 714 
Baseball gloves and mitts, decision against increasing 

duty on, 649 
Carpets, woven, decision to increase duty on, 649 
Ceramic tile, decision against increasing duty on, 649 
Common Market («ee also European Economic Com- 
munity) : 
Challenge to U.S. policy, addresses: Ball, 602; Ken- 
nedy, 162 ; Rusk, 195 
EEC and U.S. tariff schedules, comparison of, state- 
ment (Ball), 602 
Negotiations with under GATT, summary of, 561 
Glass, sheet, decision to increase duty on, 649 
History of, address (Coppock), 1028 
Lead and zinc, spring clothespins, stainless steel flat- 
ware, and safety pins, decision against action re, 
Political and economic aspects of, address (McGhee), 

Straight pins, decision against increasing duty on, 849 
Tariff classification system, act modernizing, statement 

(Kennedy), 1038 
Tung oil and tung nuts, decision against import quota 
on, 883 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on : 

Agreements, declarations, proc^s-verbaux, and proto- 
cols, current actions on : 
Accessions to : Cambodia, 696 ; Israel, 438, 690, 1041 ; 

Portugal, 696, 1041 ; Tanganyika, 38 
Annecy protocol of terms of accession to, 566 
Art. XVI : 4, declaration on extension of standstill 
provisions of and declaration giving effect to, 397, 
Art. XXIV, special protocol re, 512 
Australia, protocol replacing schedule I, 512 
Brazil, protocol relating to establishment of new 

schedule III, 350 
Ceylon, protocol replacing schedule VI, 512 
Cotton textiles, arrangements re international trade 

in, 38, 259, 431 
Declarations and procfes-verbaux on provisional ac- 
cessions of : Argentina, 397 ; Israel, 438 ; Switzer- 
land, 189, 3.50, 438, 817, 926 ; Tunisia, 189, 350, 397, 
817, 818, 926 
Declarations on relations with : Poland, 397 ; Yugo- 
slavia, 438 
EEC, agreements and joint declaration with, 512 
French text, protocol of rectification to, 397 
Geneva tariff conference (1960-61), interim agree- 
ments, with schedules, 511 
Haiti-U.S., interim agreement between, 1041 

Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued 
Agreements, declarations, etc. — Continued 

Less developed countries, declaration on promotion 

of trade of, 9 
Modifications to, protocols of, 512 
OTC, agreement on, 397 

Proci's-verbal of rectification concerning protocol 

amendment part I and articles XXIX and XXX, 

protocol amending preamble and parts II and III, 

and protocol of organizational amendments, 350 

Protocols amending part I and arts. XXIX and XXX 

and preamble and parts II and III, 397 
Protocols modifying arts. XIV, XXIV, part I and 

art. XXIX, part II and art. XXVI, 512 
Rectifications and modifications to texts of schedules, 
protocols of : 1st, 2d, and 3d protocols, 566 ; 4th 
and 5th protocols, 397 ; 6th, 7th, and 8th protocols, 
350 ; 9th protocol, 350, 818 
Rectifications to : 1st, 2d, and 3d protocols, 512 ; 4th 

and 5tb jjrotocols of, 566 
Suplementary concessions to, 6th protocol of, 398 
Torquay protocol, 566 

U.S., agreements providing compensatory concessions 
for certain tariff actions taken by, 512 
Cotton textile negotiations : 
Cotton Textile Committee : 

1st meeting, short-term arrangement of, statement 

(Martin), 219 
2d meeting : announcement and text of long-term 
arrangement, 430 ; U.S. delegate to, 259 
Geneva conference, results of, statement (Martin), 
General Agreement on Tariffs and, Trade: Analysis of 
United States Negotiations, volumes released, 565 
Geneva tariff negotiations (1960-61) : 
Publication on, released, 565 
Summary of, 561, 718, 1035 
U.S. concessions exchanged : 

Effective date for implementing, 1036 
Proclamation giving effect to, 848 
Recapitulation of, 565 
Ministerial meeting : 
Decisions of, Canadian-U.S. views on, 169 
Statements : Ball, 3 ; Gudeman, 6 
Text of declaration adopted, 9 
19th session of Contracting Parties: 
Text of declaration adoptetl, 9 
U.S. delegation report on, 7 
Relationship of U.S. oil imports program to U.S. agree- 
ments under, 31 
Riiles of and negotiations with, address (Trezise), 646, 

648, 649 
Strengthening of, cooperation in, messages (Ball, Bar- 
bosa da Silva), 118 
Tasca, Henry J., 52 
Taxation : 
Changes recommended to improve U.S. balance-of-pay- 

ments position, report (Kennedy), 2.39 
Double taxation, conventions for avoidance of. See 

Double taxation 
Revision of depreciation schedules for certain textile 
manufacturing equipment, 381 

ndex January to June 7962 


Technical aid to foreign coimtries. See Economic ana 

teclinical aid 
Technical Cooperation in Africa South of the Sahara, 
Commission for, work of, address (Williams), 845, 
Telecommunications : 

Communications satellites, 154, 183, 185, 186, 584, 589, 

811, 815 
Radio regulations (1959), with appendixes, annexed 
to international telecommunication convention 
(1959), 511 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international, 
with six annexes, 77, 106, 189, 305, 397, 511, 566, 890, 
Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision 1958) annexes 
to international telecommunication convention 
(1952) with appendixes and final protocol, 305 
Television channels along U.S.-Mexican border, agree- 
ments with Mexico re assignment and use, 818, 890 
Tennessee Valley Authority, 898 
Territorial sea and contiguous zone, convention (1958) 

on, 225, 854 
Terry, Luther L., 852 

Textile Administrative Committee, Interagency, 219 
Textiles : 
Cotton. See Cotton 

Hosiery and knitwear equipment, new depreciation 
schedules for, 381 
Thailand : 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of, agreement amending 

1956 agreement with U.S., 1002 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 6.54 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1961) on. 

IAEA, amendment to statute of, 397 
Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. re estab- 
lishment of, 350 
U.S. forces dispatched to, letter (Tost) and statements 

(Kennedy, SEATO, Thai), 904 
U.S. joint committee with, 499 
U.S. relations with, joint statement (Khoman, Busk), 

VOA broadcasts to, statement (Rusk), 377 
Thurston, Raymond L., 35, 306 
Tibet : 

Chinese Communist domination of, statement (Bing- 
ham), 74 
Refugees from, address (Cieplinski), 732 
Tin Council, International, 998 
Tobacco, trade in, address (Trezise), 885 

Ghanaian refugees, aid to, 102 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Geneva conventions relative to treatment of prisoners 

of war, wounded and sick, and civilians, 506 
Investment guaranties, agreement with U.S. relating 

to, 610 
Postal convention (19.57), universal, with final proto- 
col, annex, regulations of execution, and provisions 
re airmail, 782 


Togo — Continued 

Visit of President to U.S., joint communique (Kennedy, 

Olympic), 03.8 
Tourism. See Travel 
Tracking stations (Project Mercury) : 

Agreement with Chile for reactivation of, 77 
Cooperation with U.S.S.R. in development and use of, 

letter (Kennedy), 537 
U.S. participation with other nations in operation of, 
statement (Plimpton), 810, 812 
Trade (see also Agricultural surpluses. Commodity trade. 
Customs, Economic policy. Exports, Imports, and 
Tariff policy) : 
Developments in international trade, U.S.-Australian 
and ANZUS discussion of, statements: Kennedy, 
McEwen, 549 ; Rusk, 865, 867, 946, 947 
Economic interdependence, address (Ball), 365 
Laws and organizations pertaining to, address (Cop- 
pock), 770 772, 773, 774 
Less developed countries, need for promotion of, ad- 
dresses and statement : Ball, 598, 604 ; McGhee, 290; 
Rusk, 949 ; Weiss, 341 
Soviet policy, addresses : Hughes, 981 ; Mann, 507 
Trade and Atlantic partnership, remarks: Kennedy, 

906 ; Rusk, 909 
Treaties, agreements, etc.: { 

Bills of lading, international convention (1924) for 

unification of rules re, 303 
Commercial samples and advertising material, inter- 
national convention (1952) to facilitate the impor- 
tation of, 817 
Cotton textiles, arrangements (19G1) re international 

trade in, 259 
Reciprocal trade agreements with: Paraguay, 741; 
Switzerland, 610 

U.S. trade : 
Adjustment assistance. See Trade adjustment as- 
Expansion of: 

International trade services. State and Commerce 

Departments' program for, 741 
Need for, addresses: Ball, 416; McGhee, 682; Rusk, 

403, 404 ; Tubby, 16 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, proposed. See Trade 
Expansion Act of 1962 
Policy, addresses : Cleveland, 806 ; Coppock, 773, 958, 
1027 ; Johnson, 988 ; Kennedy, 823 ; MacArthur, 711, 
716 ; Trezise, 646 ; Rusk, 19, 195 


Africa, address (Williams), 642 

Cuba, embargo on, proclamation and statements: 

proclamation, 283; Rusk, 2S5, 287, 348 
EEC, {see also European Economic Community), 

volume of and negotiations, 561 
Japan, address and statement : Martin, 219 ; Trezise, 

Yugoslavia, statement (Rusk), 346 
World Trade Week, 1962, proclamation, 825 
Trade Act of 1934, proposed legislative changes, address 
(McGhee), 290 

Department of State Bulletin 

Trade adjustment assistance (see also Trade Expansion 
Act of 190:2, proiiosed) : 
Advisory Board, establishment of proposed, 342 
domestic business and labor benefit from: addresses 
and summary of : Johnson, 9!)2 ; Martin, 476, 479 ; 
Rusk, 406; summary, 345; Weiss, 342 
Program of proposed, address, message, and remarks 
(Kennedy), 237, 825, 908 
Trade Expansion Act of 1902. proposed : 
Addresses, remarks, and statements : Achilles, 328 ; Ball, 
367, 410, 597, 001, 669 ; Coppock, 428, 429, 774, 9.58,' 
1031; Johnson, 990, 991, 992; Kennedy, 162 23l' 
824, 826, 906, 908; JIacArthur, 715, 716; ai'artini 
471, 475, 477; McGhee, 289, 681, 727; Rostow, 830; 
Rusk, 404, 405, 860, 868, 900, 909. 910, 940 ; Trezise, 
648, 774, 884, 887 ; Weiss, 340, 1035 
Advantages and provision of, addresses and statement: 

Ball, 416, 597 ; Martin, 471, 475, 477 ; Rusk, 900 
Importance and goals of, address (Johnson), 990 991 

Legislation requested of Congress, message, report, and 
statement : Ball, .597 ; Kennedy, 231, 239 

Need for, addresses : Ball, 367 ; McGhee, 681, 727 • Rusk 
404, 405 

Presidential authority to negotiate tarife reductions, 
proposed : addresses and summary : Coppock, 958,' 
1031 ; summary of provisions re, 343 ; Trezise, 774 • 
Weiss, 340 

Reduction of trade barriers between EEC and U.S., 
proposal for, address and joint communique: Cop- 
pock, 774; Hallstein, Kennedy, 770 

Summary of, 343 

rrade and Economic Affairs. U.S.-Canadlan Committee 
on, 7th meeting : 
Announcement of and delegations, 105 
Test of communique, 168 
'rade Cooperation, Organization for, agreement on, 397 
'rampczynskl, Witold, 871 
'ravel : 

Foreign diplomatic representatives in U.S., State Ad- 
visory Committee's efforts to facilitate travel of 

Private road vehicles, customs convention (1954) on 
temporary Importation of, 38, 566, 782 

Road traffic, convention (1949) on, with annexes 77 
259, 610, 653, 782, 817 ' ' 

Touring, convention (1954) concerning customs facili- 
ties for, 566, 817 

reaties, agreements, etc., international {for specific 

treaty, see country or subject), current actions on 

. listed, 38, 77, 106, 154, 189, 225, 259, 305, 350, 397 438' 

482, 511, 566, 610, 653, 696, 740, 782, 817, 854, 889, 925* 

961, 1002, 1041 

reaty of Rome (see also European Economic Commu- 
nity), 599, 712, 770, 776 

rezise, Philip H. : 

Addresses and statements : 
Imports, 884 

Safety of life at sea convention, .520 
Soviet economic challenge, 592 
Trade policy, 646, 774 

t/ex, January to June 7962 

Trezise, Philip H.— Continued 
Addresses and statements — Continued 

U.S.-Japanese trade, 294 
Chairman of delegation to U.S.-Austrlan air transport 
negotiations, 718 
Trust territories, U.N. {see also individual territory) : 
Problem of, address (Ball), 634 

Self-government of, need for steps toward : statement 
(Bingham), 72; General A.ssembly res., 76 
Tshombe, Moise, 10, 137, 138, 709 
Tsiang, Tingfu F., 205 
Tubby, Roger W., 15, 213, 298, 518, 698 
Tung oil and tung nuts, decision against Import quota on 

Tunisia : 

Economic and social development : 

Discussions with U.S. officials on, 425 
Progress in, address (Williams), 171 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U S re 

Air services transit, international agreement, 817 
Civil aviation convention (1944), International, pro- 
tocol (1961) to, 6.54 
Declaration and proc&s-verbal on provisional acces- 
sion to, 189. 350, 397, 817, 818, 926 
Proces-verbal extending declaration on provisional 
accession of Switzerland, 818 
IAEA, amendment of statute of, 106 
Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. re estab- 
lishment, 482 
U.S. Food-for-Peace Program In, 151, 641 
Turkey : 
Economic development of : 
CENTO consideration of: communique, 526; state- 
ment (Rostow), 522 
NATO role, 52, 863 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Agricultural commodities, agreements with US 78 
306, 610 ' ' 

GATT, procfes-verbaux extending declarations on 
provisional accession of Switzerland and Tunisia 
Inventions relating to defense for which patent appli- 
cations have been filed, agreement for safeguard- 
ing, 740 
WMO constitution, 740 
U.S. aid program in, address (Tubby), 301 
Typewriter-ribbon cloth, understanding with Japan re ex- 
port to U.S. of, 697 

U.A.R. See United Arab Republic 

Uganda, progress toward Independence, address (Fred- 
ericks), 881 

UNEF. See United Nations Emergency Force 

UNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or- 
ganization, U.N. 

UNHCR. See United Nations High Commissioner for 

UNICEF. See United Nations Children's Fund 


Union Africaine et MalgJiche, organization and activities 
of, addresses and statement (Williams), 172, 722, 
843, 916 
United Arab Republic : 

Economic consultations with, statement (Rusk), 800 
Problems of development, address (Bowles), 7G6, 767 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S. re, 

438, 698, 818, 1002 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, proto- 
col (1961) to, 654 
Cultural exchange, agreement with U.S., 959 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 920 
United Kingdom : 

Aid to Africa, address (Williams), .')47 
Disarmament negotiations (see also Eighteen-nation 
committee, conference of), U.S.-U.K. joint com- 
munique and report re, 95, 409 
East African territories of, progress toward independ- 
ence, address (Fredericks), 881 
EEC membership, negotiations for. See European Eco- 
nomic Community : U.K. negotiations with 
Geneva conference of experts on detection of nuclear 
tests, Soviet repudiation of agreements of, U.K.- 
U.S. report on, 64 
Geneva conference on the discontinuance of nuclear 
weapon tests. See Geneva conference on the dis- 
continuance of nuclear weapon tests 
IMP, U.K. commitment to, 187 

Nuclear weapons tests (.see also under Nuclear test-ban 
treaty), U.K.-U.S. joint action and proposals, 94, 
Prime Minister, meetings with President Kennedy, joint 

communiques, 94, 802 
Relationship with Tanganyika, statement (Stevenson), 

Tarifif concessions, reciprocal, negotiated with U.S., 565 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural trade, agreement with U.S., 818 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, proto- 
col (19C1) to, 654 
Cotton textiles, arrangements (1961) re international 

trade in, 259 
Diplomatic relations, Vienna convention (1901) and 

protocol on, 817 

Interim agreements with schedules, 511 
Compensatory concessions under GATT for certain 

tariff actions taken by U.S., 512 
Proces-verba<ix extending declarations on provi- 
sional accession of Switzerland and Tunisia, 818 
IAEA, amendment of statute of, 106 
ICEM constitution, 511 

International telecommunication convention (1959) 
with annexes, extension to overseas territories of, 
Road vehicles, customs convention on temporary im- 
portation of, 500 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 

United Kingdom — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

Touring, convention concerning customs facilities for 

Wheat agreement, international, 926 
United Nations, consultations with U.S. re, 140, 204 
United Nations: | 

Addresses and remarks : Ball, 632, 876 ; Cleveland, 330 

Rusk, 489; Stevenson, 317 
African policy in, address (Fredericks), 883 
Cameroon-U.S. joint communique (Ahidjo, Kennedy; 

re views on, 543 
Congo problem, action on. See Congo situation 
Cuban activities in, statement (Rusk), 274 
Decade of Development : 

General Assembly designation of, letter (Stevenson) 

Role of economically developed countries in, addres 

(Ball), 673 
U.S. support of, addresses and message: Ball, 6.S6 
Kennedy, 578 ; Stevenson, 577 
Disarmament (see also Eighteen-nation disarmamen 
committee, conference of) : 
Economic and social consequences of, report on. 90 
U.N. consideration of, statement (Stevenson), 319 
Documents, ILsts of, 149, 436. 526, 609, 696, 738, 816, SS' 
Economic and social programs for underdeveloped cour 

tries, remarks (Rusk), 19 
Equality of member states, address (Cleveland), i<0 
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance, articl 

(Phillips, Sohl), 395 

Financing of : 

Assessment of member nations for emergency opera 

tions, ICJ opinion requested, U.N. application am 

U.S. position on, 97, 222, 311, 315, 435, 851 

Bond issue for operations in the Congo and Middli 

East : 

Authorization of by General Assembly, letter ( Stt 

venson), 222 

Need for, U.S. views, address, message, and statl 

ments : Cleveland, 96 ; Kennedy, 160, 578 ; Rowai 

380; Rusk, 362 

U.S. purchase of, authorization requested, messag 

and statements: Kennedy, 311; Rusk, 312, 318 

Stevenson, 317, 322 

Budget, addresses (Cleveland), 96, 334 

General Assembly. See General Assembly, U.N. 

OflBce of Secretary-General : 

General Assembly election of U Thant to act, lette 

(Stevenson), 222 

Significance of, statement (Stevenson), 322 

Outer space (see also Outer Space, U.N. Committee <M 

Peaceful Uses of), registry of outer-space laund 

ings, U.S. information for, address and lette 

(Gardner, Stevenson), 588 

Peace force (see also T'nited Nations Emergenc; 

Force), proposals for, statement and U.S. pro^ios 

treaty outline : Rusk, 622 ; text of treaty outlim 

747, 754, 757 

Peace observation corps, proposed, 754 

Peacekeeping operations of, addresses and statement 

Ball, 635; Cleveland, 96, OS, 806, 1020 


Deparfmenf of Sfate Bulletb 

Jnited Nations — Continued 
Security Council. See Security Council, U.N. 
Tanganyilia, admission to membership, 37, 398 
U.K.-U.S. consultatious on, 140, 204 
United Nations Day, 1962, proclamation, 853 
U.S. Representative to the European Office of U.N. and 
Other International Organizations, designation 
(Tubby), 698 
U.S. support of, addresses : Cleveland, 334 ; Kennedy, 
159; Rowan, 380; Rusk, 313, 902; Stevenson, 317 
West New Guinea problem : 

Appeal to Netherlands and Indonesia for negotiation 

of, statement (Department, Rusk), 203 
Release of text of Bunker proposals for negotiation 
of, 1039 
World Food Program, proposed, statement (Gardner), 
[Jnited Nations Children's Fund, FAO collaboration with, 

article (Phillips, Sohl), 395 
Dnited Nations Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer 
Space. See Outer Space, U.N. Committee on Peace- 
ful Uses of 
Jnited Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or- 
ganization. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization, U.N. 
[Jnited Nations Emergency Force : 
Activities of, addresses, Cleveland, 332, 333, 1020 
Financing of. See United Nations : Financing 
[Jnited Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 101, 102, 

731, 732 
[Jnited Nations Relief and Works Agency, U.S. support 

of, address (Cieplinski), 733 
anited Nations Special Fund, 395, 726 
[Jnited Nations Truce Supervision Organization, observa- 
tion on Israel-Syrian border, statement and Security 
Council res. re : Yost, 73.5, 736, 737 ; text of res., 737 
[Inited States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. 
See Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. 
[Jnited States citizens and nationals : 
Claims. See Claims 
Domestic and foreign responsibility of, address (Louch- 

heim), 337 
Racial equality for, address (Williams), 546 
United States Escapee Program, address (Cieplinski), 732 
United States Information Agency {see also Voice of 
America) : 
Expansion of program of, address (Bowles), 254 
Use of films as an informational media, remarks 
(Tubby), 214 
United States Mission to the United Nations, impor- 
tance of (Ball), 638 
United States National Aeronautics and Space Adminis- 
tration, training in space projects, statement (Plimp- 
ton), 811, 812 
Universal postal convention (1957), 225, 482, 782 
UXRWA. See United Nations Relief and Works Agency 
Upper Volta : 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, 053 
Geneva conventions (1949) on treatment of prisoners 
of war, wounded and sick, and civilians in time of 
war, 398 

Upper Volta — Continued 
International telecommunication convention (1959) with 
annexes, 305 
Uruguay : 
Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 890 
Punta del Este conference resolutions re Cuba, position 

on, 283 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 1042 
USIA. See United States Information Agency 

Vatican City : 

IAEA statute, amendment of article VI.A.3 of, 259 
Telecommunication convention (1959), international, 

with six annexes, 1002 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
VE-Day anniversary, greeting to Brazilian war veterans, 

message (Kennedy), 878 
Vernon, Edward M., 694 
Venezuela : 
Defense of democracy, congratulation to President of, 

letter (Kennedy), 1023 
Trade agreement with, relationship of U.S. oil imports 

program to, 31 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreement with U.S., 926 
Civil aviation convention (1944), international, proto- 
col (1961) to, 6.54 
IAEA statute, amendment to, 889 
Peace Corps, agreement with U.S. establishing, 1041 
Rice Commission, International, constitution (1953) 

of, 697 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 

on, 740 
Wheat agreement, international, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 398 
Visit of President and Mrs. Kennedy, remarks (Ken- 
nedy) and text of joint communique (Betancourt, 
Kennedy), 89 
"Victory," State Department position re use of word, letter 

and statement : Ball, 1038 ; Rusk, 972 
Viet-Nam : 

Communist aggression and activities in : 
ANZUS communique re, 870 
Campaign against social and economic progress in, 

address (Johnson), 54 
Guerrilla warfare of north Viet-Nam regime, ad- 
dresses (Rusk), 9.5, 449, 455 
Message of President Diem re, 13 
U.S. position. See infra 

United Nations, question of referral to, statement 
(Rusk), 243 
Economic development programs for, joint communique 

with U.S. on, 141 
Negotiations for settlement of problem of : 
Geneva Accords of 195i, 13, 14, 449, 450, 455 
Prospect of further negotiations, statement (Rusk), 
459, 461, 463 
New Tear greetings to, message (Kennedy), 377 

Index, January to June 1962 


Viet-Nam — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements witli U.S., 106, 

398, 9G1 
Safety of life at sea, international convention (1960) 
on, 740 
U.S. position and aid, addresses, message, and state- 
ments : Ball, 875 ; Bowles, 257 ; Kennedy, 13, 101 ; 
Rostow, 967, 968 ; Rusk, 12;^ 363, 455, 459, 868, 869, 
939 "^^ 

Viet-Nam, north, aggression against Republic of Viet- 
Nam. See Viet-Nam : Communist aggression 
Visas : 

Issuance of, address (Cieplinski) , 730 

Reciprocal waiver of visas and visa fees, agreements 

with : Belgium re, 1041 ; Korea, 1041 
Visa Office, Director of, designation (Moreland), 1042 
VGA. See Voice of America 

Vocational education program in Brazil, agreement ex- 
tending 19.50 agreement re, 901 
Voice of America : 

Lao and Thai language broadcasts to Southeast Asia, 

statement (Rusk), 377 
Latin America, increase in broadcasts to, address 

(Kennedy), 161 
20tb anniversary of, remarks (Rusk), 510 
Volta River project, 30 

Voluntary relief agencies, U.S., aid to Chinese refugees 
in Hong Kong, statement (Harriman), 994 

Wages, low wage countries, imports from, address (John- 
son), 991 
War, investment guaranties agreements relating to losses 

due to, 566 
Waters, Herbert J., 698 

Weapons production program (see also Military equip- 
ment), agreement with Netherlands, 225 
Weather (see aiso World Meteorological Organization) : 
Forecasting, cooperation in development of, remarks 

(Cleveland), 694 
Weather satellites. See under Satellites 
Weaver, George L. P., 1040 
Weiss, Leonard, 340, 1032 
West Indies, The : 
Dissolution of the Federation of, proposed, 438 
Jamaica, Peace Corps program, agreement with U.S. 
re establishment of, 482 
West Nevf Guinea, dispute between Netherlands and In- 
donesia over : 
ANZUS Council communique, 870 
Appeal of U.N. Secretary-General for negotiation of, 

statements (Department, Rusk), 203 
Bunker proposals for negotiating: statement (Rusk), 

975 ; text of, 1039 
General Assembly res., 76 

Threat of use of force in, statement (Rusk) , 125 
U.S. views, statements : Bingham, 74 ; Rusk, 4G1, 864 
Western Europe. See Europe : Western Europe 

Western Powers (France, U.K., U.S.). See Berlin ano 

inflividttal countries 
Western Samoa, Trust Territory of : 
Independence for, address (Rusk), 944 
Road traffic, convention (1949) on, with annexes, 77 
Whaling convention (1946), international, and scheduU 

of regulations, 154, 350, 890, 1041 
Wheat : 

Cyprus, memorandum of understanding re sale of anc 

use of proceeds, 305 
EEC-U.S. trade in, negotiations re, 564 
International wheat agreements (1959), 259; (1962) 
926, 1041 
White, Lincoln, 10 
White, Thomas D., 591 
WHO. See World Health Organization 
Wiesner, Jerome B., 6.50 
Williams, G. Mennen : 

Addresses and statement relating to Africa : 

Challenge to youth and American enterprise, 60, 544. 

Congo situation, U.S. position on, 136 
Health Frontier of the Developing Nations, 26 
Progress in newly independent states of, 170 
Regional groupings within mid-Africa, 841 
Role of agriculture in development of, 639 
Strengthening of friendship and cooperation with, 
Consulate at Stanleyville, opened by, 853 
Visit to 10 countries of Africa, announcement, 722 
WMO. See World Meteorological Organization 
Women, free-world cooperation among, remarks (Louch 

heim), 921 
Woodward, Robert F., 698 
World Bank. See International Bank 
World Court. See International Court of Justice 
World Food Program ( FAO/U.N. ) : 

Initiation of program, article (Phillips, Sohl), 392, 393, 

U.S. support of, statement (Gardner), 150 
World Health Organization : 

Africa, health programs in, address (Williams), 27, 29 
Constitution (1946) of, 607, 740 
15th Assembly, U.S. delegation, 852 
World Meteorological Organization : 

Commission for Synoptic Meteorology of, 3d session, 
announcement, remarks (Cleveland), and U.S. dele- 
gation, 094 
Convention of, ISO, 305. 560, 697. 7S2 
Weather satellites. See under Satellites 
Wounded and sick in time of war, Geneva conventions 
relative to treatment of, 566 

Yemen, UNESCO constitution. 1002 
Yost, Charles W., 398, 735, 905 

Youth of America, African challenge, address (Williams), 


Department of State Bulletin 

Jugoslavia Yugoslavia — Continued 

GATT consideration of relationship with, 8 U.S. claims against, negotiation of, 847 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Agricultural commodities, agreements with U.S., 106, U.S. policy toward, statements (Rusk), 340, 489 

890, 1041 

Civil aviation convention, international, protocol Zanderij Airport in Surinam, agreement with Netherlands 

(1961) to, 854 re U.S. use of, 890 

GATT, declaration on relations with contracting , , ^ .^ • • -4. ■ i 

' Zinc and lead, decision against reopemng escape-clause 

parties, 438 ,. ooo 

« , J,.^ . • ,. i.- , ^- ,-,nrn\ action on, 382 
Safety of Life at sea, international convention (19G0) 

on 740 Zorin, Valerian, 205n. 


Publication 7445 

Released January 1963 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, tJ.S. Oovernment Printing Offlce 
Washington 25, D.C. - Price 30 cents 



XJ . t- >vl c 



Vol. XLVI, No. 1175 


WORLD • Statements by Under Secretary Ball and 
Under Secretary of Commerce Edward Gudeman, U.S. Delega- 
tion Report, and Text of Declaration 3 


OPMENT • Remarks by Secretary Rusk and Address 

by William T. Nunley 18 


NATIONS OF AFRICA • by Assistant Secretary 
Williams 26 


Assistant Secretary Tubby 15 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1175 • Publication 7319 
January 1, 1962 

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Issues Facing GATT in the New Trading World 

The Contracting Parties to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade met at Geneva for a 
ministerial meeting November 27-30 and for their 
19th session November 13-Decemher 9} Follow- 
ing are statements made during the ministenal 
m,eeting iy Under Secretary of State George W. 
Ball, U.S. ministerial rejyresentative, and hy Under 
Secretary of Comnnerce Edioard Gudemnn, vice 
chairman of the U.S. ministerial delegation, to- 
gether with a report of tlie U.S. delegation to the 
19th session issued on December 9 and text of a 
U.S. declaration on 'prom,otion of trade of less de- 
veloped countries adopted at the ministerial meet- 
ing and at the 19th session. 


Press release S72 dated December 11 

Reduction of Tariff Barriers to Trade 

In the 14 years of its life tliis organization has 
been extremely fortunate in having as its Execu- 
tive Secretary a very remarkable man who has 
served us both as mentor and conscience, and I 
should like on behalf of the United States delega- 
tion — and I am sure that in this respect I can 
speak for all of us assembled here — to express 
our thanks to Mr. Eric Wyndliam White for his 
very large part in the organization of this meeting 
as well as for his valiant and patient toils over the 
years on behalf of the principles of liberal trade. 
I may say that he is the yoimgest elder statesman 
on record. 

I should like also to say that we of the United 
States delegation feel a sense of ui-gency about 
getting on to the conclusion of the Dillon round 
of negotiations, and it is our hope that, during the 
course of this meeting, in the conversations that we 

* For an annoiincement of the meetings, see Bttlletin 
of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 947. 

may have with ministers assembled here we shall 
on our part be able to reach substantial conclu- 
sions on the various items which are left unsettled. 
I would hope that this could be the case for all of 
the other members of the GATT, so that this 
round can be brought to a conclusion. 

In the 14 years that the GATT has been in exist- 
ence the world has seen many changes and the 
trading patterns of the world have shifted and 
clianged and altered their form very substantially. 
In the early days of the GATT we were still 
experiencing the slow and painful recovery from 
a shattering war. Since that time we have had 
a new phenomenon to deal with, a very hopeful 
one, the emergence on the world scene of a great 
number of new nations achieving sovereignty and 
independence for the first time and becoming most 
useful members of the society of nations. While 
this has added a complication, it also affords an 
additional promise to our work here in trying 
together to bring about the expansion and im- 
provement of world trade. 

The other principal circumstance which has 
arisen and which becomes a new element in the 
equation of trade liberalization is, of course, the 
development of the European Economic Com- 
munity itself, and now the possibility of a sub- 
stantial further expansion of the Community by 
the adhesion of the United Kingdom and possibly 
of other govermnents. This is a development 
which is of direct interest not merely to those 
nations which are participating in this great ex- 
perience but also to all of the trading nations of 
the world. The size, the importance, the very 
special position which the Community must 
necessarily play in world commerce and in the 
negotiating process which could lead to trade 
expansion is obviously something of the very high- 
est significance. 

I think, therefore, that this is a very good time 
for us assembled here today to begin to think 
seriously about trying to adapt some of our 

January 1, 7962 

techniques and some of our ideas with regard to 
trade liberalization to the new realities of what 
is essentially a new trading world, having a differ- 
ent size and shape and form from any trading 
world that we have known before. We are very 
fortunate, I think, that the GATT is such a flexible 
instrument. We are very fortunate that it has 
been so wisely led as to preserve that essential 
element of flexibility. I think that through the 
GATT we should be able, by the pooling of the 
experience of all of us, to develop some new and 
extremely useful ideas. 

For our own part, speaking as the delegate from 
the United States, I may say that we are engaged 
in a very careful reexamination of our policies. 
We are looking quite seriously at the possibilities 
of shaping new legislation which will provide new 
tools for the United States Executive to enable us 
to play our part in the development of new policies 
through the GATT and the adoption of those 
policies through the multilateral mechanism which 
the GATT provides. I would hope that within a 
very short time we can disclose in some detail the 
exact form of the proposals which the President 
will be making to the United States Congress. 
But I can say that they will be adapted to the new 
realities of the trading world as we see them. 

This is a time I think for the development of 
new teclmiques. But it is certainly no time for the 
abandonment of old and steadfast principles. 
I may say that the eternal verities of trade liberal- 
ization are three so far as we are concerned : the 
negotiation of trade liberalization through a multi- 
lateral mechanism, the preservation and the 
application assiduously and consistently of the 
principle of nondiscrimination, that is, the most- 
favored-nation principle, and, finally, the primacy 
of the GATT in the reaching of arrangements for 
the expansion of trade through the negotiating 
process. These principles we urge upon this meet- 
ing here today as having a very special character 
and as being of very special value. 

I think that we should not lose the momentum 
that we have created over the years. I think that 
with the prospective conclusion of the present 
round of negotiations we should be thinking very 
seriously of plans for imdertaking a further 
negotiating round. In that connection I think 
we may need techniques which are better adapted 
to the conditions which we face in the world today. 
There are obviously a whole new set of ideas which 

have been introduced withm the past few years, 
to a considerable extent through the developments 
of the techniques of the Kome Treaty. These in- 
clude the possibility of linear cuts, of weighted 
averages, and other techniques which might be 
applied to assist a successful negotiation. I do 
not think we should prejudge at this point what 
techniques should be the most useful to us all. 
But I should think that it would be useful if the 
Contracting Parties in the course of this meeting 
would direct the undertaking of a study of plans 
for a new round of tariff negotiations and the 
development of techniques appropriate for today's 
world which may be employed in the course of 
those negotiations. 


Press release 873 dated December 11 

Obstacles to the Trade of Less Developed Countries 

For a decade the attention of many of the eco- 
nomically advanced countries of the world has 
been focused on the problem of providing assist- 
ance to the less developed countries in their efforts 
to improve their standards of living and to ad- 
vance their economies. As a part of this effort 
very substantial capital siuns have been made 
available and a very substantial effort of technical 
assistance has been provided. I think, however, 
that, in our emphasis on the provision of foreign 
assistance or capital for development purposes, 
we have failed to place adequate emphasis on the 
equally important problem of the provision of 
markets for the less developed countries as they 
begin to move ahead in their development and as 
they begin to increase their production not only 
of primary products but also of simple man- 

My colleagues have just d&scribed to me the very 
powerful statement which the distinguished Min- 
ister for Commerce of Sweden, Mr. [Gunnar] 
Lange, made a few moments ago, when I was un- 
fortunately out of the room, with regard to the 
essential nature of the problem which we are fac- 
ing in ti-ying to find ways and means to assist in 
the problem of access to the markets of the world 
for the production of the less developed coimtries. 
Three years ago, as has been mentioned here this 
morning, the GATT ministers first took note of 
this serious problem. Since that time it is possible 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

,o find some improvement in the export earnings 
)f the less developed countries. In spite of con- 
inuing adverse trends in commodity prices, there 
las been progress in diversification, there has been 
progress in expanding the volume of the exports 
)f the less developed countries. There have also 
jeen — and this is something which my own Gov- 
jniment has recently begim to play a significant 
jart in — increased efforts to deal with the prob- 
ems of commodity prices and efforts to find ways 
md means of bringing a greater stability into 
;hose price structures. But I suggest that there 
las been wholly inadequate progress in terms of 
;hose measures which were principally recom- 
nended by GATT Committee III, that is, the re- 
axations of tariffs and of nontariff measures 
vhich tend to impede the access of the less devel- 
)ped countries to world markets. And so I would 
propose this morning that we take very serious 
iccount of this problem and that we try to find 
;he ways of giving new impetus to a search for 

The United States delegation has put forward a 
Iraft resolution which we commend to this body, 
[n this resolution we set forth the reasons why it 
s necessary for us to seek a solution to the problem 
)f finding markets for the less developed coim- 
ries. We suggest some guiding principles that 
night be followed by the economically advanced 
countries in furthering this effort, and we express 
;he very specific responsibility which is the part 
)f the economically advanced countries in seeking 
iuch solution. The decision as to the procedures 
;hat should be established to develop concrete pro- 
p-ams of action is one which I think we must take 
;^ery quickly. I would suggest perhaps that Com- 
nittee III might be asked to take steps and make 
recommendations that are necessary to strengthen 
)ur authority to follow this problem and to de- 
velop specific programs. 

I would like on behalf of my Government to 
jxpress our interest in and our support for the 
proposal put forward by the Nigerian delegation, 
riiis is a proposal which looks toward the problem 
jf access for tropical products specifically. It is 
^uite consistent with some initiatives which the 
Qnited States Government has itself taken in this 

The problem of primary products is of course 
only part of the problem. Quite obviously, as 
countries move into the early stages of develop- 

ment, they are interested in the development of 
manufactures, and, as was suggested a moment 
ago, the pi'oduction of cotton textiles is almost a 
classical example of a labor-intensive manufacture 
wliich is adapted to the resources of many less 
developed countries. Last summer we had some 
experience in trying to find an interim solution to 
this problem, and, as you know, the GATT is pres- 
ently undertaking to guide a group which is seek- 
ing a longer term solution for the textile problem.^ 
In seeking that solution let me say that, so far 
as the United States is concerned, we put great 
emphasis on the need for increasing access for the 
production of the less developed countries. This 
will, I can assure you, be the guiding principle 
which the United States Government will follow 
in its work in this body. We have not only the 
problem of providing access for simple manu- 
factures ; we have the broader problem of dealing 
with the tarifl' questions so far as they affect the 
less developed coimtries, and I think that here we 
have to be very clear that the principles of reci- 
procity which may govern the dealings between 
the economically advanced countries may not be 
altogether as faithfully followed as in the dealings 
between economically advanced countries and the 
less developed countries. There is obviously room 
for some flexibility. 

Another aspect of this problem which I think 
we should all give some attention to is the question 
not merely of providing access to markets by the 
reduction or elimination of national obstacles in 
the form of tariffs, quotas, or the other familiar 
paraphernalia of trade restriction, but there should 
be a very serious effort on the part of the economi- 
cally advanced countries to provide assistance to 
the export industries of the less developed coun- 
tries, to assist them to improve their production, 
and, quite as important, to assist them in improv- 
ing their marketing methods. On the part of the 
United States Government let me say that we are 
prepared to provide technical assistance in this 
matter and we feel that this is a situation in which 
efforts of this kind can be very fruitful indeed. 

Along with this goes the problem of assisting the 
less developed countries to meet the sanitary re- 
quirements of the economically advanced countries 
and to comply with the specifications and require- 

' For background, see Hid., Aug. 21, 1961, p. 336 ; Sept 
25, 1961, p. 528 ; Nov. 6, 1961, pp. 773 and 776 ; and Nov. 
27, 1961, p. 906. 

January 1, J 962 

ments which have been imposed by these countries 
for I'easons of public health or similar reasons. 
Here, again, there is a tendency on the part of 
some governments to use the sanitary restrictions 
as a restrictive device. I may say that this is some- 
thing which the United States Government has 
tried strenuously to avoid, and I would suggest 
that it is not a practice which should be continued 
by any of the governments. 

These are only some of the problems which I 
think it is important for us to give attention to 
here tliis morning. Along with the development 
of markets for the primary production of the 
less developed countries, we have, as I mentioned 
a moment ago, the problem of bringing some 
stability into the price structure. This also is 
something which should, I think, represent a co- 
ordinated effort on the part of the economically 
advanced countries, and my Government is pre- 
pared to work very seriously on this matter 
through the appropriate agencies of the United 
Nations, the OAS [Organization of American 
States], the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organi- 
zation], and so on. 

These represent a few of the comments which 
we would like to make at this point on this very 
important problem. We have, as I say, put for- 
ward a resolution, and I would hope that this body 
might give serious attention to that resolution since 
it seems to us to express some veiy useful ideas as 
to the appropriate ways and means by which this 
very important question can be approached. 


Press release 874 dated December 11 

Trade in Agricultural Commodities 

One of the most difficult and fundamental prob- 
lems facing us is that of trade in agi-icultural 
products. The time is long overdue for us to 
come to grips with this problem. The challenge 
this problem presents to GATT is basic. Wliat is 
at issue is whether countries are prepared to co- 
operate in their own and in the common interest. 

While great progress has been made in the re- 
moval of restrictions on trade in manufactured 
items, relatively little progress has been made 
as regards trade in agricultural products. Quan- 
titative restrictions, state trading, mixing require- 
ments, and other devices are still extensively 

applied to limit trade in agricultural products. 
Tlie third report of GATT Committee II describes 
the wide range of restrictive devices employed ia 
the agricultural field. The report indicates the 
adverse consequences to resource use in the protect- 
ing countries, to economic development in the ex- 
porting countries, and to the continuance of 
GATT as a trade-expansive body if these pro- 
tective devices continue. The longer these 
restrictions remain, the more deep-seated and en- 
trenched they become and the more difficult they 
will be to remove. 

We are disturbed not only over the existing re- 
strictions but also at the tendencies toward even 
increased agricultural protectionism. We hope in 
particular that the EEC, one of the world'si 
greatest agricultural markets, will not adopt poli- 
cies or measures insulating the Community from 
the world market in agricultural commodities. 

We are concerned because of adverse effects noti 
only on our own trade but also on trade of other' 
countries, notably the less developed countries, 
which must have access to markets if their legiti- 
mate aspirations are to be achieved. 

We are pleased to hear the remarks of other; 
speakers recognizing this problem and urging that 
a solution to it be found. Wliile it is not clear 
what form the solution should take, it is clear 
that some form of international approach isi 

We welcome therefore the suggestions made by 
the representatives of France, of Germany speakn 
ing for the EEC, and of other countries, most 
recently New Zealand, that this problem be studied 
to see what the possibilities for action may be. 
We urge that the Contracting Parties establish 
procedures for tlie development of proposals to 
serve as a basis for the negotiation of practical 
measures to permit access to markets for inter- 
national commodities. These procedures should 
provide for the establishment of such groups as 
may be necessary for this purpose. My Govern- 
ment would be agi-eeable to beginning this work 
with an examination of the possibilities for solu- 
tion of the problem of cereals as proposed by the 
representative of France. However, it should be 
understood at the outset that possible solutions in 
any other agricultural commodity where there is 
an access problem, not just in wheat, should be 

It should be understood, also, that the United 
States could not consider these possible solutions 

Department of Stale Bulhtin 

as substitutes for a reasonable settlement of the 
agricultural issues in the current Geneva tariff 

We are not prepared at this time to judge what 
is the right solution to the problem of access to 
agricultural markets. Indeed there is likely to 
be more than one answer. We should like to 
emphasize, however, that, whatever the solution 
may prove to be, it should be one which will, first, 
provide substantially increased access to the 
markets of importers of agricultural commodities ; 
second, take into account the legitimate interests 
of botli importers and exporters; and, third, rest 
upon the fundamental principles of the GATT. 

The purpose of these remarks has not been to 
direct undue criticism at any country or group of 
countries but to empliasize the conviction of my 
Government that it is imperative to take steps to 
free agricidtural trade from many of the restric- 
tive devices now impeding this trade. The prob- 
lem is not easy to solve, but fundamental problems 
rarely are. The very complexity of the whole area 
of agricultural trade, and the importance of agri- 
cultural production and trade to the social, eco- 
nomic, and political fabric of most of our 
countries, highlight the urgency of our getting 
on with the job. 


Prpss release 871 dated December 11 

New procedures for future tariff reductions, 
special measures to achieve broader access to world 
markets for agricultural products, and intensified 
efforts to expand the export earnings of less de- 
veloped countries were the central topics con- 
sidered by the Contracting Parties to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) at their 
19tli session, which ended in Geneva on December 
9. Each of these matters has been the object of 
intensive study by the Contracting Parties under 
their Program for the Expansion of Trade. They 
were further considered at the GATT ministerial 
meeting on November 27-30, and, in accordance 
with decisions adopted by the ministers, the Con- 
tracting Parties approved action programs for 
intensified efforts to expand world trade. 

Meeting from November 13 to December 9, con- 
tracting parties and governments associated with 
the GATT called a recess in their regular session 
so that trade ministers might meet to provide the 

necessary additional policy guidance for further 
steps to carry forward the GATT's trade expan- 
sion program. 

Tlie U.S. ministerial representative was Greorgo 
W. Ball, Under Secretary of State. Edward 
Gudeman, Under Secretary of Commerce, was 
vice chairman of the U.S. ministerial delegation. 
The chairman of the U.S. delegation to the 19th 
session was Joltn W. Evans, U.S. Eepresentative 
on the GATT Council of Kepresentatives. 

In addition to work related to the ministerial 
meeting, the Contracting Parties at their 19th 
session dealt with an extensive agenda of some 60 
topics, including such matters as regional eco- 
nomic arrangements, quantitative import restric- 
tions, the application of GATT trading rules to 
Japan by all contracting parties, and the welcom- 
ing of a new nation — Tanganyika — as the 40th 
contracting party to the GATT. 

Perhaps the most far-reaching actions taken 
by the Contracting Parties, however, were those 
directed to ministerial conclusions on the trade 
problems identified in the work of the Program 
for the Expansion of Trade and the new tasks 
arising from these conclusions. 

The ministers reaffirmed their confidence in the 
General Agreement as the basis for the trading 
relationships of their countries and agreed that 
steps should be taken to increase its effective ap- 
plication in the three fields of action (tariff re- 
duction, trade in agriculture, and trade with the 
less developed countries) which were submitted 
to the ministers for their consideration. The min- 
isters adopted four conclusions, together with 
recommendations for additional action by the 
Contracting Parties : 

(1) The multilateral reduction of tariffs on a 
most-favored-nation basis should be continued, 
but new techniques should be adopted, suited to 
the changes that had taken place in world trading 
relationships. In this connection one of the 
tecliniques most prominently mentioned by min- 
isters was some form of across-the-board or linear 
tariff negotiation. Accordingly, the Contracting 
Parties established a working party on procedures 
for tariff reduction, which will meet in the near 
future to examine new procedures and techniques 
for the further reduction of tariffs on a most- 
favored-nation basis. 

(2) Having expressed great concern over the 
degree and extent of agricultural protectionism, 
the ministers requested that the Contracting Par- 

January ?, 1962 

ties adopt procedures designed to form the basis 
for the negotiation of "practical measures for the 
creation of acceptable conditions of access to world 
markets for agricultural commodities." The Con- 
tracting Parties decided that the work would be 
coordinated by the GATT Council of Representa- 
tives and that a first step would be taken in early 
February of 1962 with a preliminary examination 
of possibilities for a solution of the problem of 
trade in cereal products. The GATT Council is 
expected to initiate discussion of other commodi- 
ties at its February meeting. 

(3) The ministers' discussion of obstacles to the 
trade of less developed countries reflected wide- 
spread concern that the present rate of growth 
of the export earnings of the less developed 
countries is not keeping pace with the growth of 
their foreign exchange requirements and recog- 
nition that aid can be no substitute for trade in 
the financing of economic development. Accord- 
ingly the ministers adopted a U.S. -sponsored 
declaration on promotion of the trade of less 
developed countries. The declaration recognizes 
the need for a special effort by all governments to 
expand the export earnings of the less developed 
countries, particularly through providing im- 
proved access to markets, and sets forth certain 
guiding principles to this end. The ministers 
further agreed that their governments should ob- 
serve these principles as fully as possible, with the 
aim of reducing obstacles to the trade of the less 
developed countries in the near future. More- 
over, in response to an appeal from the less 
developed countries for some concrete measures 
of assurance that early progress will be made, the 
ministers asked the Contracting Parties to draw 
up specific programs of action for the reduction 
of trade barriers and to establish procedures for 
keeping under review the actions taken by indi- 
vidual governments to improve market oppor- 
tunities for the less developed countries. 

Besides adopting the declaration on the pro- 
motion of trade of less developed countries, the 
Conti-acting Parties agreed that preliminary 
arrangements for future action programs envis- 
aged by the ministers would be undertaken at a 
meeting of the GATT's Committee III prior to 
February. The Contracting Parties also accepted 
the conclusion of most of the ministers that the 
question of duty-free entry for tropical products 
should be given cai-eful consideration. 

Finally the ministers considered the situation 
resulting from the fact that the GATT was not 
being applied to trade relations between Japan 
and some of the contracting parties. Some min- 
isters expressed the hope that early action could be 
taken by the contracting parties concerned to en- 
able Japan to participate fuUy in the GATT and 
agreed that such action would greatly add to the 
effectiveness of the GATT. The United States 
strongly supported this conclusion. 

Other noteworthy trade policy matters before 
the Contracting Parties were regional trading ar- 
rangements, mcluding the European Economiei 
Community (EEC), the European Free Trade 
Association (EFTA), and the Latin American 
Free Trade Area (LAFTA) ; programs designed 
to eliminate or significantly reduce quantitative 
import restrictions still imposed by some contract- 
ing parties ; reviews of waivers of GATT obliga- 
tions granted to certain contracting parties, in- 
cluding the United States; an extension of the^ 
arrangements for the provisional accession ofl 
Switzerland to the GATT; special arrangements 
to give newly independent states, chiefly of Africa, 
full opportunity to determine their future rela- 
tions to the GATT ; a review of the progress Yugo- 
slavia has made toward arrangements which would 
permit her to apply the GATT's rules of trade 
conduct; a request by the United States that thei 
Contracting Parties consider the special problem i 
of applying the GATT to international trade in 
television programs; and a new free-trade area< 
established between Sarawak and North Borneo. 
Decisions were also taken agreeing to the accession 
to the GATT of Israel and Portugal upon thei 
completion of certain formalities relating to tariff! 
negotiations both countries completed durmg the' 
1960-61 GATT tariff conference. 

In addition to agreeing upon a program of meet- 
ings and the GATT budget for 1962, the Con- 
tracting Parties elected their officers for next year. 
The new chairman will be W. P. H. Van Ooi-schot 
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The vice 
chairmen will be J. B. Daramola of Nigeria and 
J. H. Warren of Canada. 

Mr. Evans, chairman of the U.S. delegation to 
the 19th session, was assisted by two vice chairmen, 
Leonard Weiss, Director, Office of International 
Trade, Department of State, and William Dale, 
Director, Bureau of International Programs, De- 
partment of Commerce; two congressional ad- 


Department of State Bulletin 

visers, Cecil K. King and Herman T. Sclineebeli, 
House of Representatives; and a special adviser, 
William E. Dowling, Commissioner, U.S. Tariff 
Commission. Otlier members of the U.S. delega- 
tion were drawn from the Departments of State, 
Treasury, Agriculture, Commerce, Interior, and 



Developed Countries 

1. The Contracting Parties recognize that there is 
need for rapid and sustained expansion in the export 
earnings of the less-developed countries If their develop- 
ment is to proceed at a satisfactory pace. They recog- 
nize the magnitude of the tasli before the governments of 
those countries in increasing per capita incomes and rais- 
ing the standard of living of their peoples. To achieve 
these ends, increasing amounts of foreign exchange will 
be required for financing the imports needed to sustain 
and develop the economy. Although international aid 
is now and will continue to be essential in covering these 
needs, aid can be no substitute for trade. In the final 
analysis, economic development will have to be paid for 
from the earnings of the countries concerned. 

2. The export trade of the less-developed countries is 
not growing at a pace commensurate with the growth of 
their foreign exchange needs or with the growth of world 
trade generally. The Contracting Parties accordingly 
recognize the need for a conscious and purposeful effort 
on the part of all governments to promote an expansion 
in the export earnings of less-developed countries through 
the adoption of concrete measures to this end. The suc- 
cess of the efforts of developing countries will depend to 
a great extent upon their ability to find the necessary mar- 
kets. Accordingly, contracting parties should reduce to 
a minimum restrictions inhibiting access to markets for 
the export products of the less-developed countries. The 
governments of the major industrialized areas, on whose 
markets the less-developed countries must necessarily 
largely depend, recognize a particular responsibility in 
this respect. 

3. The Contbactino Parties agree that, if the needs of 
the less-developed countries for enlarged and diversified 
export trade are to be met, these countries must develop 
trade in other than traditional products. They note that 
some developing countries already have the investment 
and technological resources for the processing of raw 
materials and are able to produce eflSeiently some manu- 
factured goods. They recognize that it is desirable that countries and others possessing the necessary ma- 
terials and skills be provided with increased opportunities 
to sell in world markets the industrial goods which they 
can economically produce, and urge that governments give 

^ For the members of the U.S. delegations to the minis- 
terial meeting and to the 19th session, see Department of 
State press release 773 dated Nov. 9. 

special attention to ways of enlarging these opportunities. 
4. The Contracting Parties recognize that govern- 
ments can contribute to the general objectives outlined 
above by observing the following principles and taking 
into account the following facts regarding tariff and non- 
tariff measures affecting access to markets. 

(a) Quanlitative restrictions. Governments should 
give immediate and special attention to the speedy removal 
of those quantitative Import restrictions which affect the 
export trade of less-developed countries. Where it Is 
necessary for a government to maintain such restrictions 
under appropriate provisions of the GATT, it should apply 
them in a non-discriminatory manner causing the mini- 
mum hindrance to international trade, pursue policies 
designed to remove the underlying conditions requiring 
the use of such restrictions and, pending their elimination, 
give careful and sympathetic consideration to progressive 
increases in quotas. Contracting parties which are in 
process of moving out of balance-of-payments difficulties 
should take particular care that liberalization benefits are 
extended in the fullest measure to the trade of less- 
developed countries, having regard to the urgent need for 
helping these countries attain rapid, self-sustaining 

(b) Tariffs. Governments should give special attention 
to tariff reductions which would be of direct and primary 
benefit to less-developed countries. In this connexion, 
they should consider the elimination of tariffs on primary 
products important in the trade of less-developed coun- 
tries. They should also consider reducing thofse tariffs 
which differentiate disproportionately between processed 
products and raw materials, bearing in mind that one 
of the most effective ways in which less-developed coim- 
tries can expand their employment opportunities and in- 
crease their export earnings is through processing the 
primary products they produce for export. 

(e) Revenue duties. Fiscal charges, whether imposed 
as tariff duties or internal taxes, may inhibit efforts 
directed towards increasing consumption of particular 
products important in the trade of less-developed coun- 
tries and, even where applied equally to imports and to 
competing domestic products, can be a serious obstacle 
to the expansion of trade. The Contracting Parties 
appreciate that adjustments in a fiscal system may be a 
complex matter, with important financial, economic and 
other consequences which have to be taken into account. 
Bearing in mind, however, the urgent development needs 
of less-developed countries and the current financial and 
economic .situation in the industrialized countries mainly 
concerned, they agree that the removal or considerable 
reduction of revenue duties and fiscal charges in indus- 
trialized countries would be a useful contribution to the 
foreign exchange earning capacity of less-developed ex- 
porting countries. 

(d) State trading. Access to markets for products of 
the type studied by Committee III should not be unnec- 
essarily impeded through the operations of State import 
monopolies or purchasing agencies. For many products 
exported by less-developed countries, the prices charged 
on resale by some State monopolies, whether in countries 
with centrally-planned economies or in others, involve an 
implicit heavy taxation of imports. Countries operating 

January h 7962 

state import monopolies or purchasing agencies, should 
endeavour to improve access to their markets for products 
of less-developed countries by decisions to import larger 
quantities of the products concerned and, if necessary, 
by reductions in the difference between import and sales 

(e) Preferences. Some less-developed countries benefit 
neither from the preferential tariff systems which were 
in operation when the GATT came into being nor from 
the preferential treatment being established in the new 
customs unions or free-trade areas. The Contracting 
Parties appreciate the concern of these less-developed 
countries whose export trade in certain products may be 
placed at a competitive disadvantage by the preferred 
treatment given to certain less-developed suppliers. They 
note, however, that the benefits afforded participating 
less-developed countries may include not only tariff pref- 
erences but other forms of assurances in the marketing 
of the products concerned. While it was important that 
these various advantages .should not operate to the detri- 
ment of other less-developed countries, it was also neces- 
sary that action to deal with this problem should be on 
a basis that meets the marketing needs of supplying 
countries now enjoying preferred access to markets. 

(f) Suhsidies. The subsidization of either the pro- 
duction or export of primary products may restrict the 
market opportunities of less-developed countries. Where 
this is so, the governments concerned should seek to limit 
the use of the subsidies in question, with a view to avoid- 
ing injury to the export earnings of less-developed 

(g) Disposal of commnditij surpluses. Governments 
disposing of commodity surpluses should bear in mind 
that the products concerned are generally important in 
the export trade of one or more less-developed countries, 
and tiat this is an added reason for careful observance of 
the principles and guidelines regarding .such disposals 
accepted in the GATT Resolutions of 4 March 19.5.5 on the 
Disposal of Commodity Surpluses and on the Liquidation 
of Strategic Stocks and in the FAO's Principles of Sur- 
plus Disposal. 

5. In negotiations for reductions in barriers to the ex- 
ports of less-developed countries, contracting parties 
should adopt a .sympathetic attitude on the question of 
reciprocity, keeping in mind the needs of these countries 
for a more flexible use of tariff protection. In making 
arrangements to bring about a general reduction of tariffs, 
account should also be taken of the special needs of less- 
developed countries. 

fi. An important contribution to the expansion of export 
earnings can also be made by intensified efforts to impr()ve 
the production and marketing methods of the less- 
developed countries. The efforts of the less-develope<l 
countries along these lines would be greatly assisted if 
the industrial countries would give greater iiltention to 
this matter in the framework of their tcchniciil and 
financial assistance programmes. 

7. Efforts to expand the export earnings of the loss- 
developed countries and efforts to lessen the instability 
of such earnings which results fi-om fluctuations in pri- 
mary commiKlity markets should proceed concurrently. 
Progress towards reducing market instability, or towards 

offsetting its effects on foreign exchange receipts, is 
essential if the maximum benefits of the trade expansion 
effort are to be realized ; at the same time, progress 
towards a diversified export trade will reduce the 
vulnerability of primary exporting countries to market 

8. Finally, it is recognized that there are important 
possibilities for encouraging sound economic development 
in the less-developed countries through increase<l trade 
among themselves and that these countries should keep 
this in mind in formulating their tariff, commercial and 
economic policy measures. Lest the development of this 
important trade potential be prevented or unduly delayed, 
they should strive to attain and preserve liberal access 
to one another's markets in the same manner as they now 
seek to secure improved access to the markets of the 
economically advanced countries. 

President Kennedy Asked To Facilitate) 
Negotiations Between Congo Leaders 

Following are texts of a statement made hy 
Lincoln White, Director of the Office of News, on 
December 15 and a Department statement of 
December 17. 


Press release 885 dated December 15 

For some time now the U.N. and a number of' 
the member comitries, mcluding the United States,, 
have been attempting to make clear to Mr. 
[Moise] Tshombe the necessity of liis meeting 
Prime Mmister [Cyrille] Adoula to develop 
arrangements for reintegratuig the Katanga intoi 
the Congo under the overall authority of the legit- 
imate government in Leopoldville. 

Yesterday [December 14] President Kennedyi 
received a telegram from Mr. Tshombe, expressing 
"my desire to negotiate'' with Prime Minister 
Adoula. The text of the telegram follows: 

For ten days trooiw of the United Nations have been 
exerting pre.ssure against Katanga causing loss of human 
lives and great material damage. Force alone can never 
resolve the Congolese problem. I confirm my desire to 
negotiate the various aspects of this problem with M. 
Adoula. I ask your intervention as a free man and as a 
Christian to designate a suitable negotiator and to stop 
at once useless bloo(khed. 

President Kennedy promptly replied through 
the United States con.'^ul in Elisnbotliville that the 
United Stales was proceeding immediately to ex- 
plore possibilities and would communicate further 
with him as soon as possible. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The United States Government is hopeful that 
Ml". Tshombe is sincere in the purposes he ex- 
presses. The question of a cessation of hostilities 
is up to the United Nations. But we would hope 
that, once Mr. Tshombe has demonstrated the seri- 
ousness of his intentions to negotiate by actually 
leaving Elisabethville for an agreed meeting place 
with Prime Minister Adoula, the fighting coidd 
be suspended. We are in consultation with the 
Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations 
on this point. Prime Minister Adoula is at 
present in Ki%Ti Province, about 1,000 miles away 
from Leopoldville, but Ambassador [Edmimd A.] 
Gull ion hopes to be in contact with him before 


Press release I 

! dated December 17 

United States Ambassador Edmund Gullion has 
reported to the United States Government that 
Prime Minister Adoula of the Republic of the 
Congo has indicated he is prepared to meet 
with Mr. Moise Tshombe of Katanga to discuss the 
reintegration of the Katanga Province into the 
Congo under the national government at Leopold- 

Ambassador Gullion's call on Prime Minister 
Adoula was one further step in a sequence of 
events which began last Thursday (December 14), 
when Mr. Tshombe telegraphed an appeal to Presi- 
dent Kennedy. In response to that appeal the 
President designated Ambassador Gidlion as his 
special representative to facilitate this meeting 
with Prime Minister Adoula. 

In consequence of the above, the American con- 
sul in Elisabethville has delivered the following 
message to Mr. Tshombe : 

President Kennedy has received your message, and the 
United States Government has been in touch with Acting 
Secretary General U Thant and Prime Minister Adoula 
about it. 

The President is glad that you are prepared to enter 
immediate talks with Prime Minister Adoula with a view 
to finding a solution for the differences now dividing you. 

He has designated Ambassador Edmund Gullion to act 
for him in facilitating rapid arrangements to this end. 
Acting Secretary General U Thant is making Robert Gar- 
diner and Ralph Bunche available to you both on behalf 
of the United Nations for such assistance in your con- 
sultations as you may require of them. 

The President hopes that you can proceed to Kitona for 
this purpose within a matter of hours. 

He is asking Ambassador Gullion to fly to Elisabeth- 
ville in a United States plane to escort you to Kitona and 
return you safely to Elisabethville. The President is as- 
sured that your personal safety at Kitona and throughout 
the trip will be guaranteed both by the United Nations 
and by the Central Government. The President has full 
confidence in these assurances. 

The Department calls attention to the follow- 
ing points in connection with developments in the 

1. As the President's special representative Am- 
bassador Gullion's function is not to mediate but to 
assist in arranging a meeting between Mr. 
Tshombe and Prime Minister Adoula. 

2. The United States Government is working 
closely and in fidl cooperation with the United 
Nations in all aspects of tliis matter. 

Since the United Nations appears to have estab- 
lished the security of its positions in Elisabethville, 
and Mr. Tshombe is about to go to Kitona, it is 
expected that fighting in Elisabethville will be 
suspended wliile negotiations and conciliations are 
under way. 

U.S. Supports U.N. Aid to Congolese 
Efforts To Resolve Difficulties 


The situation in southern Katanga has been 
increasingly explosive in recent weeks. Since 
mid-November the Katanga authorities have 
stepped up their propaganda campaign against 
United Nations presence. In recent days tliere 
has been a series of unprovoked attacks against 
United Nations personnel who have been mur- 
dered, imprisoned, beaten, and threatened by 
armed and often undisciplined Katangans. At 
least one United Nations plane has been fired 

The influence of the United States has been 
directed toward the integration of the Congo, pre- 
venting the outbreak of hostilities, and pursuing 
efforts at conciliation between Katanga and the 
national government. 

' Read to news correspondents by a Department spokes- 
man on Dec. 5 and released to the press by the U.S. 
Mission to the United Nations (U.S./U.N. press release 
3876). For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 25, 1961, 
p. 1061. 

January I, J 962 


The Katanga attacks appear to have culminated 
yesterday in military action by Katangan troops 
against the freedom of movement of Unit«d Na- 
tions forces in Elisabethville and in an armed at- 
tempt to prevent United Nations use of tlie airport 
link to the rest of the Congo. Both attempts 
would be in direct violation of United Nations 
resolutions and of the cease-fire agreement between 
the United Nations and Katangan authorities. 

Secretary-General U Thant has authorized the 
United Nations forces to take whatever action is 
considered necessary to restore freedom of move- 
ment in Elisabethville. This directive has the 
support of the United States, which will continue 
to meet its obligation to assist the United Nations 
in carrying out its mandate in the Congo. 

Statement of December 10 

Press release 869 dated December 10 

The increasing military action in Elisabeth- 
ville does not mean that the U.N. has broadened its 
limited military objective in the Congo. The 
fighting of the last few days was brought about 
by a series of events that endangered U.N. forces 
and their presence in the Katanga. 

Secretary-General U Thant has made clear 
that the purpose of the United Nations action there 
is solely to maintain the U.N. forces in a position 
of sufficient strength to enable it to fulfill its mis- 
sion of establishing the essential conditions for a 
peaceful reintegration of the Katanga in the Con- 
go through national reconciliation. 

Peacemaking is at best a tough and not always 
popular assignment. It sometimes requires the 
limited use of international military forces to ac- 
complish limited military aims. We are backing 
the U.N.'s peacemaking task in the Congo as the 
only apparent road to a peaceful settlement there. 

As Secretary Kusk said at his press conference 
Friday [December 8] : ^ 

"Our aim is the consolidation of the coun- 
try under a stable government which will be 
able to pursue freely the true national interests 
of tlie Congolese. ... If Katanga is not peace- 
fully reintegrated, the Congo will face civil war 
and anarchy and be open to Communist penetra- 
tion. . . . We hope that the leaders of Katanga 

will recognize that their present path leads no- 
where and that the Katanga will soon be recon- 
ciled with the rest of the Congolese people." 

Statement of December 13 ' 

I wanted to meet with you today to explain our 
attitude toward the current situation in the Katan- 
ga. I know you must find the picture somewhat 
confusing. There has been little which has 
happened in the Congo since its independence that 
has not been confusing. 

We believe that every reasonable attempt must 
be made to bring Tshombe [Moise Tshombe, presi- 
dent of Katanga Province] together with Prime 
Minister Adoula [Cyrille Adoula, Prime Minister 
of the Republic of the Congo] to seek agreement 
on the reintegration of the Katanga. As Sec- 
retary Rusk said at his press conference Friday: 

Our aim is ttie consolidation of the country under a 
stable government which will be able to pursue freely 
the true national interests of the Congolese. ... If 
Katanga is not peacefully reintegrated, the Congo will face 
civil war and anarchy and be open to Communist penetra- 
tion. . . . We hope that the leaders of the Katanga 
will recognize that their present path leads nowhere and 
that the Katanga will soon be reconciled with the rest of 
the Congolese people. 

The main problem facing us at the moment is 
whether or not there should be an immediate cease- 
fire. The answer to this question is not easy and 
is one on which there can be honest differences of 
opinion. The attitude of the United States is 
simply this : We want a cease-fire as soon as feasi- 
ble. But we do not believe any cease-fire is feasi- 
ble until the minimum objectives of the U.N. have 
been attained. There cannot be a repetition of the i 
events of September, when the United Nations 
was widely regarded as having suffered a defeat at 
the hands of the Katanga authorities and the situ- j 
ation further deteriorated. The United Nations j 
has not only the need but the right to jirotcct it- 
self, to maintain its freedom of movement and 
communications in order to discharge the mission 
given it by the Security Council and the General 
Assembly. We believe that force should be used 
only to the extent necessary to achieve this limited 
objective. The U.N. has made it clear again and 
again that its purpose is not to crush the Katanga 
forces militarily or to impose a political solution 

'Ibid., Dec. 25, 1961, p. 1053. 

' Made to news correspondents on Dec. 13 (press release 


Department of Stale BuUetin 

by force. U Thant denied categorically that the 
U.N. operations were designed "to force a political 
solution of the Katanga problem by smashing the 
military' strength of the present political leader- 
ship there." Charges to this effect were the result 
of a gross misimderstanding of what INIr. Linner 
[Sture C. Linner, Oflicer in Charge of U.N. Opera- 
tions in the Congo] said to a Swedish correspond- 
ent last Saturday, and the Swedish correspondent 
lias since retracted his story. 

Having said these things, I would say that once 
the U.N.'s limited objectives are achieved, the 
United States would urge an immediate cease- 
fire. We hope and believe these objectives will be 
attained quickly and with a minimum of loss of 
life and damage to property. 

President Responds to Request 
From Viet-Nam for U.S. Aid 

Following is an exchange of messages between 
President Kennedy and President Ngo Dinh Diem 
of the RejnthUc of Viet-Nam. 

White House press release dated December 14, for release De- 
cember 15 

President Kennedy to President Diem 

December 14, 1961 
Dear Mr. President : I have received your re- 
cent letter in wliich you described so cogently the 
dangerous condition caused by North Viet-Nam's 
efforts to take over your coimtry. The situation in 
your embattled country is well known to me and 
to the American people. We have been deeply 
disturbed by the assault on your country. Our in- 
dignation has mounted as the deliberate savagery 
of the Communist program of assassination, kid- 
napping and wanton violence became clear. 

Your letter underlines what our own informa- 
tion has convincingly shown — that the campaign 
of force and terror now being waged against your 
people and your Government is supported and di- 
rected from the outside by the authorities at 
Hanoi.^ They have thus violated the provisions of 

* For background, see a two-part report entitled A Threat 
to the Peace: North Viet-Nam's Effort To Conquer South 
Viet-Nam, Department of State publication 7308. Parts 
I and II are for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, 
U.S. Govermnent Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C., 
for 2.5 cents and 5.5 cents, respectively. 

January 1, 1962 

the Geneva Accords = designed to ensure peace in 
Viet-Nam and to which they bound themselves in 

At that time, the United States, although not a 
party to the Accords, declared tliat it "would view 
any renewal of the aggression in violation of tlie )^ 
agreements with grave concern and as seriously 
threatening international peace and security." ' 
We continue to maintain that view. 

In accordance with that declaration, and in re- 
sponse to your request, we are prepared to help the 
Republic of Viet-Nam to protect its people and 
to preserve its independence. We shall promptly 
increase our assistance to your defense effort as 
well as help relieve the destruction of the floods 
which you describe. I have already given the or- 
ders to get these programs underway. 

The United States, like the Republic of Viet- 
Nam, remains devoted to the cause of peace and 
our primary purpose is to help your people main- 
tain their independence. If the Communist au- 
thorities in North Viet-Nam will stop their cam- 
paign to destroy the Republic of Viet-Nam, the 
measures we are taking to assist your defense ef- 
forts will no longer be necessary. We shall seek 
to persuade the Communists to give up their at- 
tempts of force and subversion. In any case, we 
are confident that the Vietnamese people will pre- 
serve their independence and gain the peace and 
prosperity for wliich they have sought so hard and 
so long. 

John F. I^ennedt 

His Excellency Ngo Dinh Diem 

President and Secretary of State for 

National Defense 
The Republic of Viet-Nam 
Saigon, Viet-Nam, 

President Diem to President Kennedy 

Decembeb 7, 1961 
Dear Mb. President: Since its birth, more than six 

years ago, the Republic of Viet-Nam has enjoyed the 

close friendship and cooperation of the United States 

of America. 

Like the United States, the Republic of Viet-Nam has 

always been devoted to the preservation of peace. My 

^ For texts, see American, Foreign Policy, 1950-1955 : 
Basic Documents, vol. I, Department of State publication 
6446, p. 750. 

' For a statement made by Under Secretary Walter 
Bedell Smith on July 21, 1954, at the Geneva Conference 
on Indochina, see Bulletin of Aug. 2, 1954, p. 162. 


people know only too well the sorrows of war. We have 
honored the 1954 Geneva Agreements even though they 
resulted in the partition of our country and the enslave- 
ment of more than half of our people by Communist 
tyranny. We have never considered the reunification of 
our nation by force. On the contrary, we have publicly 
pledged that we will not violate the demarcation line and 
the demilitarized zone set up by the agreements. We 
have always been prepared and have on many occasions 
stated our willingness to reunify Viet-Nam on the basis 
of democratic and truly free elections. 

The record of the Communist authorities in the northern 
part of our country is quite otherwise. They not only 
consented to the division of Viet-Nam, but were eager 
for it. They pledged themselves to observe the Geneva 
Agreements and during the seven years since have never 
ceased to violate them. They call for free elections but 
are Ignorant of the very meaning of the words. They 
talk of "peaceful reunification" and wage war against us. 

From the beginning, the Communists resorted to terror 
in their efforts to subvert our people, destroy our govern- 
ment, and impose a Communist regime upon us. They 
have attacked defenseless teachers, closed schools, kUled 
members of our anti-malarial program and looted hos- 
pitals. This is coldly calculated to destroy our govern- 
ment's humanitarian efforts to serve our people. 

We have long sought to check the Communist attack 
from the North on our i)eople by appeals to the Inter- 
national Control Commission. Over the years, we have 
repeatedly published to the world the evidence of the 
Communist plot to overthrow our government and seize 
control of all of Viet-Nam by illegal intrusions from out- 
side our country. The evidence has mounted until now 
it is hardly necessary to rehearse it. Most recently, the 
kidnapping and brutal murder of our Chief Liaison Officer 
to the International Control Commission, Colonel Noang 
Thuy Nam, compelled us to speak out once more. In our 
October 24, 1961, letter to the ICC, we caUed attention 
again to the publicly stated determination of the Com- 
munist authorities in Hanoi to "liberate the South" by 
the overthrow of my government and the imposition of 
a Communist regime on our people. We cited the proof 
of massive infiltration of Communist agents and military 
elements into our country. We outlined the Communist 
strategy, which is simply the ruthless use of terror against 
the whole population, women and children included. 

In the course of the last few months, the Communist 
assault on my people has achieved high ferocity. In 
October they caused more than 1,800 incidents of violence 
and more than 2,000 casualties. They have struck oc- 
casionally in battalion strength, and they are contuiuaUy 
augmenting their forces by infiltration from the North. 
The level of their attacks is already such that our forces 
are stretched to the utmost. We are forced to defend 
every village, every hamlet. Indeed every home against 
a foe whose tactic is always to strike at the defenseless. 

A disastrous flood was recently added to the misfortunes 
of the Vietnamese people. The greater part of three 

provinces was inundated, with a great loss of property. 
We are now engaged in a nationwide effort to reconstruct 
and rehabilitate this area. The Communists are, of 
course, making this task doubly difficult, for they have 
seized upon the disruption of normal administration and 
communications as an opportunity to sow more destruc- 
tion in the stricken area. 

In short, the Vietnamese nation now faces what is 
perhaps the gravest crisis in its long history. For more 
than 2,000 years my people have lived and built, fought 
and died in this land. We have not always been free. 
Indeed, much of our history and many of its proudest 
moments have arisen from conquest by foreign powers 
and our struggle against great odds to regain or defend 
our precious independence. But it is not only our free- 
dom which is at stake today, it is our national identity. 
For, if we lose this war, our people will be swallowed by 
the Communist Bloc, all our proud heritage will be 
blotted out by the "Socialist society" and Viet-Nam wiU 
leave the pages of history. We will lose our national 

Mr. President, my people and I are mindful of the great 
assistance which the United States has given us. Your 
help has not been lightly received, for the Vietnamese 
are proud people, and we are determined to do our part 
in the defense of the free world. It is clear to all of 
us that the defeat of the Viet Cong demands the total 
mobilization of our government and our people, and you 
may be sure that we will devote all of our resources of 
money, minds, and men to this great task. 

But Viet-Nam is not a great power and the forces of 
International Communism now arrayed against us are 
more than we can meet with the resources at hand. We 
must have further assistance from the United States 
If we are to win the war now being waged against us. 

We can certainly assure mankind that our action is 
purely defensive. Much as we regret the subjugation of 
more than half of our people in North Viet-Nam, we have 
no intention, and indeed no means, to free them by use 
of force. 

I have said that Viet-Nam is at war. War means many 
things, but most of all it means the death of brave people 
for a cause they believe in. Viet-Nam has suffered many 
wars, and through the centuries we have always had 
patriots and heroes who were willing to shed their blood 
for Viet-Nam. We will keep faith with them. 

When Communism has long ebbed away into the past, 
my people will still be here, a free united nation growing 
from the deep roots of our Vietnamese heritage. They 
will remember your help in our time of need. This 
struggle will then be a part of our common history. And 
your help, your friendship, and the strong bonds between 
our two peoples will be a part of Viet-Nam, then as now. 

Ngo Dinh Diem 

The President 
The White House 
Washington, D.C. 


Department of State Bulletin 

/^ " / 


The Challenge to Government, the Media, and Educational Institutions 

by Roger W. Tubby 

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ' 

Letters coming into the Department of State, 
to newspapers, magazines, TV and radio stations 
indicate that many Americans are puzzled by 
much of what is said by the extremists of the right 
and left, puzzled and yet aware that today's per- 
plexities give all of us grounds for concern, 
whether over Commimist designs or the possibili- 
ties of nuclear destruction. 

The extremists would make it seem as if there 
are clear and easy solutions. Unfortunately 
there are none. "We hear calls for a man on horse- 
back, or demands that the State Department be 
cleaned out "from top to bottom." We hear sug- 
gestions that this country unilaterally give up 
atomic weapons. We hear it said that it would 
be "better to be Eed than dead." 

To counter these oversimplifications, to provide 
better insight into the nature of our problems, 
more needs to be done in the information field. 

We in the executive departments of Govern- 
ment, in Congress, in the mass media, in educa- 
tion, in civic organizations, may be well behind 
the public demand for guidance and understand- 
ing. There may be apathy, too much of it, but it 
may exist at least in part because we've not been 
doing our jobs nearly well enough. We can ill 
afford apathy on the one hand or confused and 
hysterical outbursts on the other on the part of 
those who are uninformed or misinformed. 

Debate we must have in a healthy democratic 
society. But it should be based on as sound a 
judgment as possible of the complexities, frustra- 
tions, and opportunities confronting us. We need 
to know our strengths and our weaknesses, what 
we can and cannot do, how best we can work with 

^ Address made before the Foreign Policy Association 
of Pittsburgh at Pittsburgh, Pa., on Dec. 8 (press release 
SeOdatedDec. 7). 

our allies and others, how we can best maintain 
our independence and enhance our well-being, how 
and why we must be prepared even to risk war to 
check those who would dominate the free world. 

How do we deal with Soviet Russia's efforts to 
commmiize the world through terror, subversion, 
and economic, political, and military pressures? 
How do we deal with activities of other Com- 
mimist nations ? How do we best meet the insist- 
ent pressure of millions for more food, better hous- 
ing, education, jobs, and health? How can we 
most effectively use our resources, our scientific 
and educational skills ? 

There can and should be differences of opinion 
as to how to deal with these and other problems. 
There are differences amongst members of the 
FPA in Pittsburgh as to the wisest courses to 
follow ; between this and other organizations ; be- 
tween Congressmen, editors, farmers, and all of us 
generally, although surely there is general agree- 
ment amongst most of us that the free world must 
not succumb to the world of coercion. Mostly our 
differences are expressed in traditional ways of 
democratic discourse, founded on information that 
is reasonably held. 

However, creating fear, suspicion, and hatred 
amongst Americans on unsupportable allegations 
is not only mischievous and irresponsible, but it 
is not the tradition of our democracy. Such tac- 
tics, tried by Father Couglilin, by William Dudley 
Pelley and the Silver Shirts, and Joe McCarthy, 
have been repudiated by the great majority of our 
people in the past^-but not before doing grave 

Indeed, the Communists would be hard put to 
plot and carry out campaigns more divisive and 
harmful to our society and our position in the 
world than some of those launched in the name of 

ianuary 7, 1962 


anticommunism. This is so especially with re- 
gard to tlie irresponsible campaigns operating to- 
day which have been scored by President Ken- 
nedy = and former President Eisenhower. 

Yet most people supporting such campaigns 
have been sincerely and deeply concerned about 
the welfare of our country, or at least about their 
personal welfare in it. Too often, though, they 
have a narrow and prejudiced view of what's 
wrong, based on lack of balanced imderstanding of 
our society. They may blame the country's 
troubles, and their own, on labor, Negroes, teach- 
ers, ministers, liberals, foreigners. Some believe 
even our Presidents and Justices of the Supreme 
Court have been or are Conmiunist dupes. 

The confused and well-publicized clamor made 
in public rallies by some of the more extreme ad- 
vocates of irresponsibility gives peoples in other 
lands a distorted view of our society. 

Need for Public Understanding 

We need not only to straighten out misconcep- 
tions but win support for new programs. We 
need support, for instance, for the new and revo- 
lutionary foreign trade proposals^ that can 
enormously strengthen the economies of the free 

One month before Congress authorized the 
Marshall plan, after months of congressional de- 
bate and public discussions, only 16 of 100 voters 
had heard of it. Yet the plan was largely respon- 
sible for saving Western Europe from communism 
and led to the astonishing economic recovery 
of the free-world parts of that war-devastated 

Failure to understand the even gi-eater oppor- 
tunities now opening up to us in international 
trade could jolt our economy and jeopardize our 
security and freedom. Because the economic is- 
sues are even more complex than in the days when 
the Marshall plan was being voted, we need still 
greater understanding if we are to have the sup- 
port needed for these new programs. 

But we need greater understanding also on a 
host of other matters: on the innumerable vital 
operations of the U.N. ; on the culture, history, 
economic policies of many other countries; on dis- 

' RULi.ETiN of Dec. 4, mr.l, I). 01.^. 

' For bat-ksround, see ibid., Nov. 20, 1961, p. 831, and 
Dee. 25, 1961, p. 1039. 

armament possibilities; on the nature of commu- 
nism ; on tlie overall situation in tlie world. 

Are we losing time after time, in place after 
place, to the Communists, as some allege? Then 
what of Communist failui-e to seize all of Korea, 
their losses in Malaya, the Philippines, in Greece, 
in France, and Italy, in Scandinavia? "\Yliat of 
failure of Communist agricultural production in 
Red China? What of their desperate efforts to 
wall in the people of East Germany? Is the 
Soviet zone there a "workers' paradise"? 

Fifteen years ago, in the chaotic postwar world, 
Communist Party strength, Communist subver- 
sion, Communist hopes were higher in many coun- 
tries than they are today. Their failures, their 
frustrations are worth noting in our stocktaking, 
together witli acknowledgment of Communist suc- 
cesses in mainland China, North Viet-Nam, Cuba, 
and those coimtries of central Europe seized and 
held by force. For we need understanding and 
balance if we are to avoid either euphoria or 

Improving Information Operations 

Improvements in information operations ? Let- 
ters to the Department of State have nearly 
doubled in the last couple of years, and most of 
these have sought information about our policies 
and those of other coimtries. Editors, TV and 
radio people report a similar rising tide of mail 
along similar lines. Our Department has had a 
sharp rise in demand for speakers and pamphlets. 
Tliis year we started holding briefing conferences 
for media representatives in Washington and for 
media and nongovernmental organization leaders 
around the country. The response has been good. 
We have been asked to do many more of these. 

Wliile TV has presented many imaginative and 
highly informative shows on world affairs, while 
some of the press has been outstanding in its pro- 
vision of news and guidance in the same field, 
while a few universities and colleges provide 
courses on world affaii-s, more can and should be 
done, by Government — botli tlio executive and con- 
gressional branches — by press, magazines, TV and 
radio, by universities and colleges, by schools, by 
book publisliers, by citizen groups, by business, by 
the movie industry, by individual citizens. More 
should be done if we are to act with wiser judg- 
ment on our own behalf. 


Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

Some of the things we could do would be of 
nearly immediate effect; some, in the field of 
school and college education, of long-range bene- 
fit. I suggest a few : 

1. Sights should be raised on Government in- 
formation programs covering international af- 
fairs — on tlie quality and variety thereof. Tlie 
President and the Secretary of State carry the 
main task of announcing and explaining our for- 
eign policy, and persuading us to support it. Con- 
gress focuses very considerable attention on for- 
eign affairs in committee hearings, in debates on 
the floor, and in speeches by individual Members. 
The State Department engages in normal informa- 
tion activities. Nevertheless its efforts in this 
field should be greater, but this requires a larger 
commitment of resources. 

2. The press should be encouraged to give wider 
coverage to world affairs ; too many papers around 
the country still print too little about what is go- 
ing on overseas. 

-S. TV has a tremendous opportunity to bring 
into our liomes far broader understanding of the 
world around us. There are indications that more 
is being planned along this line. 

4. It is suggested that courses on world affairs 
become part of the curricula in many more schools 
and colleges. Training young people in the cul- 
tures, history, economics, and politics of other 
countries should be of value to them as citizens. 

5. Much more on world affairs could be done in 
adult education through nongovernmental organi- 
zations, through institutional courses in commimi- 
ties large and small, such as the programs in 
Aspen, Colorado. 

6. Paperback book publishers may find a sur- 
prisingly good market for more books on many 
different aspects of world affairs. 

These suggestions are obvious enougli. Yet the 
other day I heard one educator, for instance, say 
that, while many college presidents and deans 
recognize the need for courses in world affairs, 
little is done to provide them, due to inertia, to 
opposition from established disciplines, to short- 
age of qualified teachers and textbooks. But a 
vigorous begimiing should be made and I tliink 
will be made if the recommendations of the Com- 
mittee on the University and World Affairs are 

State legislators and community school boards 
might themselves consider moving to broaden sec- 

January 1, 7962 

622556— «2 3 

ondary school curricula, recognizing that a large 
proportion of youngsters still do not go on to col- 
lege. If they are to have a basic understanding of 
our contemporary world, they should get it in 
school. For those going on to college, more infor- 
mation can be made available. 

Many publishers have resisted suggestions that 
news and background coverage be broadened in 
their papers. Many apparently do not realize that 
there is more need for, more place for, and a larger 
public for good newspapers than ever before, as 
the New York Times, for one, has shown. 

TV leaders talk in an inhibited way of low 
ratings for public-service programs (even 10 mil- 
lion viewers is considered low), yet at the same 
time express concern over loss of "opinionmakers" 
amongst their audiences. 

A wise precept for those of us in informational 
or educational work in or out of Government is 
Secretary Rusk's statement : * 

"I deeply believe that the public should be fully 
informed about the world situation and our 
courses of action to deal with it. In no other way 
can we mobilize both the necessaiy effort of a 
people who act througli consent and the unity 
which is critically necessary in hazardous times." 

Kalmyk People Observe 
10th Anniversary in U.S. 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 14 (press release 881) that Assistant Secretary 
Harriman would meet with representatives of the 
Committee for Commemoration of the lOtli Asi- 
niversary of tlie Kalmyk People in the United 
States in the Depaitment on December 15. The 
meeting was arranged to mark the anniversary 
in December of the arrival in the United States 
of 700 Kalmyks from refugee camps in Germany. 
The Kalmyks are celebrating their arrival and 
settlement in this country after their long and 
arduous search for freedom. 

Mr. Harriman, who has participated in a pre- 
vious observance of the resettlement of the Kal- 
myk refugees in the United States, accepted a 
plaque from the Kalmyk people on behalf of the 
President of the United States. 

' Ibid., July 31, 1961, p. 175. 


International Economic and Social Development 

Following are extemporaneous remarJcs made 
hy Secretary Rush before the National Conference 
on International Economic and Social Develop- 
ment at Wa.shingfo'n, D.C., on December 1, to- 
gether with an address mad.e by 'William T. 
Nunley^ Special Assistant to Under Secretary 
Ball, before tlie conference on November 30. 


Press release 832 dated December 1 

It's a very great pleasure indeed for me to have 
this opportunity to meet briefly with the National 
Conference on International Economic and Social 
Development. I am particularly flattered that 
you have asked me to one of your working ses- 
sions, because as I look at my schedule I find 
myself often resenting the fact that the working 
level in the Department of State is supposed to 
exclude the Secretary of State. (Laughter.) 

As President Kennedy's message implied, we 
look upon you in this National Conference as our 
principal allies in our determined efl'ort to help 
build a more decent world order. Indeed, as we 
move day bj' day and week by week in some of 
the eye-catching and turbulent problems through 
which we have to live, it is a matter of the great- 
est possible encouragement and confidence for us 
to know about the work of the organizations that 
are represented here, all over the country, in get- 
ting on with the central tasks which confront us 
in tliis climactic period of history. 

Let me say in the other direction that I think 
that we have not been able to get before you the 
breadth, the deptli, the extent of the efl'ort which 
in fact is going into this matter of building a 
decent world order. For example, we liave 600 
to 800 U.S. mailbags a day going out of the De- 
partment of State. I suppose 90 percent of that 
traffic is concerned with wliat you yourselves are 
concerned about. 

Today, for example, you will be aware of the 
fact that there is a sharp debate going on in the 
Political Committee of the United Nations on 
the issue of Chinese representation. But I dare 
say what you will not hear about will be the im- 
poitant, far-reaching, consti-uctive discussions 
going on in Committees II and III of the United 
Nations General Assembly, or about the dozen 
other important international meetings going on 
somewhere in the world today, to get the world's 
work done on a practical and peaceful basis. 

We are deeply committed to this task. And 
we are working at it and gnawing at it all the 
time. These matters go on beneath the surface 
of controversial politics. These are matters 
which tie people together, despite political 
differences, despite race, despite alliances, and are 
helping to spin those threads which may in due 
course, God willing, help us to bind the peace 

If you were to ask me in these brief remarks 
to indicate what foreign aid is all about, let me 
say quite briefly that if you want a sharp defini- 
tion of what it's all about, compare two docu- 
ments, the one, those portions of the proceedings 
of the recent party congress in Moscow which 
have to do with the kind of world which they not 
only see come into being under their doctrine but 
to which they are committing themselves as a 
matter of national policy. And. on the other 
side, study — don't just brush aside, but study — the 
charter of the United Nations, which outlines with 
nnich sophistication, much practical wisdom, the 
kind of world comnuniity whicli most of the world 
is trying to bring into being. 

Now, foreign aid fits into that issue. Foreign 
aid is a part of our contribution to that struggle. 
But it is not that foreign aid was invented because 
following World War II tlie Communists came 
forward with a far-reaching and basic challenge 
to our society and to the kind of world we liope to 


Depariment of Sfafe Bulletin 

achieve. Indeed, these same purposes preceded 
that challenge. These same purposes preceded 
that charter. These same purposes indeed, for 
men in most parts of the earth, preceded the found- 
ing of this Kepuhlic. 

These are basic commitments of most peoples, 
and our foreign aid is our contribution to the 
kind of world in which these basic commitments 
can take on shape and practical meaning. 

I might also say that we are this next year 
going to bo involved in another great debate about 
foreign policy, this time on the subject of our 
trade policy. Now, foreign aid is almost a junior 
partner of our trade policy, in moving toward 
a growing, expanding, developing world. It 
would make no sense whatever for us to ask our 
taxpayers to come up with substantial amounts 
of money for foreign aid if we and other principal 
trading nations were to adopt trade policies which 
would frustrate and imdermine the possibilities 
of development. 

The drop of a few cents in a primary com- 
modity can, for example, in a particular country, 
wipe out by several times any effect of American 
aid to that particular country. 

The amount of American aid being applied is 
a very small fraction, indeed, to the productive 
systems upon which development must depend. 
Our contribution is marginal in quantity. We 
hope that it can be critical in quality. But trad- 
ing opportimities will determine in fact the prac- 
tical possibilities of moving into a new decade 
of development throughout the world. 

And so as we talk about foreign aid today, we, 
I think, must have in the back of our minds that 
these matters are related to our tariff and the 
quota-cutting negotiations in the GATT and the 
critical need in this coming year to adjust our own 
trade policies to the new patterns of world trade, 
which are emerging in such negotiations as those 
for a Common Market in Europe, and are related 
to a search for increased markets for the exports 
of the developing countries, and for the coopera- 
tive efforts to stabilize commodity prices, and for 
the highly complex, technical, and difficult negotia- 
tions to adjust problems with regard to specific 
products, say, for example, textiles. 

These are all of the most far-reaching impor- 
tance in terms of whether peoples of other lands — 
and indeed our own — can move into a new world 
of expanding opportunity in the economic and 
social field. 

Multilateral vs. Bilateral Aid 

I am sorry that Mr. Paul Iloii'man [Managing 
Director, U.N. Special Fund] is unable to be here 
today, but I wanted to comment very briefly on 
our general approach to multilateral versus bi- 
lateral types of aid, in the matters which you are 
discussing today. 

The debate between these two methods tends 
to be a fruitless and illusory debate, because both 
multilateral and bilateral have to be used to their 
full cai^acity. Multilateral aid has some impor- 
tant advantages. It helps to mobilize t he resources 
of many countries — and I am not thinking pri- 
marily of financial resources. I am tliinking about 
those resources in people, in which we are all in 
such short supply. 

It eases in some situations the sensitivities, the 
political relationships, between those who give aid 
and those who receive it. 

But there are limits to what the trafRc can bear 
in the multilateral field. It would not be wise 
or wholesome or even acceptable abroad were the 
United States to dominate this field so heavily that 
the essential quality of multilateral aid could be 
distorted. So we must find a balance. But, by 
and large, I think it can be said that the United 
States is prepared to support the further develop- 
ment of multilateral aid efforts to the maximum 
which is accepted and tolerable to the woi-ld com- 
miuiity, and that if there are limitations on the 
multilateral approach, these wiU not be for lack 
of interest or support on the part of the United 

This harmony between a bilateral and a multi- 
lateral effort, has been illustrated by President 
Kennedy's call for a decade of progress, which 
is now being backed up by a new AID act, by the 
declaration of Punta del Este,^ and by his call for 
a United Nations decade of development,^ which 
was backed up this week by Committee II of the 
United Nations, in which it expressed its ^new that 
the economic and social development of the eco- 
nomically less developed coimtries is basic to the 
attainment of international peace and security.' 

Then the resolution * sets forth the general 

'■ Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459. 

'Ihid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 

' For a statement made in Committee II (Economic and 
Social) on Oct. 6 by Ptiilip M. Klutzniek, .see ihid.. Dee. 4, 
1961, p. 939; for a statement made by Mr. Klutzniek on 
Nov. 29, see U.S. delegation press release 3864. 

* U.N. doe. A/C.2,/L.599. 

January 1, 7962 


target of a minimum annual rate of economic 
growth of 5 percent annually, in all underde- 
veloped countries, by the end of the decade, and 
calls on the Secretary-General to elaborate an am- 
bitious, specific program of international activities 
to help make a reality of the decade of 

I regret that I have not been present here this 
morning as you turned your attention to tlie im- 
portant subject of the development of human re- 
sources, because there is no more realistic, no more 
inspiring, no more necessaiy aspect of develop- 
ment than this matter of people. 

I had the privilege of commenting on that sub- 
ject to you earlier in the year, briefly.^ But it is 
not just that people are the target of aid pro- 
grams. It is that people are the dynamos which 
generate the power of development. They are the 
sources of development. They provide the aspira- 
tion ; they provide the mind, the will, the means 
by which development can occur. 

This is something I think we in this country 
know a good deal about and which we have shared 
with people in other parts of the world. For ex- 
ample, I suspect that there are many of you in this 
room who can remember in rural parts of our 
covmtry — as can I — that when tlie time came to 
build a house a neighborhood party was thrown, 
old-fashioned outdoor picnics — with or without 
beer, depending upon wliich part of the country 
you lived in. (Laughter.) And the neighbors 
got together and helped the particular farmer 
build his house. 

The same American can travel to a village in 
the Punjab and find villagers getting together in 
just the same way, first in one village and then in 
another, to build a school. 

In our own experience one farmer may have a 
sorghum mill, in an informal cooperative division 
of labor in a niral counti-yside. And we could leap 
to a village in Pakistan and find a retired soldier 
in the army who used his retirement pay to bring 
home a feed chopper to cut, to chop feed for vil- 
lages in a considerable area. 

And as we pass information out througli our 
extension services, from neighbor to neighbor, we 
know of the Mexican farmers who are passing 
improved seed and improved management from 
farm to farm across the countryside in Mexico. 

There can be no substitute for the involvement 

•Bulletin of July 3, 1961, p. 6. 

of people in their own development. This soiuids 
like a tiaiism, of course, because people are the 
stuif that we are talking about. But the critical 
thing is not only the attitude but the competence 
of people to get on with the task of development 
when they have committed themselves to it as a 
primary purpose. 

Role of Education in Development 

And here education plays the critical role. The 
chart of American economic and social develop- 
ment and the chart of American educational de- 
velopment would show approximately the same 
curve. We did not wait in our educational devel- 
opment until we were rich enough to afford it. "We 
could not become rich enough to afford it unless we 
had built education in, with a major effort, at our 
very beginnings. And we have to be a little care- 
ful as Americans in ti-ying to translate our 
experience into other countries. 

My guess is that we might be well instructed to 
try to think back for a generation, or even 50 
years, to look at some of our own problems in 
education somewhat earlier, if we are to be directly 
responsive and relevant to the situation that we 
find in many other countries. 

I gather tliat we liave about 2,000 institutions 
of higher education in this country, including 
junior colleges. One who served in a private 
foundation for a number of years got tlie impres- 
sion that among these 2,000 — Dean Keppel will 
perhaps forgive me— every college aspired to be a 
university and every imiversity thought that it 
had to have a department of veterinary medicine. 

In other words our higlier education, within an 
educational system which has 24 or 25 billions of 
dollars at its disposal, admitted to needing more. 
Our system of higher education is made possible 
by the enormous resources of the country that are 
already here. Now, when we turn to other coun- 
tries that are somewhat nearer the beginnings of 
their educational effort, wo have to remember that 
it's easier to build a l)>iilding than it is to build a 
faculty, that a university cannot inject an educa- 
tional system downward, tliat a imiversity caps an 
effective educational sj-stem which provides men 
and women ready for, prepared for, a univei-sity 
education. And that there could be such a thing, 
perhaps, despite the generality of our own ex- 
perience in this comitiy — there could be such a 


Department of State Bulletin 

thing as effective cooperation among educational 
institutions, some division of labor, some sharing 
of responsibility, some regional cooperation, in 
order that the resources M'hich can be made avail- 
able can be used to the best advantage, on a some- 
what rationalized basis, within the situation in 
which peoples find themselves. 

One of the great challenges, I think, in relating 
education to development is to find ways to mobi- 
lize the resources that may be available in a par- 
ticular i-egion in order that they may be made 
somewhat more effective in service to all those who 
might be involved. 

And, Dr. Mora [Jose A. Mora, Secretary Gen- 
eral of the Organization of American States], I 
think we have seen many instances, and growing 
instances, in which the great institutions of higher 
education in Latin America are reinforcing each 
other, sending their young people to each other's 
campuses for specialized training, and with a total 
net effect which is strengthening for all concerned. 

But when we talk about people, we come back 
to the point from which I started. It is that people 
are those who are most immediately involved in 
the attempt to build a decent world order. If you 
look at the relationships which are being worked 
out across national frontiers, underneath the polit- 
ical level and despite the political problems, here 
is the making of a kind of world scene which is 
our principal hope for the future. 

In this aspect of the matter, private organiza- 
tions and government play an inseparably linked 
role of partnei-ship. You will be talked to this 
afternoon about the role of private organizations 
in this field of education. 

Without pointing my finger at you, I should 
like to suggest to all of us, whether in government 
or in the private field, that when we are talking 
about education, and particularly when we are 
talking about bringing yoimg people from other 
countries to the United States for training, the em- 
phasis had perhaps better be on the quality of the 
job rather than the numbers of those who might 
be somehow involved. 

I may leave my colleagues in the Department of 
State some explaining to do, with these remarks, 
before the afternoon is over (Laughter.), but let 
me put it this way : Two halves don't make a whole 
in this matter. Two ill-prepared or half-prepared 
young people going back to their counti"y cannot 
make the contribution which one well-prepared 
person can make. And if you have six yoiuig 

people who come here for training, who go back 
disappointed or frustrated or with a sense of fail- 
ure, there may be six young people who had better 
not have come in the first place. 

And so I would urge both those of us in govern- 
ment and those of us in private organizations to 
take this business of playing with the lives of 
people with the greatest of seriousness. And if 
we involve young people abroad in this process of 
education by any effort of ours, we do so deter- 
mined to do it right, whatever the nimibers in- 
volved. Fewer done well will be far more effec- 
tive and important and satisfying than a larger 
number done less well. 

And I would urge that we consider the factors 
which go for excellence, elegance, success in this 
relationship, and try to cut down somewhat on the 
casualties which occur in these situations. And 
when we are dealing with tens of thousands of 
yoimg people, of course there are going to be some 
casualties. Students have been students for cen- 
turies, and no one would expect young people to 
act like wise older people but sometimes like fool- 
ish older people. (Laughter.) 

I can recall, for example, one student from a 
far country to the south, in the Pacific, coming 
to Minnesota for training. He had a liberal 
clothing allowance, but he stopped off in Manila 
on the way. And he found those lovely shirts 
which all of us find so spectacular in the Philip- 
pines. And there went his clothing allowance, 
all of it, on about 20 of these shirts. He got to 
Minnesota, sent a telegram to his sponsor saying, 
"Hey, it's cold up here." 

Well, of course, management has to take place. 
But the thing that I am emphasizing is that we 
who are sponsors must sponsor. We who are 
going to take on these jobs must see them through. 
We who involve ourselves must do so with the 
greatest responsibility. And it's vei"y encourag- 
ing to me to see in the course of the last year or 
two the serious attention which so many are giv- 
ing to just this part of the problem, how we can 
make their exi^erience here more effective, how 
we can avoid the unnecessary casualties, how we 
can send them back with something which they 
can take back to their own homes, their own. coun- 
tries, their own universities, that can make a 
great difference. 

I think you would agree with me that among 
the new emphases in our aid program has been 
something of a shift toward the himian resources 

January 1, 7962 


that are involved in foreign aid, the rising place 
of education. Of course, dams and factories arc 
vital to the economic and social development. 
But a dam which is not linked to the lives of the 
people in the area in which it is built is relatively 
sterile. And the failure of ourselves and others 
to develop the human resources will be a self- 
imposed limitation, not only upon their ability to 
develop but our ability to contribute to it. 

So we urge your most thouglitful and critical 
and imaginative attention to this element of hu- 
man resources in aid programs, not only in the 
public field but in the private field, because this 
is basic to development, development is critical 
to this decent world order, and this decent world 
order will decide the survival of man. 


Press release 827 dated November 30 

In speaking about world population problems 
and their relationship to economic and social de- 
velopment, I want to begm by identifying myself. 
I do not pretend to be speaking in a purely per- 
sonal capacity, although some of my observations 
are necessarily personal. I am an officer of the 
Department of State and have served for 15 years 
under three administrations. I am currently as- 
signed as a Special Assistant to the Under Secre- 
tary of State. It is therefore my intention to 
explain as best I can the current attitudes of the 
Department of State with respect to intei'national 
population problems. 

The essential task of the Department of State 
is to advise and assist the President in the con- 
duct of international relations. As you know. 
President Kennedy's administration has become 
popularly known as "the New Frontier." I be- 
lieve this label is altogether appropriate. Henry 
David Tlioreau once defined a frontier as some- 
thing that is "neither east nor west, but wherever 
a man faces a fact." During the last year many 
Americans have been deeply impressed by the 
determination of President Kennedy and his top 
officials to face the hard, undiluted, and undeco- 
rated facts of our national and international life. 
This willingness to face facts — to come to grips 
with the facts that are known and to ferret out the 
facts that are still unknown — provides the prin- 
cipal explanation of the State Department's at- 
tention to international jiopulation problems. 

We have all heard a great deal about the "world 
population explosion." However, I sometimes 
suspect that this metaphor has produced more 
confusion than enlightenment. For example, I 
recently heard a story about a little gh'l who asked 
her mother to let her watch some people explode. 
At the same time, there are a handful of relatively 
mature citizens who write sincere letters to the 
State Department which sometimes seem to sug- 
gest that we should devote less attention to such 
problems as the Berlin crisis, southeast Asia, dis- 
armament, international trade, collective security, 
and so forth, and instead concentrate a mucli 
larger portion of our diplomatic energies upon 
attempting to regidate the private lives of men 
and women 10,000 miles away. 

Please imderstand that I am not questioning 
the reality of the "population explosion." The 
world's population is growing at an alarming rate. 
It is probable that the three-billionth human being 
was born some time this year. According to the 
best available demographic estimates, 3,000 babies 
will be born before I finish speaking tonight. (So 
maybe I'd better hurry along.) 

In the eyes of the State Department, population 
problems are significant primarily because of their 
economic implications. This applies to families, 
communities, and nations alike. I realize that if 
I had 12 children instead of 4, my house would be ( 
a lot noisier than it is now, although this possi- 
bility sometimes seems pretty incredible. But my 
big problem would still be food, clothing, shelter, 
and popsicles. 

I also realize that some people are worried about 
the prediction that, at some future date — say, 
2100 A.D. — the entire planet may require a "stand- 
ing room only" sign. "Wliile such a dismal situa- 
tion may indeed lie within the realm of theoretical 
possibility, the prospect is not giving me and my 
colleagues any sleepless nights. During the ' 
months and years immediately ahead we shall 
probably s]'>end a great deal more of our time wor- 
rying about an equally theoretical and even 
drearier prospect — the possibility that liuman life 
may be wholly extinct by 2100 A.D. 

In any event, from the viewpoint of the State 
Department the fact that India, for example, has | 
about 400 million people is intrinsically neither 
good nor bad. This would hold true even if In- 
dia's population should increase to 600 million or 
800 million. The important question is wliother 
these people can be fed, clothed, and sheltered. 


Depar/menf of State Bulletin 

given the necessities of life and some of the com- 
forts, given the means to educate themselves, to 
preserve their freedom, and to attam greater ma- 
terial and spiritual growth. 

While demographic statistics are highly unre- 
liable, a few broad generalizations are possible. 
Any child born into the non-Communist world 
today has a two-to-one chance of being born into 
a nation where the average per capita income is 
less than $5 per month. 

This is the really important fact. It is impor- 
tant not only to the child himself, his family, his 
community, and his nation, but it is also immensely 
important to the United States of America. It 
is important in terms of our ethical and religious 
values, in terms of our domestic prosperity, in 
terms of our political freedom, and in terms of 
our ultimate survival. Wlien an American under- 
stands this fact, it doesn't matter very much 
whether his heart is dripping with the milk of 
human kindness or whether he is as selfish as 
Scrooge. It is no longer possible for any man or 
nation to be safe in a world where two-thirds of 
the people are on the verge of starvation. 

Some Truths and Uncertainties 

"What I have said leads to some fairly obvious 
conclusions. The State Department has given 
little attention to the population problems of the 
economically advanced nations, which are able to 
provide a fairly decent standard of living to most 
of their citizens. We are concerned primarily 
with the population problems of the lesser devel- 
oped nations. Even here, we are not concerned 
with population problems per se but only with 
population problems as they may relate to eco- 
nomic and social development. 

"Wlien we begin to consider this relationship, 
we find ourselves upon a small island of miscel- 
laneous truths surrounded by a vast ocean of ig- 
norance and uncertainty. Let me give some 

First, we know there is a substantial and intri- 
cate relationship between economic growth and 
population growth. More specifically, we know 
that our economic assistance programs have a con- 
tinuing impact upon population growth, although 
( Ins impact has never yet been deliberate and is 
usually unconscious. However, the nature and 
extent of the interaction between economic de- 
velopment and population growth is often hazy. 

For example, public health programs tend to re- 
duce the death rate and thus accelerate popula- 
tion growth, but also mcrease the productive 
capacity of the labor force. Similarly, rural de- 
velopment may reinforce a village way of life 
favorable to high fertility but may simultaneously 
produce new opportunities for women which com- 
pete with the traditional role of childbearing. 

Second, we know that worldwide economic 
growth is well ahead of worldwide population 
growth. But this doesn't mean much to people 
who are hungry. Moreover, as we look into the 
future we cannot be sure whether the problems 
produced by population growth will ultimately 
be resolved by reducing the rate of population 
growth, by technological breakthroughs in the 
production of goods and services, by commercial 
arrangements which permit a better distribution 
of goods and services, by mass emigration, or by 
various combinations of these alternatives. 

Third, we know there are tremendous variations 
in the population problems of difi'erent countries. 
In some lesser developed covmtries the present 
ratio between economic development and popula- 
tion growth is favorable. In other instances the 
rate of population growth is so high that a par- 
ticular country is not yet achieving, even with 
considerable American economic assistance, a per 
capita rate of economic growth that is sufficient 
to satisfy the aspirations of its people and to as- 
sure political and social stability. In two or three 
countries the current rate of population growth 
is actually higher than the rate of economic 
growth. In many countries, however, we are un- 
able to draw any very useful conclusions, because 
there is no reliable information about the actual 
rate of population gi'owth, the actual rate of eco- 
nomic growth, the relationship between the two, 
the probable social and political consequences, and 
probable future trends. 

Fourth, we know that certain citizens in foreign 
countries believe that their governments need a 
deliberate policy and effective program of popula- 
tion control. However, these citizens suffer many 
uncertainties. They are often imclear as to exist- 
ing facts and future probabilities concerning both 
population growth and economic growth. They 
sometimes fail to appreciate the difference between 
population control and birth control and also do 
not know what techniques are available in each 
case. Population growth, of course, is affected 
by a great many factors other than birth control. 

January 1, 1962 


These may include the mobility of workers, the 
minimum marriage age, kinship obligations, the 
system of land tenures, urbanization, and so forth. 
But no one knows very much about the methods 
by which governments may deliberately bring 
these factors into play so as to produce predict- 
able results. 

The citizens mentioned often do not know how 
to persuade their governments to adopt a definite 
program, and the govei-nment itself may not yet 
know how to obtain the cooperation of its popula- 
tion or how to achieve the results desired without 
conscious cooperation. Even where all other con- 
ditions are favorable, a government may lack the 
resources or technology to carry out an effective 
population control program. 

As a consequence, very few governments have 
as yet adopted anything resembling an active 
program of population control, although several 
have adopted measures which make it easier or 
harder for individual families to regulate births. 
Moreover, I can say quite categorically that no 
government has ever yet requested any specific 
assistance from the United States in controlling 
population growth. 

Need for More Knowledge 

I could spend several hours in describing the 
areas of knowledge and the areas of uncertainty, 
but my time is limited and I want to make one 
positive suggestion. At the outset, I want to pay 
tribute to the large number of individuals and 
institutions who have done valuable research into 
population problems and have produced a signifi- 
cant body of knowledge. More than anything 
else at this moment, we need additional knowledge. 
We need knowledge about general population 
problems and specific population problems. We 
need more knowledge about the relationship be- 
tween population growth and economic develop- 
ment. We need technological research, physio- 
logical research, social research, economic 
research, and political researcli. We need to know 
more ; and we even need to know more about what 
we need to know. 

In the past, most of the research concerning 
population problems has been conducted by pri- 
vate organizations and individuals. I suspect 
this will be true in the future. There are people 
in this audience who know far more about the 
subject than I do, and there are certain individ- 

uals here who know more about particular aspects 
of the subject than is known by the entire Depart- 
ment of State. There are several private organi- 
zations in this country, including religious 
organizations with differing views, which have 
already done more about direct population con- 
trol than the Department of State is likely to do 
in tlie foreseeable future. 

If what I have said sounds confusing, let me 
assure you that the basic facts are confusing. 
However, I want to urge the members of this 
audience — and evei-y other person in the United 
States who may be interested in population prob- 
lems — to undertake or stimulate further research 
into all aspects of these problems, especially with 
reference to their relationship to economic and 
social advancement in the lesser developed 

Meanwhile I can tell you fairly simply what the 
Department of State is doing and what it is not 
doing. Fii"st, we are thinking about population 
problems and talking about them. Second, we 
are attemptmg to get other people to think and 
talk about these problems — to stimulate individ- 
uals, organizations, and governments to add to the 
total store of knowledge on this subject. Finally, 
we are prepared to consider, on their merits, cer- 
tain types of requests for assistance to other gov- 
ernments. In fact, we have already begun to 
advise and assist a few governments in their 
efforts to acquire additional knowledge about 
their own population problems, specifically in the 
conduct of censuses. 

I haven't the slightest idea what we will be do- 
ing 1 year or 10 years from now, because we are 
standing at the edge of a jungle that is largely 
imexplored. However, there are certain things 
which I feel certain that the United States Gov- 
ernment will not do. We will not attempt to 
impose population controls upon other govern- 
ments or peoples. We will not make population 
control a condition of our economic assistance to 
other countries. We will not advocate anj' par- 
ticular technique of population control in pref- 
erence to other teclmiques. 

Our refusal to do these things is not based upon 
])olitioal timidity. It is based in part upon the 
lack of information by our Government and other 
governments. It is also based upon certain in- 
escapable facts of international political life — the 
nature of the relationships among free govern- 


[ispat\men\ of State Bvlhtin 

ments and the relationship of governments to 

In any event, our ultimate objective is clear. 
Our Government intends to continue providing 
economic assistance to the lesser developed nations. 
I do not know whether or not the United States 
Government will ever consciously provide specific 
assistance in controlling population growth, and 
I am even less certain whether we will ever offer 
assistance in support of birth-control programs. 
At the present moment, incredible as it may seem 
to some Americans, birth control is not a major 
issue in most parts of the world. It certainly is 
not a policy objective of the United States Gov- 
ernment. Our real objective was stated by Under 
Secretary [George W.] Ball in Vienna only a 
few weeks ago,^ when he said that what we want 
to do is to make sure that every birth eveiywliere 
in the world will some day be accompanied by a 

Immigration Quotas Set for Cameroon, 
Kuwait, Nigeria, and Syria 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated December 7 

The President on December 7 signed a procla- 
mation establishing and revising annual immigra- 
tion quotas as follows : 

Cameroon 151 

Kuwait 100 

Nigeria 149 

Syria 100 

The increase in the quotas for the Federal 
Kepublic of Cameroon and the Federation of 
Nigeria is due to the division of the former U.N. 
Trust Territory of British Cameroons into two 
parts, the northern portion of which, with 49 
percent of the population, joined the Federation 
of Nigeria, the southern portion, with 51 percent 
of the population, uniting with the former Ee- 
public of Cameroon to form the Federal Republic 
of Cameroon. Nigeria and Cameroon are the first 
countries to benefit by the amendment of section 
202(E) of the Immigration and Nationality Act 
by the act of September 26, 1961, to provide that, 
when a quota area has been subject to a change of 
administrative arrangements, change of bounda- 
ries, or other political change, the annual quota of 
the newly established quota area shall not be less 

'/6iV/., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 579. 

January J, 7962 

than the sum total of quotas in efl'cct immediately 
preceding the change. 

The establishment of a quota for the Syrian 
Arab Republic, which was extended de jure recog- 
nition by the United States on October 10, 1961, 
following its withdrawal from the United Arab 
Republic, recalls the former provisions of the Im- 
migration and Nationality Act. Before Syria and 
Egypt formed the United Arab Republic, each 
country had a minimum quota of 100. The United 
Arab Republic, however, could not be accorded 
more than a minimum quota of 100 imder legisla- 
tion then in effect. 

The State of Kuwait, the former Sheikdom of 
Kuwait, has now been extended de jure recogni- 
tion by the United States. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Minister of the Rumanian 
People's Republic, Petre Balaceanu, presented his 
credentials to President Kennedy on December 12. 
For texts of the Minister's remarks and the Pres- 
ident's reply, see Department of State press re- 
lease 880 dated December 12. 

U.S. Announces Intention To Aid 
Nigerian Development Program 

Press release S77 dated December 12 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 12 that the U.S. Government intends to pro- 
vide assistance in the order of $225 million to the 
Government of the Federation of Nigeria in sup- 
port of its development plan to be implemented 
during the years 1962-67. This decision follows 
two visits of a special U.S. economic mission to 
Nigeria which reported favorably on the extent to 
which Nigeria is committing its own resources 
to weU-conceived development plans, its ability to 
absorb foreign assistance, and the sense of social 
justice that pervades its planning. 

The provision of funds will be subject to the 
necessary appropriation by the Congress and to 
subsequent mutual agreement on specific programs 
and projects which meet U.S. legislative and 
policy criteria. 

The Department also annomiced that up to $45 
million of the $225 million will be made available 
to Nigeria during the current U.S. fiscal year. 


The Health Frontier of the Developing Nations of Africa 

hy G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

It is a pleasure to address this distinguished 
audience. Indeed I am greatly honored by your 
invitation to speak to this assemblage of people 
whose professional competence in the field of 
health cannot be excelled. Clearly it is a venture 
for a Government official to talk about medical 
problems to a group like this, but, to be honest, I 
must admit that I jumped at the chance to speak 
here tonight because I am convinced that Africa 
holds a special challenge for people with your 
skills— and I must admit, too, I ti-y never to miss 
a chance to talk about Africa. 

Over the past 9 months I have had the good 
fortune to travel to most areas of the continent of 
Africa. I have been acquiring a firsthand knowl- 
edge of what may be the greatest new challenge 
and the greatest new opportunity of our genera- 
tion — the emergence of Africa onto the world 
scene. I have felt the seething new vitality of this 
vast continent with its 230 million people, its vivid 
contrasts in topography, in climate, in stages of 
political, economic, and social development. And 
I have observed how that development has been 
hampered by the dead hands of disease and igno- 
rance. I have also keenly felt the sharp contrast 
between this vast need and our own rare ability to 
fill the need. With the special help of my wife, 
Nancy, who has been devoted to health and welfare 
work both here in Michigan and abroad and has 
accompanied me on my journeys in Africa, I have 
gained some insight into the problems to which 
you have devoted your lives. 

But my journeys in Africa have had other pur- 

' Address made before the National Citizens Committee 
for the World Health Organization, Inc., at Detroit, Mich., 
on Nov. 14 (press release 784). 

poses as well. It has been my privilege to convey 
to the leaders and peoples of Africa the warm 
greetings of President Kennedy and the people of 
the United States. 

American Policy Regarding Africa 

I have also tried to help Africans to understand 
better America's purposes regarding them. The 
essence of my message in this task is that the 
United States wants for Africa what the Africans 
want for themselves. We want to see there a com- 
munity of sovereign nations growing in vigor and 
prosperity. We welcome the independence of new 
African nations. We imreservedly stand for the 
application of the principles of self-detemiina- 
tion for peoples still in a dependent status. And 
we oppose any abridgment of human rights, 
especially so where, as in the case of South Africa, 
an official policy of white supremacy— apartheid — 
affronts the conscience of mankind. 

These key points of American policy are being, 
and will continue to be, put to the test in Africa. 
Much is expected of us. We cannot afford to be 
preoccupied only with such issues as Berlin and 
nuclear tests, important though these assuredly 
are. We must make good on our traditional com- 
mitment to freedom and self-determination when 
these questions are at stake in Africa, as they are 
in xVlgeria and Angola and the Congo and South 
Africa. Our historic principles and our general 
stand on the great moral issues are genuinely and 
widely respected in Africa. But that respect can 
be eroded. Because our position of leadership is 
too pronounced and our relative allluence and 
power are too evident, we cannot escape censure if 
we falter in facing up to African issues on tlieir 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

The great upsurge of nationalism in Africa is 
very much a matter of the assertion of human dig- 
nity and the struggle for equal rights on a massive 
scale. Colonial rule has not been all bad ; in fact 
the British and the French have made some nota- 
ble contributions to African development. But 
unquestionably the master-servant relationship is 
an anaclironism in the world politics of today, in 
the framework of the high but also realistic prin- 
ciples of the United Nations Charter. Racial 
discrimination in this country is, understandably, 
a disagreeable reminder to Africans of their expe- 
riences under white European colonialists. We 
cannot afford, nor do we want, the constant recur- 
rence of this rather profound emotional irritant 
in our relations with the nations and peoples of 
Africa. We must eliminate discrimination in 
America both because it is right to do so and also 
because our national security in world affairs 
requires it. 

My second task in these travels has been to ac- 
quaint myself, on behalf of the Government, with 
what Africa expects of the United States. I be- 
lieve it important that all Americans get to imder- 
stand what Africans have on their minds and in 
their hearts. 

The leaders I met define Africa's new freedom in 
three principal ways. It means for them and for 
their peoples the right, first of all, to shape their 
own political destinies, their future as independ- 
ent nations. Secondly it means the assertion of 
their dignity and the right to full racial equality. 
And finally it means freedom from degrading 
poverty, from ignorance and debilitating disease — 
it means the prospect of a better standard of 

For Americans, also, freedom has always meant 
these things. And it is in these common meanings 
that we see Africa's challenge to America's posi- 
tion of free- world leadership. 

Role of Preventive Medicine 

Tonight I would like to dwell on one special as- 
pect of this challenge. To express it in terms of 
the theme of tliis dinner, I want to discuss the 
health frontier of the developing nations of Af- 
rica. I base my remarks on the work of Dr. Ealph 
W. McComas, the chief of the foreign operations 
branch of the Division of Foreign Quarantine of 
the Department of Health, Education, and Wel- 
fare. Dr. McComas accompanied me on my last 

trip to countries bordering the Sahara in order to 
assess conditions of health there. I have relied also 
on the work of Dr. Arthur C. Curtis, who heads 
African public health programs of the Agency for 
International Development. Their general con- 
clusions are supported by the earlier studies of the 
Public Health Consultant Mission to Tropical Af- 
rica of the International Cooperation Adminis- 
tration and the World Health Organization, 
which is now in its 12th year in Africa. And I 
must say again my wife's devotion to meeting 
health challenges widened my own understanding 
and observation. 

It is no accident that I draw primarily from 
sources known for their devotion to preventive 
medicine. The history of health work in Africa 
imtil recent years has been almost exclusively that 
of valiant but hopelessly inadequate curative im- 
dertakings. The role of preventive medicine is 
only now being seriously examined. Curative 
programs have been based of necessity on the 
skills of foreign doctors, who have sought to train 
African assistants, nurses, and technicians in the 
operation of hospitals and clinics. Today there 
are only nine medical schools in the entire conti- 
nent. Their graduates are few in number, and it 
is highly unlikely that they will increase signifi- 
cantly in the near future. This is so because most 
education systems of African nations are inade- 
quate. They cannot now and will not for a num- 
ber of years to come qualify a significant number 
of Africans for advanced medical training. 

Curative medicine of course remains indispen- 
sable in Africa as elsewhere. There is nothing 
more iniraculous to me than the work done today 
to cure the human body and mind. In the clinics 
I have visited in Africa heroic work is the daily 
fare of dedicated African and foreign medical 
personnel. Their heroism can be fully appreci- 
ated by those who are cognizant of the extent and 
prevalence of disease and the impossibility of 
making progress against it with curative tech- 
niques alone. 

The U.S. Government has been accumulating 
data on which to base action against disease in Af- 
rica with preventive techniques. All studies re- 
veal a number of grave problems common to the 
entire continent. Almost universal are such epi- 
demic and endemic diseases as malaria, smallpox, 
leprosy, the intestinal parasitic diseases, trachoma 
and river blindness, tuberculosis, and sleeping 

January 1, 1962 


sickness. There is no question that African 
health officials are deeply concerned about the 
need for expanded and improved liealth services to 
control these diseases. They are aware also of the 
almost universal need for better nutrition — 
especially for more protein — as well as for potable 
water, for more and better housing particularly 
in urban areas, for environmental sanitation, for 
programs to control animal and insect vectors, and 
for education in everything from personal hygiene 
through subprofessional health skills to advanced 
medicine and science. 

Unfortunately the departure of foreign techni- 
cians and the reduction of other forms of assist- 
ance from many countries at the time of independ- 
ence have aggravated these needs. Furthermore, 
concern on the part of government policy leaders 
for health varies widely from nation to nation. 
Budget support for health programs and the pri- 
orities assigned to them in development plans also 
vary widely. Heavy emphasis is still given to 
medical care and facilities — up to 15 percent of 
some national budgets. Despite this emphasis and 
the long-term efforts of the colonial powers and 
missionaries, many of whom have been American, 
the facilities, equipment, supplies, and even stores 
of pharmaceuticals are limited and, in many areas, 
grossly inadequate. The contribution of medical 
care toward solution of tlie basic problem must be 
termed minimal. Yet most of the diseases treated 
could have been prevented by the application of 
known public health techniques. 

This tabulation of needs will not, I hope, be con- 
sidered an adverse criticism of the selfless men and 
women from all over the world who have dedi- 
cated their lives to health in Africa. Nor is it my 
intention to criticize either the African or his land. 
My desire is to set forth clearly the problems in 
Africa that challenge health specialists and politi- 
cal leaders throughout the world. It is a chal- 
lenge to apply known techniques of public health 
and research on the health frontier of the develop- 
ing nations of Africa. It is a challenge to invent 
new techniques for problems unique in their vast- 
ness. It is a challenge to prevent disease or to 
limit it to magnitudes with which treatment can 

A few minutes ago I named some widespread 
diseases. I pointed to a liistory of health pro- 
grams in Africa limited primarily to curative 
medicine. I indicated that African governmental 

budgets still devote the bulk of funds to medical 
care. I stated that this care is far from adequate. 
To all tliis must now be added the fact that even 
with contributions from external sources, from in- 
dividual nations, including the former colonial 
powei-s, and from multilateral agencies of the 
United Nations, the resoui-ces available to African 
nations will be insufficient to justify great hopes 
for expansion of expensive curative facilities. 
Rational use of resources demands concentration 
on preventive programs. "With a concentrated, 
sustained program of this kind there is reason to 
expect that substantial progress against disease 
can be achieved ; there is reason to expect that this 
drag on economic and social progress can be signi- 
ficantly reduced. 

Health in Relation to Economic and Social Growth 

Africa's health problems seriously affect the 
economic and social growth of its developing 
countries. The success of many development 
plans will depend upon the availability of man- 
power. Many of Africa's preventable diseases 
strike individuals in their potentially most pro- 
ductive age periods. The occurrence of these 
diseases in yoimger age groups either eliminates 
or handicaps these potential producers. Endemic 
malaria alone has caused repeated failure of agri- 
cultural development projects in other parts of the 
world. In all of tropical Africa, malaria of the 
most serious kind is endemic and is only one of 
several equally serious diseases limiting the pro- 
ductivity of the people of this region. 

Economic and social progress are sure to be 
slow and uncertain in countries where debilitating 
diseases constantly undermine the physical and 
mental vitality of the people. Obviouslj', how- 
ever, progress in the field of health is impossible 
without commensurate progress in social and eco- 
nomic fields as well. Effective programs of dis- 
ease control require sizable cadres trained in the 
various aspects of the health services and profes- 
sions. Development of such cadres depends upon 
the product of the basic educational programs of 
countries. In Africa literacy ranges as low as 10 
percent. Secondary educational facilities in al- 
most all areas are too small to supply a full com- 
plement of students for the all-too-few existing 
institutions of liigher learning. 

Education is, of couree, also essential to im- 
proved nutrition. Improved nutrition requires 


Deparfmenf of Sfate BuUefin 

the intake of a greater variety of foods. This 
means that housewives must not only overcome 
their skepticism about new foods but must also 
learn to prepare them. Educated personnel are 
needed to determine what new foods are to be pro- 
duced and to train those who produce them. Edu- 
cated people are required to develop the agricul- 
tural sector of the economy and to build and 
operate complementary systems of transportation 
and so on. Educated people are required also to 
teach others to do these things. To quote a recent 
WHO statement, ". . . health improvement must 
be geared to social progress and economic devel- 
opment, and with them constitutes an inseparable 

President Kennedy has recognized that economic 
and social development can occur only through 
sustained advance on a broad front. He has 
called for an American program to help the de- 
veloping nations help themselves. He has also 
called for more commitment to long-term devel- 
opment and to orderly planning for national and 
regional development. He has established the 
new Agency for International Development to 
give effect to this American program. 

President Kennedy has also placed high priority 
on stimulating contributions from other developed 
nations and has given impetus to the new Organi- 
zation for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
ment for this purpose. He has called for the most 
effective use of resources, stressing the importance 
of coordination of all programs including, of 
course, those of the multilateral agencies of the 
United Nations, such as the World Health Organi- 
zation (WHO) , the Food and Agriculture Organ- 
ization (FAO), the United Nations Children's 
Fund (UNICEF), and others. Within the 
framework of these principles, the United States, 
both the Government and private organizations, 
can assuredly develop effective programs of assist- 
ance for Africa in the field of health. 

Projects in Ethiopia and Chad 

I would like to suggest the direction which these 
programs might take by quickly describing several 
established projects, which have varying national 
and organizational sponsorsliip. These projects 
have proven effective. They have tested princi- 
ples wliich can guide activities in other areas. 
The few I can reasonably name in my allotted 
time this evening can only suggest the solid and 

the imaginative start being made in Africa today. 

I think first of the school located at Gondar, 
Ethiopia, for health officers, community nurses, 
and sanitarians. There the United States and 
Ethiopian Governments, WHO, and UNICEF 
are contributing each according to its potential. 
Since its establishment in 1954, 200 graduates have 
gone out to staff some 30 newly opened health 
centers. The health officers are a truly new type 
of professional. Their training, designed to re- 
spond to local needs, places major emphasis on 
preventive medicine but also includes curative. 
Moreover, graduates in each of Gondar's sldlls 
are trained to work with the others as a team. 
And of special importance it seems to me is that 
the Ethiopian Government has instituted a health 
tax for the consti-uction of additional health cen- 
ters to insure an expanding program. 

Another exciting and promising experimental 
project, this one in the field of health education, 
has been sponsored by UNESCO [United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza- 
tion] in the Republic of Chad. Within the frame- 
work of a basic education program, a central 
radio station has broadcast health classes to a 
field staff of village educators who move about on 
bicycles, equipped witli receiving sets, to rural 
dispensaries and schools. These and other health 
workers are armed with inexpensive supplemental 
visual aids. Taken all together the program has 
demonstrated sufficient promise to justify UNES- 
CO plans to begin siinilar programs in other 
countries. Many other projects in Libya, Liberia, 
and elsewhere demonstrate how multilateral and 
bilateral methods of assistance can be harmo- 
nized. The goals are the same, but the resources 
are different. Wlaen coordinated with the efforts 
of the Africans tliis assistance can have tremen- 
dous impact. 

These examples point up the kind of innovation 
that will hasten progress against Africa's diseases. 
Less spectacular programs of the World Health 
Organization in north Africa have been sufficiently 
successful to permit planning of broad programs 
for the control or eradication of trachoma and 
malaria. In some areas of west Africa the 
French-sponsored Organization for Coordination 
and Control of Large Epidemics has made con- 
siderable progress in the control of sleeping sick- 
ness. British research has contributed greatly to 
our imderstanding of vectors and their control. 

January 1, J 962 


These and other programs of WHO, UNICEF, 
FAO, and the philanthropic foundations, although 
modest, appear sound, well executed, and geared 
to the resources of the countries. 

Expansion and multiplication in Africa of pro- 
grams in preventive medicine and in training of 
personnel are vital if the most practical use of 
existing human resources is to be made. The 
growth of these programs must be coordinated 
with the indispensable curative programs; their 
development must be in step with social and eco- 
nomic progress. Without diligent effort now to 
establish and expand preventive medicine and 
public health services, the African's hopes for a 
better life — for human dignity — which imderlie 
today's continent-wide resurgence could turn to 
despair. As President Kennedy put it in his 
speech before the United Nations,^ 

Political sovereignty is but a mockery without the 
means of meeting poverty and illiteracy and disease. 
Self-determination is but a slogan if the future holds no 

Ladies and gentlemen, your presence here to- 
night is eloquent testimony of the leading position 
of the United States in the fields of health which 
are of critical importance to Africa today. With 
your support, your Government, together with 
other free nations and the multilateral agencies 
of the United Nations, can move against the prob- 
lems on the health frontiers of Africa's develop- 
ing nations. You remember the words of the 
President's inaugural,^ "To those people in the 
huts and villages of half the globe struggling to 
break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best 
efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever 
period is required — not because the Communists 
may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, 
but because it is right." 

U.S. To Aid Basic Economic Project 
on Volta River in Ghana 

Press release 887 dated December 16 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 16 that Clarence Eandall, on behalf of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, would on that day 
inform the Government of Ghana that the TTnited 
States will join Ghana, the United Kingdom, the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Devel- 

opment, and American private industry in financ- 
ing the Volta River project.^ The 5-year project 
will involve a U.S. loan of $37 million, of which 
about $25 million will be paid out over the next 
3 years. 

This action is the culmination of nearlj' 3 years 
of active study and negotiation to insure the eco- 
nomic and technical feasibility of the project. 
The go-ahead on the Volta project, like recent U.S. 
approval of substantial commitments of economic 
assistance to Tanganyika and Nigeria, is expected 
to assist the developing African nations to 
strengthen their economies, maintain their inde- 
pendence, and facilitate the growth of free polit- 
ical institutions. 

The United States, through its agencies, the 
Development Loan Fund and the Export-Import 
Bank, will loan $37 million to the Volta River 
Authority over a period of at least 5 years for the 
construction of a dam, power station, and trans- 
mission grid. The remaining funds will come 
from sources outside the U.S. Government, Loan 
advances to the Volta River Authority will be 
made on a 50-50 matching basis with the Ghanaian 
Government. The Volta River Authority is an 
independent Ghana Government corporation, pat- 
terned after the Tennessee Valley Authority. Its 
chief engineer will be Frank J. Dobson, a distin- 
guished Canadian engineer now with the Hydro- 
electric Power Commission of Ontario. 

In addition, the United States, through the De- 
velopment Loan Fund and the Export-Import 
Bank, will extend loan assistance and investment 
guaranties to a consortiiun of private American 
companies [Volta Aluminum Co.] who will build 
and operate an aluminum smelter using power gen- 
erated by the dam. VALCO's shareholders, the 
American aluminum companies, have agreed to 
purchase the aluminum produced by the smelter 
at a price which will cover debt service charges and 
operating costs, iiicluding power costs. The power 
rate, in turn, has been established at a level which 
will cover debt service on the dam. Thus the 
repayment of both loajis is assured. Under an 
agreement between VALCO and the Authority, 
the First National City Bank of New York will 
act as a trustee to receive these payments for the 
aluminum and apply the funds directly to pay 
VALCO's obligations. 

' Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 
• Ibid., Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175. 

' For background, see Bulletin of July 24, 1961, p. 153, 
and Nov. 6, 1961, p. 771. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Department Responds to Queries 
Concerning Oil Imports Program 

Statement hy C. W. Niclwls ^ 

I appreciate the opportunity of appearing at 
these hearings and presenting information on be- 
lialf of the Department of State respecting the 
mandatory oil imports program. Your letter of 
Dctober 20 posed four separate questions and asked 
the Department's views on each of them. My 
presentation today will follow the order in which 
^our letter posed the questions. 

First, your letter stated: "We are most inter- 
jsted in obtaining evidence with respect to whether 
the United States has any treaty obligations, pur- 
suant to the Trade Extension Agreements, that 
might interfere or conflict with limitations on the 
importation of foreign oil." 

We take this question to be asking broadly 
whether the United States has any agreements 
jntered into under the authority of the Trade 
i^greements Act of 1934, as amended and extended 
(19 U.S.C. 1351(a)), which might interfere or 
conflict with limitations on the importation of 
foreign oil. Two such agreements exist, the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the bi- 
lateral trade agreement with Venezuela.^ The 
fundamental intent of the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade and the Venezuelan agi-eement 
is to stimulate the broadest possible international 
jxchange of goods. There is a basic inconsistency 
between the petroleum restrictions and this intent. 
However, the GATT and the Venezuelan agree- 
ment make exception for the national defense re- 
3(uirements of their contracting parties. The 
United States maintains that such exceptions 
provide legal justification for its petroleum policy. 
Phis legal justification mitigates the conflict be- 
tween these restrictions and the goal of these trade 
agreements but only for such time as there is 
Bvidence that they are necessary to safeguard the 
security of the United States. 

Second, the letter stated: "We would like to 
dave your views as to the possibility of the United 
States being deprived of foreign oil and the con- 

' Made before Subcommittee 4 of the House Select Com- 
mittee on Small Business on Nov. 21 (press release 801). 
Mr. Nichols is Special Assistant to the Assistant Secre- 
tary for Economic Affairs. 

' 54 Stat. 2375 ; 3 UST 4195. 

comitant importance of maintaining a healthy 
and adequate domestic oil production industry." 

The Department believes that full considera- 
tion of this subject requires also the coordinated 
views of several agencies, including the Depart- 
ment of Defense, the Office of Emergency Plan- 
ning, and the Department of the Interior. The 
following comments are offered with this in mind. 

There are a number of possible developments in 
world production and trade in petroleum that 
might affect U.S. oil supplies. Wo witnessed one 
such event in the Suez Canal difficulty in 1956-57. 
In that case, however, the loss of oil supplies to 
the U.S. was less important than the interruption 
of the oil flow to European destinations that de- 
pended on it, but we suffered some inconvenience 
in the adjustment that had to be made. 

It is highly unlikely that developments short 
of war could cause a serious interference with U.S. 
access to foreign oil. In the first place, the large 
and growing number of oil-producing countries 
provide alternative sources. Secondly, since most 
major oil-exporting countries have a one-product 
economy, they have a strong interest in maintain- 
ing their position in the U.S. market. 

A wartime situation can be described only in 
the most general of terms because the possibility 
of deprivation would vary with the participants 
and the type of war being fought. Oil from ad- 
jacent friendly countries obviously is as safe as 
domestic oil from a military standpoint. This is 
the reason for the overland exemption to the pres- 
ent oil import control program. 

Military authorities can speak with greater au- 
thority than the Department of State on the 
extent to which oil brought in by tanker might 
be vulnerable to submarine attack. It may be 
pointed out, however, that any war so general in 
nature as to involve submarine attack on our ocean 
shipping also would involve a high probability 
of damage to ports, refineries, railroads, highways, 
and consuming areas. Because of such damage, 
available supplies both of oil and of solid fuels 
might be surplus to requirements during such all- 
out conflict. "Brush fire" wars might interfere 
with some sources of oil, but it is improbable that 
the U.S. woidd suffer a crippling shortage on that 
account. The existence of well-developed foreign 
sources would probably mean advantage in local 
overseas fighting. 

The Department believes that security in oil 

lanuary h 1962 


demands a balanced approach. A healthy, effi- 
cient, and progressive industry is needed to pro- 
vide oil, in an emergency, to our oountiy and its 
allies. Government intei-vention in tlie oil mar- 
ket may be necessary but should not be pushed 
beyond the point of diminishing returns. 

In assessing what Government should imder- 
take, one must consider the need of the economy 
for low-cost fuel, the effect of import restrictions 
in this country on our efforts to open up foreign 
markets for the products of American farms and 
factories, and the stake of American investors in 
oil production abroad. We also must consider 
the security effect of political repercussions in 
friendly countries dependent for a livelihood on 

The third question took the following form: 
"It would be helpful if you . . . would ex- 
plain . . . the arrangements by which foreign 
imported oil is trucked into this country from 
Mexico as exempt overland imports." 

The circumstances that led to the import of oil 
by truck into the U.S. from Mexico were an un- 
expected byproduct of the oil import control pro- 
gram. Before the program began, PEMEX, the 
Mexican petroleum coi-poration, used to sell oil, 
in approximately the quantities now entering at 
Brownsville, to customers in the New York City 
area. When the progi-am started, these custom- 
ers, being historic importers, received import 
quotas. The New York importers subsequently 
were absorbed, along with their import quotas, 
by a major international oil company which de- 
cided to utilize these import quotas to bring in its 
own oil from Trinidad instead of buying oil in 
Mexico. The Brownsville arrangement resulted 
from PEMEX's effort to locate replacement cus- 
tomers for some 30,000 barrels a day. Mexico 
needed the income from these sales, both for the 
Mexican company and as a small contribution to- 
ward meeting the large perennial deficit in 
Mexico's trade with the U.S. The functioning of 
the import control program had created an imf ore- 
seen and unintended hardship for Mexico. 

In the absence of adequate unloading and stor- 
age facilities for petroleum products on the Mexi- 
can side of the border at Matamoros-Brownsville 
or of a pipeline from the Gulf Coast oil fields of 
Mexico to the U.S. border, Mexico sought and 
found another means whereby it could continue to 
export the small amount of residual and other 

oils produced in Mexico wliich it had exported 
to the U.S. under import quotas imtil the above- 
mentioned absorption of the former importers by 
other companies. 

The arrangements by which oil enters the United 
States under this exemption are: 

1. Mexican oil is shipped by tanker from Mexico 
to Brownsville, Texas, where it enters a customs 
bonded warehouse or otherwise remains in con- 
tinuous customs custody. 

2. It subsequently is withdrawn by the Mexican 
petroleum corporation under a "warehouse with- 
drawal for exportation," or from other customs 
custody under an immediate export entry, in order 
that it may be taken into Mexico for sale. Under 
U.S. customs rulings the oil has not been imported 
into the U.S. 

3. The oil is transported by motor carrier to 
Matamoros, Mexico, via the Gateway Bridge. 
Ownership is transferred after the oil enters 

4. The new owner takes possession, and the oil 
enters the United States by motor carrier. 

As this is Mexican oil entering the U.S. over- 
land from Mexico, its entry is consistent with the 
President's amended proclamation No. 3279 of 
March 10, 1959 (which imposed restrictions on 
oil imports), which exempts from tlie restrictions 
crude oil, unfinished oils, and finished products 
entering the United States by pipeline, motor car- 
rier, or rail from the country of production. 

Tanker shipments direct from Tampico to con- 
suming areas are more economic and involve less 
handling of product than the Brownsville ar- 
rangement. Consequently, PEMEX is continuing 
its efforts to find new customers entitled to import 
quotas. The company regards the Brownsville 
procedure as a supplementary marketing method 
and intends to utilize direct tanker shipments to 
the fullest extent possible. The Mexican Gov- 
ernment has given the United States assurances 
that its overland shipments via Brownsville will 
average not over 30,000 barrels a day tlirough 

The subcommittee's fourth and last question 
was : "We would also like to have your views as 
to the extent and probable effect upon this nation 
and (he other free world countries of the current 
tremendous expansion in oil exportation by the 
Soviet Union." 

The U.S.S.R., which is endowed bountifully 


Deporfmenf of Sfofe Bulletin 

with extensive sedimentary basins, has, during 
recent years, increased its production of petro- 
leum at a rapid rate. This production, which 
amounted to slightly more tlian a million barrels 
a day in 1953, has increased almost threefold to 
slightly less than 3 million barrels a day in 1960. 
The 7-year plan of the U.S.S.R. has set as its ob- 
jective the production of 4.8 million barrels a day 
in 1965. At present rates of increase in produc- 
tion, this target may be exceeded by as much as 
15 percent. 

The U.S.S.R. has not been increasing consump- 
tion at as rapid a rate as production and has 
found itself with an increasing surplus of oil 
available for export. As a consequence, since 
1955 Soviet oil exports to the free world have in- 
creased sharply. 

Exports of Soviet oU to the free world, which 
averaged about 100,000 barrels a day in 1955, 
have increased rapidly to approximately 450,000 
barrels a day in 1960. Such exports are currently 
estimated to be nmning in the neighborhood of 
550,000 barrels a day. It has been estimated that 
the Soviets may have the capacity in 1965 to ex- 
port approximately 1 million barrels a clay of 
crude oil and petroleum products to the free 
world, with an additional export of some 500,000 
barrels a day to the Eastern European satellites 
and Communist China. 

The ability of the Soviet Union to achieve this 
rate of export will be enhanced by the completion, 
which is planned for 1965, of pipelines to ports 
on the Baltic and Black Seas. The extension of 
a pipeline from central Siberia to the Pacific is 
also under consideration and may be available 
about the same time. 

The Soviets have pointed out that they have 
been traditional exporters of oil in the past and 
have as their objective regaining their previous 
market position in the period 1925 to 1935, 
which averaged some 14.3 percent of the total oil 
imports of Western countries. In 1959 Soviet 
exports were about 4 percent of estimated free- 
world trade in petroleum. If the Soviets export 
1 million barrels a day in 1965, their phase of 
the market would be roughly 7 percent of esti- 
mated free-world trade in petroleum. 

At present approximately 75 percent of Soviet 
exports of oil are moving to Western Europe. 
The Soviets have found this market relatively 
easy to penetrate, owing to its geographical prox- 

imity and its large and rapidly growing demand 
for ci-ude oil and petrolemn products. Many in- 
dustrialists in Western Europe desire a cheap 
form of energy and are thus keenly interested in 
importing low-priced Soviet oil. The Soviets, in 
return, find that the Western European countries 
are able to supply many of the industrial items 
which are needed for the domestic expansion pro- 
gram in the U.S.S.II. 

There is a general overcapacity to produce oil 
throughout the free world at the present time, 
and this condition will probably exist for several 
years. This condition of surplus supply has, for 
some time, tended to have a softening effect on 
petroleum prices. The addition of more than half 
a million barrels a day of Soviet oil to a market 
already overloaded with surplus oil has added 
significantly to the weakening of the oil price 
structure. Moreover, the Soviets, in order to sell 
oil in Western markets, have in some instances 
reduced their prices to obtain the business. The 
effects of these reduced prices greatly outweigh 
the importance of Soviet oil measured as a percent- 
age of total movements of oil. 

While it is probable that exports of oil from 
the U.S.S.R. to Europe are made to a considerable 
extent for economic reasons, oil shipments to less 
developed countries seem to have a great degree 
of political motivation. Since the market for 
petroleum in less developed countries is generally 
small, a small volume of exports of oil to any one 
country by the U.S.S.R. can cause considerable 
disruption of the markets there. In several cases 
the Soviet Union has been willing to accept local 
currency for shipments of oil to less developed 
countries or, on the basis of barter transactions, to 
accept surplus goods which these countries have 
had difficulty in exporting to the free world. Such 
trading tactics on the part of the U.S.S.R. may, 
in the long rim, result in some less developed 
coimtries' becoming dependent upon the Soviet 
Union to an extent whereby their freedom of ac- 
tion is compromised. 

Since the bulk of exports of Soviet oil obviously 
displace oil wliich would have been sold from 
other sources, Soviet oil has had the effect of de- 
creasing the rate of growth which free- world pro- 
ducer countries might otherwise have expected to 
attain. This has resulted in lessening the antici- 
pated amounts of revenue which these countries 
had hoped to receive. Recently at the third Arab 

January J, J 962 


Oil Congress a delegate spoke strongly against the 
depressing effect on prices for free-world oil 
caused by exports of low-priced Soviet oil. Con- 
cern has also been expressed in both Europe and 
the United States. 

Overdependence on Soviet oil exports or on the 
U.S.S.R. as a market for Western products is a 
danger that free-world countries must take very 
seriously. The Soviet Union will have to be 
reckoned with as a substantial oil supplier in world 
markets for a number of yeare to come. 

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota 
at Zero for First Half of 1962 


Whereas section 408(b) (1) of the Sugar Act of 1&18, 
as amended by the act of March 31, 1961, provides that 
the President shall determine, notwithstanding any other 
provision of Title II of the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, 
the quota for Cuba for the period ending June 30, 1962, 
in such amount or amounts as he shall find from time to 
time to be in the national interest, and further provides 
that in no event shall such quota exceed such amount 
as would be provided for Cuba under the terms of Title 
II of the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, in the absence 
of section 408(b) ; and 

Whereas section 408(b) (1) of the Sugar Act of 1948, 
as amended, further provides that determinations made 
by the President thereunder shall become effective im- 
mediately upon publication in the Federal Register ; and 

Whereas section 408(b) (2) and section 408(b) (3) of 
the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, authorize the Presi- 
dent, subject to certain requirements, to cause or permit 
to be brought or imported into or marketed in the United 
States a quantity of sugar not in excess of the amount 
by which the quotas which would be established for 
Cuba under the terms of Title II of such Act exceed the 
quotas established for Cuba by the President pursuant 
to section 408(b) of the Act; and 

Whereas, by Proclamation No. 3401 of March 31, 1961,' 
the President determined the quota for Cuba for the 
calendar year 1961, to be zero ; and 

Whereas, pursuant to section 40S(b)(l) of the Sugar 
Act of 1948, as amended, I find it to be in the national 
interest that the amount of the quotas for sugar and for 
liquid sugar for Cuba pursuant to the Sugar Act of 1948, 
as amended, for the six-month period ending June 30, 
1962, should be zero : 

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the 

United States of America, acting under and by virtue of 
the authority vested in me by section 408(b) of the Sugar 
Act of 1948, as amended, and section 301 of title 3 of the 
United States Code, and as President of the United 
States : 

1. Do hereby determine that in the national interest the 
amount of the quotas for sugar and for liquid sugar for 
Cuba pursuant to the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended, for 
the six-month period ending June 30, 1962, shall be zero ; 

2. Do hereby continue the delegation to the Secretary 
of Agriculture of the authority vested in the President 
by section 408(b) (2) and section 408(b) (3) of the Sugar 
Act of 1948, as amended, such authority to be continued 
to be exercised with the concurrence of the Secretary of 

This proclamation shall become effective immediately 
upon publication in the Federal Register. 

In witness whereof, I have hereimto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 

Done at the City of Washington this first day of Decem- 
ber in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred 
[seal] and sixty-one and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the one hundred and 

f^J /L^ 

By the President: 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

Department Explains U.S. Position 
on Dominican Sugar 

Department Statement 

Press release 864 dated December 8 

In connection with the statement in an an- 
nouncement by the Department of Agriculture on 
December 8 that authorization to purchase the 
tonnage of nonquota sugar allocated to the Do- 
minican Eepublic would be withheld at tliis time, 
the Department of State wishes to make clear 
that the reason for withholding purchase authori- 
zation is the fact that the United States does not 
maintain diplomatic relations with the Dominican 

' No. 3440 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 11714. 

" For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 24, 1961, p. 592. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 12, 1060, p. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Existing legislation authorizes the Executive to 
withhold purchases of nonquota sugar from any 
country with which we do not maintain diplo- 
matic relations. Purchases of nonquota sugar 
from the Dominican Republic will be authorized 
when diplomatic relations are resumed, provided 
the resumption takes place within a reasonable 

The resumption of diplomatic relations de- 
pends upon (1) action by the Council of the Or- 
ganization of American States to rescind the res- 
olution of the Sixth Meeting of Foreign Ministere 
at San Jose, Costa Rica, in August 1960, which 
called for the breaking of diplomatic relations of 
all member states with the Dominican Republic,^ 
and (2) a determination by the United States 
and by the Dominican Republic that diplomatic 
relations between the two countries should be re- 
sumed. In making its determination, the United 
States would, of course, be guided by its estimate 
of the extent to which its renewal of diplomatic 
relations with the Dommican Republic would as- 
sist that country in its efforts toward democrati- 

deposited to the credit of the United States and 
will be available for use by the U.S. Government. 
The agreement provides that, beginning January 
2, 1972, the Polish Government will repurchase for 
dollars at the rate of $1.5 million annually such 
zlotys as have not been used. 

This agreement represents a further step of this 
Government to meet Polish needs by sales of agri- 
cultural commodities. Since 1957 similar agree- 
ments under Public Law 480 have provided for a 
total of $365.3 million in such sales to Poland. A 
total of $61 million in credits has also been ex- 
tended to Poland between 1957 and 1959 through 
the Export-Import Bank, which has been used 
primarily for the purchase of equipment and ma- 
terials, agricultural commodities, and poliomy- 
elitis vaccine. Shipments of these items have con- 
tributed directly to an improvement in Polish 
diets and medical care, and they have been ac- 
cepted by the Polish people as material evidence 
of the continuing interest and friendship of the 
United States for Poland. 

P.L. 480 Agreement Signed 
by U.S. and Poland 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 15 (press release 884) that an agreement ^ was 
concluded at Washington on that day by the 
United States and Poland which provides for the 
sale to Poland of agricultural commodities having 
a total export market value of $44.6 million includ- 
ing certain ocean transportation costs. Under the 
provisions of the Agricultural Trade Development 
and Assistance Act, as amended (Public Law 480) , 
Poland will purchase surplus agricultural com- 
modities, including wheat, barley, edible oils, and 
tallow. Shipments under this agreement are ex- 
pected to help meet current urgent Polish needs 
in these commodities. 

As provided in the act, payment will be in local 
currency (Polish zlotys). This currency will be 

' For background, see ibid., Sept. 5, 1960, p. 358 ; Feb. 
20, 1961, p. 273; Dec. 4, 1961, p. 929; and Dec. 18, 1961, 
p. 1000. 

' For text, see press release 884 dated Dec. 15. 


Recess Appointments 

The President on December 7 made the following recess 
appointments : 

William' J. Handley to be Ambassador to Mali. (For 
biographic details, see White House press release (Palm 
Beach, Fla.) dated December 7.) 

Ridgway B. Knight to be Ambassador to Syria. (For 
biographic details, see White House press release (Palm 
Beach, Fla.) dated December 7.) 

Raymond L. Thurston to be Ambassador to Haiti. ( For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
891 dated December 18.) 

The President on December 10 appointed Seymour 
Janow to be Assistant Administrator for the Far East, 
Agency for International Development. (For biographic 
details, see White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) 
dated December 9.) 

The President on December 14 appointed Parker 
Thompson Hart to be Ambassador to Kuwait. (For 
biograjjhic details, see White House press release dated 
December 14.) 

January h 1962 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ' 

Scheduled January Through March 1962 

U.N. ECAFE Committee for Coordination of Investigations of ttie Phnom Penh, Cambodia . . . Jan. 3- 

Lower Mekong Basin: 16th (General) Session. 

CENTO Scientific Council Lahore Jan. 4- 

CENTO Symposium on the Role of Science in the Development of Lahore Jan. 8- 

Natural Resources With Particular Reference to Iran, Pakistan, and 


IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 5th Session London Jan. 8- 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 14th Session of Sub- New York Jan. 8- 

commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of 


ICAO Communications Division: 7th Session Montreal Jan. 9- 

U.N. ECAFE Intraregional Trade Promotion Talks Bangkok Jan. 10- 

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Commercial Arbitration Bangkok Jan. 11- 

CENTO Economic Experts Ankara Jan. 15- 

FAO Desert Locust Control Technical Advisory Committee: 10th Rome Jan. 15- 


IAEA Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Law (including third-party Brussels Jan. 22- 

liability for nuclear shipping). 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 5th Session Bangkok Jan. 22- 

FAO Desert Locust Control Committee: 7th Session Rome Jan. 24- 

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: Scientific Committee Ottawa Jan. 29- 

FAO Meeting on Hemorrhagic Septicemia Kuala Lumpur Jan. 29- 

WMO Commission for Instruments and Methods of Observation: 3d New Delhi Jan. 29- 


U.N. ECOSOC Regional Seminar on the Participation of Women in Singapore Jan. 30- 

Public Life. 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 14th Bangkok Jan. 31- 


WHO Executive Board: 29th Session (and Standing Committee on Geneva January 

Administration and Finance). 

U.N. Special Fund Governing Council: 7th Session New York January 

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 5th Meeting Ottawa Feb. 7- 

U.N. ECAFE Inland Transport and Communications Committee: 10th Bangkok Feb. 12- 


OECD Maritime Transport Committee: 2d Session Paris Feb. 14- 

FAO International Rice Commission: 6th Session of Consultative Sub- Rangoon Feb. 15- 

committee on the Economic Aspects of Rice. 

IMCO Council: Extraordinary Session London Feb. 19- 

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa: 4th Session Addis Ababa Feb. 19- 

IMCO Council: 6th Session London Feb. 20- 

CENTO Economic Committee Washington Feb. 26- 

lAEA Board of Governors Vienna Feb. 27- 

ICAO Air Traffic Control Automation Panel Montreal February 

ICAO Panel on Origin and Destination Statistics: 4th Meeting . . . Montreal February 

U.N. International Wheat Conference Geneva February 

OAS/UNESCO/ECLA Conference on Education and Economic and Santiago Mar. 5- 

Social Development. 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee for Industrial Development: 2d Session . . New York Mar. 5- 

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE) : 18th Tokyo Mar. 6- 


ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Geneva Mar. 15- 


U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Status of Women: 16th Session. . . . New York Mar. 19- 

WMO Commission for Synoptic Meteorology: 3d Session Washington Mar. 26- 

CENTO Military Committee London Mar. 28- 

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences: 7th Meeting of Tech- Turrialba, Costa Rica .... March 

nical Advisory Council. 

' Pn'ijared in the Oflice of International Conferences, Dec. 15, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: CENTO, 
Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECLA, Economic Commission 
for Latin America; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; IAEA, Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organi- 
zation; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; OAS, Organization of American States; OECD, 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, 
Scientifie and Cultural Organization; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological Organization. 

36 Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

Tanganyika Admitted 
to United Nations 

Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson 

VJS. Representative to the United Nations ^ 

Tlie United States is most happy to welcome the 
application of Tanganyika for membership in the 
United Nations. And we acknowledge with warm 
appreciation the competent speeches of welcome 
we have lieard here this morning. 

For my part, I shall long remember the charm- 
ing and informative address about Tanganyika 
by our colleague, the distinguished Ambassador 
of Ceylon. I did not overlook liis reminder that 
the Olduvai skull, the oldest human remain, was 
found in Tanganyika and is sometimes called the 
Nutcracker Man. If American slang is not for- 
bidden, I could express the hope that the United 
Nations might find in Tanganyika another "nut- 
cracker man." 

There is little for me to add to what has already 
been said, but I can repeat that Tanganyika was 
the largest of the trust territories, both in area and 
population. It is the most recent of the trust ter- 
ritories to emerge as an independent nation from 
the trusteeship process of the United Nations. 
The United States is one of the countries that has 
from the beginning taken an active interest in 
the United Nations trusteeship system. We may, 
therefore, be forgiven if we feel a special pride 
and satisfaction as this large and promising new 
nation enters our ranks. Closely associated as we 
are with the work of the Trusteeship Council, we 
are well aware of the part that the United King- 
dom has played and happily continues to play in 
Tanganyika. A firm foundation has been laid by 
many devoted and talented English men and 
women who furnish what promises to be a fruitful 
and close relationship between two great countries 
in the future. 

We are honored to know that Prime Minister 
Julius Nyerere and representatives of the Tan- 
ganyika Government have come to the seat of the 
United Nations for this memorable event, and we 
extend to them our warm welcome. They are, to 
use the words of my country's representative on 
the Trusteeship Council [Jonathan B. Bingham], 
symbols of African hopes, African dignity, and 
African success, and they give us a glimpse of the 

iMade in the Security Council on Dec. 14 (U.S./U.N. 
press release 3SS9). 

U.S. Congratulates Tanganyika 
on Independence 

Following is the text of a message from President 
Kennedy to the Oovernment and people of Tan- 
ganyika, whioh teas delivered to Prime Minister 
Julius Nyerere at Dar-es-Salaam on December 9 
by Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., Personal Representa- 
tive of the President at the Tanganyika independ- 
ence celebrations. 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated 
December 8 

On behalf of the people of the United States of 
America, I extend the heartiest congratulations to 
the government and people of Tanganyika on the 
occasion of their independence. 

Tanganyika's leaders, above all Prime Minister 
Julius Nyerere, and its people have brought their 
land to Freedom and equality among nations in a 
manner that has won the admiration of all Ameri- 
cans. For Americans also cherish individual liberty 
and national independence, and they share with 
Tanganyikans the knowledge that these goals are 
achieved and maintained only at the cost of un- 
remitting labor and sacrifice. 

Americans also share with the people of Tan- 
ganyika a profound respect for the principles of 
the United Nations Charter. Tanganyika has 
passed to independence through a period of United 
Nations trusteeship under British administration. 
It is gratifying that this period ends with continu- 
ing cooperation between these two sovereign friends 
of the United States. Gratifying also is this new 
nation's example in the exercise of human rights 
in which Tanganyikans of different racial origins 
band as one to the task of economic and social 
progress. This new nation brings to world councils 
a welcome sense of responsibility and a stanch 

The people of the United States of America shall 
work to multiply and strengthen bonds of friend- 
ship with the government and people of Tanganyika. 
We look forward to working together with Tan- 
ganyikans in the cause of freedom, dignity and 

tremendous contribution which the peoi^le of 
Africa can make to this upset world of ours. Tan- 
ganyika has had notable success in establishing a 
harmonious multiracial society. The representa- 
tive of the United Kingdom in the Trusteeship 
Council, Sir Hugh Foote, has called Tanganyika's 
achievement one of the most striking and success- 
ful ventures in racial harmony and freedom ever 


While Tanganyika has reason to be proud of its 
achievements, its people and its leaders still face, 

January 1, 1962 


needless to say, formidable problems in develop- 
ing the economy, the education, and the social po- 
tential of their comitry. Prime Minister Nyerere 
and Tanganyika's other leaders are well aware 
of these challenges and have declared their in- 
tention to wage a silent revolution against poverty, 
disease, and ignorance, in order to raise the stand- 
ards of living of the people and the general cir- 
cumstances of life in this new country. In tliis 
we wish them all success and are prepared to ex- 
tend our help and our cooperation. We extend 
our sincere congratulations to the Government 
and the people of Tanganyika and with great 
pleasure will vote in favor of the resolution spon- 
sored by Ceylon, Liberia, and the United Arab 
Republic. And we look forward to a happy and 
fruitful association in the United Nations with 
the representatives of this great country.^ 


Current Actions 


Automotive Traffic 

Customs convention on temporary importation of private 
road vehicles. Done at New Yorlt June 4, 1954. En- 
tered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 3943. 
Accession deposited: Norway, October 10, 1961. 


Convention relating to the suppression of the abuse of 
opium and other drugs. Signed at The Hague Janu- 
ary 23, 1912. Entered into force February 11, 1915. 
38 Stat. 1912. 

Notification received that it considers itself bound: 
Cameroon, November 20, 19C1. 

Convention for limiting the manufacture and regulating 
the distribution of narcotic drugs, as amended (61 Stat. 
2230; 62 Stat. 1796). Done at Geneva July 13, 1931. 
Entered into force July 9, 1933. 48 Stat. 1543. 
Notification received that it considers itself iound: 
Cameroon, November 20, 1961. 

Protocol bringing under international control drugs out- 
side the scoi>e of the convention limiting the manufac- 
ture and regulating the di.stribution of narcotic drugs 
concluded at Geneva July 13, 1931 (48 Stat. 1.543), as 
amended (61 Stat. 2230; 02 Stat. 1790). Done at 

Paris November 19, 1948. Entered Into force Decem- 
ber 1, 1949 ; for the United States, September 11, 1950. 
TIAS 2308. 

Notification received that it considers itself bound: 
Cameroon, November 20, 1961. 

Oil Pollution 

International convention for the prevention of pollution 
of the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at London 
May 12, 1954. Entered into force July 26, 1958; for 
the United States December 8, 1961. 
Acceptance deposited: Kuwait, November 27, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

General agreement on tariffs and trade, with annexes and 
schedules, and protocol of provisional application. Con- 
cluded at Geneva October 30, 1947. TIAS 1700. 
Admitted as contracting party: Tanganvika, Decem- 
ber 9, 1961. 
Arrangements regarding international trade in cotton 
textiles. Done at Geneva July 21, 1961. Entered into 
force October 1, 1961. TIAS 4884. 
Acceptances: Australia, November 17, 1961; Austria 
(with a statement), December 5, 1961; Pakistan, De- 
cember 1, 1961. 

2 On Dec. 14 the General Assembly by acclamation ad- 
mitted Tanganyika to membership, foUovdng a recom- 
mendation on the same date by the Security Council. 


Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 11-17 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases Issued prior to December 11 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 784 of 
November 14 ; 801 of November 21 ; 827 of Novem- 
ber 30; 832 of December 1; 860 of December 7; 
864 of December 8; and 869 of December 10. 


Coombs : "A New Dimension of U.S. 

Foreign Relations." 
Report of delegation to 19th session 

of GATT. 
Ball : "Reduction of Tariff Barriers 

to Trade." 
Ball : "Obstacles to the Trade of Less 

Developed Countries." 
Gudeman : "Trade in Agricultural 

U.S. participation in international 

Ball : interview on "Meet the Press." 
Development aid to Nigeria. 
Ball : situation in the Congo. 
Richards receives AID distinguished 

service award. 
Rumania credentials (rewrite). 
Visit of Kalmyk people's delegation 

to Department (rewrite). 
Popkin appointed AID development 

program officer for the Far East 

(biographic details). 
Bayley sworn in as AID director of 

public affairs (biographic details). 
Agricultural commodities agreement 

with Poland (rewrite). 
White : situation in the Congo. 
Ambassador of Nigeria thanks U.S. 

for aid. 
Volta River project in Ghana. 
Meeting of Congolese leaders. 


















•882 12/15 









♦Not printed. 


Department of Sfate Bulletin 

January 1, 1962 I n 

Africa. The Health Frontier of the Developing 
Nations of Africa (Williams) 26 

ARriculture. P.L. 480 Agreement Signed by U.S. 
aud Poland 35 

Asia. Janow apix)inted assistant administrator for 

Far East, .\ID 35 

Cameroon. Immigration Quotas Set for Camer- 
oon, Kuwait, Xigeria, aud Syria 25 

Congo (Leopoldville) 

Prisident Kennedy Asked To Facilitate Negotia- 
tions Between Congo Leaders (White, Depart- 
ment statement) 10 

US. Supports U.N. Aid to Congolese Efforts To Re- 

«niye Difficulties (Ball, Department statement) . 11 

Congress, The. Department Responds to Queries 
I'oneerning Oil Imports Program (Nichols) . . 31 

Cuba. President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero 
for First Half of 1962 34 

Department and Foreign Service. Recess Appoint- 
ments (Handley, Hart, Janow, Knight, Thurs- 
ton) 35 

Dominican Republic. Department Explains U.S. 
Position on Dominican Sugar 34 

Economic Affairs 

Department Explains U.S. Position on Dominican 

Sugar 34 

Department Responds to Queries Concerning Oil 

Imports Program (Nichols) 31 

International Economic and Social Development 

(Nunley, Rusk) 18 

Issues Facing GATT in the New Trading World 

(Ball, (iudeman, U.S. delegation report, text of 

declaration) 3 

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero for First 

Half of 1962 34 

U.S. To Aid Basic Economic Project on Volta River 

in Ghana 30 

Foreign Aid 

International Economic and Social Development 

(Nunley, Rusk) 18 

Janow appointed assistant administrator for Far 

East, AID 35 

President Responds to Request From Viet-Nam for 

U.S. Aid (Diem, Kennedy) 13 

U.S. Announces Intention To Aid Nigerian De- 
velopment Program 25 

Ghana. U.S. To Aid Basic Economic Project on 

Volta River in Ghana 30 

Haiti. Thurston appointed ambassador 35 

Health, Education, and Welfare. The Health Fron- 
tier of the Developing Nations of Africa 
(Williams) 26 

Immigration and Naturalization. Immigration 
Quotas Set for Cameroon, Kuwait, Nigeria, and 
Syria 25 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 36 

The Health Frontier of the Developing Nations of 
Africa (Williams) 26 

Issues Facing GATT in the New Trading World 
(Ball, Gudeman, U.S. delegation report, text of 
declaration) 3 


Hart appointed ambassador 35 

Immigration Quotas Set for Cameroon, Kuwait, 
Nigeria, and Syria 25 

e X Vol. XLVI, No. 1175 

Mali. Handley appointed ambassador 35 

Mexico. Department Responds to Queries Concern- 
ing Oil Imports Program (Nichols) 31 


Immigration Quotas Set for Cameroon, Kuwait, 
Nigeria, and Syria 25 

U.S. Announces Intention To Aid Nigerian Develop^ " 
ment Program 25 

Poland. P.L. 480 Agreement Signed by U.S. and 
Poland 35 

Presidential Documents 

President Responds to Request From Viet-Nam for 

U.S. Aid 13 

President Sets Cuban Sugar Quota at Zero for First 

Half of 1962 34 

U.S. Congratulates Tanganyika on Independence '. 37 

Public Affairs. The Challenge to Government, the 
Media, and Educational Institutions (Tubby) . . 15 

Refugees. Kalmyk People Observe 10th Anniver- 
sary in U.S 17 

Rumania. Letters of Credence (Balaceanu) ... 25 


Immigration Quotas Set for Cameroon, Kuwait, 

Nigeria, and Syria [ 25 

Knight appointed ambassador 35 


Tanganyika Admitted to United Nations (Steven- 
son) 37 

U.S. Congratulates Tanganyika on Independence 

(Kennedy) 37 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 33 

P.L. 480 Agreement Signed by U.S. and Poland . '. 35 

U.S.S.R. Department Responds to Queries Con- 
cerning Oil Imports Program (Nichols) ... 31 

United Nations 

President Kennedy Asked To Facilitate Negotia- 
tions Between Congo Leaders (White, Depart- 
ment statement) iq 

Tanganyika Admitted to United Nations (Steven- 
son) 37 

U.S. Supports U.N. Aid to Congolese Efforts To Re- 
solve Difficulties (Ball, Department statement) . 11 

Viet-Nam. President Responds to Request From 

Viet-NamforU.S. Aid (Diem, Kennedy) . ... 13 

Name Index 

Balaceanu, Petre 25 

Ball, George W 3, 12 

Diem, Ngo Dinh 13 

Gudeman, Edward 6 

Handley, William J 35 

Hart, Parker Thompson 35 

Janow, Seymour 35 

Kennedy, President 13, 34, 37 

Knight, Ridgway B 35 

Nichols, C. W 31 

Nunley, William T 22 

Rusk, Secretary 18 

Stevenson, Adlai E 37 

Thurston, Raymond L 35 

Tubby, Roger W 15 

White, Lincoln 10 

Williams, G. Mennen 26 



United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





A Threat to the Peace 

North Viet-Nam's Effort 
To Conquer South Viet-Nam 




A detailed, two-part report of Viet Cong (Vietnamese Communist) 
activities in South Viet-Nam and of the elaborate organization in 
North Viet-Nam that supports these activities. 

Part I, a 53-page booklet, describes the operations of the Com- 
munist Hanoi government and the Lao Dong (Coimnunist) Party of 
North Viet-Nam to provide support and encouragement to the illegal 
movement to destroy the Republic of Viet-Nam. 

Part II, the appendices, a 102-page booklet, contains reproductions 
of various captured Communist documents, confessions of Viet Cong 
personnel taken prisoner, excerpts from articles and speeches of North 
Viet-Nam Communist Party and government officials, and other ma- 
terials, which clearly demonstrate that the so-called "liberation" move- 
ment in South Viet-Nam is directed and supported by North Viet-Nam. 

Publication 730S 

Part 1-25 cents 
Part 11-55 cents 

Order Form 

ro: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Enclosed find: 

{cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 

Please send me copies of: 

A Threat to the Peace: North Viet-Nam's Effort To Conquer South Viet-Nam 

a Part I 
D Part II 


Street Address: 

Citv 7.nnf>- anrf Statue: 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1176 

January 8, 1962 




by Under Secretary Ball ,. 43 

FRONTING THE ALLIANCE • Text of Communique . 51 


Secretary Johnson ..................... 53 


PRISE • by Assistant Secretary Williams 60 


Statement by Jonathan B. Bingham and Text of Resolution . 69 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1176 • Publication 7325 
January 8, 1962 

Uoston Public Librarj 
Superintendent ot Documents 

JAN 26 1962 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, torelgn $12.25 
Single copy, 25 cents 

Use or funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Depahtmunt 
o» State Bulletin as the somce will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed In the 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the tcor/c of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
tlie Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
internatiotuil affairs and tlie func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of tlie Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

The Elements in Our Congo Policy 

iy Under Secretary Ball 

I want to discuss the Congo — why it is impor- 
tant, what has been happening there since July 
1960, and what your Government, under both the 
Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, has 
sought to do about it, both directly and through 
the United Nations. We should not permit the 
outpouring of current news on the Congo to ob- 
scure the difficult, long-term problems and the 
actions necessary to bring stability to that tor- 
mented new nation. 

The Keystone of Central Africa 

As the map quite clearly reveals, the former 
Belgian colony called the Congo is the keystone 
of central Africa. It has a long frontier with 
each of three major areas into which we divide the 
African contment south of the Sahara Desert: 
west Africa, already independent and divided 
into a number of states of varying sizes ; east Af- 
rica, now rapidly evolving from British tutelage 
into what we hope will be a stable and prosperous 
independence ; and the southern part of the conti- 
nent, beset with critical problems that are only 
aow beginning to emerge in sharp relief on the 
world scene. 

• This article is based on an address made hy 
Mr. Ball iefore the Town Hall at Los An- 
geles, Calif., on December 19 {press release 
893) . It has heen released in pamphlet form 
as Department of State publication 7326 and 
is for sale by the Sxhperintendent of Docu- 
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington 25, D.C., price 15 cents. 

Occupymg this central and strategic position is 
the Congo, a country vast, exotic, and remote. It 
is one-third the geo- 
graphical size of the 
United States. It has 
a population of almost 
14 million people. 
Wliat happens to this 
land and its people 
will obviously play a 
decisive role in what 
happens to the areas 
around it. Should the 
Congo crumble into 
chaos and become a 
successful object of 
Communist penetration, the Soviet bloc will have 
acquired an asset without price — a base of opera- 
tions in the heart of Africa from which to spread 
its tentacles over this newest of continents. The 
avoidance of this very real danger is the immediate 
objective of our policy in the Congo. 

Our Long-Term Objective 

But what in the longer run do we seek to achieve 
in the Congo? The same thing that we seek to 
achieve in other areas of Africa : a stable society 
under a stable and progressive government. That 
government may be "non-aligned" in its interna- 
tional policies. That is for it to decide. But it 
should be strong enougli and determined enough 
to safeguard its real independence. And it is 
important that it maintain with us, and with the 
European states that are contributing to its suc- 
cessful development, the kind of friendly and con- 
structive relations that will serve our mutual 

Equally important, we wish to avoid the crea- 
tion in Africa of a new Korea or a new Laos. We 

^anuatY 8, 7962 


wish to insulate the African Continent from the 
kind of military intervention by the Sino-Soviet 
bloc that has created such problems in other parts 
of the world. 

The United States could, of course, not sit idly 
by in the case of sucli a direct intervention. It 
would be compelled to act even at the risk of a 
direct confrontation between the free world and 
the bloc — a confrontation that could lead to an- 
other Korean war, that could, in fact, blow the 
flames of a bi'ush-fire conflict into the horrible 
firestorm of nuclear devastation. 

Fortunately the United Nations has served so 
far to make such a confrontation unnecessary. 

Breakdown of Orderly Government 

On that bright June day 18 months ago, when 
the King of the Belgians and the President of the 
Congo joined in declaring the Congo a sovereign 
and independent state, there were hopes for the 
success of this large and relatively prosperous 
African country. But stability and well-being 
were unfortunately more apparent than real. As 
subsequent events have amply shown, the country 
was not yet able to maintain its independence 
without outside help. The structure of local in- 
stitutions on which the success of a nation depends 
was largely lacking. In the absence of solid 
civilian institutions peace and stability were de- 
pendent entirely vipon the continuing loyalty and 
discipline of the 28,000-man army. 

Five days after independence, the army muti- 
nied. A total breakdown of law and order en- 
sued. Faced with a tragic choice, the Belgian 
Government sent in Belgian paratroopers to pro- 
tect the lives and property of 80,000 to 100,000 of 
its citizens who were then still living and working 
in the Congo. Many Congolese recognized tlie 
need for some outside force to prevent utter chaos 
in the country, but Belgian force was symbolically 
unacceptable. The presence of these paratroop- 
ers seemed a throwback to an earlier colonial day. 
Their presence caused resentment and pushed 
even moderate Congolese leaders to take extremist 
and anti-Western positions. 

Within a matter of days the Congo began fall- 
ing apart. Tribal groups all over the countiy — 
including Mr. Moi'se Tshombe in the southern Ka- 
tanga — undertook to proclaim their independence, 
contributing further to the breakdown of orderly 
government throughout the country. Congolese 
leaders at the national, provincial, and tribal lev- 


els invited various types of foreign involvement. 
The Congo faced full-scale anarchy, civil war, and 
the inevitable consequences of great-power inter- 
vention. It was moving rapidly down a slippery 
slope toward chaos — and dragging the great pow- 
ers dangerously close to war. 

The Congo Asks for U.N. Help | 

It was in this situation that the Government of 
the Congo called on the United Nations for help. 
The purpose of this call was to provide an accept- 
able alternative to a return of Belgian control and ^ 
to the threat of great-power intervention, to fur- 
nish the Congolese Government, whose own in- 
strumentalities for maintaining law and order had 
broken down, with the necessary breathing space 
to enable it to create a new basis for law and 
orderly government and to lay the groundwork 
for rebuilding the country on the shattered foun- 
dations of the former system. 

Secretary-General Hammarskjold responded to 
this appeal by what Walter Lippmann has called 
"a bold attempt to fill a dangerous vacuum." He . 
asked the Security Council to approve the forma- i 
tion of a U.N. Force that could replace the Bel- ^ 
gian troops and assist in the maintenance of order. 
He made it clear that this force would include 
troops from African countries and other smaller 
countries of the United Nations but not those of 
the great powers. 

The United States supported the Security 
Council resolution,^ which authorized Mr. Hani- 
marstjold to give the Congo military assistance 
until the Congolese themselves might be able to 
fulfill the task of maintaining law and order. 
The resolution also contained provisions against 
intervention by the great powers or other outside i 
countries in the Congo's internal affairs.^ 

U.S. Support for U.N. Military Force 

In supporting the creation of a United Nations' 
military force for the Congo, the United States- 
was seeking not to promote conflict but to avoid it. 
It was recognizing a reality already all too ap- 
parent — that the injection of the United Nations 
was the only alternative to big-power intervention 
in the Congo. 

' For background and text of resolution S/-1387, see 
nuixETTN of Auff. 1, 1060, p. l.W. 

' For background and text of resolution S/4405, see 
iii(?., Aug. 8, 1960, p. 221. 

Department of Stale Bulletin 



The Lunda and related tribes which support Tshombe are in shaded areas of Katanga. Baluba and related tribes 
which oppose Tshombe are in remaining portion of Katanga Province. 

Big-power intervention had, in fact, already 
proceeded a fair distance. Tlie Soviet-bloc coun- 
tries were moving their agents into the Congo. 
They were sending in planes and equipment. 
Their prospects for setting up shop in the middle 
of Africa appeared excellent. Counterpressures 
for direct American involvement were growing. 

In the circumstances three courses of action 
*vere open to us. 

We could stand by, wringing our hands and 
doing nothing. 

We could intervene directly, putting United 
States power face to face with Soviet power, with 
all the risks of conflict and escalation that that 

Finally, we could support a move into the 
Congo by the United Nations, acting impartially 
on behalf of the world community and in suj^port 

January 8, J 962 


of its obligation spelled out in the charter to pre- 
serve peace. 

We exercised the third option. The Eisen- 
hower administration joined other governments in 
sponsoring the United Nations action. It was not 
an easy choice. The choices that have followed 
have not been easy either. But 17 months later 
I have no doubt that our Government was right 
then as it is right now. 

The U.S.S.E., on the other hand., has consist- 
ently opposed the U.N. operation in the Congo. 
It tried to remove Secretary-General Ham- 
marskjold because of his vigorous leadership of 
the U.N. operation in the Congo. It opposed the 
recognition by the United Nations of Joseph 
Kasavubu as President of the Congo.' It assisted 
dissident elements in the attempt to promote a 
Communist takeover. It refused to contribute 
one ruble to support the U.N. operations in the 

Let there be no mistake about it. Had the 
United Nations not placed its forces in the Congo, 
had those forces not moved decisively under the 
leadership of Mr. Hammarskjold to restore order 
and to prevent the import- of military supplies and 
equipment from the Soviet Union and its friends, 
there would have been only one way of stopping 
a complete breakdown leading to a Soviet domina- 
tion of the Congo — the confrontation of other big- 
power forces. 

The prompt action of the United Nations, made 
possible partly by our diplomatic support, our mil- 
itary airlift, and our financial contribution, has 
kept direct Communist power out of the Congo 
while avoiding the dangers of a brush-fire war in 
the heart of this volatile continent. We are still 
a long way from being out of the woods, and the 
Communists are always waiting in the shadows — 
waiting for us to falter. But our sense of direc- 
tion is right, and we are moving. 

Creation of the Adoula Government 

The year tliat followed these first dramatic 
events was full of spectacular incident and deep 
confusion. Rival governments laid claim to the 
allegiance of the Congolese people and the recog- 
nition of the outside world. Tribal separatisms 
burgeoned and subsided, backed by greater or les- 
ser degrees of outside support. Much of the 

' For biickground, see ihid., Dec. 12, 19C0, p. 904. 

country was under no effective government at all, 
yet miraculously survived, although with increas- I 
ing difficulty. 

But the details of these months are largely ir- 
relevant. Wliat is important is that behind the 
shield of United Nations troops and protected 
by the United Nations from massive great-power 
intervention, the basically moderate political 
leadership in Leopoldville began to pull itself to- 
gether. Slowly but perceptibly it laid the ground- 
work for some sort of orderly and democratically 
based government in the country. i 

The culmination of this long slow process was' 
an act of faith in the democratic process. A year 
after the breakdown on July 6, 1960, the President 
of the Congo convened the Congolese Parliament 
under U.N. protection to provide the political 
leaders of the country with an opportimity to 
create a legitimate government, representative of 
the country and capable of dealing with its prob- 
lems. Events justified this act of faith. After 
10 days of deliberation and debate, the political 
leaders of the Congo reached agreement. On the 
basis of that agreement the Parliament brought 
into being a government of national unity undei 
the leadership of the moderate nationalist tradf 
union leader — Cyrille Adoula. 

Mr. Adoula is moderate in his views, -firmly Tion- 
Communist and committed to genuine independ- 
ence and progress for the Congo. He is one ol 
the outstanding leaders that have emerged in th( 
new Africa. His government was duly electee 
under the provisions of the Constitution approved 
before independence by all the political leaders of 
the Congo — including those who have since tried 
to secede. Its legitimacy is imquestioned. It ha? 
a broad political base comprising \-irtually all the 
major elements in Congolese political life, includ- 
ing even factions which formerly supportec 
Patrice Lumumba and Antoine Gizenga. If this 
government can survive its present severe political 
tests, the prognosis for the Congo can be hopefulj(j| 

If all other things were equal, the Congolesf 
people under tlie Adoula government should now 
be coping with the basic human problems — eooJi 
nomic development, the provision of adequate! 
employment, education, health and welfare — ^ 
activities which should, in a well-ordered world, 
be the principal concern of a countrj' like the 


Department of State Bulletin 

Threats to Congolese Unity 

Unfortunately, however, all other things have 
not been equal. Prime Minister Adoula's ability 
to concentrate the energies of his government on 
.the prime tasks of the Congo has been vmder- 
mined by the danger of two major defections — the 
defection of Moise Tshombe and his group, who 
have claimed to set up an "independent" govern- 
ment in Elisabethville in the Katanga in the 
southern Congo, and the defection of Antoine 
Gizenga, who is pursuing his own ambitions in 
Stanleyville in the Orientale Province of the 
eastern Congo. 

In these circumstances the Congo's main politi- 
cal issue, perhaps the only really "modem" issue, 
|is Congolese unity. If Prime Minister Adoula 
should prove unable to deal effectively with the 
Katanga secession of Mr. Tshombe, militant ex- 
tremists such as the Communist-chosen instru- 
ment, Mr. Gizenga, would bid to take over the 
central government — in the name of Congolese 
imity. In the resulting civil war our main objec- 
tives in central Africa would be drowned in blood. 

No Case for Balkanizing the Congo 

The road to nationhood for the Congo has been 
a rough one. 

The Congo is composed of a large number of 
tribes, some large, some small. They speak over 
100 tribal languages and four varieties of lingua 
franca. Out of this diverse material there was 
created in the last 50 years a single countiy, ad- 
ministered as six major provinces. 

Both the nation and the provinces were given 
their imity essentially by a common colonial ad- 
ministration and a structure of political institu- 
tions which created the habit of common govern- 
ment. It was on tliis structure — the only one the 
Congo has ever known except for tribal institu- 
tions — that the present Federal Constitution was 
based. This Federal Constitution, adopted and 
placed into force at the time of independence, is 
the fundamental law of the Congo. 

In view of the absence of any experience with 
federalism it was not surprising that under the 
stress and strain of political turmoil a number of 
the larger tribes in the Congo, and the political 
leaders who drew their strength from those tribes, 
should begin to develop ambitions toward separate 
national existence, albeit a separate national ex- 

istence for which there was in fact no historical 
basis. This was the case with Mr. Tshombe with 
his Limda and Bayeke supporters in the south 
Katanga; of Mr. Kalonji with his Baluba sup- 
porters in the south of Kasai ; of the Mongo tribe 
in the northeast; and even of some of President 
Kasavubu's Bakongo supporters in the area around 

What distinguishes Mr. Tshombe's particular 
brand of secession from the others is that the slice 
of territory which his supporters inhabit — less 
than one-twelfth of the area of the Congo, with 
about one-twentieth of its population — ^liappens 
to contain a disproportionate part of the mineral 
wealth that is the Congo's greatest natural re- 
source. It is the revenues Mr. Tshombe has been 
able to obtain by taxing the production under his 
control, the soldiers of fortune and writers of 
propaganda he has been able to mobilize with these 
revenues, and the encouragement he has received 
from outside financial interests, that have given 
the peculiar flavor to the Katangese attempt at 

The question may, of course, be asked: Why 
shouldn't the Katanga be independent ? For that 
matter, why shouldn't every other tribe in central 
Africa that wishes to declare its independence have 
a right to do so ? There are, I think, two answers 
to this question — one political and the other legal. 

To pose the question as I have posed it answers 
the political question without need for much elabo- 
ration. The government strvicture which the Bel- 
gians left behind in the Congo is the only political 
structure the Congo has ever known. Under it, 
the Congo has evolved from a primitive area to a 
potentially prosperous power in Africa, with a 
relatively high standard of basic education and a 
level of economic development that many other 
African areas could envy. To break up this entity 
into a number of conflicting and competing tribal 
satrapies could only confirm and render perma- 
nent the chaos we have already seen in the Congo. 
And that, as I hope I have made clear, would open 
the way inevitably for the Soviets and their 
friends to fish where they can catch the most — in 
troubled waters. 

To those who approach the problem from the 
viewpoint of protecting particular interests, some- 
thing may perhaps be said for carving enclaves out 
of the Congo, though I am convinced that even 
this calculation is mistaken. But if one looks at 

January 8, J 962 


the problem from the viewpoint of saving all of 
central Africa from chaos and Communist infil- 
tration, then clearly the acceptance of armed seces- 
sion by a tribal area, no matter how rich and well- 
supported, can lead only to disaster. 

At no time has any responsible leader in the 
Congo itself advocated that the Congo be split into 
sovereign states. The absurdity of such a notion 
is clear. If the Congo were split into separate 
states with populations equivalent to the popula- 
tion of the Katanga Province, we could wind up 
with over 20 governments; indeed, Katanga itself 
would split in two if the concept of tribal separa- 
tism were given full play. There sim-ply is no 
legal case^ no political case, no economic case, and 
no moral case for Balkanizing tlie heart of Africa. 

But there may be a case for injecting an element 
of decentralization in a country the size of the 
Congo. The Congo is a very large country; its 
institutions for governing are still in the "less 
developed" category ; its leadership cadres are still 
dangerously thin; many of its people still lack a 
sense of nationhood. In these circumstances most 
of the political leaders of the Congo appear to 
believe that there should be enough local autonomy 
on local matters to discourage secession. 

Yet if the Congo is to be a nation, it can hardly 
permit provincial leaders to break off pieces of the 
country, especially when such provincial leaders 
are heavily influenced from the outside. What I 
am saying applies not only to the Katanga, but 
equally to the northern provinces and to any efforts 
of Antoine Gizenga, the agent of Communist de- 
signs, to set up shop as leader of a leftward- 
leaning separatism in Stanleyville. 

Threat of Civil War 

It is clearly in the direction of constitutional 
changes brought about by agreement among the 
regional and national leaders that the solution 
must be sought. But this has so far proved im- 
possible because the Katanga authorities, confident 
they were secure behind their mercenary-led 
private army, have shown little interest in real 
negotiations and have blocked talks by insisting, 
in effect, on a prior recognition of independent 

The continuation of this situation, which has 
lasted for over a year, has posed an increasingly 
serious threat of civil war. Pressures have grown 

progressively greater on the central govei-nment ; 
to break the deadlock and put an end to secession i 
by military means. The moderate leadership in , 
the present government has made statesmanlike i 
efforts to resist these pressures and rely on the 
U.N. But it has been perfectly clear that an 
explosion into civil war became every day more 
likely if no political solution were found. Gizenga 
and his Communist advisers have based their hopes 
on this explosion. 

Reasons for the Fighting in the Katanga 

The United Nations forces were stationed in 
Elisabethville — in the Katanga — over a year ago 
for the same purposes as in the rest of the Congo — 
to assist in the maintenance of law and order and 
the prevention of civil war. As the threat of civil I 
war has steadily grown, the importance of the 
United Nations mission — to interpose itself be- 
tween the rival forces in the Katanga — has grown 
in equal measure. But during the same period 
these forces have been subjected to a continuing 
and growing campaign of harassment by the 
Katanga authorities and their military append- 
ages — African and European — designed appar- 
ently to make the position of the United Nations in 
the Katanga untenable. These efforts have been 
spearheaded by mercenaries, adventurers, soldiers 
of fortune who have flocked to the well-heeled 
standard of the "independent" Katanga.* 

Even the cease-fire that followed the outbreak of 
fighting in the Katanga last September served only 
to exacerbate the situation : While the United Na- i 
tions stuck strictly to the terms of the cease-fire, 
the Katanga authorities engaged in a steady build- 
up of men, munitions, and equipment (including 
airplanes) obtained through the devious channels 
of the international arms trade in spite of the sin- 
cere efforts of Western European governments to 
stop the traffic. 

The result was, of course, the series of incidents 
that began about 2 M-eeks ago. The Katanga 
forces and authorities arrested and beat up the top 
leaders of the United Nations in Elisabethville, 
kidnaped and murdered a number of their troops 
including one oilicer, kept up a steady propaganda 

* For statements made by U.S. Representative Adlai E. 
Stevenson in the Security Council on Nov. 16, 21, and 24, 
together with text of a resolution adopted by the Council 
on Nov. 24, see ihid., Dec. 25, 1961, p. 1061. 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

barrage against the U.N., and finally tried to cut 
oil' the United Nations forces from their base of 
supplies and communications. The United Na- 
tions leaderehij) on the spot showed commendable 
patience. But it was finally necessary for the 
U.N. conunand in Elisabetliville to recognize that 
these repeated breaches of the cease-fire agree- 
ment could no longer be tolerated and to take the 
necessaiy limited action to restore the ability of the 
United Nations to carry out its mandate in the 

No one can be happy about the bloodshed on 
either side that accompanied these military opera- 
tions. Peacekeeping is not necessarily wholly 
peaceful. But in this case it was necessary to 
pi'event a civil war that would have made the past 
few days in Elisabetliville look like a picnic. 

The U.N. action in Elisabetliville has now 
largely achieved its limited objective — to maintain 
freedom of movement for the peacekeeping forces, 
witliout the daily, bloody harassment by local 
Katanga troops, whipped into excited and irre- 
sponsible action by rumor, radio, and beer. The 
U.N. forces have stuck loyally to the limited aims 
set for them by Acting Secretary-General U Thant 
in New York. Now that discussions are in prog- 
ress between Prime Minister Adoula and Mr. 
Tshombe, the fighting has stopped. We hope it 
is over for keeps. 

Negotiations Between Congolese Leaders 

The principal immediate objective of U.S. ef- 
forts has been to bring about the negotiations be- 
tween Prime Minister Adoula and Mr. Tshombe 
for the peaceful reintegration of the Katanga into 
the Congo and to carry the results of these negotia- 
tions into effect. Just before he left on his Latin 
American trip, President Kennedy took a major 
initiative to bring these efforts to fruition.^ 

We are watcliing developments hourly. In a 
situation as fluid as this, it is rash to be optimistic, 
but I am convinced that we are on the right path. 
In the difficult period ahead, it is most important 
that secession not be encouraged there and that we 
remember our interest is in bringing about stability 
throughout the Congo. Our allies are working 
closely with us in seeking that same goal. 

In the final analysis the interests of the Katanga 
and those of the moderate leaderslup in Leopold- 

U.S. Welcomes News of Agreement 
on Reintegration of Katanga 

Department Statement ' 

The United States Government welcomes the news 
that agreement on reintegrating Katanga into the 
Congo has been reached in the talks at Kitona.' 
Great credit is due the parties to the agreement, in 
particular the statesmanlike contributions of Prime 
Minister [Cyrille] Adoula and Mr. [Moise] Tshom- 
be, and to the long, patient efforts of the United 

Further meetings are now in view to work out 
specific details of reintegration. The goal is not a 
weaker Katanga but a stronger Congo, fully able to 
defeat subversion from within or attempts at out- 
side domination. This has been the objective of 
United States policy in support of the United Na- 
tions in the Congo from the beginning. 

' Read to news correspondents on Dec. 21 by Lin- 
coln White, Director of the OflSce of News. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 1, 1962, 
p. 10. 

'Ibid., Jan. 1, 1962, p. 10. 
January 8, 7962 

ville are parallel. The sooner they pull in the 
same direction, the better for both of them — and 
for us as well. 

I said before that a solution to the Katanga 
problem should contribute decisively to the ability 
of the Leopoldville government to cope with the 
diversionary activities of Antoine Gizenga. Al- 
though teclinically Vice Premier in the Govern- 
ment, he has never worked at his job. His basis 
of real support in the country is narrow. His 
policy is founded upon the hope that the Adoula 
government and the United Nations will be imable 
to deal with the Katanga problem and that the 
country must then turn to him for a solution. But 
if the Katanga problem can be disposed of, I am 
convinced that Mr. Gizenga, who has already 
slipped badly, will cease to be of much use to the 
Communist bloc. He can then be dealt with ef- 
fectively by the genuine nationalists in the Congo 

The Major issues 

I have tried in these comments to be as succinct 
and straightforward as possible. Let me sum up 
the main points : 

Firfit, our objective in the Congo, as elsewhere 
in Africa, is a free, stable, non-Communist govern- 


ment for the Congo as a whole, dedicated to the 
maintenance of genuine independence and willing 
and able to cooperate with us and with other free 
nations in meeting the tremendous internal chal- 
lenges it must face. 

Second^ the United Nations is in the Congo with 
objectives that by and large parallel our own— to 
help the Adoula government create a stable and 
unified Congo and to ward off the dangers of civil 
war and great-power intervention. So far the 
United Nations has been remarkably successful in 
its efforts toward this end ; had it not been avail- 
able for this purpose we should have had to invent 
it, or the situation would already be lost. The 
United Nations effort deserves our support. We 
have given it. We should continue to do so. 

Thirds the Adoula government, the only legiti- 
mate government of the Congo, is a broadly based 
coalition under the leadership of an outstanding 
non-Communist African nationalist. This gov- 
ernment's objectives are fully consistent with ours. 
It too deserves our support and will have it. Be- 
fore it can buckle down to its true task of pursuing 
the national development of the Congo, this gov- 
ernment must cope successfully with the threat of 
armed secession in the Katanga and deal effectively 
with political dissidence in Stanleyville. We 
shall continue to support both of these efforts. 

Fourth, the issue in the Katanga is not self-de- 
termination. It is the threat of armed secession 
by a tribal area that happens to contain a dis- 
proportionate part of the weaUh of the entire 
country. There is no legal, political, or moral 
basis for these secessionist efforts. To allow them 
to be pursued by provincial leaders with outside 
support can only place in jeopardy the success of 
our efforts in the Congo as a wliole, threaten tlie 
entire Congo with cliaos and civil war, and lead 
to the establislmaent of a Communist base in the 
heart of central Africa. The ai-med secession in 
the Katanga plays into tlie hands of the Commu- 
nists. This is a fact that all Americans should 

Fifth, the only way out of the present situation 
in the Katanga is to assure an end to se<;ession by 
negotiations between Prime Minister Adoula and 
Mr. Tshomlae designed to obtain agreement on any 
necessary changes in the existing Constitution of 
the Congo. Our efforts will continue to be de- 
voted to this end. 

Sixth, the difficulties and dangers in this com- 
plex situation are extraordinaiy, and only enor- 

mous effort and a certain amoimt of good luck has 
brought us as far as we have come since the dark 
days of August and September of 1960. Even 
now the chances for success are precarious. No 
matter what we do we liave no assurance that the 
situation will turn out to our liking. 

But certainty is more than one can or should 
expect in this hazardous world. Quite clearly it 
is too much to expect of foreign policy which al- 
most invariably contains a component of calcu- 
lated risk. In the case of our Congo policy the 
risks are large, but they are still worth taking, for 
none of the alternatives can be reconciled with 
our larger objectives. 

Yet if we are to take these risks it is essential 
that our policies be grounded on a firm foundation 
of public understanding. That understanding is 
not easy to achieve. The Congo is not only a re- 
mote country but relatively little known to Amer- 
ica, and the actors in the drama of the Congo have 
unfamiliar names and speak unfamiliar lines. 

Yet I am not concerned about the ultimate 
judgment of America. Events in the Congo are 
complex ; but the major issues of policy are never- 
theless quite simple. And if those issues are fully 
exposed to debate, I have no question whatever as 
to the outcome. We Americans have come a long 
way in the last few decades. We have learned to 
face facts, tough facts, without flinching. .Ind 
we have learned the stern lesson that comes with 
leadership — that the rewards of hard decisions, 
provided they are also right decisions, are not 
necessarily reflected in the next day's headlines — 
or even in the approbation of columnists — but 
only in tlie slow, patient, and implacable judg- 
ment of history. 

Attorney General'and^Mrs. Kennedy 
To Visit Japan in February 

Press release 902 dated Decemher 22 

Secretary Rusk announced on December 22 that 
Attorney General Eobert F. Kennedy will visit 
Japan this coming February. Mrs. Kennedy will 
accompany him. 

In visiting Japan the Attorney General is ac- 
cepting a longstanding invitation from the Min- 
ister of Justice and the Young People's Commit- 
tee for Better International Understanding, Mr. 
Rusk said. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The Attorney General will be the gaest of the 
Japanese Government for the first 2 days of a 6- 
day stay. Thereafter he will be the guest of the 
Committee and will visit Tokyo and a number of 
other cities. The Attorney General and Mrs. Ken- 
nedy will be in Japan from February 4 to 10. 

NATO IVIinisters Examine Problems 
Confronting the Alliance 

Secretary Eusk attended a Ministerial Meeting 
of the North Atlantic Council at Paris Decembei 
13-15. Following is the text of a coTumuniquc 
issued at the conclusion of the meeting on De- 
cember 15. 

Press release 892 dated December 18 

The North Atlantic Council met in Ministerial 
session in Paris from the 13th to the 15th of De- 
cember, 1961. A thorough examination was made 
of the problems confronting the Alliance. The 
world-wide Communist threat to freedom, the 
problem of relations between the North Atlantic 
Alliance and the Soviet bloc, in particular Berlin, 
were its central concern. 

The aim of the peoples of the Atlantic Com- 
munity is a stable order in which no man and no 
nation need fear for their existence, their liberty 
or their future. World peace cannot indefinitely 
rest on a precarious balance of mutual terror. 

The Alliance seeks peace and disarmament, but 
this desire has consistently been frustrated by the 
Soviet bloc. The Western Powers have presented 
a series of plans for general and complete disarma- 
ment.^ The Soviet Government has, however, so 
far refused to accept an effective and imivereally 
applicable system of international control, without 
which no nation could have confidence in a dis- 
armament agreement. It envisages only verifica- 
tion of the anns destroyed, while rejecting control 
of the arms that remain. It is still the earnest 
hope of the Alliance that despite previous disap- 
pointments disarmament negotiations wlien re- 
sumed will yield useful results. 

On the question of the abolition of nuclear tests, 
the Soviet Union has argued, evaded and ob- 
structed for over three years, and through more 

than three hundred meetings. The Soviet Union, 
while professing to negotiate in good faith, must 
for many months past have been secretly prepar- 
ing the longest series of nuclear tests yet carried 
out, culminating in the largest nuclear explosion 
yet known. ^ 

At the same time as the Soviet Union has been 
attempting to intimidate the peoples of the free 
world with demonstrations of its nuclear strength, 
it has intensified its efforts to get the whole of 
Berlin at its mercy, to impose a discriminatory 
status on Germany, to perpetuate her divided state, 
and to break up the Atlantic Alliance. With 
these ultimate aims in mind, the USSR has arti- 
ficially provoked a crisis over Berlin. Disregard- 
ing obligations it has imdertaken, the Soviet Union 
has cut Berlin in two. The walling in of the peo- 
ple imder its control has once more demonstrated 
to the world the real nature of the Conununist 
system and the irresistible attraction of a free so- 
ciety. Ministere expressed their sympathy with 
all those for whom the raising of this wall in Ber- 
lin has meant the separation of families and the 
denial of escape to freedom in the West. They 
also expressed their admiration of the courage and 
attachment to freedom of the people of Berlin, and 
reiterated their conviction that a just and peace- 
ful solution of the problem of Germany, includ- 
ing Berlin, must be found on the basis of self- 

In the spirit of the agreed policy of the Alliance, 
the Ministers recalled their communique on Berlin 
of 16th December, 1958,' and reaffirmed their de- 
termination to protect and defend the liberties of 
West Berlin, and ensiire to its people the condi- 
tions for a free and prosperous life. 

Established rights and obligations, solemnly 
confirmed in international agreements, cannot be 
extinguished unilaterally by the stroke of a pen, 
by the signature by the Soviet Government of a 
"peace treaty," with a regime whicli i-epresents 
no one but its Soviet masters. The Three West- 
em Powers who bear special responsibilities for 
Berlin stand by their clear obligation to protect 
those who have put their trust in them. Acting 
in close cooperation witli their NATO allies, they 
have taken the necessary measures to maintain 
their i-ights and to fulfill their obligations. Con- 
firming their agreement on this policy, the mem- 

' For text of a U.S. proposal submitted to the United 
Nations on Sept. 25, 1961, see Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, 
p. 650. 

' For background, see Hid., Nov. 20, 1961, p. 844. 
' For text, see ibid., Jan. 5, 1959, p. 4. 

January 8, 1962 


bers of the Alliance reaffirmed the responsibilities 
■which each member state has assumed in regard 
to the security and welfare of Berlin and the 
maintenance of the position of the Three Powere 
in that city. They agreed to maintain close con- 
sultation on this qiiestion. 

The Council heard statements on Berlin by the 
Foreign Ministers of the countries most directly 
concerned, and was informed of the intention to 
resume diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union, 
in accordance with the aims which the West is 
pursuing for the maintenance of world peace and 
in the hope that these contacts might serve to deter- 
mine whetlier a basis for negotiation could be 
fomid. Their colleagues approved the resumption 
of diplomatic contacts and expressed the hope that 
a negotiated settlement could be achieved. After 
full discussion of the situation, the Council agreed 
that the Alliance must continue on its resolute 
course, combining strength and firmness of pur- 
pose with a readiness to seek solutions by peaceful 

Ministers noted the improvements made by 
member countries in their force contributions, 
particularly in response to the aggravation of the 
military threat arising from the deterioration in 
the Berlin situation. Units have been reinforced 
and their state of readiness enhanced. A mobile 
Task Force has been established. There have been 
advances in cooperative programs for defense re- 
search and production, as well as in communica- 
tions and infrastructure. Ministers also noted 
the progress made by the Council in its study of 
the long term problems of improving the deter- 
rent and defensive strength of the Alliance. 
They instructed the permanent Council to con- 
tinue its examination of these urgent questions 
at an early date. 

The North Atlantic Treaty Alliance threatens 
no one. In the world as it is today the Alliance 
must more than ever look to its defense, in view 
of the ever increasing military capability of the 
Communist bloc and its manifest intention to ex- 
pand its domination. So long as the Communist 
bloc is unwilling to agree to real disarmament, the 
coimtries of the Alliance must continue to 
strengthen their forces and modernize equipment 
so as to be able to deal with any form of attaclc. 
Only by an increased defense capability can the 
Alliance continue to deter Communist aggi-ession. 
This will require still further dedication and ef- 
fort from the NATO nations, but the clear and 

growing threat they face leaves no alternative. 

In considering civil emergency planning, par- 
ticularly the protection of the civilian population, 
the Council recognized that such measures repre- 
sented an essential element in the defense effort 
of NATO countries. 

In the economic field the Council noted that a 
mission of high ranking personalities had been 
set up in conformity with a decision taken at the 
last Ministerial Meeting to study ways and means 
of assisting the efforts of Greece and Turkey to 
speed up their development programs and improve 
the living standards of their peoples. The mis- 
sion will report to the Council before the end of 
April, 1962. 

Ministers emphasized the importance for mem- 
ber states, not only of raising the living standards 
of their peoples, while maintaining an economic 
structure capable of supporting an adequate de- 
fense system, but also of expanding aid to the de- 
veloping countries. The economies of the NATO 
countries are far stronger now than when the Al- 
liance was formed. Ministers stressed the need 
to strengthen and deepen co-operation between all 
member countries in order to continue this prog- 

The next Ministerial Meeting of the Council 
will be held at Athens from the 3rd to the 5th of 
May, 1962. 

Deputy Assistant Secretary Tasca 
Visits Africa 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 21 (press release 901) that Henry J. Tasca, 
Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, 
will visit U.S. missions in east and south Africa to 
consult with ambassadors and principal officers on 
mission operations, meet informally with ap- 
propriate government officials, and obtain first- 
hand impressions of political, economic, and aid 

Mr. Tasca left Washington on December 21 and 
will visit Cairo, Addis Ababa and Asmara 
(Ethiopia), Mogadiscio (Somalia), Nairobi 
(Kenya), Kampala (Uganda), Dar-es-Salaara 
(Tanganyika), Salisbury (Southern Ehodcsia), 
Blantyre (Nyasaland), Johannesburg and Cape- 
town (South Africa), and Louren^o Marques 
(Mozambique). He wiU return to Washington 
at the end of January 1962. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The Emerging Nations of Asia 

hy U. Alexis Johnson 

Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs * 

This decade of the 1960's will, in all probability, 
see man land on the moon. It will see other won- 
ders of science and technology that may be put to 
good or evil as man wills. The sixties will likely 
see the dream of a United States of Europe sub- 
stantially complete its transformation into reality. 
Profound developments will doubtlessly take 
place in the Communist bloc. However, when 
you meet here in December 1971, I think it en- 
tirely likely that you may decide that the most 
significant development of the 1960's will have 
been the emergence of the nations of Asia with all 
of their potential. 

These emerging nations may well hold the key 
to the world of tomorrow. Our ability to identify 
ourselves with their aspirations, indeed our ability 
to permit this revolution to unfold and not be 
turned back by communism, is crucial to our own 
future. Thus I feel that the theme you have 
chosen for this conference is particularly apt. 

The theme of the emerging nations and our re- 
lationship to them is a dramatic one. The theme 
encompasses not only the revolution of ideals and 
technology by the peoples of these countries, but 
it also encompasses a counterrevolution. Com- 
munism, arming itself with modern technology, is 
increasingly ranged against the revolution. It is 
a counterrevolution in the purest sense of the 
word. In discussing these emerging nations of 
Asia with you this evening, and in particular the 
nations and people of the Far East, I am not just 
paying a courtesy to this audience, which has al- 
ways had a special interest in the Far East. I am 
doing this because of the present intrinsic impor- 
tance of the area and because of the richness of the 

' Address made before the Institute of World Affairs at 
Pasadena, Calif., on Dec. 6 (press release 842 dated 
Dec. 5). 

resources to be found there — the human, cultural, 
and material resources, which once released will 
make a contribution to the future of our globe 
second to none. 

Throughout this area we find that in the few 
years that have elapsed since the Second World 
War ancient nations, which had fallen under alien 
colonial control, have regained their political in- 
dependence. In the vast continental sweep from 
India and Pakistan through to Japan and Korea, 
we find only vestigial and minor remnants of co- 
lonialism. Certainly in the non-Conmaunist areas 
of Asia, as in the rest of the free world, the prin- 
ciple of self-determination has met with almost 
total fulfillment. This political revolution, how- 
ever, is merely the prelude, a necessary prelude, 
to the principal revolution. This is the social, 
political, and economic revolution. It is in a very 
real sense the release of the aspirations and cre- 
ative energies of hundreds of millions of people. 

What is happening in the Far East, as in the 
otlier emerging areas of the world, is the destruc- 
tion of the old society, grown static, under the 
impact of new ideas and the new technology of 
the West. These peoples are seeking imperatively 
and urgently to create a new society, in con- 
sonance with the individuality of the old but 
which will be responsive to the new aspirations 
and concepts which have come in and which can 
no longer be denied. 

The attainment of independent nationhood im- 
mediately following the disruption of the Second 
World War has been sought — and fought for — 
so long that independence seemed to provide the 
answer to all problems. In fact, of course, it 
solved few problems, created many new ones, and 
sharpened the necessity for immediate solutions 
to the horde of needs that pressed in on the new 
nations. There is no need to catalog these prob- 

ianuaty 8, 1962 


lems ; they may be summarized in the word "pov- 
erty." There was economic and financial poverty 
of the starkest sort, poverty of trained pei-sonnel, 
poverty of experience, poverty of administrative 
ability, poverty of even basic literacy. The gap 
between available resources and the aspirations of 
nationhood was great. This gap has narrowed 
appreciably in the case of a few nations, notably 
Japan, the Republic of China, Thailand, and 
Malaya, to cite a few examples. It has begun to 
narrow in the case of such a comitry as India. 
In a few cases, such as that of Laos, the gap has 
tragically widened. 

Communism's Objectives 

This last category brings me to the role played 
by communism in the struggle of the emerging 
nations. The problems confronting these coun- 
tries are gigantic. They are all-consuming even 
without the menace of subversion and aggression 
from across their frontiers. If you add to these 
problems the necessity for maintaining a large 
defensive military force to meet an external threat 
and the calculated sabotage of subversion, the 
difficulties exceed the human and material re- 
sources available for progress. 

Communism has as large a stake in the emerg- 
ing nations as does the free world. The Com- 
munist effort is to disrupt and to destroy and to 
seek profit in the ruins. Progress in these coun- 
tries directly lessens the chances of Communist 
control. Disillusionment, chaos, and insecurity 
directly increase the Commimist opportimity. 
Every stress and strain in the process of adjust- 
ment to changed conditions and modernity is ex- 
ploited by the Communists. Every effort is made 
to increase these stresses and strains. The objec- 
tive is to make the pressures of adjustment too 
great, to make the rate of progress too slow, to 
make the basic economic and social problems ap- 
pear insurmountable, so that, in the desperation 
of their impatience, the people will turn to the 
draconian methods of communism in their search 
for a solution. 

It is for these reasons that we find the Com- 
munist world maintaining a state of tension and 
unease in southeast Asia. Threats against one 
country require it to direct a crippling proportion 
of its national income into defense. Blandish- 
ments are used against another where there ap- 
pears to be an opportunity for increasing direct 


Communist influence. Throughout the brief his- 
tory of Laos a Communist-controlled military or- 
ganization, supplied and directed from neighbor- 
ing Communist territory, has denied that tragic 
country the time and opportunity to even face the 
issue of social and economic progress. Laos' 
neighbor. South Viet-Nam, has been subjected to 
every form of Communist pressure. Guerrilla 
operations and direct Communist aggression have 
imposed a crushing defense burden on the nation. 
Kidnaping, assassination, torture and terrorism, 
economic sabotage, disruption of communications, 
are all part of the Communist catalog of weaponry 
for what they cynically refer to as the "liberation" 
process. Perhaps the most telling evidence of 
Commimist motivations to be found in Viet-Nam 
is the organized Conomimist campaign against 
social and economic progi-ess." Viet Cong harass- 
ment against efforts to eradicate malaria has re- 
sulted in the murder of many members of the 
spraying teams and the kidnaping of others. The 
"Agroville" program of land and economic re- 
form has been a particular military target. 
Bridges and roads designed to permit the peasant 
to market his produce have been sabotaged. No 
effort has been spared by the Communists to pre- 
vent the Government from improving the lot of 
the people of Viet-Nam. Stability and progress 
are the prime Communist targets. 

The challenge to the emerging nations, then, is 
a double one. The people of these nations are 
faced with the tremendous difficulties inherent in 
the creative revolution in which they are engaged. 
At the same time they must meet the destructive 
and disruptive activities of tlie Communists. This 
threat is posed with varying degrees of intensity. 
However, the common denominator is that com- 
munism thrives on instability and finds scant foot- 
hold where orderly progress is being achieved. 

The challenge is a great one and one which will 
require the greatest dedication and effort on the 
part of the peoples of these new countries. It will 
also require the wholehearted support, encourage- 
ment, and assistance of the United States and the 
other nations of the world who support the emer- 
gence of truly independent nations. Despite some 
setbacks, as in Laos, and the savagery of the Com- 
munist attack in Viet-Nam, progress in meeting 
the challenge has been encouraging. The stakes 

• For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 13. 
Department of State Butletin 

are large. The future of east Asia, the role it will 
play in the world, is a great one. 

The. area I am discussing has today well over 
11^ billion people, more than half of the popula- 
tion of the globe. The people of this vast area 
have already made tremendous contributions to 
the world of today. I thmk it is important for 
us to remind ourselves that not until the industrial 
revolution did the West pull ahead of the East. 
Viewed historically the balance of trade in ideas 
and social and political organization has not long 
or heavily been weighted in favor of the West. 
There is certainly no reason to believe that the 
technological advantage that the West gained dur- 
ing the industrial revolution of the last century 
and a half is necessarily a permanent one. With- 
in the last 10 years vast changes have occurred in 
Asia. Within the next 10 years we can confidently 
expect an even greater transformation. 


Two underdeveloped areas of Asia, by virtue of 
their size and population and by virtue of the key 
roles which they play, merit particular attention 
in tins discussion. These are India and Com- 
munist China. But first I would like to cite the 
example of Japan. 

Japan, until the end of the 19th century, was 
as underdeveloped as any countiy in Asia today. 
Japan today suggests what other nations of Asia, 
with leadership, hard work, and the support of 
friendly countries, can achieve in a brief span of 
years. And Japan's immediate hopes and pros- 
pects provide an inkling to the accelerating pace 
of development which is possible once the initial 
economic and social base is achieved. 

Today Japan has the highest standard of liv- 
ing and the largest reserve of skilled manpower 
in all Asia, and one of the highest rates of literacy 
in the world. Japanese industry, while satisfying 
a soaring domestic demand for increasingly 
sophisticated products, is also known and respected 
throughout the world. Its products are competi- 
tive in price and quality with the products of 
Western Europe and the United States. Japan 
is now the fourth largest industrial complex in 
the world. Japanese science, technology, art, and 
literature are recognized and are having an in- 
creasing impact throughout the world. Parallel- 
ing the growth of industry and following on the 
enlightened land-reform program of the postwar 
years, the Japanese farmer, only recently a land- 

less peasant, is increasingly a prosperous business- 
man who through hard work and advanced tech- 
niques has made the 93 million Japanese virtually 
self-sufficient in rice. 

The gross national product of Japan in 1950 
was $10.96 billion ; today it is $40.4 billion. Dur- 
ing the period between the end of the Second 
World War and today Japan has achieved the 
highest economic growth rate in the world. This 
has been achieved by the Japanese people through 
a high rate of investment, which in recent years 
has been averaging 25 percent of the gross national 
product annually. Despite this stress on devel- 
opment funds for capital outlay, total personal 
consumption expenditures in 1958 on a per capita 
basis were about one-third above the 1934-36 level, 
despite an almost 50 percent increase in popula- 

The present enviable situation of Japan, 
achieved despite the wartime destruction of the 
economy, is however only a harbinger of the de- 
velopment to come. Within the context of the free 
enterprise system that has fostered Japan's pres- 
ent high degree of development and prosperity, 
the Japanese Government is engaged in a plan 
to double the national income of Japan within 
the next 10 years. This plan envisages an annual 
economic growth rate of 7.2 percent, actually con- 
siderably lower than the growth rate experienced 
in the last few years. Upon the successful carry- 
ing out of the plan, Japan will have a per capita 
national income of about $579, the equivalent of 
present-day Austria's. 

Japan should not necessarily be cited as a model 
for the emerging nations of Asia. Each country 
is an individual entity and has its own special cir- 
ciunstances. Each country is at a different stage of 
economic development. Each coimtry must work 
out its own destiny. It is important to remark, 
however, that what is most typical of Japan, what 
separates it most distinctly from its fellow Asian 
nations, is the poverty of its material resources. 
Japan has few minerals. It must import 15 per- 
cent of its food. Less than 16 percent of its total 
area is arable. Progress in Japan, therefore, has 
not been achieved by the tapping of unexploited 
natural resources, as that term is normally used. 
Kather, its progress has been achieved by well 
utilizing that most important of all resources — 
the human resource. 

In Japan we see what an Asian people can ac- 
complish when they assimilate modem political 

January 8, 1962 


concepts and technology, together with a free en- 
terprise system, enriching their own ancient cul- 
ture. In Japan's present important world role 
and in the cordiality of its partnership with the 
free world we see the important position of pres- 
tige, power, and leadership which an Asian nation 
can achieve when it has won the first crucial 
battles of the revolution in which we are all en- 


India is in another stage, an earlier stage, of 
this same process of growth and progress. The 
importance of India does not need to be empha- 
sized. In area it is the largest Asian nation next 
to Conmiunist China. In population its 440 mil- 
lion citizens are surpassed in niunber only by the 
650 millions of Communist China. It is signifi- 
cant that India's importance should most readily 
be stated in terms of comparison with Communist 
China. Totally aside from the great intrinsic im- 
portance of India, the revolution of progress there 
has a special importance that transcends even the 
destiny of India's millions. 

In this struggle India has some great advan- 
tages. India has an effective government, based 
on solid resources of trained administrators. In- 
dia has a substantial measure of literacy and a 
backlog of entrepreneurial and technical talent 
which, while at present not fully adequate, are 
still large in relation to those of many other Asian 

Like the rest of Asia, India is primarily an agri- 
cultural country. Almost three-quarters of its 
population depends directly on agriculture for 
their living. Again like the rest of free Asia, 
India's immediate development efforts are de- 
signed to build up a momentum of progress to 
overcome the ancient scourges of poverty, popula- 
tion pressures, disease, and a tragically low stand- 
ard of living. 

In 1951 the Indian Government launched the 
first of a series of 5-year plans designed to mobi- 
lize India's resources in the most efficient manner 
compatible with India's constitutional injunction 
that "justice, social, economic and political, shall 
inform all the institutions of the national life." 
Now, as 1961 draws to a close, India is in the midst 
of its third 5-year plan (1961-65). The prevail- 
ing atmosphere in India is one of optimism, confi- 
dence, and hope. The basis for this attitude is not 


to be found in any startling improvement in the 
absolute level of development which has been at- 
tained but rather lies in the fact that real progress 
has begun, the planning has been proved sound, 
and confidence has been instilled that domestic 
resources and the assistance of friends abroad will 
be available to assist in the carrying out of the 
third 5-year plan. 

In 1951 the per capita annual income in India 
was only $50. The scope of the problem facing 
India is perhaps best indicated by the modesty 
of the goal that the Indians have set for them- 
selves — to double this figure within a period of 
25 years. To date the achievements of India's 
economic and social effort include a 16 percent 
increase over 1950-51 in per capita income, a 40 
percent increase in gross national income, a 45 
percent increase in food grain production, an 85 
percent increase in the number of hospital beds. 
The progress which has been achieved provides 
the basis for real satisfaction. The distance still 
to go, however, is a guarantee against smugness. 

Tlie principal aims of the third 5-year plan on 
which India is now embarked include the securing 
of a minimmn of 5 percent annual increase in na- 
tional income, the achievement of self-sufficiency 
in food grains, the expansion of basic industries, 
the utilization to the fullest extent possible of the 
manpower resources of the country, and the estab- 
lishment of progressively greater equality of op- 
portunity and the reduction of disparities in in- 
come and wealth. Fulfillment of this plan will, 
it is hoped, advance the Indian economy a long 
way toward the point of self-sustaining growth. 
Once this stage is reached the slow improvement 
in standard of living which the average Indian has 
enjoyed since 1950 will probably pick up 

A measure of the significance of India's revo- 
lutionaiy struggle is to be found in the response 
by the free world to India's needs. In a move 
which has no precedent the free international com- 
munity has acted to join with India to supple- 
ment India's financial resources. 

A group centered around the World Bank, in- 
cluding representatives from the United States, 
Great Britain, Japan, Canada, France, and "West 
Germany, with observers from the International 
Monetary Fund, Austria, Denmark, Norway, and 
Sweden, has moved to consider the amount and 
nature of assistance that can be made available to 

Deporfmenf of State BuUetin 

India. At, (he fourth meeting of this consortium 
in the spriu"; of tliis year, financial connnitmonts 
of $'2,2'25 million were made to supplement India's 
resources for the initial period of the third 5-year 
plan. Tliis figure is in addition to an earlier un- 
dertaking by the United States to make aA'ailable 
$1,300 million worth of surplus food grains. 

The concept of a cooperative free-world venture 
in assistance to the emerging nations is being more 
and more frequently used. The World Bank has 
been the focus for a consortium on Pakistan, and 
a cooperative approach is being considered for 
countries of Latin America. The Colombo Plan 
countries, who met recently in Kuala Lumpur,^ 
have of course been consulting for many years on 
economic development problems and prospects. 

Communist China 

Among the Chinese people we find the same 
genius of an ancient culture, the same energies 
and intelligence, the same revolutionary s^Dirit, 
the same determination for a better life. The dif- 
ference between mainland China and tlie rest of 
Asia does not lie in the capabilities or the aspira- 
tions of the Chinese people. The difference lies 
in tlie fact that in free Asia the people and their 
leaders are joined in a dedication to the achieve- 
ment of the goals of social and political and eco- 
nomic freedom and progress. On mainland 
China, however, the jieople have been betrayed by 
their leaders in their blind enthusiasm for ap- 
proaching all problems from the standpoint of 
supposed Marxian doctrine, rather than from the 
standpoint of human welfare. The energies of 
the Chinese people have not been mobilized in 
their own welfare but rather in the service of the 
state. Freedom, welfare, progress have all been 
sacrificed. They have been replaced by one goal 
only, that of power — power of the state for its own 
uses. The revolution has been betrayed. 

Communist China is a closed society. As a re- 
sult, obtaining an accurate picture of the economic 
situation today m Communist China is fraught 
with uncertainty and imknown quantities. How- 
ever, the full dimensions of the Communist fail- 
ures in China are beginning to emerge, and the 
repercussions may be vei-y deep indeed. In 1958 
a "great leap forward" was decreed — productivity 
was to know no limits. Production statistics 

' Ibid., Dec. 11, 1961, p. 988. 
Januory 8, 1962 

623332—62 3 

were produced to justify the new program, and 
according to these statistics productivity indeed 
knew no limits. According to Chinese Commu- 
nist official figures of the time, the grain harvest 
for 1958 was 375 million tons, over 100 percent 
more than that of 1957. On the basis of these 
figures the target for 1959 was set at 525 million 
tons. Then some sti-ange events began to occur. 
The harvest figures for 1958 were revised down- 
ward. The 1958 grain harvest, it was announced, 
was not 375 million but rather 250 million tons. 
(Actual jiroduction was probably al)out 210 mil- 
lion tons.) Despite this discrepancy, however, 
politics remained in command and the "great leap 
forward" continued. The 1959 harvest was re- 
ported to be 270 million tons, that is, 20 million 
tons more than the revised 1958 figures. I cannot 
bring these figures up to date. A statistical 
blackout has been imposed on agricultural and 
industrial production statistics for 1960 and 1961. 
However, other information indicates per capita 
food output is below even the level of 1950, when 
the country was just emerging from the ravages 
of the civil war. 

It is obvious that the glowing agricultural re- 
ports, and similar "leaps forward" in industrial 
production statistics, have rapidly disintegi-ated 
in the face of the growing food and other short- 
ages that have gripped the nation. This is an 
unpleasant but very real fact that is becoming 
increasingly difficult to conceal. 

Thus, despite the difficulties of obtaining statis- 
tical information, the general outline of develop- 
ment in Communist China is clear. For 11 years 
total power has been in the hands of a regime 
dedicated to the forced-draft creation of state 
power. Political considerations, that is, the re- 
gime's expansionist ambitions and search for the 
symbols and power of great-nation status, have 
been in command. The agricultural sector of the 
economy, that is, 80 percent of China's popula- 
tion, has been heavily exploited to finance the mil- 
itary and heavy-industry expansion, although 
prudence would have dictated investment in agri- 
culture to bring it to the point where it could 
support the burden of industrial development. As 
I have pointed out, the disastrous consequences of 
this policy are becoming clear. The United Na- 
tions Food and Agriculture Organization, in its 
1961 amiual report, offers a revealing contrast 
between the encouraging improvement in agricul- 


tural production of the free countries of Asia 
compared with the agricultural failures and food 
shortages of the Chinese mainland. Communist 
China's economic development, offered with much 
fanfare as the model for an Asian underdeveloped 
nation, has collapsed in a monumental example of 
centralized mismanagement. 

Tlie execution of Communist China's grandiose 
economic plans has ground to a halt. It is not 
clear what will emerge. However, the regime's 
control is based on military power and not on 
popular support, and its hold over the 650 million 
Chinese does not seem to have been seriously 
threatened by the fantastically costly errors of its 
leadership. This continued command of the re- 
sources and people of Communist China remains 
wedded to single-minded dedication to the crea- 
tion and external application of state power. It 
would thus be imprudent for us to base our cal- 
culations on any presumption other than a future 
in which the Red Chinese regime continues to 
control the heartland of the Far East and con- 
tinues to build up the power of the regime — a 
power which will be used in an effort to expand its 
influence over surrounding territories and to expel 
the American presence from Asia and the west- 
ern Pacific. Nor would it be prvident to believe 
that this power may not be subject to sudden in- 
creases — perhaps the development of nuclear 
weapons — as well as to dramatic setback such as 
that caused by gross economic mismanagement. 

The principal lesson which Communist China 
teaches is the enormity of the cost when a popular 
revolution is betrayed. The cost, of course, is 
bome primarily by the immediate victims, the 
people of the country whose hopes have been 
dashed and who have had the fulfillment of their 
aspirations postponed and who find that tlioir 
labors are used to strengthen their bonds, not to 
free them. The next most affected are the people 
of neighboring areas, who find, instead of the i-e- 
gional strength and cooperation which they need, 
that their neighbor has designs against them and 
actively combats every painful step forward that 
they attempt. But the cost also weighs heavily 
on all those who have a stake in a world of order 
and peace, a world in which the welfare of the 
individual is judged more important than the 
trappings of state power or the chauvinism of 
totalitarian rule. With the lesson of the heavy 


cost of failure in mind, let us turn to the role of 
the United States in the revolution of the emerging 

U.S. Role in Revolution of Emerging States 

The history of the United States and the tradi- 
tions and ideology of this country have already 
shaped this role. America's deep dedication to 
social justice, to the dignity of the individual, and 
to human progress requires us to give our sympa- 
thetic support and assistance to new nations im- 
bued with the same ideals and struggling along the 
same path that we ourselves have traveled. But 
in the face of the Communist determination to ex- 
tend its sway throughout the world, it is clearly in 
our self-interest to extend our encouragement and 
help to the emerging nations. In terms of our na- 
tional security interests, each one of these strug- 
gles for progress is a battle in the campaign for 
freedom in which we are all engaged. In the 
words of Secretary of State Rusk : * 

Whenever an underdeveloped country makes economic, 
social, and political progress it expands the frontier of 
freedom. Wherever we cooperate in breaking down the 
barriers of ignorance, poverty, disease, and despair, we 
farther not only the well-being of mankind but our own 

Our actions are founded on the belief that the 
revolution of the emerging nations — the transition 
to modem social concepts of human freedom and 
to the technological base which can support the 
practice of these concepts — must be permitted to 
unfold. This revolution can only be carried out 
by the people of these nations themselves. No one 
else can do it for them. But we do have two major 
roles to play. The first of these is to assure the 
freedom of the revolution. We must prevent ex- 
ternal interference, subversion, and aggression 
from stifling the revolutionary process. The sec- 
ond is to give such cooperation and support as we 
can to the orderly social, economic, and political 
development of the emerging nations. 

Political Support for Termination of Colonialism 

The discharge of our first responsibility has 
been the history of our political and efforts 
in Asia since the closing days of the Second World 
War. We furnished strong political support for 
the termination of colonialism in Asia and the 

* Ibid., Oct. 30, 1961, p. 702. 

Department of State Bulletin 

establishment of these new countries as independ- 
ent nations. We are proud of the example we our- 
selves set in our role in the establishment of the 
Republic of the Philippines and in sharing with 
the people of the Philippines our own dedication 
to democratic ideals. The recent elections in the 
Philippines furnish renewed evidence of the 
strength and vitality of the democratic institu- 
tions established there. Our occupation of Japan 
and peace treaty with that country was a notable 
example of a helping hand proffered to a foi'mer 
enemy. Our participation in the United Xations 
action to repel Communist aggression in Korea 
was a signal of our awareness of the threat of 
communism to the nations of Asia and our deter- 
mination to assist in meeting this threat. The 
establislmient of the Southeast Asia Treaty Or- 
ganization and our bilateral defense treaties with 
Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of 
China, and the Philippines, and our mutual de- 
fense assistance programs with numerous coun- 
tries in the area are all further landmarks in this 
continuing effort to join with the emerging nations 
in their responsibility for maintaining the integ- 
rity of their countries. The most recent chapter 
in this history is our current heightened concern 
with assistance to the Republic of Viet-Nam in its 
struggle for survival against North Yiet-Nam's 
efforts at conquest. 

Long-Range Economic and Social Development 

The discharge of our second responsibility en- 
compasses almost every phase, aside from the 
strictly military, of our relationships with the 
emerging nations. Our objective is purely that 
of helping to foster the long-range economic and 
social development of these countries in accord- 
ance with their own plans and aspirations. 

Our cooi^eration with the emerging nations 
ranges from the Fulbright program to Food for 
Peace, from long-term developmental loans to the 
Peace Corps, from technical assistance programs 
to private investment, from outright grant aid to 
enlightened trade policies which will permit the 
emerging nations to find a market for the prod- 
ucts of their industries and to become a market 
for our own. I will not seek to catalog the pro- 
grams on which we are engaged but will only 
mention some of the chief premises on which these 
programs are based. 

The major premise for these programs is of 
course to be found in our own dedication to free- 
dom and progi-ess. This dedication is a major 
component of our national purpose and our na- 
tional strength. The confidence which others re- 
pose in the United States and tlieir willingness 
to look to the United States for leadership stem 
directly from our demonstration, at home and 
abroad, of our support for these ideals. 

Secondly, progress can only be assured when a 
country fulfills its own responsibilities to help it- 
self. We cannot carry out their revolution for 
others. And we cannot dissipate our resources in 
seeking to help a nation whose leaders are miwill- 
ing to match economic growth with increasmg 
measures of social justice, of education, of im- 
provement in the lot of the people. 

An important point which lies at the core of our 
programs is that we do not seek to have other na- 
tions mold their image in that of the United 
States. Indeed, this would be the antithesis of 
our purpose. Our purpose is to assist each nation 
to produce, out of its own culture and heritage, 
out of its own resources and aspirations, the kind 
of modern society it wants for itself. We are con- 
fident that, if permitted to do so, each nation will 
fashion in its own way and at its own pace a so- 
ciety where human freedom and the dignity of 
the individual are valued. In this way our own 
open society will find an increasingly compatible 

Each benchmark of progress that is achieved 
increases the contribution which the diversity and 
richness of the Pacific area will make to our world, 
increases the power and importance of the area. 
This great potential, and the importance of our 
own contribution to its realization, are at the base 
of my conviction that a significant shift in the bal- 
ance of our mterests and of our attention toward 
the Pacific community of nations is in the making. 
Indeed, the Pacific community may well be the 
most significant theater of decision in the revolu- 
tion I have discussed this evening. I am confi- 
dent that we on this side of the Pacific shall not 
be found wanting in extending the fi'iendship, 
support, and enlightened cooperation which the 
emerging countries will need in the years ahead. 
In so doing we shall, as Americans, be accepting 
the responsibilities inherent in our traditions and 
beliefs and best contributing to the attainment of 
our own national ideals. 

January 8, 1962 


Africa's Challenge to American Enterprise 

hy G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

To share this luncheon meeting with such a dis- 
tinguished group of fellow Americans is a reassur- 
mg pleasure. I am happy to join you this after- 
noon in these important discussions which seek the 
most effective means of enlarging the participation 
of Negro Americans, a vital element of our popu- 
lation, in the business life of our nation. This is 
a timely endeavor. Its success can contribute sub- 
stantially to our total welfare and to the fi-eedom 
we are pledged to defend and to extend at home 
and abroad. 

We are citizens of a responsible government, 
and we live in a world which becomes day by day 
a more closely knit community. With friends and 
allies, we are engaged in an historic struggle, a 
struggle, as President Kennedy has described it, 
"against the common enemies of man: tyranny, 
poverty, disease, and war itself." ^ This is our 
heritage and our historic opportunity. 

I am also pleased to be with you today because 
I believe you can enhance America's contribution 
to international development. Your efforts might 
well be directed toward nations of Asia, Latin 
America, or parts of Europe — and I think you 
should examine the possibilities offered by those 
areas; however, my own parochial interests urge 
me to suggest that you consider the challenge of 
Africa. I believe you can make a significant con- 
tribution to our mutual assistance efforts on that 
continent as you enlarge your participation in our 
own national economy, strengthening it, and as 
you become increasingly involved in international 
economic affairs. 

One of the great challenges of Africa is the 
challenge of economic development. Only t Inough 

' Aildress made hcfoio the National Conference on Suiiill 
Business al Washiii;;t(in, T).C, on Poe. 1 (press release 

' Bulletin of Feb. G. l!)('.l. p. 175. 

increased productive power and improved eco- 
nomic well-being can the nations of Africa meet 
the ever-rising expectations of their citizens for a 
better life. 

In examining this challenge let us not under- 
estimate the size of the task. Consider the fact 
tliat Africa is a great landmass more than three 
times the size of the United States. I wish all of 
you could see for yourselves, as I have seen, the 
extraordinary diversity of its geophysical, cli- 
matic, etlmic, and cultural aspects. Africa is the 
home of some 230 million people. Some of them 
participate in a surprisingly advanced economy, 
but most of them are only beginning to enter a 
modern economy and are only beginning to carry 
their share of the continent's productive burdens. 

You know already of Africa's economic poten- 
tial. Producer of most of the M'orld's diamonds, 
gold, and cobalt, it is the source of very large sup- 
plies of uranium, manganese, copper, and iron. 
Rubber, palm oil, cocoa, coffee, and vanilla are 
among Africa's principal resources, and the con- 
tinent is coming into its own as a major oil pro- 
ducer. This great economic potential, African 
leaders realize, is yet only partially tapped. Plow- 
ever, an equally important consideration is that in 
most of Africa the tasks of meeting the basic needs 
of most of the people have just begun. Among 
the problems still to be resolved are these: Health 
conditions must be drastically improved. To meet 
manpower needs, education, botli liberal and tech- 
nical, must be improved, adapted to the African 
scene, and extended to lai'ger segments of the pop- 
ulation. If well planned and executed, there can 
be no more rewarding investment than in human 
beings. Tlie development of networks of trans- 
portation and communications also deserves high 
priority. And of course the vital role of water 
and liydroelectric power can be seen in the impor- 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

lance more and more African leaders attach to 
projects for constructing dams. 

Irrespective of the political forms they have 
adopted, developing African countries must ac- 
cumulate capital in order to meet these basic needs. 
Two courses are open to them. They can reduce 
tlieir present rate of consumption; or they can 
achieve a more rapid rate of economic growth, 
tJiereby generating a larger supply of savings. In 
a continent wliere the average per capita income 
is $i;>2 — and only $89 in tropical Africa — de- 
ci'eased consumption is not a wise goal. Rapid 
economic growth is a much more judicious and 
humane means of capital accumulation. It im- 
plies, however, availability of capital — capital in 
the largest sense of the word. In Africa, as else- 
where in the world, capital must either be gen- 
erated internally through domestic savings out of 
income, or it must come from external sources. 
These external sources include private investment 
as well as various kinds of foreign government as- 

The United States is clearly committed to for- 
eign aid. Our own nation owes a gi'eat deal to 
the assistance European countries and European 
private business gave us during our formative 

The United States has been involved in foreign 
aid of various kinds for some time. Our overrid- 
ing philosophy has been that set forth by Presi- 
dent Truman in his point 4 address : ^ 

Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to 
help themselves can the human family achieve the decent, 
satisfying life that is the right of all people. 

Now we are engaged in a new program of inter- 
national development aimed at helping these less 
fortunate nations to increase their productivity 
and improve their standard of living. Our Gov- 
ernment assists these nations through various 
means : scholarships and other forms of educa- 
tional assistance, through the Peace Corps and 
other human-resource and human-commitment 
activity, through the Food-for-Peace Program, 
through long-term loans, tlirough supporting as- 
sistance, through development grants, and by 
drawing on the financial and management assets of 
private enterprise. 

^\niat is the role of American private enterprise 
in fostering the economic growth of Africa? 

3 Ibid, Jan. 30, 1949, p. 123. 
January 8, 1962 

Briefly, in the course of normal business activity 
it can assist by providing capital, by making avail- 
able qualified technicians and business administra- 
tors, and bj' helping to improve the quality of 
African management. 

Among the business areas in wliich African na- 
tions require immediate economic assistance are 
those of insurance, banking and loan associations, 
low-cost housing, and cold storage. There is room 
for commercial, fuiancial, extractive, and indus- 
trial activities, exporting and importing busi- 
nesses, large and small. As an exam[)le, I am in- 
trigued by the number of African craft and folk 
art items I am beginning to see in American stores. 

Climate for U.S. Business in Africa 

"What is the climate for United States business 
in Africa? I am sure that my colleagues from 
other departments will speak more directly on this 
question. This afternoon's panel, I understand, 
will get down to specifics. However, let me give 
you a few thoughts. 

Admittedly these are turbulent times in Africa, 
when newly emerging nations are attem{)ting to 
develop personalities and institutions of their own. 
The framework in which foreign private invest- 
ment will operate in many of these nations is still 
unclear. At the same time the need for such in- 
vestment is almost universally recognized, and we 
can be certain that, one way or another, it will 
play an important role. 

There is no point in hiding the fact that risks 
for the private investor are high in some parts of 
Africa — because the place of foreign in^-estment 
has not yet been determined, because adequate 
safeguards have not yet been devised, and in some 
areas simply because the possibility of political 
instability exists. But we should not let the head- 
lines which dramatize the areas of unrest and 
governmental irresponsibility obscure the fact 
that in much of Africa conditions are peaceful 
and that, with the enthusiastic support of the 
mass of the people, energies are being devoted 
to the constructive tasks of economic dev-eloi^ment 
and the maintenance of political stability. 

For those of us who have been close to tlie 
African scene, broad outlines of the future are 
becoming increasingly clear, even though the fer- 
ment of transition still obscures many of the de- 
tails. Africa must be accepted on its own terms. 
We cannot expect, with rare exceptions, that the 


African nations will immediately develop all the 
institutions of democracy in our sense of the word. 

African nations are now developing their own 
forms of government and their own institutions, 
based on cultural patterns that are familiar to 
them and that they can make work effectively. I 
am confident that they will move in the direction 
of free choice and self-expression. 

At the risk of considerable oversimplification, 
we might say that many of the new states of 
Africa are attempting to substitute national loyal- 
ties for tribal loyalties and that, to obtain accept- 
ance as a substitute for the tribe, the nation must 
take on certain characteristics familiar to the peo- 
ple. In practical terms, for the time being, this 
often means a strong leadership with paternal 
overtones and a rather different and more difficult 
role for political opposition. It often means a 
high degree of state responsibility for the well- 
being of the individual citizen, which derives less 
from modern welfare theory than from the tradi- 
tional claims of a member of a family or a tribe 
on its chief. Government ownerslup tends to fit 
well into this kind of structure, and the lack of 
entrepreneurial skills and private capita] in much 
of Africa accentuates the tendency. It is thus 
no accident that even some of the most pro-West- 
ern leaders of Africa in large measure think auto- 
matically in terms of state enterprise. 

New Pattern of Cooperation 

We must, of course, encoui-age the African na- 
tions to develop the plurality of institutions that 
we have found to be the greatest bulwark of free- 
dom. In particular we must help them find a 
place for private enterprise. But we would be 
remiss if we did not say very candidly that pri- 
vate enterprise itself must be prepared to make 
major adjustments. It may well be that Africa 
will provide the proving ground for new forms of 
cooperation between private foreign investment 
and underdeveloped societies. 

First of all, the new pattern of cooperation, to 
be effective, is likely to emphasize the management 
functions. If the major emphasis is placed on 
management rather than ownership, many new 
possibilities are opened which provide opportu- 
nities for us and wliich are fully acceptable to 
the Africans. 

Second, I lie new pattern of cooperation is likely 
to show a somewhat different relationship be- 

tween investment in capital and investment in 
labor than we are accustomed to. Much of Africa 
luis great labor resources, although woefully short 
of capital. E\en assuming a sharp increase m 
capital made available from outside, the needs 
will far exceed the amount received if there is 
simply an attempt to reproduce the capital-inten- 
sive development of the industrialized West. But 
with good planning and good management, hu- 
man resoui'ces can be used as a substitute for 
capital, not within the harsh framework of Com- 
munist exploitation but through humane and 
progressive enterprise. We in America may have 
a reputation abroad of efficiency and wealth 
through machines, but a far more accurate state- 
ment of America's contribution to the modern 
world has been its development of techniques 
through which large-scale production can be 
achieved in a genuinely free society. If we can 
provide the managerial skills for labor-intensive 
production as well as we have for production 
based on high capital investment, there is an as- 
sured place for us in Africa. 

Stated another way, there are limitations on 
African development but there is also a tremen- 
dous potential. Political and social factors must 
be given very special recognition. American pri- 
vate enterprise can make a major contribution if 
it shows a flexibility in meeting African condi- 
tions that goes beyond anything we have experi- 
enced in the past. 

Robert L. Garner, former President of the In- 
ternational Finance Corporation, has suggested 
certain particular aspects of responsibility for 
foreign businessmen operating in developing 
countries. They are worth noting. Foreign 
businessmen, he believes, "need to make special 
efforts to associate themselves with the local com- 
munities — first through maximum use of local re- 
sources and people, with positive efforts to pro- 
vide training and opportunity for advancement 
to senior positions." Garner points out the "mu- 
tual advantages in joint ventures with local en- 
terprises, or in sharing ownership with local in- 
vestors." He cites the role of business in setting 
the example and stimulating their local counter- 
parts in supporting education, technical and busi- 
ness training, and otlier constructive community 

I hope that those of you who are already en- 
gaged in foreign business will keep those ideas 


Department of Stale BuUelin 

in mind, aware that the posture of American en- 
terprise abroad greatly influences the attitudes of 
foreign peojjles and governments toward the 
United States. 

Participation of Negro Americans 

I am convinced that there are among you busi- 
nessmen who can turn their capital, know-how, 
and experience to the promotion of the broad in- 
terests of our nation in aiding African develop- 
ment. Negro Americans are already among those 
of our citizens demonstrating the benefits which 
good private business can contribute to economic 
growth. Needless to say, stalwart sons of Michi- 
gan were among the pioneers. I speak of a Libe- 
rian-American timber firm run jointly by a group 
of young men from Detroit in collaboration with 
Ijiberian citizens. I understand also that Wilson 
Hines, a graduate of Howard and M.I.T., has 
established a liquid-air manufacturing company 
in Liberia. Another successful venture is the in- 
surance company established in Ghana by a group 
of enterprising New Yorkers. 

Some of the larger United States firms in 
Africa have hired Negro Americans in profes- 
sional positions. These include a major alumi- 
num company and leading soft-drink and cigarette 
manufacturers. This is a welcome sign of the 
extension of the American principle of fair em- 
ployment practices that our Government is en- 
forcing with increasing vigor. It is a develop- 
ment which I hope will spread throughout Amer- 
ican business overseas. 

I might say here parenthetically that our AID 
[Agency for International Development] missions 
in Sierra Leone and in Mali are directed by Negro 
Americans of high skills and competence. 

The United States has great need for the partic- 
ipation and assistance of talented people in its 
activities to build security by increasing world- 
wide economic development, and larger participa- 
tion of the Negro American in this task is no more 
and no less than an integral part of his full inte- 
gration into American life. 

To stimulate appropriate participation of pri- 
vate enterprise, the United States Government has 
worked out a program of providing insurances 
against various kinds of political risks and in 
some cases business risks as well.* Certain loans 

are available to private enterprise on high-prior- 
ity projects. Also the United States Government 
is in a position to provide financial help in sur- 
veys undertaken by potential investors to acquire 
the information essential to investment decisions. 
As I have said, the magnitude of the task of 
African economic development is tremendous. 
Therefore it is reassuring to think that our Gov- 
ernment can count upon the support of private 
enterprise in its efforts to meet the challenges of 
Africa and contribute toward the development 
of a stable and prosperous world. 

U.S. and U.K. Accuse Soviet Union 
of Hampering Geneva Test Ban Talits 

Press rploase 804 dated December 19 

The following report on the situation at the 
Geneva Conference on the Discontinuance of Nu- 
clear Weapon Tests was submitted on December 19 
to the United Nations Dlsarm/iment Commission. 

Report of the United Kingdom and the United 
States to the Unitfj) Nations Disarmament 
Commission on the Geneva Conference on 


Tests, December 19, 1961 

Following a searching and exhaustive discus- 
sion of nuclear testing, the Sixteenth United Na- 
tions General Assembly passed Resolution 1649 
(XVI)^ urging resumption of the test ban nego- 
tiations at Geneva. 

In accordance with the resolution, the United 
Kingdom and the United States immediately pro- 
posed to the Soviet Government that the Geneva 
Conference resume its meetings on November 28, 
1961.= Shortly thereafter the Soviet Government 

Resolution 1649 (XVI) provided the followmg 
guidance to the negotiators. 

— It recognized that a permanent and continu- 
ing cessation of nuclear weapon testmg in all en- 
vironments would be guaranteed only by an efTec- 
tive and impartial system of verification in which 
all states would have confidence. 

— It reaffirmed that it was urgently necessary 
to reach an agreement prohibiting all nuclear 
weapon tests under effective control, which would 

' nid., Nov. 20, 1961, p. 837. 
January 8, 1962 

' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 938. 
' For texts of a U.S. note of Nov. 13 and a Soviet reply of 
Nov. 21, see ihU., Dec. 11, 1961, p. 965. 


be a first step toward reversing the dangerous and 
burdensome arms race, -which would inhibit the 
spread of nuclear weapons to other countries, 
which would contribute to the reduction of inter- 
national tension and which would eliminate any 
health hazards associated with nuclear testing. 

— Finally, it urged the three negotiating states 
to renew at once their efforts to conclude at the 
earliest possible time a treaty on the cessation of 
nuclear and thenno-nuclear weapon tests on the 
basis : 

(1) that the treaty should have as its objective 
the cessation of all nuclear weapon tests in all 
environments mider inspection and control ma- 
chinery adequate to ensure compliance with its 

(2) that international control machinery should 
be organized so as to be representati^'e of all par- 
ties to the treaty and should be staffed and oper- 
ated to guarantee its objectivity and effectiveness, 
avoiding self-inspection, under procedui-es which 
would ensure that its facilities would be used ex- 
clusively for purposes of effective control ; and 

(3) that the day-to-day executive and adminis- 
trative responsibility should be concentrated in 
the hands of a single administrator acting impar- 
tially and functioning under the supervision of a 
commission composed of representatives of parties 
to the treaty. 

The Soviet announcement that it would return 
to the negotiating table raised the hopes of many 
people around the world that the Soviet Union at 
last was ready to negotiate an effective test ban 
treaty. Even before the Conference resumed, 
however, the Soviet Union dashed these hopes by 
presenting a draft test ban agreement which 
would in effect be a moratorium without any in- 
ternational controls — a proposal which the Soviet 
Union knew ran counter to the declared i)ositions 
of the Western powers and to General Assembly 
Resolution 1649. 

This Soviet proposal amounted to an uncontrol- 
led agreement on the suspension of all nuclear 
tests. It repudiated every previous agreement for 
international inspection and control undertaken by 
the U.S.S.R. during three years of patient and 
laborious negotiations at Geneva. It abandoned 
as well commitments made in other international 
forums and in correspondence between the Heads 
of Government of the United States, the United 

Kingdom and the U.S.S.R., in which the Soviet 
Union contmually professed its willingness to ac- 
cept effective, reliable, workable, and impartial 
international conti'ols to guarantee fulfillment of 
its disarmament obligations. 

For example, on June 14, 1957, the Soviet Gov- 
ernment submitted a proposal to the United Isa- 
tions Sub-Committee on Disarmament calling for 
an international commission to control a cessation 
of nuclear tests. The same proposal provided for 
the establishment of control posts in the United 
Statas, the United Kingdom, the U.S.S.R. and in 
the Pacific Ocean. 

The Soviet Union also discarded agreement on 
the report ^ of the 1958 Geneva Conference of Ex- 
perts convened to study the teclmical basis of an 
agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests. 
Even the draft treaty proposed by the U.S.S.R. 
on October 31, 1958 — when the Geneva Confer- 
ence on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests was first convened — called for the establish- 
ment of a netwoi-k of control posts in accordance 
with the recommendations of the Conference of 

In addition, the November 27 draft agreement 
proposed by the Soviet Union further repudiated 
the Soviet-accepted recommendations of the group 
of experts from both sides convened during the 
Geneva test ban conference to study methods to 
detect high-altitude tests. Tliese experts — includ- 
ing Soviet scientists — recommended that earth 
and solar satellites be placed in orbit and that 
additional equipment be installed at ground con- 
trol posts to detect space tests. The new Soviet 
draft asked states to rely on existing national sys- 
tems to detect tests in space. 

Also repudiated by the latest Soviet volte face 
are the preamble, 17 draft treaty articles, and 
two annexes ^ agreed by the three powers during 
the course of the test ban negotiations. These 
agreements recognized the need for the establish- 
ment and contmued operation of an effective in- 
ternational inspection and control system. In do- 
ing so they provided for: 

(1) the establishment of a Control Organiza- 
tion to include a Control Commission, a Detection 

' For text, see ihUL. Sept. 22, 1958, p. 453. 

'For texts, see Dorumcnts on Disarmament, 19G0 (De- 
partmeut of Stnto publication 7172), pp. 376-387 ; for sale 
by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printinf; Office, Washington 2.5, D.C., price ?1.25. 


Department of State Bulletin 

and Identification System, and a single Adminis- 
trator ; 

(2) the installation and operation of the Con- 
trol System; 

(3) the composition of the Control Commission ; 

(4) arrangements designed to insure the signa- 
tory states' cooperation with the Control System 
for, inter alia, transportation, aircraft flights, air 
sampling and on-site inspection. 

Throughout the Geneva Conference on the Dis- 
continuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests, the Soviet 
Union has constantly attempted to hamper the 
establishment of an effective, reliable inspection 
and control system. Yet even the U.S.S.R. ad- 
mitted on many occasions to the principle of in- 
ternational inspection and control — whatever dif- 
ferences it may have had as to the details of on-site 
inspection, international control posts, and inter- 
national inspection teams. Now the Soviet Union 
has abandoned the very principle of international 
verification and control to which it has been com- 
mitted throughout the negotiations. 

The Western Delegates to the resumed Confer- 
ence at once indicated their wish to avoid all po- 
lemics and immediately begm work to negotiate 
a meaningful treaty. They called Soviet atten- 
tion to the draft of a treaty ^ presented to the Con- 
ference in April 1961 by the United States 
and the United Kingdom which consisted of 
twenty-four articles and three annexes. The draft 
treaty was complete and much of it already 
agreed. The remainder consists of compromise 
proposals put forward by the West to meet the 
Soviet point of view. The Western Powers have 
never insisted that these articles be accepted by 
the Soviet Union as they stand; and while the 
West considers them fair and responsible pro- 
posals, they remain open to negotiation. 

The Soviet draft agreement, on the other hand, 
with which the United States and the United 
Kingdom were suddenly confronted on their re- 
turn to the conference, in effect rejected not only 
the nvmierous provisions for international super- 
vision already agreed at Geneva but even the small 
amount of control contained in the Soviet Union 
one-page treaty tabled at the very first meeting in 
1958. This constituted an extraordinary step back- 
wards and must be considered an affront both to 
the otlier members of the conference and to the 

majority of members of the United Nations who 
voted for Eesolution 1649 (XVI). Nevertheless, 
in the course of the resumed negotiations, the 
United States and United Kingdom delegations, 
in order to leave no doubt about the Soviet posi- 
tion, questioned the Soviet delegation closely. 

The Soviet Delegate said that the Soviet Union 
was no longer prepared to accept impartial inter- 
national verification because of the tension exist- 
ing in international relations. He was, however, 
unable to say : 

(A) How the international situation had de- 
teriorated since June 4, 1961, when the Soviet 
Government had most recently stated in a note ' to 
the United States Government that it was pre- 
pared to accept international control for a nuclear 
test ban treaty; 

(B) Why the Soviet Union had continued 
during the period immediately before its test series 
to adhere to agreed treaty articles embodying the 
principle of international control which it was 
obviously planning to repudiate as soon as its tests 
were concluded ; 

(C) Why the United States and United King- 
dom were confronted with this sudden change in 
the Soviet attitude only a day or two before the 
conference began and then only through the inter- 
national press. 

The Soviet contentions that the international 
situation compelled it first to resume testing and 
then to change its attitude in the conference is 
patently untenable. The Soviet-manufactured 
crisis in 1961 corresponds closely to the tense situa- 
tion created by the Soviet Union in 1958 when the 
conference began. It is precisely the existence of 
tension and the absence of confidence engendered 
by Soviet actions over Berlin and elsewhere which 
makes international verification of a test ban all 
the more necessary. 

Moreover, the Soviet series of tests has contrib- 
uted to tension in the international situation and 
it is notable that the Soviet Union is only propos- 
ing a test ban agreement without international 
supervision at a moment when it has concluded its 
massive series of tests and is unashamedly boasting 
about them and threatening to renew them. 

The Soviet proposal for an agreement simply on 
the word of the parties is all the more unacceptable 
in that the Soviet Union had previously given its 

' For text, see Bulletin of Jvine 5, 1961, p. 870. 
January 8, J962 

' For text of a Soviet aide memoire, see ibid., July 3, 
1961, p. 22. 


word that it would not be the first among the three 
members of the nuclear test ban conference to re- 
sume testing and liad soleimily voted in the United 
Nations on the 20th of December 1960 for 
a moratorium on further nuclear weapon testing. 

The Soviet Government argues that its new pro- 
posals resemble those made by President Kennedy 
and Prime Minister Macmillan on September 3.' 
But the Soviet Government rejected them. In 
any case, the Western proposals on that date were 
made in an emergency in an attempt to save the 
woi-ld from the dangers of the Soviet test series 
and in the hope that they would lead to a somid 
treaty under international control. Experience of 
Soviet actions since then has, however, gone far 
to destroy that hope. 

The United States and the United Kingdom are 
continuing their efforts at Geneva to persuade the 
Soviet Union to revei-se its present position and 
open the way to fruitful negotiations on the basis 
recommended by the United Nations General As- 
sembly in Resolution 1649 (XVI) . 

The United States and the United Kingdom 
undertake to continue to keep the Disannament 
Commission, and thi-ough it, the General As- 
sembly, informed of the progress of the Geneva 

U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific 
Cooperation Concludes First Meeting 

Following is the text of a joint commtmique is- 
sued on December 15 by the United States-Japan 
Committee on Scientific Cooperation at the close 
of its first meeting. 

Press release 895 dated December 19 

1. The First Meeting of the United States-Japan 
Committee on Scientific Cooperation was held 
from December 13 to 15, 1961 at the Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs, Tolryo.^ The joint communique - 
issued last June by President Kennedy and Prime 
Minister [Hayato] Ikeda led to the establisliment 
of this Committee. 

2. President Kennedy, in his message to the First 
Meeting of the Committee,' emphasized that the 

' For text, see ibid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 476. 
' For a Department nnnouncement of the meeting, see 
Bulletin of Dec. 25, 1001, p. 1059. 

' For text, see ihid., July 10, 1961, p. 57. 
' Not printed here. 

people of the United States are determined that 
science and technology shall be dedicated to the 
service of humanity and to the arts of peace. 
Prime Minister Ikeda, at his limcheon given in 
honor of the United States and Japanese members 
of the Committee, extended a warm welcome to the 
United States members and expressed the hope 
that, through the Committee, even closer coopera- 
tion would be established in the field of science and 
that the two countries would contribute, hand in 
hand, to the goal of promoting human welfare. 

In his address at the opening session. Minister 
[Takeo] Miki expressed his belief and expectation 
that the Committee would be a living example of 
international scientific cooperation contributing 
to peace and not to war, to construction and not 
to destruction. United States Ambassador [Ed- 
win O.] Reischauer, who was present at the open- 
ing session, also expressed his conviction that close 
cooperation in the field of science was an obvious 
and necessary aspect of the partnership between 
Japan and the United States and that from such 
close cooperation would come benefits for the peo- 
ple of both nations and indeed for all humanity. 

3. Dr. [Kankyuro] Kaneshige and Dr. [Harry 
C] Kelly were elected chairmen and served on 
alternate days. The principal points of the Com- 
mittee's discussions, which took place in a frank 
and cordial atmosphere, were embodied in a re- 
port adopted by the Committee for submission to 
the two Governments. 

4. The next meetmg of the Committee will be 
held in Washington, D.C. The date of this meet- 
ing was tentatively set for May 21-23, 1962. 

5. A summary of the report follows : 

(1) Analysis and Review of the Present Status of 
Scientific Cooperation between the United 
States and Japan 

Reports were exchanged and discussions con- 
ducted on such problems as sharing of research 
facilities, exchange of information and materials, 
cooperative research projects, exchange of schol- 
ars, and financial assistance. It was recognized 
that there has already been a considerable degree 
of cooperation between the two countries. This 
cooperation has taken place on an individual basis 
between investigators, learned societies and re- 
search institutes. 

In the discussion of obstacles to increased scien- 
tific cooperation, it was noted, for example, that 
there is a lack of adequate financial support for 


Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

the furtherance of joint research; tliere is room 
for improvement of communication between the 
institutions and scientists of the two countries; 
questions of patent rights are still in need of clar- 
ification ; and the language barrier imposes special 

(2) Fields in Wliich Closer Collaboration Is Par- 
ticularly Desirable 

In the course of exchanging views, the Commit- 
tee members raised a number of topics relating to 
their respective field specialization. These topics 
included those in which regional characteristics 
are of special importance — such as scientific inves- 
tigation of the Pacific Ocean, and animal and 
plant geography and ecology. These fields also 
included those which have undergone unique de- 
velopment in the respective countries and in which 
both countries would benefit from cooperation — 
such as cancer research, air pollution studies, and 
Antarctic research. Topics pertaining to other 
fields where sharing of special, existing facilities 
is desirable were also raised. 

(3) Exchange of Scientists and Sharing of Re- 
search Facilities 

Wliile scientists have already been exchanged 
between Japan and the United States, it was rec- 
ognized that there was need to promote further ex- 
change. The desire was expressed that more 
American scholars be sent to Japan. The fact 
that some Japanese scholars tend to stay in the 
United States for prolonged periods of time was 
recognized as a problem. The Committee ex- 
pressed the hope that arrangements could be made 
for increased sharing of research facilities by both 

(4) Exchange of Scientific Information and Re- 
search Materials 

In order to promote cooperation in this field, the 
following measures were recognized as desirable : 
further exchange of documents and materials by 
assembling basic information and establishing a 
clearinghouse for the exchange of infonnation; 
cooperation in translating documents, including 
mechanical language translation; facilitation of 
the exchange of research materials; and research 
on the processing of information. 

(5) Conclusions 

The Committee has come to the following con- 
clusions : 

a. "While recognizing that there are many ways 
to promote scientific cooperation between Japan 
and the United States, the Committee has decided 
to concentrate on the following points : 

(a) The promotion of further exchange of 

(b) The encouragement of exchange of more 
scientific information and materials. 

(c) The encouragement and the pursuit of joint 
research projects in certain specific scien- 
tific areas. 

b. Although important and appropriate sub- 
jects of joint reseai-ch in various fields are nu- 
merous, the Committee has selected the following 
three fields as subjects of further study with the 
goal of developing concrete forms of joint re- 
search : 

(a) Scientific investigation of the Pacific Ocean. 

(b) Animal and plant biogeography and ecol- 
ogy of the Pacific area. 

(c) Cancer research. 

These three significant fields were chosen be- 
cause the results are expected to be mutually bene- 
ficial, and they might become the model for future 
projects in other fields. 

c. Before the next Committee meeting the items 
identified in paragraphs a. and b. will be studied 
jointly through consultation with experts witliin 
each nation and by communication between the 
chairmen. Dr. Kaneshige and Dr. Kelly. 

The questions of exchange of persons and study 
of languages are extremely important in scientific 
cooperation; at the same time they are subjects 
that would also be of concern to the Japan-U.S. 
Educational and Cultural Committee. Therefore, 
it is higlily desirable to establish close liaison be- 
tween the two Committees. 

U.S. and Argentine Scientists Study 
Control of Foot-and-Mouth Disease 

White House press release dated December 14 

The President on December 14 announced that 
a scientific mission would visit the Republic of 
Argentina on January 8, 1962. The mission, 
headed by J. George Harrar, president. Rocke- 
feller Foundation, will hold a series of meetings 
with Argentine scientists to discuss the teclinical 
aspects of foot-and-mouth disease. This is the 

January 8, 7962 


most important disease affecting the world's popu- 
lation of cattle and has been of concern to both the 
United States and Argentina for many years. 

As a result of a request to President Kennedy 
by President [Arturo] Frondizi during his visit 
to the United States last September,^ Jerome B. 
Wiesner, the President's Science Adviser, con- 
vened a panel of experts to review^ the scientific 
and technical history of foot-and-mouth disease 
and the attempts to control it. The Argentine 
Government has invited the panel to discuss all 
of the complex problems including diagnosis, vac- 
cination, and the processing of meat. The purpose 
of the mission is to evaluate the latest information 
and, based on modern scientific methods, plan a 
constructive research and development program 
which might provide a marketable product free 
of the disease. Such an accomplishment would 
benefit not only other Latin American countries 
but most of the major meat-producing countries 
of the world. 

This cooperative effort between the Govern- 
ments of Argentina and the United States ad- 
vances the Alliance for Progress program and is 
in keeping with the traditionally close relations 
between the two countries. 

Human Rights Week, 1961 


Whebeas December 15, 1961, marks the one hundred 
and seventieth anniversary of the adoption of the first 
ten amendments to the Constitution of the United States, 
which are known as the Bill of Rights ; and 

Whebeas December 10, 19C1, marks the thirteenth anni- 
versary of the adoption by tie United Nations General 
Assembly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
as a common standard of achievement for all nations and 
all peoples ; and 

Whereas the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
gives fresh voice to the equal dignity and worth of every 
human being proclaimed in our own Declaration of In- 
dependence and in the Constitution of the United States ; 

Whebeas the strongest guarantee of liberty is the 
cooperation of independent nations in defense of peace 
and jiLstice, each in support of its own freedom and the 
rights of its own citizens : 

Now, thebefobe, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the 
United States of America, do hereby proclaim the period 
of December 10 to December 17, 1961, as Human Rights 
Week, and I call upon the citizens of the United States 

to liouor our heritage by study of these great documents 
and thereby gain new strength for the long struggle 
against the forces of terror that threaten the freedoms 
which give meaning to human existence — the right to 
speak without fear and to seek the truth regardless of 
frontiers ; the right to worship in accord with conscience 
and to share the strength and glory of religion with our 
children ; the right to determine our own institutions of 
government and to vote in secret for tlie candidate of our 
choice ; the right to justice under law and to protection 
against arbitrary arrest ; the right to labor and to join 
in efforts to improve conditions of work ; the right to 
unite with our fellows, without distinction as to race, 
creed, or color, in tearing down the walls of prejudice, 
ignorance, and poverty wherever they may be, and to 
build ever firmer the foundations of liberty and equality 
for all. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this ninth day of 

December in the year of our Lord nineteen hun- 
[seal] dred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of 

the United States of America the one hundred 
and eighty-sixth. 

' Buu-ETIN of Oct. 30, 19C1, p. 719. 
* No. 3442 ; 26 Fed. Reg. 12023. 

By the President : 
Dean Rdsk, 
Secretary of State. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Cuban Aftermath — Red Seeds Blow South : Implications 
for the United States of the Latin American Conference 
for National Sovereignty and Economic Emancipation 
and Peace. Hearing before the Subcommittee To In- 
vestigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Senate 
Judiciary Committee. Testimony of Dr. Joseph F. 
Thorning. March 16, 1961. 62 pp. 

World Refugee Problems. Hearings before the Subcom- 
mittee To Investigate Problems Connected With 
Refugees and Escapees of the Senate Judiciary Com- 
mittee. July 12-14, 1961. 159 pp. 

The Task for 1962: A Free World Community. Pre- 
pared by Henry S. Reuss for the Subcommittee on 
Foreign Economic Policy of the Joint Economic Com- 
mittee. November 1, 1961. 8 pp. [Joint Committee 

A New Look at Trade Policy Toward the Communist 
Bloc : The Elements of a Common Strategy for the 
West. Materials prepared by Sanniol Pisar for the 
Subcommittee on J''oreign Economic Policy of the Joint 
Economic Committee. November 10, 1961. 103 pp. 
I Joint Committee print] 

.lapan in Uuite<l States Foreign Economic Policy. Pre- 
paro<l by Warren S. Hunsberger of the Iiustitute for 
International Development, School for Advanced Inter- 
national Studies, for the Subcommittee on Foreign Eco- 
nomic Policy of the Joint Economic Committee. Novem- 
ber 20, 1961. 27 pp. [Joint Committee print] 


Department of Slate Bulletin 


General Assembly Sets Up Commission 
To Implement Colonialism Declaration 

Following is a statement made in the plenary 
session of the U.N. General Assembly on Novem- 
her 22 l)y Jonathan B. Bingham,, U.S. Represent- 
ative, together with the text of a resolution 
adopted iy the Assembly on Novemher 27. 


U.S. delegation press release 3851 

On December 14, 1960, the General Assembly 
solemnly proclaimed "the necessity of bringing to 
a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all 
its forms and manifestations." ' To that end, the 
Assembly called for 

I Immediate steps ... to transfer all powers to the 
peoples of those territories, without any conditions or 
reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed 
will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed 
or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete inde- 
pendence and freedom. 

As I think all delegates know, my country has 
associated itself with the principles of that historic 
declaration. We shall be happy if, by our partici- 
pation in this and future debates, as well as by our 
actions both within and outside the United Na- 
tions, we can help to advance its great purposes. 

As we consider the problem of "colonialism" — a 
term which is given many different meanings in 
our debates — it is first of all important that we 
understand each other and be clear in our own 
thinking. That is the first purpose of this debate : 
to clear our own and other minds of the prejudices, 
suspicions, and half-truths which complicate and 
hinder our mutual search for progress. 

I Secondly, it is important that we should ex- 
amine the problem of colonialism in its entirety. 
Since all of us view this and other problems in the 
light of our own experience, some of us have in 
the past tended to take a narrow or partial view 

! of colonialism. Our efforts resembled the blind 

' For background and text of resolution, see Buixetin of 
Jan. 2, 1961, p. 21. 

men in the fable, each of whom attempted to un- 
derstand and describe an elephant by touching 
a different part of the animal's anatomy. 

In the United States, for example, it is often 
asked why Western Powers, who have relinquished 
their former rule over nearly a billion men and 
women since 1945, are still criticized — even in some 
of the new nations themselves — as arch imperial- 
ists, while the Soviet Union, which in the same 
period has subverted or absorbed so many inde- 
pendent countries in Eastern Europe, or Commu- 
nist China, which has for 10 years been crushing 
the struggle for self-determination in Tibet, has of 
late been much more gently handled by these same 

Heritage of All Humanity 

As for the United States, we are not newcomers 
to the spirit of anticolonialism. Ours was the 
first nation in modern times to emerge from colo- 
nial domination into independence. The Declara- 
tion of Independence, which is my country's 
founding document, adopted July 4, 1776, set forth 
these self-evident truths : 

. . . That all men are created equal, that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, 
that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of 
Happiness. That to secure these rights. Governments are 
Instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed. 

Our founders declared, and we still hold, that 
these truths are not the heritage of any particular 
race or nation but of all hiunanity. It is not my 
people or your people alone who are created 
equal : It is "all men." And in fact the influence 
of that Declaration has reverberated around the 
world and still reverberates today. 

But we recall from our own experiences that 
the United States did not cease to probe the full 
meaning of colonialism after it was bom into 
freedom as the first great anticolonial nation. 
Long after independence from Great Britain was 
won and long after the wounds of our Revolution 
were healed by a friendship with the mother 
country based on the firm foundation of coequality, 

ianuary 8, 7962 


we continued, and still continue, to probe the facts 
of colonial history we had passed through. We 
continued, and still continue, to remind successive 
generations of Americans about the circumstances 
of their birth into independence. We continued, 
and still continue, to redefine and reenlarge the 
meaning of self-determination in an ever- widening 
arc of freedom moving from politics, to the social 
structure, to the educational structure, to the 
economic structure, to our rights and duties in the 
family of nations. 

Although in the early days of our independence 
there was always the temptation to blame our 
former colonial overlord for all our troubles, as 
time went on we were able more and more to 
resist that temptation and to look forward rather 
than backward. We were forced to face up to 
the trutlis about ourselves: where we stood, where 
we wanted to go, and how to get there. And fac- 
ing up to these truths, we learned how to work on 
concrete things of benefit to our own people. 

For all these reasons, based on our own experi- 
ences, the United States delegation applauds the 
statesmen of the newly independent nations who 
forge new and mutually beneficial associations of 
equality with various nations, including those that 
formerly ruled them. We reserve our special 
applause for the increasing number of these states- 
men who shun the ways of theatrical adventurism, 
who make enormously valuable practical contribu- 
tions to the solution of practical problems before 
the United Nations, and who here set for their 
own people at home the best of all examples about 
how to work in building a new nation. 

Thus we in this Assembly hall have much com- 
mon groimd. The sentiments of our friends in 
the emerging nations on this question of colo- 
nialism do not shock or offend the people of my 
country. In fact we share and applaud them. 
And we feel privileged to live in an age when 
those sentiments of freedom are transforming the 
political map and inspiring the actions of men and 
women in one-third of the entire world at a rate 
without precedent in human history. 

The United Nations has fostered this liberating 
movement since its fovmding. The charter re- 
quires administering powers to treat colonial and 
dependent territories not as sources of profit to 
the governing power but rather as a "sacred tnist" 
and a means of progress for dependent peoples. 
This is made plain in ai'ticle 73 of chapter XI 

of the charter, the Det'laration Regarding Non- 
Self -Governing Territories. That article declares 
that the administering powers have a respon- 
sibility to the community of nations, that the in- 
terests of the indigenous populations come first, 
and that among those interests are progress toward 
self-government and free institutions and the 
realization of their "political aspirations" — which 
in most cases has meant separate independence. 
The same article also makes clear that the pace 
and method of progress must take into account 
the "particular circumstances of each territory 
and its peoples and their varying stages of 

In the 15 years of the United Nations, article 73 
has been put into effect with great speed and on a 
grand scale. Some 40 countries, containing over 
800 million people, have attained independence 
since 1946. Nearly all are members of the United 
Nations, with delegates in this hall. In Africa 
alone, no less than 22 states have made this transi- 
tion, until two-thirds of the whole area of Africa 
is free and independent. And still others will fol- 
low in the years just ahead. 

Now this success has given a powerful impetus 
to the drive for independence and full self-gov- 
ernment in other countries which are still depend- 
ent today and which feel themselves to be part of 
the same great stream of liistory. It is natural and 
healthy that this should be so. The very presence 
in our midst of a greatly increased number of new 
nations, all free to express their views as they think 
right, has imparted to this question a new urgency, 
an urgency which received dramatic expression in 
Eesolution 1514, the historic declaration adopted 
last year to which I referred at the begimiing of 
my remarks. 

Situation in African Colonial Territories 

Against this background let me now consider 
the present situation as it appeal's to my Govern- 
ment, particularly with regard to the very large 
colonial ten'itories remaining on the African 

There is first the issue of Portugal's African 
territories, an issue with which the General As- 
sembly has been concerned for some years and 
which during the past year has focused on the 
situation in j(\jigola. There is no doubt that the 
people of Angola and other Portuguese African 
territories are entitled to all tlie rights guaranteed 


Deparlment of Sfafe Bulletin 

tliem by the charter, the right of unfettered oppor- 
tunity to develop their full economic, political, and 
cultural potentialities. The United States posi- 
tion on this issue is, I am sure, entirely clear to the 

Last spring, in the Security Council, Ambassa- 
dor Stevenson expressed the conviction of my Gov- 
erimient,- which remains firm and unchanged, that 
step-by-step re f onus within Portuguese territo- 
ries, and indeed an acceleration of such reforms, 
were imperative if the peoples under Portuguese 
administration were to advance politically, eco- 
nomically, and socially toward full self-determina- 
tion, which is their right. But my delegation shall 
have more to say on tliis in a few weeks when we 
examine the situation in Angola. 

There is next the problem of South- West Af- 
rica, a problem which has been rendered more 
complicated by historical and juridical problems. 
But the fundamental issue is clear: The popula- 
tion of South- West Africa must be given the op- 
portunity to aspire to and achieve its own self- 

In this context I think it is inescapable to men- 
tion the policy of apartheid in the Republic of 
South Africa, even though that problem has been 
mider debate elsewhere on our agenda. We still 
believe, as our forefathers did at the founding of 
our nation, that governments "derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed." And 
in South Africa the consent of the vast majority 
coimts for little. We believe it is inadmissible that 
a group which makes up no more than a fifth of 
a country's population should hold all the effective 
power and relegate the majority, by reason of their 
race, to a perpetual subjection. Under the charter 
we are all dedicated to the eradication of this in- 
justice, this gross infraction of human rights. 

In Africa, for the most part, the transfer of 
power to Africans has been accomplished in areas 
where European minorities are veiy small. In 
such areas tlie United Kingdom and France have 
been quick to respond to the "winds of change" and 
to transfer power to African leaders. 

This creative record is, I am sure, an earnest of 
the sincerity of both these metropolitan powers 
in tackling the much more difficult problem of 
bringing about self-determination in mixed com- 
munities such as Algeria or the Rhodesias. If 
progress here is taking longer, it is m part for the 

= /6i(/., Apr.3, 1961,p.497. 
January 8, 1962 

reason that the problem is infinitely more complex. 
In these cases a long-dominant minority and a 
majority which does not enjoy all its legitimate 
rights and safeguards must find a new basis for 
living together. The majority must learn to cari-y 
its share of the responsibilities of power. The 
privileged minority must help in that learning 
process and must in return be assured of safe- 
guards for minority rights. For no free society 
is possible except where the majority rule and mi- 
nority rights are balanced and reconciled. 

The historic metamorphosis of colonies into self- 
governing, multiracial, democratic societies im- 
poses on all concerned a most delicate and demand- 
ing task. It is a task which we hope and expect 
the governments and peoples concerned will con- 
tinue to pursue with all feasible speed. 

I have mentioned some of the urgent and burn- 
ing colonial issues in Africa. We pledge again 
that the United States will apply unremittingly 
its devotion, its energies, and its abilities to seek 
peaceful and constructive solutions, consonant 
with the ideals of the charter, of the problems 
created by these issues. 

U.S. Views on Colonialism issue 

Let me now state a general belief which ani- 
mates the United States in all phases of this issue. 

We would rather see the leaders and peoples of 
Africa conquer the realities of independence, with 
all the exertion that this requires, with all of the 
institution-building that this requires, than to be 
satisfied with the hollow and sterile image of inde- 
pendence without the reality. 

And here we must seek a delicate balance. Tlie 
declaration of the granting of independence to 
colonial countries and peoples states precisely that 
inadequacy of political, economical, social, or edu- 
cational preparedness should never serve as a pre- 
text for delaying independence. But the key word 
here is "pretext," an alleged reason which con- 
ceals or cloaks some other motive. But let no one 
cry "obstruction" if the building in good faith 
of these institutions takes time. To refuse to take 
the necessary time is to practice a cruel deception 
on ourselves and on all of the peoples involved. 
The tragic experiences in the Congo have taught 
us this lesson so vividly that I hope we will never 
have to be taught it again. 

Here was a country which, after only limited 
preparations, had full political independence 


granted suddenly upon request — virtually thrust 
upon it — and saw that independence turn to chaos 
overnight. Surely every member of the United 
Nations must take to heart the implications of this 
tragedy and the duty of imparting to dependent 
peoples the skills and institutions which are pre- 
requisites of viable freedom. The legacy of free 
institutions, honest, competent, and loyal civil 
servants, adequately developed trade and industry, 
an effective and widespread educational system are 
among the most precious resources any newly 
emerged or emerging nations can have. Despite 
understandable impatience, the leaders of these 
nations should be prepared to insist on achieving 
them to the maximimi attainable degree before em- 
barking on the rough and dangerous waters of a 
world in turmoil. 

It is easy to shout '■'■UhuruP'' or "Freedom!" in 
any language. But if a country is to be truly 
free, its people and its leaders must have the in- 
stitutions and the knowledge to enable them wisely 
to choose year after year, through all the years 
ahead — to make the great sovereign choices which 
will determine their national destinies. And such 
fateful choices, Mr. President, must be made not 
only at the outset of a nation's independence but in 
«very succeeding year and decade of its national 
career. The power to make these choices is the 
most precious patrimony of every nation. A na- 
tion which is not free to make such choices for 
itself is, to that extent, not free at all. 

For a nation to have such freedom, two things 
are necessary. It must have in its own hands, in- 
stead of in alien hands, the right to decide. And, 
no less vital, it must have among its people and 
among its leaders the knowledge and experience 
which alone confer the ability to decide. 

There is no counsel of perfection. Every free 
nation runs the risk of making the wrong choice. 
But every nation also must have the knowledge and 
experience which at least give it a fair chance to 
choose wisely and well. Only thus can the new 
nations have the strength to preserve their inde- 
pendence. The importance of this concept has 
been wisely and properly emphasized here by a 
number of delegates, notably by the distinguished 
Foreign Minister of Nigeria in introducing his far- 
sighted resolution.' 

• U.N. doc. A/L. 357. 

What the U.N. Can Do 

Now, Mr. President, the question remains which 
most directly concerns us here in this Assembly : 
"Wliat can the United Nations do now to speed 
and guide the decolonizing process? 

The nature of United Nations action must vary 
with the types of situations presented which, as 
we have seen, are radically different in different 
places. The Assembly's famous Resolution 1514 
last December called for "immediate steps" by the 
administering powers toward ending colonial rule. 
In many places this has presented little or no 
problem. Tanganyika, to take but one example, 
was already far along the road and will actually 
achieve independence next month. On the other 
hand, in the Portuguese territories in Africa the 
people's right to ultimate self-determination has 
not yet been recognized by the Government. 

Then there are other cases, of which the Trust 
Territory of New Guinea is an example, where 
the administering authority — in this case Aus- 
tralia — has fully accepted, both in law and in 
practice, its charter responsibilities but where 
tens of thousands of the people are not yet in touch 
with the outside world. They still have a long 
period of development ahead before they could 
hope to be a viable independent nation. 

We of the United States believe that the United 
Nations has two quite different tasks in this whole 
field. Toward the governments which, unfortu- 
nately, have been slow and imwilling to accept 
their responsibilities under the charter, we believe 
the right course is to appoint special committees to 
investigate the situation in the area, to consult 
with and persuade the governing powers, to keep 
the General Assembly informed, to make specific 
recommendations, and to maintain on each of 
these situations the clearly focused judgment of 
world opinion. We are confident that this method 
will yield i-esults in due time, though not as soon 
as many of us would wish. 

Clearly such a course would be entirely inap- 
propriate for the other cases, in which the govern- 
ing power has accepted its responsibilities under 
the charter and is working in good faith with the 
indigenous population to carry them out. Wlien, 
for instance, a government which administers a 
non-self-governing territory faithfully reports to 
the General Assembly, through the Committee on 
Information From Non-Self-Governing Terri- 

Departmenf of Stafe Bulletin 

tories, on the administration of this area, on social 
and economic and even j^olitical developments 
therein, we think it is scarcely appropriate that 
this situation should be treated by the United 
Nations as if it were a problem of colonial 

The United States is associated with three terri- 
tories that are not fully self-governing, the Virgin 
Islands, Guam, and American Samoa, with a total 
indigenous population of less than 100,000. 

To the extent that the word "colonialism" means 
an imjust relationship continued against the wishes 
of the people of the territories in question, a re- 
lationship of subjugation, oppression, and exploi- 
tation, the term "colonialism" has no application 
whatsoever to the situation in these territories. 
However, we recognize that, although these terri- 
tories possess a large measure of self-government 
in the sense that they have their own legislative 
bodies freely elected on the basis of universal adult 
suffrage, they are not fully self-governing within 
the meaning of that term as it is generally used at 
the United Nations. We have accordingly re- 
ported under article 73 e of the charter on these 
three territories as "non-self-governing terri- 
tories," even though, I might add, the term is 
sometimes resented by the elected leaders of the 
territories, who consider that they are self-gov- 
erning. It further follows that these territories, 
being at least technically non-self-governing, fall 
within the scope of Kesolution 1514. 

In accordance with our belief in the principle of 
self-determination and in accordance with Reso- 
lution 1514, 1 am glad to advise this Assembly that 
the United States is proceeding to consult with 
the appropriate elected councils in Guam, in 
American Samoa, and in the Virgin Islands as to 
what steps might be taken in each territory, in 
the light of its own particular conditions, to deter- 
mine the wishes of its people regarding their polit- 
ical future. (We are also doing the same in the 
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, but that 
territory is the concern of the Security Council.) 

In many dependent areas, as in the U.S. terri- 
tories I have mentioned, there are vital and grow- 
ing relationships of consultation and partnership 
between the administering authority and the indig- 
enous leaders. Nothing should be done by the 
United Nations to cut across, or interfere with, 
these relationships, wliich offer the straightest and 
shortest road to true self-determination. Indeed 
the effectiveness of that process has been proved by 

hundreds of millions of newly independent peoples 
in the last 15 years. By the test of history it de- 
serves respect and a continued chance to work 
without new complications. 

Yet there is certainly a most constructive part 
for the United Nations to play. A General As- 
sembly committee has been suggested, to concern 
itself with the progress of the ending of colonial 
rule among remaining dependent territories. We 
believe its main fimction should be to survey the 
situation and to present for the consideration of 
the Assembly, and of all the members concerned, 
guiding principles of action in this all-important 
area. It would consider, for example, some of the 
particularly difficult problems which remain, such 
as the small islands, enclaves, and territories where 
there are sizable minorities. Such a committee, 
patterned after the Special Conmiittee of Six, 
which dealt with some of the problems of defini- 
tions in this field, could well be of genuine value. 

Happily the cases where the governing power is 
working in good faith with the local peoples to 
achieve the aims of chapter XI of the charter are 
the great majority of cases of colonial rule today. 
At its best, colonial rule is and must be self-liqui- 
dating. That is what it has been in the historic 
15 years just past, and many delegations present 
in this great hall are the living proof of that fact. 

Domination Practiced by Moscow and Peiping 

Mr. President, I wish it were possible for me to 
leave this subject on this happy note. But I feel 
it my duty to say something about another kind 
of subjugation of foreign peoples which afflicts 
humanity in this period of history. 

The Soviet Union is never shy about demanding 
immediate independence of all colonial territories 
from Western control. In fact, it goes further and 
demands, in effect, that all contacts between the 
emerging nations and the West should be severed, 
leaving the new nations cut off from all the 
technical and economic support which the Western 
industrial nations can and do offer them. This 
interesting device would leave the new nations in 
the weakest possible position to resist whatever 
designs the Soviet Union may have in mind for 

Meanwhile a great many people, not only in my 
country but in many parts of the world, under- 
standably ask : 'What about the 200 million alien 
people whom the Soviet Union has subjugated 

January 8, 1962 


since 1945? Haven't they also the right, in the 
words of the historic colonial declaration (Resolu- 
tion 1514), to "freely determine their political 
status" and to "enjoy complete independence and 
freedom" ? Is this subjugation not also a virulent 
form of colonialism or, if you prefer, "imperial- 

These people want to know why the United 
Nations concentrates on forms of Western colo- 
nial rule which are fast coming to an end and 
gives little or no attention to those much more 
stubborn and subtle forms of domination practiced 
by the Soviet Union, especially in Eastern Europe, 
and by Commimist China in Tibet and elsewhere. 
Are not the same principles of self-determination 
involved in all these cases? Why not be most 
forceful and insistent with those who persist most 
stubbornly in injustice ? 

We sympathize very deeply with those who ask 
this question. The feelings of the United States, 
and of the majority of members, on the tragic 
problems of Hungary and of Tibet are well known 
in the General Assembly and will be made clear 
again when those two items are shortly reached on 
our agenda. The time will surely come when 
justice can be done in peace to those and other 
peoples who are held today, against their will, 
under the alien rule of Moscow or Peiping. 
Their day will come, and the U.N. will have its 
part to play in the fullness of time. History has 
its own patterns and its own logic. 

In this connection it was remarkable to note 
the extreme statements which the very able dele- 
gate from the Soviet Union felt constrained to 
utter in reply to some of the observations on Soviet 
colonialism which the distinguished representative 
of the United Kingdom made in his recent forth- 
right statement in this debate. I could only as- 
sume Mr. [J. B.] Godber must have touched on a 
raw nerve end. Mr. [S. G.] Lapin's reply, though 
short, contained such remarkable assertions as 
the following: "The Soviet Union is composed of 
free republics which are united by friendship and 
the solidarity of interests of its people." 

I wonder, just to cite one example among many, 
if tlie 900,000—1 repeat, 900,000— Moslem Kasakhs 
who mysteriously disappeared from their national 
republic between 1920 and 1939 would agree with 
Mr. Lapin. Or would the 400,000 Volga Germans, 
the 259,000 Crimean Tatars, the 130,000 Kal- 
myks — all deported to the East — would they agree 
with Mr. Lapin ? 

Mr. Lapin also stated, "As for military bases, , 
you know vei-y well indeed that the Soviet Union i 
does not have military bases on foreign territory." 

Just to take one example, it is a fact that there ' 
are currently in Hungary in the neighborhood of 
50,000 Soviet troops. Now Mr. Lapin's statement 
which I quoted to you can lead us to one of two 
conclusions. Either the 50,000 Soviet troops are 
living and operating from hotels, guest houses, 
and country inns, or the Soviet Union does not 
consider Hungary a foreign territory. Let each 
draw his own conclusions. 

In a document * circulated previously in connec- 
tion with this item, the Soviet Union chose to di- 
rect its main fire against my country, whose de- 
pendent territories, including its trust territory, 
have a population of less than 200,000 people, and 
which is working hard to live up to the charter in 
all these matters. I do not wish to impose on the 
delegates by answering these absurd charges here. 
We shall, nevertheless, shortly circulate a docu- 
ment which will set forth some of our views on the 
Soviet memorandum." 

Dispute Over West New Guinea 

I should like to turn now to another matter. 
The dispute over the territory of West New Guinea 
provides this Assembly with a great challenge and 
an imusual opportunity. I shall not attempt to 
review the tangled history of this dispute nor pre- 
sume to pronounce judgment on the conflicting 
claims of the Governments of Indonesia and the 
Netherlands. However, hopefully the barren con- 
frontation of claims and counterclaims is nearing ' 
its end. Provided the Assembly acts with judi- 
cious realism, this territory may soon cease to be a 
focus of international disputation. Indeed, it may 
well serve as a model for responsible decoloniza- 

My Government regards as imaginative and con- 
structive the initiative which the Government of 
the Netherlands has taken in proposing its relin- 
quislmient of control over West New Guinea, with 
a United Nations administration for an interim 
period. The basic condition set by the Govern- 
ment of the Netherlands is that the inhabitants of 

' U.N. (l(>i\ A/48S9. 

° For text of U.S. comments on the Soviet memorandum, 
see U.S. delegation press release 3S62 dated Nov. 28 or 
U.N. doc. A/4985. 


Department of State Bulletin 

the territory be afforded the right to exercise 
freedom of choice witli regard to the ultimate dis- 
position of the area. The position of the United 
States on the principle of self-determination is 
well known, and we perceive no valid reason wliy 
an appropriate expression of the will of the people 
should be denied the inliabitants of West New 

On tlie other hand, while we welcome the gen- 
eral nature of the Netherlands proposal, in our 
opinion the Netherlands draft resolution ^ repre- 
sents completely the point of view of its sponsor 
and does not suiBciently recognize the intense In- 
donesian interest in the territoiy. We believe that 
there is no purpose to be gained by attempting to 
ignore, as does the Netherlands draft, the claim of 
Indonesia to sovereignty over the territory the 
latter calls Irian Barat. The Assembly should, 
in our view, not be asked to accept either the Dutch 
claim to sovereignty or the Indonesian claim. 
Wliatever it does should be without prejudice to 
either side. In the light of the dispute that exists 
the proper course, in accordance with the United 
Nations Charter, would seem to be to assure the 
people of the area an opportunity at the proper 
time to express their own choice as to their politi- 
cal future, under the aegis of the United Nations. 

In order to assure this result, we believe that 
any resolution adopted by the Assembly should 
make perfectly clear that the administration of 
the area would be turned over by the Dutch to the 
U.N. by a certain date. The conditions for the 
transfer would be laid down by the 17th General 
Assembly, after receiving the recommendations of 
a small commission comprised of disinterested 
member states. 

We believe that such a U.N. administration, 
leading to the expression of choice by the people 
of the area, should provide to Indonesia every 
reasonable opportimity to pursue its objective of 
achieving the integration of West New Guinea 
with Indonesia. During the interim period, 
Dutch control would have been ended and an im- 
partial U.N. administration would be in complete 
control. We would assume that under such an 
administration Indonesia would have access to 
the area. 

We do not believe that the proposal of the 
delegation of India ' offers a definitive solution to 

' U.N. doc. A/L. 354. 
' U.N. doc. A/L. 367. 

the problem we confront. INIuch as we would like 
to see a reconciliation of the views of the Nether- 
lands and Indonesia on this matter and much as 
we would welcome friendly discussions between 
the disputants, we would point out that similar 
proposals for simple bilateral negotiations have 
been presented here before and rejected. We be- 
lieve any resolution on this matter must take into 
account the new developments which are repre- 
sented by the expressed willingness of the Nether- 
lands to relinquish its control over the territoi-y to 
the United Nations. 

Moreover, m our view, adoption of a simple 
appeal to the parties to negotiate would amount to 
rejecting, or at least ignoring, the idea that the 
people of the area should be given the right of 
self-determination. Indeed we note with sorrow 
that the draft resolution offered by the Indian 
delegation makes no mention of the people of West 
New Guinea and it seems to accept the notion that 
their political future can, and indeed should, be 
settled by others without taking their views into 

The right of self-detennination is a basic right 
imder the charter and under Kesolution 1514. The 
distinguished representative of India, Mr. Krishna 
Menon, in effect stated here the other day that he 
could not accept the idea of a U.N. commission 
since this would be tacit acceptance that the 
sovereignty of the area was open to dispute. But 
that is precisely the case: Indonesia claims sov- 
ereignty, and its claim is supported by a number 
of delegations, including India. But the Nether- 
lands also claims sovereignty, and its claim is like- 
wise supported by a number of delegations. Thus, 
this would seem to be a case in which the principle 
of self-determination is entirely appropriate and 
indeed offers the only practical and just way out 
of an impasse which has now continued for more 
than a decade. 

One final point : We have every reason to hope 
and believe that the Indonesian Government can 
and will accept the idea of self-determination for 
West New Guinea, provided that the administra- 
tion of the process is impartial and provided that 
Indonesia would have every appropriate access 
to the area. We believe that it would clearly be 
in Indonesia's interest to accept the prospective 
Dutch withdrawal from West New Guinea and 
then to pursue Indonesia's objectives through 
peaceful means. 

January 8, 1962 


This is a complex matter which will take time, 
patience, and concerted effort by all concerned. 

Mr. President, wo in the General Assembly are 
privileged to play a part in one of the most creative 
historic evolutions of human history: the emer- 
gence of new nations from colonial status into full 
equality in the world community. That evolution 
is far advanced. It is for us to help it, encourage 
it, and guide it into peaceful channels. Where the 
responsible parties falter or fail in their duties, 
we have a duty to press for action. Where 
problems are being solved in good faith, we must 
respect the work that is being done. And where 
all our appeals are met with stubbornness and 
defiance, let us stand and work for the right xmtil 
the right can prevail in peace. 


The General Assembly, 

Recalling the Declaration on the granting of inde- 
pendence to colonial countries and peoples contained In 
its resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, 

Bearing in mind the purposes and principles of that 

Recalling in particular paragraph 5 of the Declaration 
providing that : 

"Immediate steps shall be taken, in Trust and Non-Self- 
Governing Territories or all other territories which have 
not yet attained independence, to transfer all powers to 
the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or 
reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed 
will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed 
or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete in- 
dependence and freedom", 

Noting with regret that, with a few exceptions, the pro- 
visions contained in the aforementioned paragraph of the 
Declaration have not been carried out, 

Noting that, contrary to the provisions of paragraph 4 
of the Declaration, armed actiini and repressive measures 
continue to be taken in certain areas with increasing 
rulhlessnoss against dependent peoples, depriving them of 
their prerogative to exercise peacefully and freely their 
right to complete Independence, 

Deeplp concerned that, contrary to the provisions of 
paragraph of the Declaration, acts aimed at the partial 
or total disruption of national unity and territorial in- 
tegrity are still being carried out in certain countries in 
the process of decolonization. 

Convinced that further delay in the application of the 
Declaration is a continuing source of international con- 
flict and disharmony, seriously impedes international co- 

'U.N. doe. A/KES/1654(XVI), adopted in plenary ses- 
sion on Nov. 27 by a vote of 97-0-4. 

operation, and is creating an increasingly dangerous situ- 
ation in many parts of the world which may threaten! 
international peace and security. 

Emphasizing that inadequacy of political, economic, 
social or educational preparedness should never serve as 
a pretext for delaying independence, 

1. Solemnly reiterates and reafflrms the objectives and 
principles enshrined in the Declaration on the granting 
of independence to colonial countries and peoples con- 
tained in its resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960; 

2. Calls upon States concerned to take action without 
further delay with a view to the faithful application and 
implementation of the Declaration ; 

3. Decides to establish a Special Committee of seven- 
teen members to be nominated by the President of the 
General Assembly at the present session ; 

4. Requests the Special Committee to examine the ap- 
plication of the Declaration, to make suggestion.s and 
recommendations on the progress and extent of the imple- 
mentation of the Declaration, and to report to the Gen- 
eral Assembly at its seventeenth session ; 

5. Directs the Special Committee to carry out it.s task 
by employment of all means which it will have at its dis- 
posal within the framework of the procedures and modali- 
ties which it shall adopt for the proper discharge of its 
functions ; 

6. Authorizes the Special Committee to meet elsewhere 
than at United Nations Headquarters, whenever and 
wherever such meetings may be required for the effective 
discharge of its functions, in consultation with the ap- 
propriate authorities ; 

7. Invites the authorities concerned to afford the Spe- 
cial Committee their fullest co-operation in carrying out 
its tasks ; 

8. Requests the Trusteeship Council, the Committee on 
Information from Non-Self-Goveming Territories and the 
specialized agencies concerned to assist the Special Com- 
mittee in its work within their respective fields ; 

9. Requests the Secretary-General to provide the Spe- 
cial Committee with all the facilities and the personnel 
necessary for the implementation of the present resolution. 

SEATO Research Fellowships, 1962-63 

Press release 897 dated December 20 

For the sixth consecutive year the Southeast 
Asia Treaty Organization is offering a number of 
postdoctoral research fellowships to established 
scholars of the member states. 

The object of the SEATO fellowship program 
is to encourage study and research of such social, 
economic, political, cultural, scientific, and educa- 
tional problems as give insight into the present 
needs and future development of the southejist 
Asia and southwest Pacific areas. 

Grants are normally for a period of 4 to 10 
months and include a monthlv allowance of $400 


Department of State Bulletin 

and air travel to and from the countries of re- 
search. Candidates are selected on the basis of 
special aptitude and experience for carrying out 
a major research project. Academic qualifica- 
tions, professional experience beyond graduate 
llevel, and published material are taken into 

The competition for the awards for the 1962-63 
jacademic year is now open. American citizens 
may apply to the Committee on International Ex- 
cliange of Persons, Conference Board of Associ- 
ated Research Councils, 2101 Constitution Avenue, 
Washington 25, D.C. American candidates for 
the awards arc selected by the Department of 
State, with SEATO selecting the final award win- 
ners. Awards will be announced in August 1962. 

Tlie member states of SEATO are Australia, 
France, New Zealand, Pakistan, Philippines, 
Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United 


Current Actions 

at Geneva September G, 1952. Entered Into force Au- 
gust 19, 19.'54. TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Paraguay, December 11, 1961. 


Articles of agreement of the International Monetary B^und. 
Opened for signature at Washington December 27, 194,'). 
Entered into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1501. 
tiiynatitre and acceptance: Cyprus, December 21, 1961. 

Articles of agreement of the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington Decemlter 27, 1945. Entered into 
force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 
Si(/n<iturc and acceptance: Cyprus, December 21, 19C1. 

Law of the Sea 

Convention on the high seas ;' 
Convention on the continental shelf ;' 

Done at Geneva April 29, 1958. 

liatificaiion deposited: Guatemala, November 27, 1961. 

Oil Pollution 

International convention for the prevention of pollution of 
the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at London May 12, 
I'XA. Entered into force for the United States Decem- 
ber 8, 1961. 

Proclaimed by President of the United States: Decem- 
ber 8, 1961. 


Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex, 
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air- 
mail vrith final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3, 
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202. 
Adherences deposited: Cyprus, November 23, 1961; 
Malagasy Republic, November 2, 1961. 


International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United States Octo- 
ber 23, 1961. 

Accessions deposited: Congo (Wopoldville), Decem- 
ber 6, 1961 ; Guinea, December 8, 1961. 



Automotive Traffic 

Convention on road traflSc, with annexes. Done at Geneva 
September 19, 1949. Entered into force March 26, 1952. 
TIAS 24S7. 

Application to: Trust Territory of Western Samoa (with 
a declaration), December 29, 1961. 


Universal copyright convention. Done at Geneva Sep- 
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955. 
TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Paraguay, December 11, 1961. 

Protocol 1 to the universal copyright convention concern- 
ing the application of that convention to the works of 
stateless persons and refugees. Done at Geneva Sep- 
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955. 
TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Paraguay, December 11, 1961. 

Protocol 2 to the universal copyright convention concern- 
ing the application of that convention to the works of 
certain international organizations. Done at Geneva 
September 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 
1955. TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Paraguay, December 11, 1961. 

Protocol 3 to the universal copyright convention concern- 
ing the effective date of instruments of ratification or 
acceptance of or accession to that convention. Done 


Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 2010). 
Pvlfected by exchange of notes at Brussels November 29 
and December 11, 1961. Entered into force Decem- 
l)er 11, 1961. 


Agreement again reactivating the temporary satellite- 
tracking facility in Magallanes Province, Chile. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Santiago October 25 
and November 18, 1961. Entered into force Novem- 
ber 18, 1961. 


Agreement for relief from douljle taxation on earnings 
from operations of ships and aircraft. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Washington August 1, 1961. 
Entered into force: December 11, 1961. 


Memorandum of understanding relating to military pro- 
curement, with an exchange of letters. Signed at 
Washington December 20, 1961. Entered into force 
December 20, 1961. 

' Not in force. 

ianuary 8, J 962 



Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ments of November 6, 1958, as supplemented and 
amended (TIAS 4126, 4188, and 4818), and January 7, 
1960, as supplemented and amended (TIAS 4401, 4513, 
and 4875). Effected by exchange of notes at Wash- 
ington December 5 and 8, 1961. Entered into force De- 
cember 8, 1961. 

Ivory Coast 

Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Abidjan December 1, 1961. 
Entered into force December 1, 1961. 


Agreement relating to a program of industrial productivity 
in Mexico. Effected by exchange of notes at Mexico 
City February 21 and November 15, 1961. Entered into 
force November 15, 1961. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of July 29, 1961, as amended (TIAS 4819 and 
4874). Effected by exchange of notes at Ankara De- 
cember 8, 1961. Entered into force December 8, 1961. 

Freedom From War— The United States Program for I 
General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World. I 

Pub. 7277. Disarmament Series 5. 19 pp. 15^. 

A summary of the principal provisions and full text of the 

U.S. program on disarmament. 

International Tracing Service — Continuing Administra- 
tion by the International Committee of the Red Cross. 
TIAS 4736. 33 pp. 15^. 

Agreement with the Federal Republic of Germany. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Bonn and Bonn/Bad Godes- 
berg April 28 and May 5, 1960. Entered into force May 
5, 19C0. Agreement with the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, France, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Northern Ireland, and the International Committee of 
the Red Cross. Exchange of notes between the Federal 
Republic of Germany and the International Committee 
of the Red Cross — Signed at Bonn and Geneva May 9 and 
12, 1960. Entered Into force May 12, 1960. Protocol 
with Other Governments renewing and amending the | 
agreement of June 6, 1955 — Signed at Bonn August 23, ! 
1960. Entered Into force May 5, 1960. Protocol between 
the International Commission for the International 
Tracing Service and the International Committee of the 
Red Cross, renewing and amending the agreement of 
June 6, 1955 — Signed at Bonn and Geneva September 30 
and October 7, 1960. Entered into force May 5, 1960. 

Ultra-violet Survey of Southern Skies. TIAS 4749. 3 
pp. 5!f. 

Agreement with Australia. Exchange of notes — Dated at 
Canberra May 22, 1961. Entered into force May 22, 1961. 

Recess Appointments 

The President on December 19 appointed WiUiam E. 
Stevenson to be Ambassador to the Philippines. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press release 
896 dated December 20.) 


Edwin R. Bayley as Director of Public Affairs, Agency 
for International Development, effective December 15. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 883 dated December 15.) 


Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Qov- 
emment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free puhlieations, lohich may be ob- 
tained from the Department of State. 

Berlin— 1961. Pub. 7257. Euroi)ean and British Com- 
monwealth Series 64. 48 pp. 30(i(. 

An illustrated background pamphlet presenting some of 
the basic facts underlying the i)resent Berlin situation 
Including the threats to its freedom, the obligations of 
the Western Allies, and the related documents. 


Ciiecl< List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 18-24 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin 
which were issued prior to December 18 are Nos. 828 
of December 1 and 842 of December 5. 

No. Date Subject 

*889 12/18 U.S. participation in international 

*890 12/18 Hutchinson sworn in as AID assistant 
administrator for African and 
European Affairs (biographic de- 

♦891 12/18 Thurston sworn in as Ambassador to 
Haiti (biographic details). 

892 12/18 NATO communique. 

893 12/19 Ball: "The Elements in Our Congo 

Policy" (revised text). 

894 12/19 Report on Geneva nuclear test talks. 

895 12/19 U.S.-Japan Committee on Seientiflc 

Cooperation : joint communique. 
*896 12/20 Stevenson sworn in as Ambassador to 

Philippines (biographic details) . 
897 12/20 SEATO research fellowships. 
*89S 12/21 Cultural exchange (Afghanistan, 

India, Nepal). 
*S99 12/21 Crawford sworn in as Minister to 

Rinn.TUia (biographic details). 
t900 12/21 Salinity of water delivered to Mexico. 

901 12/21 Tasca visit to Mrica (rewrite). 

902 12/22 Attorney General Kennedy visits 

•903 12/22 Lingle appointed AID consultant. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later is.sue of the Buu-etin. 

Department of State Bulletin 

ranuary 8, 1962 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1176 


Africa's Challenge to American Enterprise 
(Williams) 60 

deputy Assistant Secretary Tasca Visits Africa . 52 

Jeneral Assembly Sets Up Commission To Imple- 
ment Colonialism Declaration (Bingham, text of 
resolution) 69 

Agriculture. U.S. and Argentine Scientists Study 
Control of Foot-and-Mouth Disease 67 

Argentina. U.S. and Argentine Scientists Study 
Control of Foot-and-Mouth Disease 67 

Asia. The Emerging Nations of Asia (Jolinson) . 53 

Atomic Energy. U.S. and U.K. Accuse Soviet 
Union of Hampering Geneva Test Ban Talks 
(text of report) 63 

3hina, Communist. The Emerging Nations of Asia 
(Johnson) 53 

Communism. The Emerging Nations of Asia 
(Johnson) 53 

3ongo (Leopoldville) 

Dhe Elements in Our Congo Policy (Ball) ... 43 

J.S. Welcomes News of Agreement on Reintegra- 
tion of Katanga 49 

Congress, The. Congressional Documents Relating 
to Foreign Policy 68 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Bayley) 78 

lecess Appointments (Stevenson) 78 

Economic Affairs. Africa's Challenge to American 
Enterprise (Williams) 60 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. SEATO Re- 
search Fellowships, 1962-63 76 

Foreign Aid. Bayley appointed Director of Public 
Affairs, AID 78 

[ndia. The Emerging Nations of Asia (Johnson) . 53 


(Attorney General and Mrs. Kennedy To Visit Japan 
in February 50 

rhe Emerging Nations of Asia (Johnson) ... 53 

D.S.-Japau Committee on Scientific Cooperation 
Concludes First Meeting (text of joint communi- 
que) 66 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. General Assem- 
bly Sets Up Commission To Implement Colonial- 
ism Declaration (Bingham, text of resolution) . 69 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO Min- 
isters Examine Problems Confronting the Alli- 
ance (text of communique) 51 

Philippines. Stevenson appointed Ambassador . . 78 
Presidential Documents. Human Rights Week, 

1961 68 

Public Affairs. Bayley appointed Director of Pub- 
lic Affairs, AID 78 

Publications. Recent Releases 78 


U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation 
Concludes First Meeting (text of joint communi- 
que) 66 

U.S. and Argentine Scientists Study Control of 

Foot-and-Mouth Disease 67 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. SEATO Re- 
search FeUowships, 1962-63 76 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 77 


General Assembly Sets Up Commission To Imple- 
ment Colonialism Declaration (Bingham, text of 
resolution) 69 

U.S. and U.K. Accuse Soviet Union of Hampering 

Geneva Test Ban Talks (text of report) ... 63 

United Kingdom. U.S. and U.K. Accuse Soviet 
Union of Hampering Geneva Test Ban Talks 
(text of report) 63 

United Nations 

The Elements in Our Congo Policy (Ball) ... 43 

General Assembly Sets Up Commission To Imple- 
ment Colonialism Declaration (Bingham, text of 
resolution) 69 

U.S. Welcomes News of Agreement on Reintegra- 
tion of Katanga 49 

Name Index 

Ball, George W 43 

Bayley, Edwin R "^8 

Bingham, Jonathan B 69 

Johnson, U. Alexis ^^ 

Kennedy, President 


Stevenson, William E '^8 

Williams, G. Mennen 60 



United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





A Threat to the Peace 

North Viet-Nam's Effort 
To Conquer South Viet-Nam 




A detailed, two-part report of Viet Cong (Vietnamese Communist) 
activities in South Viet-Nam and of the elaborate organization in 
North Viet-Nam that supports these activities. 

Part I, a 53-page booklet, describes the operations of the Com- 
mimist Hanoi government and the Lao Dong (Communist) Party of 
North Viet-Nam to provide support and encouragement to the illegal 
movement to destroy the Eepublic of Viet-Nam. 

Part II, the appendices, a 102-page booklet, contains reproductions 
of various captured Communist documents, confessions of Viet Cong 
personnel taken prisoner, excerpts from articles and speeches of North 
Viet-Nam Communist Party and government officials, and other ma- 
terials, which clearly demonstrate that the so-called "liberation" move- 
ment in South Viet-Nam is directed and supported by North Viet-Nam. 

Publication 7308 

Part 1-25 cents 
Part 11-55 cents 

Order Form 

Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C 

Enclosed find: 


{cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 


Please send me copies of: 

A Threat to the Peace : North Viet-Nam's Effort To Conquer South Viet-Nam 

D Part I 
D Part II 

Name: --- 

Street Address: 



January 15, 1962 


Address by Secretary Rusk 83 


Remarks by President Kennedy and Text of U.S.— Venezuela 
Communique 89 

PEOPLE ON THE MOVE • by Richard R. Brown ... 100 


by Assistant Secretary Cleveland 96 


Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson and Texts of Resolutions . 108 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1177 • Pubucation 7328 
January 15, 1962 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Oovernment Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, (orelen $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

Use of funds for printlnR of this pulillca- 
tlon npiirovod hy the Director of the Bureau 
of the budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of thl.s publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reiirlnted. Citation of the DEPiETMENT 
OF State Holletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed In the 
Readers' Ouldeto Perloillcal Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a meekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government uiith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the trorfe of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy , 
issued by the WJiite House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as tcell as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
tvhich the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of tlie Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Some Issues of Contemporary History 

Address hy Secretary Rusk ' 

I accepted your invitation to speak on this oc- 
casion with genuine satisfaction but with an ap- 
preciation of the exacting demands unposed by 
the nature of my audience. Indeed, I find myself 
with an assignment wliich you yourselves have set, 
more particulai'ly in the excellent presidential ad- 
dress delivered by Professor Bemis [Samuel 
Flagg Bemis, president of the American Histori- 
cal Association] last evening — an address notable 
both for its lucid review of the course we have 
traveled and for the sharpness and relevance of 
tlie questions it posed for us today. 

Tlie community of historians and a Secretary of 
State are linked by a common task — that of find- 
ing and articulating the scarlet threads of mean- 
ing and direction in the flow of tumultuous events. 
Their approach may differ both in time and in 
purpose because of their differing responsibilities. 
Wliat to the historian becomes a swirling blizzard 
of papers is for a Secretaiy of State an unrelent- 
ing parade of precise day-to-day business. The 
historian has a slight advantage in that he knows 
a bit more about how the story came out ; a Sec- 
retary has the stimulation which comes from a 
commitment, as the President's adviser, to try to 
shape the story toward a tolerable conclusion. 

Both historian and Secretary must wrestle with 
the problem of complexity, each in his own way. 
At no point in our history has this been more 
exigent than now, and it would be naive to hope 
that we are moving toward simplicity. It was 
not until 1823 that John Quincy Adams estab- 
lished our tenth diplomatic mission abroad, not 
mitil a century later that Charles Evans Hughes 
established our fiftieth, and only 40 years later 

' Jlade before the American Historical Association at 
Washington, D.O., on Dec. 30 (press release 917 dated 
Dec. 29). 

that Christian Herter established our hundredth. 
Before World War II less than 10 capitals dis- 
posed of the foreign relations of the vast continent 
of Africa ; today the nvunber is over 30. With 104 
membere in the United Nations and approximate- 
ly 100 items on the agenda of the recent General 
Assembly, some 10,000 primary votes were cast in 
which the United States had a larger or lesser in- 
terest. Our missions in a number of capitals ex- 
change some 10,000 telegrams with the Depart- 
ment in the course of a year. How grateful we 
become to those capitals which are never respon- 
sible for a telephone call past midnight! When 
Thomas Jefferson or John Marshall bade God- 
speed to an American ambassador departing for 
his post, they knew that it might be months before 
they would hear from him again. How tempting 
it now is to say to liis modem colleague, "If I 
don't hear from you for the first year, you would 
please me very much." 

There is a widespread illusion that modern com- 
munications have degraded the role of the am- 
bassador — that cable, telephone, and radio have 
made him merely the messenger boy of impulses 
from his capital. The trouble with this notion is 
that it overlooks the breathtaking acceleration of 
the flow of events, brought about largely by these 
same communications and the latest modes of 
travel and transport. The man on the spot is more 
just exactly that than ever before, and every week 
brings instances of the critical responsibility of 
the ambassador abroad. 

This question of pace is perhaps more difficult 
for a Secretary than for tlie historian, who can 
make certain choices. For a Secretary lives with 
the spurs of time upon him. His is not the luxury 
of a leisurely conclusion but the pressures of in- 
escapable decisions, for he knows that both action 

January 15, 7962 


and inaction are decisions where the United States 
is concerned. He is conscious of the decisions 
made, but he is haunted by the limitless possibili- 
ties of the decisions which are taken by not being 
made — the decisions which tantalize and often 
escape the view of the historian. 

It occurred to me that it would be appropriate 
for me to comment on the larger issues of contem- 
porary history posed at the close of Professor 
Bemis's address and to relate these to my daily 

Clarity of Purpose a Basis of Peace 

First is this searching question : Does our com- 
fortable democracy have the nerve and will to 
protect its essential interests and the frontiers of 
freedom in the face of potential enemies who com- 
mand nuclear weapons and the capacity to deliver 
them against our homeland ? 

This is not a rhetorical issue, and we must clear- 
ly imderstand its grim reality. There are sev- 
eral paths to nuclear war. It could happen if 
one side or the other deliberately sets out to pro- 
voke one. I am inclined to believe that the ir- 
rationality of such a course makes it relatively 
unlikely. Another would be a situation in which 
two sides confront each other, each utterly con- 
vinced that under no circumstances would the 
other resort to nuclear war, each therefore tempted 
to press its demands across the threshold of dis- 
aster. A third path lies in simple confusion about 
essential interests, misapprehensions about the tol- 
erable limits of conduct. 

We confront a direct challenge, in Berlin, to the 
vital interests of the United States and the West. 
The challenge takes tlie form of the assertion that 
our presence there, on the basis of well-established 
rishts, and access to Berlin from the West, can be 
radically altered or extinguished by the unilateral 
act of the other side and that this act would require 
us to petition the authorities in East Germany 
for the privilege of maintaining the freedom of 
West Berlin. 

Before the President spoke to the American 
people on July 25th,^ he and other Western lead- 
ers decided that vital interests and commitments in 
West Berlin, crucial to our own security, must be 
defended at whatever cost. That decision re- 
mains the basis on which we intend to explore 
the possibilities of a peaceful resolution of the 

' Bulletin of Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267. 

Berlin crisis. If peace depends on clarity, the 
other side must not be allowed any dangerous 

This clarity is the basis of an assurance to our 
own and other peoples that the possibilities of pa- 
tient diplomacy will be exhausted to insure that 
vital interests are protected and that the other side > 
will not be permitted to make a fatal mistake. We 
regard it as essential that our negotiators — wher- 
ever they may sit — work with measured con- 
fidence, knowing that behind them there exist 
well-balanced, flexible, and highly mobile military 
strength and a government and people prepared to 
use that strength if vital interests are threatened. 

Since George Wasliington first enjoined the 
American people to recognize a connection be- 
tween the maintenance of adequate military 
strength and the maintenance of the peace, our 
history has underlined that the danger of war 
is greatest when potential enemies are in doubt 
about the capacity of nations to defend their vital 
interests, about their will to defend them, or about 
how they define those vital interests. All three of 
those conditions for a peaceful resolution of dif- 
ferences are heightened in a world where the use 
of nuclear weapons may quickly come into play 
once conflict begins at any level. 

I believe the American people, and other free 
peoples with whom we are allied, have long mem- 
ories and understand that unlimited appetite 
grows in the act of devouring and, as President 
Kennedy has put it, ". . . if there is one path 
above all others to war, it is the path of weakness 
and disimity." I believe free peoples understood 
him when he said, 

We do not want to fight, but we have fought before. 
And others in earlier times have made the same dan- 
gerous mistake of assuming that the West was too selfish 
and too soft and too divided to resist invasions of freedom 
in other lands. 

The answer to Professor Bemis's first question is 
and must be "Yes," because the other answer would 
make war inevitable. 

Dealing With Techniques of Communist Power 

A second question with which Professor Bemis 
confronts us is this: Do the ITnitcd States, its 
allies, and other non-Communist nations have the 
capacity to deal with the techniques of Communist 
power now being applied to Asia, the Middle East, 
xVfrica, and Latin America ? 


Department of State Bulletin 

In the 2 years preceding this administration's 
assumption of responsibility four significant lioles 
had been punched in the truce lines which had 
emerged after the Second "World War: Pathet 
Lao forces in Laos had moved out of the two 
nortliem provinces which had been identified by 
the Geneva Agi-eement of 1954 ; the authorities in 
Hanoi, building on foundations which they had 
maintained in the south since 1954, systematically 
expanded the guerrilla forces in South Viet-Nam 
from something like 2,000 in 1959 to more than 
16,000 at present, in a purposeful and organized 
act of international aggression; in the Congo, 
amidst the confusion which followed the end of 
colonialism, the Communists were rigorously seek- 
ing to establish a central African base ; in Cuba a 
Communist regime was installed, having seized 
and successfully subverted what appeared to be 
a broad-based national movement to escape an 
intolerable dictatorship. These limited break- 
throughs carried with them serious threats to the 
security of southeast Asia, to Afi-ica, and to 
Latin America. 

It has been a first charge on our energies to find 
ways to deal with these problems. I shall not de- 
tail here the policies we have adopted in each case, 
for they are imdoubtedly familiar to you. In 
different ways, however, they all pose for us the 
test of learning to deal with what is called, in the 
inverted language of communism, "wars of na- 
tional liberation." Beliind this concept is the no- 
tion that the safest way to extend Communist 
power and influence in the contemporary world is 
to exploit the inevitable turbulence which accom- 
panies the revolutionary movement toward mod- 
ernization, by building a jwlitical base rooted in 
local fnistrations, painful memories, and imful- 
filled aspirations, and by mounting, on that base, 
insurrectional activity aided from outside the 
country. The objective is, of course, not national 
liberation but entrapment within the Commimist 
bloc. TMs method, from the Commimist point of 
view, is designed to bypass American nuclear 
strength, to bypass the conventional strength that 
we have helped build with our allies, and to tear 
down institutions not under their own control. 

Over the past year we have given increased at- 
tention to this form of mixed political and mili- 
tary aggression, and in South Viet-Nam we — and 
the whole world commmiity — are up against a for- 
midable problem : mounting from outside an in- 

dependent nation of a guerrilla war with men 
trained, infiltered, supplied, and directed from 
day to day across international bomidaries. The 
free world must recognize this familiar form of 
aggression and act accordingly. 

I cannot report to you that we have fully solved 
these problems which were waiting for us in Jan- 
uai-y of this year. I do believe that we have made 
some headway, but they remain on the list of im- 
finished business. We can draw confidence from 
the long list of failures in other and somewhat 
similar Communist efforts to expand their empire. 
And we can be encouraged to note that the large 
numbers of new nations which have become inde- 
pendent since World War II have shown a stub- 
born resistance to the imposition of Communist 

But the points of crisis which dominate the 
headlines do not reflect adequately all that is going 
forward in the underdeveloped areas in the south- 
ern half of the world. 

Our objective in these regions of revolution is 
simple. We wish to see emerge out of the powerful 
ferment of modernization a community of inde- 
pendent nations. We wish them to modernize, not 
in our image but in the image they themselves 
formulate out of their own imique liistories, cul- 
tures, and aspirations. We are confident that if, 
in tlais crucial transitional process, they maintain 
their independence, they will fashion societies 
which, in one way or another, will move in the 
direction of consent. 

Democracy is not an absolute; and the condi- 
tions for democracy are complex. It requires not 
merely a literate population but a sense of national 
direction and of consensus, a linkage of urban and 
rural peoples, the existence of rules and institu- 
tions of law, a civil service and armed forces dedi- 
cated to nationhood and not to faction. And in 
the end political freedom requires a citizenry 
which assumes substantial individual responsi- 
bility for the fate of the community. 

All this takes time. Our first objective, there- 
fore, is to help preserve the independence of the 
modernization process, meanwhile working to help 
build the conditions which will make consent in- 
creasingly a reality and to encourage those who 
would remain steadfast to their own version of the 
democratic objective. 

How should we assess our chances? Wliat are 
the possibilities of seeing emerge in the southern 

January 15, J 962 


half of the world an environment of independent 
and increasingly democratic states which would 
permit our own society to maintain and develop 
its humane and open character? 

The task ahead is long, but I am basically opti- 
mistic. The impulse of these peoples and govern- 
ments to remain independent is strong. I sense 
that there is a new generation emerging, dedicated 
to modernizing their societies with vigor and imag- 
ination. I sense that the word is spreading that 
the pragmatic and apparently diffuse methods of 
free men are more effective than the iUusory ef- 
ficiency of totalitarianism. 

The issue is not yet fuUy decided. There are 
certain to be frustrations and setbacks; but I 
would doubt that the Communist leadership, as- 
sessing recent developments and trends, believes 
with confidence that commimism is the wave of 
the future in the underdeveloped areas of the free 
world. It is our assessment that the wave of the 
future will lie with those who struggle for their 
independence, face their problems pragmatically, 
and maintain loyalty to the longrun goal of politi- 
cal and social democracy. 

It is in this sober but confident spirit that we 
are going forward with the Alliance for Progress, 
with our programs of long-term economic develop- 
ment elsewhere, and with other measures of au- 
thentic partnership with the new nations who are 
entering the world commimity. 

Complexities of Alliance Policy 

Professor Bemis, in his concluding pages, puts 
to us a third question, which I might rephrase as 
follows : Can a free- world system, based on a loose 
alliance of sovereign nations, stand up against the 
outward thrust of a highly centralized Communist 
bloc ? Can an international democracy of nations 
deal with disciplined and purposeful totalitarian 
adversaries ? 

No Secretary of State can be immindf ul of the 
complexities of alliance policy in a period when 
our allies number more than 40. The problem of 
clarifying a national policy within our own Fed- 
eral Government is, in all conscience, complex 
enough; and to achieve common action within a 
large alliance is, as you well know, major business. 

Nevertheless, having seen that business at close 
range, I can again report to you a mood of tem- 
perate optimism. Over tlie past year our Western 
allies have been subjected to an ugly threat: the 

threat of being held in nuclear hostage by the in- 
termediate-range ballistic missiles which the 
Soviet Union now commands. They have stood 
firm against that tlareat, and I have no doubt but 
that the Soviet Union will find, in the response 
of the West, that this form of blackmail is counter- 

More than that, there is a wholesome ferment in 
Europe and throughout the Atlantic community, 
generating a debate wluch historians may well 
rank with the American constitutional debate of 
the I780's. Tliis ferment centers on the emer- 
gence and articulation of a new vision : the vision 
of a Europe moving toward unity and establish- 
ing, as it does so, a transatlantic partnerehip in 
all the affairs with which great powers must be 
concerned in the 1960's — the problems of defense 
in a nuclear age, the problems of sustained assist- i 
ance to the underdeveloped areas, the problems 
of trade, the problems of using our international 
monetary reserves with economy and wisdom in 
the mutual support of each other's currencies, and 
problems of economic growth itself. This ferment 
has not yet yielded a resolution of all the com- 
plicated matters involved. But beneath the sur- 
face our alliance arrangements are moving into 
a new and rather grand phase. 

In 1947 the American Government decided that 
it would link the recovery of Europe to efforts at 
European unification. We cliose quite consciously 
not to play a balance-of-power game with the na- 
tions of Europe but to build toward a strong part- 
nership in the affairs of the West. At that mo- 
ment we joined forces with those Europeans who , 
drew from the lessons of the Second World War, | 
and iiideed fi-om the longer history of Europe, the 
conclusion tliat the great European center of West- 
ern culture and strength could play its proper part 
on the world scene only if it transcended its na- 
tional divisions and moved toward unity. The 
extraordinary resurgence in Europe of the 1950's 
now provides the base for a major move forward, 
and I am confident that we shall see the "grand 
design" unfold in coming months and years. 

Our relations with the countries of Western 
Europe have, of course, been complicated from 
time to time since the Second World AVar by prob- 
lems arising from the end of the colonial era. 
During the past year we have confronted several 
problems where there have been divergencies, in 
emphasis at least, with some of our European part- 
ners. These inevitable difliculties should not, how- 


Department of State Bulletin 

ever, obscure tlie larger pattern whicli is emerg- 
ing — a pattern of constructive association among 
the whole of the northern half of the world, from 
Toliyo to Bonn, and with the new nations to the 
south — an association based on principles of part- 
nership among equals, a shared interest in the eco- 
nomic development of the emerging nations, and, 
in the end, a shared commitment to the objectives 
of the United Nations Charter. 

History Has Not Stopped in Communist World 

A fourth question posed by Professor Bemis is, 
in effect, whether we are wholly on the defensive. 
Must we look to a future in which we can, at best, 
hold the frontiers of freedom ? Must we abandon 
hope that the principles of independence and de- 
mocracy might emerge within what is now the 
Commimist bloc? 

It would not be prudent to close one's eyes to 
the capacity of totalitarian methods to maintain a 
surface of unity and order. It is infinitely harder, 
for example, for opposition to make itself felt in 
a police state than in an open society. Nor should 
we imderestimate the capacity of a totalitarian 
system to produce striking results by mobilizing 
men and resources around high-priority objectives. 
But it is inaccurate to believe that history has 
stopped within the Communist world or that the 
currents of history are moving automatically to its 

In Europe we have had, in the postwar years, a 
fundamental test of Western and Communist con- 
cepts as they apply to economic, social, and politi- 
cal life. No one can question, I believe, the out- 
come of that test thus far. It is Western, and not 
Eastern, Europe that constitutes the more vital 

Despite a Commimist monopoly of education 
and propaganda, the peoples of Eastern Europe 
remain loyal to their culture and to their nation- 
hood. In every field — from natural and social sci- 
ence to painting and music — they find ways to ex- 
press their traditional association with Western 
civilization. And in time, as Communists know 
perhaps better than others, these tests of historical 
vitality count. 

In free Asia there has been another test; and 
there, too, free men are doing vastly better than 
even the greatest optimists would have predicted 
only a few years ago. The economic progress of 
the new Japan — democratic and working in co- 

operation with other free nations — is one of the 
splendid achievements of the postwar era. In the 
Indian Peninsula, in southeast Asia, in Hong 
Kong, on Formosa, and now in Korea, there is a 
resilience, a will to get on with the job, the emer- 
gence of a new, modern generation of men and 
women which promise well for the future. IMean- 
wliile, in the areas controlled by communism the 
techniques of totalitarianism, applied in regions 
where three- fourths of the people live in the coun- 
tryside, have been unable to deal with hunger and 
apathy. Every day it becomes clear that the Com- 
munist methods for modernizing an underdevel- 
oped area are old-fasliioned, reactionary, and re- 
strictive, quite aside from their simple inhumanity. 
And this, too, will count. 

Finally, it is becoming clear that the same power- 
ful forces which are diffusing power and influence 
within the free world — forces which our own polit- 
ical history and instinctive methods teach us how 
to weave together in new patterns of interdepend- 
ence — are operating within the Conxmunist world 
itself. We should take no cheap comfort from the 
deep schisms within the Communist bloc. On the 
other hand, we should be aware that the concept 
of independent nationhood, of national interest, 
and of national cidture are day to day asserting 
themselves strongly. And if we are wise, we can 
patiently find ways to pick up strands of overlap- 
ping national interest between Communist nations 
and the free world, moving toward a cushioning 
of the raw clash of power. 

From Berlin to Laos, from the question of arms 
control and disarmament to the exchange of per- 
sons, we are prepared to look at each proposal 
and possibility on its merits and to look system- 
atically toward a world which would permit us 
all to live easier on a planet shadowed by nuclear 
weapons. And we are prepared to do so not de- 
fensively, out of fear, but out of an inner con- 
fidence that, if we use time well, time is on the 
side of the forces making for independent nation- 
hood, dignified interdependence, and human 

Taking Our Part in the Shaping of History 

What of the American base? Is ours a society 
really given to "loose social dalliance and croon- 
ing softness"? There is enough dalliance to 
merit our genuine concern, but my view of our 
condition is less somber than your president's. 

January 15, 1962 


Democracies have always given an appearance 
of some disarray and self-indulgence. As a stu- 
dent I knew well interwar Britain. It was a 
costly conclusion tliat Hitler and Mussolini — and 
perhaps Stalin — deduced from surface phenomena 
that Britain of those years had lost its fiber. I 
was present in the Oxford Union, for example, 
when the house resolved "not to fight for King 
and country." It was apparent to most of us 
present that the vote was a compliment to the 
entertaining brilliance of C. E. M. Joad rather 
than a verdict on the merits of the issue. Although 
the Union was not amused by a later effort to ex- 
punge the record, the record was set right, in 
fact, witliin a few short years by the gallantry 
of its members in fighting for King and country, 
and for freedom, in a great war. 

I recall, too, the headshaking of many Ameri- 
cans about our youth in the twenties and thirties. 
In tlie twenties it was said that they were irre- 
sponsible, even decadent ; in the thirties, that they 
lacked enterprise, yearned only for security, and 
neither wished nor knew how to work. Yet these 
were the generations which fought our greatest 
war, fashioned a remarkable achievement in our 
own society, and took up a worldwide responsi- 
bility we have never known before. 

Moreover, I am not excessively concerned witli 
the tendency of Americans to self-examination and 
self-criticism. Long ago Alexis de Tocqueville 
noted that we were a self-conscious people, com- 
pelled by our remarkable origins to measure our 
day-to-day performance against exceedingly high 
standards and the transcendent idealism built into 
our Declaration of Independence. 

I am confident tliat we still have the will and 
the dedication required for the great tasks aliead. 
From the men in the Strategic Air Command, fly- 
ing complex missions on endless alert, to the volun- 
teers in the Peace Corps ; from our special forces 
working side by side with soldiers in southeast 
Asian villages to our Berlin garrison; from our 
imaginative scientists to my devoted colleagues 
working long hours at the Department of State 

and abroad, there is solid reason for confidence — 
not for despair — in the fiber of our people in gen- 
eral and of our youth in particular. 

Moreover, I believe I detect among our citizens 
a developing ability to live in this world of revolu- 
tionary change, of multiple crisis, and of nuclear 
threat with a poise supported by the endemic sense 
of liumor which has always been a great solvent in 
our national life. We go about our business with 
a solid sense of a good and grave and resilient 
people behind us. 

And so, as we deal with the day-to-day problems 
which are our lot, we are not merely counterpunch- 
ing against crises. We are taking our part in the 
shaping of history. Step by step, cable by cable, 
we are trying to build a commonwealth of inde- 
pendent nations, each — including ourselves — try- 
ing to improve the degree to which we actually live 
by the high standards of democratic ideals. We 
are trying to pull together in new association the 
powerful, industrialized nations of the north ; we 
are trying to build a new partnership between the 
north and the south. Against the background of 
an enlarged and increasingly flexible military 
strength, we are protecting the frontiers of free- 
dom; and with confidence we are peering beyond 
for every constructive possibility of bringing the 
nations now under communism toward that com- 
monwealth wliich the charter of the United Na- 
tions described in 1945. 

Perhaps it is a profession of faith to believe that 
the human story continues to show the power and 
majesty of the notion of political freedom. But 
the historian can find the evidence, and many have 
done so. The future historian will assess what we 
in our generation are doing to write new chapters 
in that story and how we emerge from this cli- 
mactic period in which we sense we now live. Our 
commitments are deeply rooted in our own history, 
a history which links us in aspiration to the great 
body of mankind. If we move ahead with these 
shared commitments, we shall not lack company, 
for men at their best are builders of free common- 
wealths and a peaceful world community. 


Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

President and Mrs. Kennedy Visit Venezuela and Colombia 

President and Mrs. Kennedy visited Caracas, 
Venezuela, on Decerriber 16 and Bogota, Colom- 
hia, on December 17. Following are texts of re- 
marlcs made by the President at the dedication of 
an agrarian reform project in Venezuela and a 
self-help housing project in Colombia, together 
with a joint coimnunique released at Caracas and 
an address made by the President at Bogota. 


White House press release (Maracay, Venezuela) dated December 
16 ; as-delivered teit 

President Betancourt, Governor, ladies and gen- 
tlemen: I want to express to you our warm ap- 
preciation and thanks for the generous welcome 
which you have given to Mrs. Kennedy and my- 
self, and I know that in welcoming us you extend 
the hand of friendship to the people of my coun- 
try, who are so vitally interested and concerned 
with the common destiny of our hemisphere. And 
for this welcome we both thank you. 

Tomorrow is the 131st anniversary of the birth 
of the great liberator of this coimtry, who not 
only had the satisfaction and pride in liberating 
this country but also in a feat almost unprece- 
dented in history, provided for the freedom and 
liberation of five comatries — and I refer of course 
to Simon Bolivar. I come here today in a tradi- 
tion originated by him who saw and predicted 
that some day this hemisphere would be bound 
together by the closest of fraternal ties, and I 
come in the footsteps of a distinguished predeces- 
sor, Franklin Roosevelt, who in his own time and 
generation attempted to bring to fruition the work 
which Simon Bolivar had so well begun. 

We today share the realization which Presi- 
dent Eoosevelt expressed in 1944, when he said 
that "true mdividual freedom cannot exist with- 
out economic security and independence." 

With a system of national independence origi- 
nated over a hundred years ago, with a policy of 
friendship and good neighborliness which was de- 
veloped in the administration of President Roose- 
velt, now, today, in 1961, it is our obligation to 
move ahead and to bring to fruition the concept 
that along with national independence and indi- 
vidual liberty goes the well-being of people them- 

We do not merely talk of slogans, of democracy 
and freedom; it is our function here in this hemi- 
sphere in 1961 to make it possible for all the people 
not only to be free but to have a home and edu- 
cate their children and have a job for themselves 
and in security. And that is what we are deter- 
mined to do. 

Economic security, the bringing of a better life 
to all of our people, must now be, in the sixties, 
the principal object and goal of the inter- Ameri- 
can system. And what is happening here today 
at La Morita, in pursuit of that goal, symbolizes 
the gigantic new steps that are now being taken. 

From this day forward the inter- American sys- 
tem represents not merely the unity of the gov- 
ernments that are involved but the unity of peo- 
ples, not only a common goal of political alinement 
but a common vow by all of our governments and 
all of our people to improve man's economic, social, 
and political well-being— not just an alliance for 
the protection of our countries but an alliance of 
progress for our people. We will be, in the six- 
ties, more than good neighbors. We will be part- 
ners in building a better life for our people. 

Here in Venezuela the meaning of the new 
Alianza para el Progreso ^ is being demonstrated 
for you have made a tradition and transition from 
a repressive dictatorship to a free life for the peo- 
ple of this country, to progressive democratic 
rule under one of the great democratic statesmen 
of the Western Hemisphere, your distinguished 

'For bacUgroiind, see Buixetin of Apr. 3, 19C1, p. 47. 

January IS, J 962 


President, Romulo Betancourt,. And one of the 
first goals of the new spirit of this hemisphere 
must be the elimination of tyranny from the north 
to the south until this is a hemisphere, as Simon 
Bolivar once predicted, of free men and free coun- 
tries, living under our system of liberty. 

Mr. President, the achievement of these two 
freedoms, freedom from dictatorship and freedom 
from the bonds of economic and social injustice, 
must be the contribution of our generation in this 

It is in pursuit of these goals that I have come 
with you to La Morita. It is a long way from the 
noisy streets of Washington, D.C., to this field; 
but it is in this field and in fields and cities across 
our hemisphere that this battle must be fought, 
not in speeches by Presidents, or exchanges of dip- 
lomats, or studies by experts — though all those are 
important — but the work must be done here — here 
today — and tomorrow — all through this hemi- 
sphere, imtil our people live the kind of life, Mr. 
President, for which you have dedicated your life 
and to which the people of my country are com- 

Today 86 families will receive titles to own 
homes under a program which is already settled — 
38,000 families on 3,800,000 acres of land. This is 
your program, the program of your progressive, 
farseeing Government; and the people of my 
country will share in this program by making 
available for loans to build rural homes and in 
credits to finance your crops. 

This program is at the heart of the Alianza para 
el Progreso, for no real progress is possible unless 
the benefits of increased prosperity are shared by 
the people themselves. 

I do not hold the view, which some now preach, 
that the only way we can make economic progress 
is through dictatorship. I believe the reverse. I 
believe that the experiences of Eastern Europe, 
the wall in Berlin, the famine in China, the hard- 
ships in our own hemisphere, show that liberty 
and economic progress go hand in hand, provided 
the people and the government together are com- 
mitted to progress for the people. 

So, ladies and gentlemen, I .shall return to 
Washington on Monday and tell the people of my 
country that you and they are bound together in 
one of the great adventures of human experience, 
to make of our licmisphere a bright and shining 
light for all the world. 

The United States and Venezuela are bound to- 
gether, and in the sixties I believe that we can 
demonstrate so that all the world will want to fol- 
low our example — I believe that freedom and 
prosperity can move hand in hand, and I am proud 
today to stand on this platform with your dis- 
tinguished President, who has been working in 
this field for so many years and who now is show- 
ing the people of this coimtry and hemisphere 
what real progress for the people can mean. 

I express our thanks to you, and I can tell you 
that the people of my country — in good times and 
bad — are committed to the progress of your people 
and this hemisphere. 

Thank you very much. 


White House press release (Caracas, Venezuela) dated Decem- 
ber 17 

During their meeting in Caracas on December 
16, 1961, the Presidents of the United States of 
America and of the Republic of Venezuela, John 
F. Kennedy and Eomulo Betancourt, agreed to 
make the following declaration : 

1. They reaffirm the irrevocable friendship of 
the two peoples and governments. 

2. They confirm their adherence to the prin- 
ciples and standards of the United Nations and 
Vi\% Organization of American States which are 
dedicated to respect for human rights — to the ef- 
fective practice of representative Democracy, with 
equal opportunity for all — to free self-determina- 
tion by the people and to non-intervention. 

3. They have confidence that freedom will pre- 
vail in all American countries and that the prob- 
lems troubling America and the world will be 
solved peacefully. 

4. The two Presidents expressed their deter- 
mination to achieve the objectives of the Aliama 
para el Progreso in accord with the principles of 
the Act of Bogota ^ and Punta del Estc charter,' 
and they discussed mutual Venezuelan and United 
States actions which are necessary for this pur- 
pose. Venezuela's achievement in formulating 
and implementing a realistic long-range plan for 
economic and social development, especially in the 
fields of industrial and agricultural development, 

' For text, see iUd., Oct. 3, 19C0, p. 537. 
' For text, see ihld., Sept. 11, 1061, p. 463. 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bo//efin 

land refonn, educat ion, housing and water supply, 
were reviewed in connection with the need to mo- 
bilize additional domestic and external resources. 
Substantial new loans, in addition to those already 
provided, are under consideration by the Inter- 
American Development Bank. 

5. Both Presidents agreed that a special effort 
is necessary in 1962 to assure large-scale develop- 
ment of industry and commerce, both to reinforce 
the present pattern of recovery from Venezuela's 
1960-1961 recession and to achieve sustained levels 
of economic growth with rapid improvements 
in living standards of underprivileged groups not 
yet reached by the development process. 

6. Both Presidents expressed their conviction 
that far-reaching efforts in the social field in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of the Alliance for Prog- 
ress should go hand in hand with economic devel- 
opment programs. The prices of basic conunodi- 
ties and commercial practices of importing coim- 
tries must give effective recognition to Latin Amer- 
ica's dependence on exports. Such recognition is 
a vital factor in carrying out the spirit and letter 
of the charter of Punta del Este. 

7. The Presidents discussed the great impor- 
tance to the Venezuelan people of the large Guri 
Hydro-electric Dam as the base for intensive de- 
velopment of the Guayana Eegion. Special con- 
sideration was given to Venezuelan programs for 
slum clearance, low-cost housing and municipal 
and community development. The Presidents be- 
lieve also that this stimulating approach should 
have wide applicability in accelerating local devel- 
opment, in solving the most important local prob- 
lems and, equally important, in taking advantage 
of local economic opportunities through com- 
mimity initiative. 

8. During the next few months Venezuelan and 
United States officials will discuss in detail de- 
velopment loans and technical assistance to be 
provided by the United States Agency for Inter- 
lational Development and other measures to sup- 
port the Venezuelan Development Program and 
strengthen United States- Venezuelan economic re- 
ations. President Kennedy pledged all possible 
United States support and assistance to enable 
Venezuela to implement its development program 
)n schedule, complementing Venezuelan efforts to 
his end. 

9. President Kennedy and President Betancourt 
oined in expressing their hope that this state- 

ment made today in the birth place of Simon 
Bolivar will be received by the peoples of this 
continent as a message of faith and optimism. 


White House press release (Bogotii, Colombia) dated Decem- 
ber 17 

Mr. President, I have come here today to reply 
to a speech which your distinguished President 
gave more than a year ago in Washington : "I do 
hope," said Lleras Camargo, "that as we come to 
imderstand our reciprocal problems better, by vir- 
tue of our same faith in our democratic system 
and in the creative power of liberty ... we shall 
go on shaping in this part of the world a better 
dwelling place for men." 

We have come to this open field today to join 
in making this a better dwelling place for men. 
And it is, I know, a source of pride to my people, 
as I am sure it is to yours, to see this great effort 
to provide better housing for our people in this 

We all of us believe in freedom. Tlie great 
fight over the past decade in this hemisphere has 
been the fight against tyranny and dictatorship in 
countries which have been part of our sister 

The great fight in the next 10 years, now that 
we have seen a whole system of new, progressive 
democracies established — the great fight in the 
next 10 years will be to make it possible for peo- 
ple to live under a system of freedom. Those of 
us who love freedom realize that a man is not 
really free if he doesn't have a roof over his head, 
or if he cannot educate his children, or if he can- 
not find work, or if he cannot find security in his 
old age. 

It is our responsibility, in this decade of the 
sixties, to provide the kind of life for our people 
that will permit freedom not only to survive but 
prevail — here and around the world, in every part 
of our hemisphere, in every part of the globe. 

The Alianza para el Progreso is a phrase, but I 
think its real significance is here in this field. 
This is a battlefield, and I am glad that the Co- 
lombian Government under the leadership of your 
President and all of the people of this country — 
joining their efforts with the Inter-American 
Bank and the United States AID program — are 
going to see filling this field in the next months 

^anuatY 15, 1962 


and years to come home after home for people 
who desperately need it, schools for people who 
need to be educated, and a steady rise in the stand- 
ard of living for all of our people. 

I therefore want to express my appreciation 
to all of you for your generosity in permitting 
us to be here today in Techo and in this and other 
communities such as this across this country and 
across this hemisphere. And we are going to con- 
tinue our efforts until in every part of our hemi- 
sphere the whole concept of progress and freedom 
is general. 

We wish you well, and we are joined with you 
in this effort in the future, as we have on so many 
occasions in the past. We wish you well, and 
we want you to know that in my country we are 
committed to this effort, and we shall not desist 
from it until it has been completed. 

Thank you. 


White House press release dated December 17 ; as-delivered text 

Mr. President, I want to express our great ap- 
preciation to the President for his generous words 
tonight, and also to the people of this city and to 
this country for their heart-warming welcome to 
Mrs. Kennedy and myself. I must say that, 
though we are far from home, you made us feel 
at home; so we want to express our thanks to 
you and all of the citizens of your city and 

In 1934 one of the greatest of my predecessors, 
President Franklin Roosevelt, was the first Presi- 
dent of the United States to visit this country. 
He came in pursuit of a new policy — the policy of 
the "good neighbor." This policy, based on the 
ideas of Bolivar and San Martin and Santander, 
recognized the common interests of the American 
states, denied that any nation in this hemisphere 
had the right to impose its will on any other na- 
tion, and called for a great cooperative effort to 
strengthen the spirit of human liberty here in the 

I am here today — the second American Presi- 
dent to visit Colombia — in that same spirit. For 
our generation also has a new policy — la Aliama 
para el Progreso. Today again, that policy calls 
for a joint effort to protect and extend the values 

of our civilization, gouig beyond the good-neigh- 
bor policy to a great unified attack on the prob- 
lems of our age. Today again, we deny the right 
of any state to impose its will upon any other. 
And today again, these new policies are based 
upon the vision and the imagination of the great 
statesmen of Latin America. 

In 1960 your distinguished President, Dr. 
Lleras Camargo, addressed the United States 
Congress,^ of which I was a Member. He spoke 
of the need for iho. American states to work to- 
gether to conquer the evils of poverty and injus- 
tice. He called for participation by the United 
States. And, later in the same vnsit, he said that 
"it is necessary to make a supreme effort in each 
country, with the cooperation of all the others, to 
prevent Western civilization from being threat- 
ened within the very stronghold that has defended 

Those warnings of your President have been 
heard. The cooperative effort of our great free 
nations has begun. Help has already begxm. 
And the stronghold of our civilization — the in- 
dividual dignity of the indi^adual, free men — has 
begun to strengthen the bulwarks of freedom. 

No American has contributed more to this jjrog- 
ress than your President, who is universally 
admired as one of the great statesmen of this 
hemisphere. As a principal architect of the Rio 
Treaty and as Director General of the Organiza- 
tion of American States, he has striven to perfect 
the inter-American system which was the dream 
of the man who once lived in this house — Simon 
Bolivar. And, recently, his bold initiative has 
strengthened the OAS against those extraconti- 
nental forces which seek to impose a new tyranny 
upon the Americas. As your President, he has 
restored democratic government, strengthened 
your economy, and worked, within the free institu- 
tions, to improve the welfare of all Colombians. 
His concept of progressive, democratic govern- 
ment is at the heart of la Alianaa para el Progreso. 
Aiid I leave this comitry tonight strengthened in 
purpose and undei'standing by his wise counsels. 

But I Imow that Dr. Lleras Camargo would be 
the first to agree that even these impressive ac- 
complishments of the past are inadequate in the 
face of the immense and urgent problems which 
now confront us. 

' Broadcast and televised from the San Carlos Palace 
following a state dinner. 


' For text, see Bulletin of May 2, 19C0, p. 701. 

Department of State Bulletin 

Bolivar, in a letter written when he was in exile 
and the cause of liberty seemed dim, wrote : "The 
veil has been torn asunder. We have already seen 
the light and it is not our desire to be tlii-ust back 
into the darkness." In our time the veil again 
has been toni asunder. The millions of our people 
who have lived in hopeless poverty, patiently suf- 
fering hunger, social injustice, and ignorance, have 
now glimpsed the hope of a better and more 
abundant life for themselves and their children. 
And they do not intend to be thrust back into 

LaAlianza para el Progreso is designed to trans- 
form this hope into a reality. It calls for a vast 
and immediate effort on the part of all the 
Americas to satisfy the basic needs of our people 
for work and land and homes and schools. It ex- 
pects within the next 10 years — the Decade of De- 
velopment — to be well on the way toward satisfy- 
ing these basic needs. 

Much has already been done since la Alianza 
fara el Progreso was announced on March 13. 
And today at Techo I saw some of the results of 
this effort. There President Lleras and I, in the 
presence of the families of hundreds of workers, 
dedicated a housing project in wliich more than 
80,000 people will, for the first time, know what 
it will be like to live in a home in which they would 
want to raise their children. We also dedicated 
one of 18 schools — in which 30,000 children — the 
most valuable asset of this hemisphere — will be 
given their opportimity to study and to learn and 
to build their lives. 

And along with the social progress symbolized 
by the Techo project will also come an intensive 
effort to develop and industrialize the economies 
of Latin America, reducing dependence on raw 
materials and steadily narrowing the relative gap 
between the wealthy industrialized coimtries and 
the Republics of Latin America. 

Thus la Alianza para el Progreso is a program 
which is revolutionary in its dimensions. It calls 
for staggering efforts by us all and imprecedented 
changes by us all. It raises far-reaching aspira- 
tions and demands difficult sacrifices. And al- 
though we have already done much in a short time, 
we must do much more and act much more swiftly 
in the months to come. For on the success of the 
Alliance — on our success in this hemisphere — de- 
pends the future of that human dignity and na- 
tional independence for which our forebears in 
every country of the hemisphere struggled. 

After the American wars of independence, the 
President of Colombia, Santander, said: "Arms 
have given us independence; laws will give us free- 
dom." These prophetic words, I think, indicate 
the history of our hemisphere. For our real prog- 
ress has not come about through violence or tyr- 
anny but under the guidance of democratic lead- 
ers who realized the great capacity of free society 
for peaceful change, men such as Franklin Roose- 
velt in my own country and your distinguished 
President in your country. 

It is this knowledge and experience which is the 
great contribution of our nations to the other na- 
tions of the world. There are those who tell us 
that the only road to economic progress is by vio- 
lent Communist revolution, followed by the com- 
plete subjection of man to the will of the state. 

They come with banners proclaiming that they 
have new doctrines, that history is on their side. 
But, in reality, they bring a doctrine which is as 
old as the Pharaohs of Egypt and, like the Phar- 
aohs of Egypt, doomed by history. 

They promise free elections and free speech and 
freedom of religion. But once power is achieved, 
elections are eliminated, speech is stifled, and the 
worship of God is prohibited. 

They pledge economic progress and increased 
hiunan welfare. But they have been unable to 
fulfill these pledges, and their failure is etched in 
the dramatic contrast between a free and power- 
ful and prosperous Western Europe and the grim, 
drab poverty of Conmiunist Eastern Europe, or 
the hunger of China, or the wall which separates 
West Berlin from East Berlin. The fact is that 
the wall and the rifle squads of the last 12 months 
have shown us again — if we needed to be shown — 
that when such doctrines have had to face the 
united will of free men, they have been defeated. 

We are a young and strong people. Our doc- 
trines — the doctrines lit by the leaders of your 
country and mine — now burn brightly in Africa 
and Asia and wherever men struggle to be free. 
And here in our own hemisphere we have success- 
fully resisted efforts to impose the despotisms of 
the Old World on the nations of the New. 

Today we face the greatest challenge to the vi- 
tality of our American revolution. Millions of 
our people, scattered across a vast and rich conti- 
nent, endure lives of misery. We must prove to 
them that free institutions can best answer their 
implacable demand for social justice, for food, for 

Jatmary 15, 7962 


material welfare, and above all, for a new hope — 
for themselves and for their children. And in so 
proving the blessings of freedom in Latin Amer- 
ica, we will be teacliing the same lesson to a 
watchful and impatient world. 

We in the United States have made many mis- 
takes in our relations with Latin America. We 
have not always understood the magnitude of 
your problems or accepted our share of respon- 
sibility for the welfare of the hemisphere. But 
we are committed in the United States — our will 
and our energy — to an untiring pursuit of that 
welfare, and I have come to this country to re- 
affirm that dedication. 

The leaders of Latin America, the industrialists 
and the landowners, are, I am sure, also ready to 
admit past mistakes and accept new responsi- 
bilities. For unless aU of us are willing to con- 
tribute our resources to national development, 
unless all of us are prepared not merely to accept, 
but initiate, basic land and tax reforms, unless all 
of us take the lead in improving the welfare of 
our people — then that leadership will be taken 
from us and the heritage of centuries of Western 
civilization will be consumed in a few months of 

This is the message I bring to those of us who 
are here tonight, and I am grateful that I have 
had an opportunity to be with you. 

But I also want to talk to those beyond this 
dinner table, and beyond this room and this old 
house. And that message is for the millions of 
people in a thousand cities and villages through- 
out the mountains and lands of our hemisphere. 
To all of them — to the workers, to the campesinos 
on the farms, to the women who toil each day for 
the welfare of their children — to all we bring a 
message of hope. Every day, every hour, in my 
country and in this country and in all the coun- 
tries of this hemisphere, dedicated men and women 
are struggling to bring nearer the day when all 
have more to eat, and a decent roof over their 
heads, and schools for their children, when all 
will have a better and more abundant life to ac- 
company that human dignity to which all men 
are entitled and that love of freedom to which all 
of us are committed by our inheritance and our 

And tonight, here in this old city, I pledge to 
you the commitment of the United States of 
America to that great cause. 

Thank you. 

President Holds Talks in Bermuda 
With Prime Minister Macmillan 

Follovnng is the text of a joint communique 
issued on Decemher 22 hy President Kennedy and 
Prime Minister Harold Macymillan of the United 
Kingdom at the close of a 2-day meeting at 
Ham,ilton, Bermuda. 

White House press release dated December 22 

The President and the Prime Minister have had 
two days of valuable discussions surveying the 
world situation. Their discussions centered 
mainly on the question of Berlin, on nuclear prob- 
lems and on the situation in the Congo. Tlieir 
talks vrill form the basis of continued United 
States-United Kingdom cooperation during the 
coming months on a great variety of questions. 

The President and the Prime Minister ex- 
amined the situation concerning Berlin in the light 
of the decisions taken at the meetings of the For- 
eign Ministers of the Four Powers and of the 
NATO Council in Paris.^ In particular they dis- 
cussed the steps to be taken in regard to the re- 
newal of diplomatic contacts with the Soviet 
Union. The President has agreed as a conse- 
quence of the Paris meeting that the initial con- 
tact would be made by the U.S. Ambassador in 
Moscow and the Prime Minister has indicated 
that the British Ambassador would be available 
to play whatever part might be found helpful. 
The President and the Prime Minister agreed tliat 
the purpose should be to ascertain whether a rea- 
sonable basis for negotiation can be found. Tlie 
other governments directly concerned will of 
course be fully consulted througliout. Consul- 
tations with the other governments concerned are 

The President and the Prime Minister consid- 
ered the problems of the nuclear arms race. Tliey 
took note of the new situation created by the mas- 
sive series of atmospheric tests conducted in recent 
months by the Soviet Government after long 
secret preparations.'^ Tliey agreed that it is now 
necessary, as a matter of prudent planning for the 
future, that pending the final decision prepara- 
tions should be made for atmospheric testing to 
maintain the effectiveness of the deterrent. 

^ For text of a NATO communique, see Buujetin of 
Jan. 8, 1962, p. 51. 

' For background, spc ihitl.. Nov. 20, 1061, p. 844. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Meanwhile, they continue to believe that no 
task is more urgent than the search for paths to- 
ward effective disarmament, and they pledge 
themselves to intensive and continued efforts in 
this direction. 

Serious progress toward disarmament is the 
only way of breaking out of the dangerous con- 
test so sharply renewed by the Soviet Union. The 
President and the Prime Minister believe that 
the plans for disarmament put forward by the 
United States in the current session of the United 
Nations General Assembly ^ offer a basis for such 
progress, along with the treaty for ending nuclear 
tests'* which the two nations have so carefully 
prepared and so earnestly urged upon the Soviet 

The President and the Prime Minister reviewed 
recent developments in the Congo. They noted 
with satisfaction that, as an encouraging step to- 
ward understanding, a useful meeting had been 
held at Kitona between Mr. [Cyrille] Adoula and 
Mr. [!Moise] Tshombe." They expressed their 
strong hope that further progress would be made 
through the efforts of both parties. It seemed to 
them of first importance that the present discus- 
sions should be actively continued in appropriate 
ways. They agreed on the importance of avoid- 
ing any renewal of armed action while genuine 
efforts at consultation are going forward. 

In a general discussion of the economic situa- 
tion the President and the Prime Minister took 
note of progress in the negotiations between the 
United Kingdom and the European Economic 
Community and expressed the hope that these 
would be brought to a successful conclusion. 

U.S. Refutes False Katangan Charges 
of Interference in Negotiations 

DepartTnent Statement 

Press release 921 dated December 29 

Katangan Provincial President [Moise] 
Tshombe has addressed a telegram ^ to tliis Gov- 
ernment in which he repeats a charge made in 
Brussels today by Evariste Kimba, one of his min- 

istei-s, that U.S. Ambassador [Edmund A.] Gul- 
lion interefered in the talks at Kitona in which 
Mr. Tshombe agreed to end Katangan secession 
from the Congo. Air. Tshombe also accuses Am- 
bassador Gullion of urgmg the United Nations to 
resume military action against Katanga and 
makes several other allegations. All these charges 
are untrue. 

Ambassador Gullion was involved in the Kitona 
talks specifically because Mr. Tshombe appealed 
to President Kennedy to help halt the fighting in 
Katanga and arrange a meeting between Mr. 
Tshombe and Prime Minister [Cyrille] iVdoula. 
In response to this appeal. President Kennedy 
designated Ambassador Gullion as his special rep- 
resentative to facilitate arrangements for a meet- 
ing.^ Because Mr. Tshombe asked for an Ameri- 
can guarantee of his personal security, in addition 
to the guarantee given by the U.N., the Ambassa- 
dor escorted Mr. Tshombe to and from Kitona and 
remained there during the talks. 

At no time did Ambassador Gullion interfere 
in the negotiations. He was consulted by both 
parties and encouraged them to reach an accord. 
The agreement was freely reached after substan- 
tial compromises by both conferees and was per- 
sonally signed by Mr. Tshombe. 

The charge that Ambassador Gullion has urged 
further U.N. military action against Katanga is 
absurd. On the contrary, the Ambassador and 
the Department have sought to promote an at- 
mosphere of conciliation. 

"VVe earnestly desire to see peace in the Congo ; 
thus we welcomed the Kitona agreement.^ We 
hope that the false charges against Ambassador 
Gullion are not part of a propaganda campaign 
designed to justify denimciation of the Kitona 

Mr. Tshombe has a great opportunity to con- 
tribute to the future peace and stability of 
Katanga and the Congo. We earnestly hope he 
will seize this opportunity and will move 
promptly to carry out the Kitona agreement so a 
start can be made with the rehabilitation of the 
Katanga and its peaceful reintegration into the 

The U.S. Government continues to repose com- 
plete confidence in Ambassador Gullion. 

' IhU., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650. 

•For text, see iUd., June 5, 1961, p. 870. 

° For back^ound, see iUd., Jan. 8, 1962, p. 49. 

* Not printed. 

" For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 10. 

' Ibid., Jan. 8, 1962, p. 49. 

ianuaty 15, 7962 


The United Nations Bond Issue 

Statement hy Harlan Cleveland'^ 

The President has decided to put in his forth- 
coming budget a request to the Congress to author- 
ize the purchase of United Nations bonds. This 
decision followed action by the General Assembly 
of the United Nations last week, making it possible 
for the Acting Secretary-General to issue up to 
$200 million worth of bonds to finance the U.N.'s 
peace-and-security operations in the Congo and 
the Middle East. 

This decision naturally gives rise to two ques- 
tions : Wliy does the United Nations have to issue 
bonds? And why is it in the national interest of 
the United States to purchase some of them ? 

The answer to the first question requires a word 
of explanation about the way the United Nations 
and its affiliated agencies are financed. 

Essentially there are four kinds of money spent 
by the U.N. family of agencies. 

1. There is the U.N.'s regular assessed budget. 

2. There are the regular assessed budgets of the 
specialised agencies., which support the construc- 
tive work in such fields as food and agriculture, 
world health, educational development, civil avia- 
tion, telecommunications, meteorology, and others. 

3. There are voluntary contributions to special 
programs that are not assessed against all United 
Nations members. 

4. And there are special assessments for peace- 
and-security operations in the Congo and the Mid- 
dle East. 

Since the charter was adopted in 1945, the 
United Nations Secretariat has spent $784 million 
on day-to-day operations out of its regular budget, 
including the administration of the General As- 
sembly, the Security Coimcil, and the trusteeship 
system. The United States has put up $255 mil- 
lion of this amount; the proportion of our con- 
tribution has been going down as new members 
were admitted. Early in the history of the United 
Nations, the United States contribution stood at 
nearly 40 percent. More recently, it was 321/^ per- 

cent. Under a resolution just passed by the Gen- 
eral Assembly, the United States contribution will 
go down to 32 percent. 

The 13 specialized agencies of the United Na- 
tions have spent $586 million in their regular as- 
sessed budgets since their beginnings during the 
1940's, and we have put up $168 million of this 

Then there are the special operations — the Ex- 
panded Technical Assistance Program, the Spe- 
cial Fund, the Palestine refugee program, the 
malaria eradication program, the Cliildren's 
Fund, and others — which are financed by volun- 
tary contributions. These programs are financed 
by those countries interested in financing them; 
their cost is not assessed against all United Na- 
tions member states. The United States has put 
up a larger proportion of these operations — $797 
million out of a total of $1.3 billion. 

This year's slice of the same picture looks like 

Fitcal year 19St 

E»timated tota\ Estimated U.S. 
expenditures share 

' Read to news correspondents by Mr. Cleveland on 
Dec. 28 (press release 909). Mr. Cleveland is Assistant 
Secretary for International Organization Affairs. 

U.N. regular budget (as- 
sessed) $72.7 million $22.3 million 

U.N. specialized agencies, 
regular budgets ( as- 
sessed) 64.9 million 18.0 million 

Voluntary contributions 159. million 79. 8 million 

The United Nations and its affiliated organiza- 
tions have never been, and are not now, a major 
factor in the United States budget, and the Con- 
gress has provided tlie full amoimts required from 
the United States to support United Nations activ- 
ities. The 1961 Congress, for example, appropri- 
ated all of the funds requested by President Ken- 
nedy for contributions to international organiza- 
tions and programs, both in the State Department 
appropriation and in the AID [Agency for Inter- 
national Development] appropriation. 

Apart from all these regular operations, in 
which most of the money goes for teclmical and 
economic activities, the United Nations has two 
sizable peace-and-security (which is to say, mili- 
tary) operations. 

The United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) 
has 5,100 troops sitting on the Gaza Strip, along 
the Israeli-Egyptian border, and near the Gulf of 
Aqaba, maintaining the precarious peace in the 
still unliquidated war between Israel and its Arab 
neighbors. UNEF costs about $19 million a year, 


Department of State Bulletin 

and we put up $7.9 million of that total. No 
United States forces are engaged. 

The other peace-and-security operation, now 
very well known indeed, is UNOC, the United Na- 
tions Operation in the Congo. It consists of about 
17,000 troops provided by 21 countries, none of 
them great powers. During the past year we have 
put up about 471^ percent of its total cost, which 
runs $10 million a month or $120 million a year. 

The United Nations is fiTianced from year to 
year by an '■'■every member canvass." Most mem- 
bers pay their dues regularly and promptly to the 
regular budget. We do, the British do, the French 
do, and so do the Soviets. Some countries are slow 
to pay, but nobody objects on principle to making 
these payments. The record of prompt payment 
is not as good in some of the specialized agencies, 
but again no question of principle arises. 

For the operations financed by voluntary con- 
tributions, the main burden is carried by the West- 
ern Powers. The Soviets frequently do not pay 
at all, or they pay less than their fair share, often 
in rubles so thoroughly restricted that they can- 
not be used. 

The costs for peace-and-security operations — 
UNEF and the Congo Force — are assessed against 
every member of the United Nations by action of 
the General Assembly. (The United States also 
helps, by a voluntary contribution, to reduce the 
burden on the smaller, less developed countries.) 
The Soviets and their satellites take the position 
that they will pay only \\ hen they agree with the 
operation; they therefore pay nothing to either 
UNEF in the Middle East or UNOC in the Congo. 
The Arabs also do not pay for the United Nations 
Emergency Force, and the French and the Bel- 
gians have declined to pay their share of the Congo 

The U.N.^s basic financial problem is a cash 
deficit resulting from the unwillingness of some 
members to pay their share. The total of unpaid 
contributions, on all U.N. budgets, was about $104 
million on November 30, 1961. The bulk of this 
sum represented nonpayment on UNEF and the 
Congo accounts. 

The resulting cash deficit is actually fmided in 
three main ways : 

First, the United Nations has to hold back on 
paying its bills. If the United Nations were a 
business, we would say that it is piling up its "ac- 
counts payable." 

January 15, J 962 

623755—62 3 

Second, it has drawn down to zero its working 
capital fund, which previously amounted to about 
$25 million. 

Third, it has engaged in a kind of internal 
borrowing operation. To meet his needs for cash, 
the Secretary-Genei-al borrows from other U.N. 
agencies moneys which these organizations have 
collected from their members but have not yet 
spent. These internal borrowings are repaid 
when member nations pay their assessments for 
UNEF and the Congo. The borrowings have not 
impaired the operations of the other U.N. agencies 

AVith the operating deficit of more than $100 
million, the U.N.'s problem is to get the non2:)ayers 
to pay up and meanwhile to collect enough cash to 
enable the United Nations to go ahead and do what 
the General Assembly has told it to do in the 
Middle East and in the Congo — which are actions 
tlie United States Government feels are very much 
in the United States interest for the United Na- 
tions to take. 

To solve this problem, Acting Secretary-General 
U Thant has courageously proposed and the Gen- 
eral Assembly has just adopted a three-part 
financial plan. The plan was adopted over the 
liighly vocal but ineffective opposition of the 
Soviet Union and its satellites. 

1. The General Assembly voted a new appro- 
priation, assessed against all members, to carry the 
Congo 2 and the Middle Eastern ^ operations up to 
July 1, 1962, at the present level of expenditure. 
The votes were overwhelming: 67 nations voted 
for the Congo appropriation, and only 13 against, 
with 15 abstentions. 

2. The General Assembly has formally asked 
the International Court of Justice at The Hague 
for an advisory opinion to settle the question 
whether assessments for peace-and-security opera- 
tions are just as mandatory an obligation on gov- 
ernments, luader the U.N. Charter, as everybody 
agrees the regular budget contributions have al- 
ways been. A favorable opinion, which we antici- 
pate, would help governments decide to pay up 
even when they are not enthusiastic about a par- 
ticular operation, for fear of getting so far behmd 
in their total contribution to the United Nations 
that they would be deprived of their vote under the 
charter's 2-year rule (article 19) . 

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1732(XVI). 
" U.N. doc. A/RES/1733 (XVI). 


3. The General Assembly authorized the Secre- 
tary-General to issue $200 million worth of U.N. 
bonds, repa3'able at 2 percent over a 25-year pe- 
riod.'' Repayments will be an annual charge (of 
about $10 million) on the regular U.N. budget, 
which is assessed agamst all members. 

In a nutshell, the case for the U.N. bond issue 
can be smnmarized this way : 

a. Nonpayers will still owe their dues. The 
bond issue does not bail them out. It merely bails 
out the United Nations cash position while main- 
taining the obligation of every member to pay up 
its own accumulated debt to the United Nations. 

b. The bond issue would be large enough to solve 
the United Nations cash problem for this year and 

c. The bond issue would give the United Na- 
tions Secretary-General, for the first time, a source 
of funds which could be drawn on rapidly in the 
event that a future emergency should require their 

d. The bond issue will be repaid out of the regu- 
lar budget. The repayments are thus a binding 
obligation on all members under the charter. 

e. By having the bond issue repaid out of the 
regular budget, the United States contribution for 
peacekeeping operations is reduced from its pres- 
ent share of about 471/4 percent to 32 percent. For 
a time after July 1, 1962, our purchase of bonds 
will make it unnecessary to ask Congress for ap- 
propriations for UNEF and the Congo operation. 

f. The U.N. bonds can be sold to nonmembers 
(West Germany and Switzerland, for example) 
and to nonprofit institutions. They will not, how- 
ever, be sold to the general public. 


Wliy is it in the national interest of the United 
States to purchase our share of these U.N. bonds ? 

Ever since the beginning of the United Nations, 
its actions and its future have been a matter for 
debate among Americans. Some have overesti- 
mated its usefulness, viewing it as a cure-all or a 
symbol of utopia. Others, congenitally gloomy 
about the state of the world, see in each new crisis 
the beginning of the end of the Organization. 

Of course, no all-purpose formula fits the facts. 
But the record shows that each new crisis has left 
behind a stronger organization, better able to 
tackle a larger problem the next time around. A 

*U.N. doc. A/RES/1739(XVI). 

small technical services program led to a sizable 
Special Fund for preinvestment aid. A tenta- 
tive peace-and-security operation at the time of 
Suez led to a larger capacity to act in the Congo. 

There are, of course, strict limits to United 
Nations action, limits set by the willingness of its 
membei-s to support extensions of the U.N.'s ex- 
ecutive role. These limits are gradually widen- 
ing. With the U.N.'s peacekeeping functions, 
particularly its Congo operation, the U.N.'s 
executive role has for the first time caught the 
widespread attention of Americans. 

That U.N. actions, and the United States rela- 
tionship to the U.N., are now an American na- 
tional issue, worthy of front-page controversy and 
public statements by practicing political leaders, 
simply means that the United Nations is doing 
tilings that are important enough for us to argue 
about among ourselves. Far from dying, the 
United Nations is increasingly being recognized 
as a significant mechanism of international poli- 
tics — which is to say one of the most important 
arenas for the exercise of national power. 

The fact of the matter is that for 16 years the 
United Nations has usefully served the national 
interest of the United States as well as the inter- 
ests of most of its other members. 

In Korea it served our interest by enabling the 
United States and other free nations to deal effec- 
tively with Communist aggression in the name of 
the United Nations Charter and pursuant to U.N. 

The U.N.'s peacekeeping machinery, established 
in the Middle East after the Suez crisis, has been 
a major factor in keeping tliat area reasonably 
quiet for the past 5 years. 

In the Congo the big United Nations executive 
operation was literally the only alternative to the 
direct confrontation, there in central Africa, of 
the military strength of gi-eat powers. 

But the United Nations' growing "capacity to 
act" goes well beyond its much publicized military 
operations. It provides various kinds of advice 
and self-starting aid for all of its less developed 
members. It also provides a wide range of peace- 
ful-settlement procedures, ranging from single 
representatives of tlie Secretary-General to peace 
observation teams, mediators, conciliation com- 
missions, and the general supervision of jn-ogress 
toward self-government. The peacemaking role 
of the United Nations serves our interest because 


Department of State Bulletin 

many of the disputes contain the seeds of war. 
Wliile some of the crises taken to the U.N. con- 
tinue to be dangerous, in many instances the trend 
lias been reversed. 

Because the United Nations and in particular its 
peace-and-security operations have been effective, 
the Communist bloc has sought to control or de- 
stroy it. Trying to paralyze action by misuse of 
the veto is one way. Trying to substitute the 
troika for a single Secretary-General is another 
way. Trying to undermine its financial structure 
and thereby to deny the United Nations the means 
to carry on essential peacekeeping operations is 
yet another way. TVe cannot afford to permit the 
Communist bloc to destroy — either by political or 
financial means — an organization that has served 
and continues to serve our national interest, and 
the national interest of most other U.N. members, 
in the growth of a civilized system of collective 

For these reasons the President will propose, 
early in the next session of Congress, legislation 
to authorize U.S. purchases of United Nations 
bonds. Congressional approval of this proposal 
will frustrate the Soviet attempt to starve the 
United Nations into submission and will preserve 
the U.N. for its vital executive role in interna- 
tional politics. 

Cultural and Educational Exchange 
To Be Discussed by U.S. and Japan 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 26 (press release 904) that the United States 
and Japan will hold a conference on cultural and 
educational affairs at Tokyo for 1 week beginning 
January 25. This conference is the last of three 
meetings agreed to by President Kennedy and the 
Japanese Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda when the 
two leaders met in Washington last June.^ A joint 
meeting on economic affairs was held in November 
at Hakone,^ and a conference on scientific coopera- 
tion was held in December at Tokyo.' 

Both leaders agreed last June on the desirability 
of furthering cooperation between Japan and the 
United States in the fields of culture and education. 

The upcoming conference will discuss concrete 
ways for bringing this about. The American dele- 
gation will include : Philip II. Coombs, Assistant 
Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural 
Affairs, Ambassador Edwin O. Reischauer, Hugh 
Borton, Aaron Copland, Clarence H. Faust, 
Douglas Overton, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Willard 
Thorp, and Robert Penn Warren. 

The conference will have as its objective the 
study of all phases of postwar cultural and educa- 
tional exchange between Japan and the United 
States and will make recommendations on ways 
and means of broadening this exchange. Con- 
cretely, various problems will be discussed, such as 
intellectual interchange through exchange of per- 
sons, exchange of books and other cultural ma- 
terials and arts, studies in Japan and in the United 
States of the other's country, English and Japa- 
nese language teaching, and study of activities of 
cultural academic and professional organizations 
in Japan and in the United States. 

Attorney General Kennedy Completes 
Plans for February Trip 

Press release 912 dated December 29 

Secretary Rusk announced on December 29 that 
Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy has com- 
pleted plans for a trip that will take him to a 
number of world capitals in February. 

Following the Attorney General's visit to 
Japan,^ Mr. and Mrs. Kennedy will go to Indo- 
nesia, where they will be from February 12 to 18. 
This visit is in response to an invitation from the 
Indonesian Attorney General, Dr. Gunawan, who 
extended the invitation personally while visiting 
the United States last April. 

On his way to Berlin from Djakarta, Mr. Ken- 
nedy will visit Tehran and make a brief stop in 
Rome. During the Tehran visit, February 19, the 
Attorney General plans to call on Government 
officials. The visit in Rome will be of a private 

The Attorney General will be in West Berlin 
from approximately February 22 to 24 and also 
plans a brief trip to Bonn. 

' Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 57. 
' Hid., Nov. 27, 1961, p. 890. 
= /6irf., Jan.8, 1962, p. 66. 

' For an announcement of the visit, see Bulletin of 
Jan. 8, 1962, p. 50. 

January 15, 1962 


People on the Move 

hy Richard R. Brown 

Director, Ofice of Refugee and Migration Affairs ' 

It is a real pleasure and a distinct honor to be 
asked to appear before this combined meeting of 
the National Council of Women in the United 
States and the United States Committee for 
Kef ugees. It is most gratifying that you are will- 
ing to devote time to considering the problems 
of refugees and migration. Unfortunately within 
recent months there has been an almost universal 
waning of interest in these problems in spite of 
the efforts of a few groups and some governments 
to place emphasis upon finding solutions to the 
problems of people on the move. 

Observant and well-read people today witness 
what seems to be a flood of refugees on the move. 
Most often they look upon this movement of 
peoples as a phenomenon of this — the 20th — cen- 
tury and attribute it to the general unrest and 
turmoil generated throughout the world during 
the past generation and more particularly within 
the last decade. To a degree their assumptions 
are correct, yet it must be borne in mind that 
refugees and the causes creating refugees are as 
old as mankind itself. Although archeologists 
are constantly uncovering new evidences of mass 
movements of ancient peoples and ethnologists are 
beginning to fit together the jigsaw pieces which 
make up the puzzle of races and cultures, the pre- 
historic movements of man appear motivated more 
by the disasters of nature in the form of floods, 
famine, earthquakes, and climatic changes rather 
than because of conflicts between men. 

Later, as we unfold the pages of history and 

1 Address made before a joint meeting of the National 
Council of Women in the United States and the United 
States Committee for Refugees at New York, N.Y., on 
Dec. 5 (press release 838 dated Dec. 4). 

historians document the behavior and conduct of 
men, we find that the mass movement of peoples 
has a direct relationship to war, the aftermath of 
war, economic depressions, boimdary changes, and 
political upheavals. Both group and individual 
searching for freedom and the pureuit of happi- 
ness have been prime factors in causing migration 
and creating the homeless, stateless nomads which 
we today identify variously as displaced persons, 
expellees, refugees, and escapees. 

Our I^rd began the Christian era as an escapee. 
When still as an infant in swaddling clothes, his 
parents spirited Him into Egypt to escape the 
wrath of Herod and the repulsive controls of the 
Roman army of occupation. But even for Joseph 
and Mary this was no new experience, for as 
Jews they were well steeped in the Old Testament 
history which recounted the long and tortuous 
wanderings of their forefathers. 

Aiding World's Homeless 

With the donning of the mantle of a world 
power by the United States as witnessed by the 
present generation, our nation has been catapulted 
into the unsought but not unwanted role of leader- 
ship in attemjjting to solve the problems of the 
world's homeless and stateless people. Private re- 
sources blended with Federal Government ap- 
propriations have been rushed into each new crisis 
with such generosity as to stimulate other nations 
to respond in like manner. Citizen and agency 
sponsorships have permitted Federal immigration 
legislation to be im2:)lemented to the maxinmm ex- 
tent and with such dispatch as to continue to as- 
sure the world of this couTitry's willingness to 
accept its share of the displaced populations in 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

need of a new country and the opportunity to be- 
come restored as independent, self-sustaining citi- 

It is not happenstance that the United States 
has spent in the neighborhood of $1.2 billion for 
displaced pereons, refugees, and escapees since 
World "War II. It is not accidental that private 
agencies from popular support and private gifts 
have been proportionately us generous. It is no 
coincidence that almost three-quarters of a million 
persons have been admitted to this country during 
tliat same period. 

The traditional generous response of the United 
States to the plight of the human flotsam and 
jetsam is as natural as the American way of life 
itself. Certainly this is true from the standpoint 
of the humanitarian motives which dominate our 
refugee assistance programs. It is equally true 
with respect to our foreign policy interests, for in- 
variably each refugee problem affects the decisions 
of this and other nations in social, economic, and 
political considerations. Today's refugee prob- 
lems are replete with undertones and overtones 
directly affecting our foreign policies and our pos- 
ture in the community of nations. 

Our national interests may be related to the 
causes which create refugees, or they may be con- 
cerned with the results of refugees arriving in a 
country. In consequence our Government has con- 
scientiously and consistently taken the initiative 
or lent full support to efforts of others in financing 
and furthering refugee assistance programs. 
Through regular annual appropriations it has been 
the principal contributor to the work of the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Eefugees, to the 
operations of the United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency, and to the programs of the Intergovern- 
mental Committee for European Migration. It 
has carried on unilateral programs through the 
United States Escapee Program and more recently 
the program for assisting Cuban refugees who 
have confronted the United States for the first 
time with the problems attendant to being a coun- 
try of first asylum. 

I am sure that most of you are aware tliat the 
focus of attention is being rapidly shifted from 
Europe to the Far East and to Africa. Except 
for the Hungarian exodus in 1956 the real prob- 
lem in Europe for the last few years has not been 
the movement of people but rather the inrmiobility 
of large nimabers of refugees, some of whom had 
been in camps since the end of World War II. A 

similar situation obtained with respect to the more 
than a million Palestine refugees in the Middle 
East who have been displaced and unsettled since 
the politicogeographic determinations made in 
1947. In Hong Kong another million refugees 
have manifested little or no mobility since 1950. 

Thanks to the almost global generous response 
to the appeals made during the World Refugee 
Year, the United Nations High Commissioner for 
Refugees is optimistic in his belief that, with 
funds available and within plans already under 
way, all of the official camps in Europe will be 
closed and the difficult-to-resettle camp popula- 
tions either resettled or locally integrated by the 
end of this coming year. This is truly a modern 
miracle and stands out as a reassuring beacon of 
generous love of mankind in our present-day 
atmosphere otherwise so clouded with jealous 
nationalism and political invective and intrigue. 

But there is danger in being too smug over the 
splendid results of World Refugee Year. There 
is even greater danger in making an assessment 
of the phenomenal economic recovery of most 
European countries to conclude that the govern- 
ments of first asylum can and should assume the 
full costs of the residual refugee problem.s in those 
countries as well as care for the constant stream 
of new escapees to whom they continue to grant 
political asylum. The barriers of language and 
the centuries-old suspicions, prejudices, and even 
hatreds between peoples have not been erased by 
the bonds of United Nations membership, NATO, 
the Common Market, and other worthy alliances. 
In consequence the refugee is at best a poor com- 
petitor with the people of his host country. He 
is the last to be hired and the first to be fired. 

Even to obtain benefits offered him by govern- 
ments whose generosity varies country by country 
is a most difficult task for one whose lack of knowl- 
edge of the language is exceeded only by his ig- 
norance of the laws and customs of the country 
to which he has fled. To overcome these obstacles 
and to achieve the most rapid and satisfactory 
resettlement or permanent integration of the 
refugee, international funding on a somewhat de- 
creased scale is still required to provide adequate 
counseling and to stimulate the maximum usage 
of all available resources to meet the residual and 
ongoing problems for the estimated 40,000 un- 
settled anti-Communist refugees still remaining 
in Europe. 

January IS, 7962 


I have mentioned the shift of focus from 
Europe to Africa. Let me give you a quick 
summary of the refugee problems which have de- 
veloped over the past few months. 

Current Refugee Problems in Africa 

The historic tide of nationalism in Africa and 
the burgeoning independence of a number of 
African states have left in their wake unrest, 
disorder, and political conflict which have pro- 
duced a growing number of new refugee problems. 
Within the former Belgian Congo some 250,000 
Baluba refugees in the Kasai Province and an- 
other 40,000 in Katanga have been displaced from 
their homes as a result of bitter tribal antagonism 
and are being precariously maintained by the 
United Nations with the aid of food donations. 
There are also 140,000 refugees from Angola who 
fled into the Congo during 1961 as a result of 
mounting tension and strife within Angola. 
These refugees have found hospitable asylum 
from the Congo authorities and populace and re- 
ceive necessary relief assistance from the U.N. 
Operations Command in the Congo (supported 
by U.S. financial contributions and major amounts 
of U.S. agricultural commodities), voluntary 
agencies, and the League of Red Cross Societies 
under the overall coordination of the U.N. High 
Commissioner for Refugees. A further 8,000 An- 
golan refugees from the Portuguese-administered 
Cabinda enclave have fled into the former French 
Congo, where they are being well taken care of 
by the Government and natives of that newly 
independent country. 

Some 6,000 residents of former British Togo- 
land, which in 1957 was incorporated within the 
newly created state of Ghana, have fled into neigh- 
boring Togo, which acquired its independence a 
little more than a year ago. In Togo these 
refugees have been sheltered and assisted by their 
Ewe tribal kinsmen, whose resources are now 
nearly exhausted. As in the case of the Angolan 
refugees the U.N. High Commissioner for 
Refugees will exercise his good offices in promot- 
ing and coordinating international assistance for 
the relief and resolution of this problem. 

Within the country of Ruanda, presently ad- 
ministered by Belgium as a U.N. ti-usteeship, 
ancient antagonisms between native ethnic groups 
have flared into open violence and pillage as that 

country moves toward early independence. A 
considerable proportion of the fonnerly dominant 
minority Tutsi ethnic group of some 375,000 in 
Ruanda — or 125,000 persons — have already be- 
come refugees; 40,000 were displaced and homeless 
within Ruanda (although of that number approxi- 
mately 30,000 have been resettled as a result of the 
joint efforts of the Belgian administration and the 
local authorities), 20,000 have fled to Unmdi and 
reportedly 40,000 to the Kivu Province of the Con- 
go, while 20,000 have entered Uganda and several 
thousand more have fled to Tanganyika, which 
receives its complete independence this week. 
The concerned authorities in the several asylum 
states are doing their utmost to meet the needs of 
the refugees in the face of many other serious 
problems, and the U.N. High Commissioner for 
Refugees is presently conducting a factfinding 
study of the still-developing refugee problems in 
Uganda and Tanganyika at the request of the 
authorities in those countries. 

It was my good fortune last August to be as- 
signed the task of investigating the refugee situa- 
tion in both Congos. I was particularly gratified 
to see firsthand the fine work being done by the 
United Nations Operation in the Congo (UNOC) 
and the League of Red Cross Societies. Fine as 
was the performance of these agencies, I was even 
more impressed with the operations of the three 
major relief agencies carrying on a completely 
coordinated program. Caritas, the Congo Protes- 
tant Relief Agency, and the Congolese Red Cross 
have each assumed responsibility for a geographic 
segment of the Angolan border containing ap- 
proximately equal portions of the roughly 140,000 
Angolan refugees. Surely every American can 
take pride in the extent of American aid going into 
this program and in the excellent job being done. 
He can truly be gratified for the manner in which 
the missionaries of his denomination and other 
denominations are serving in this remarkable effort 
and laboring under the most arduous conditions 

To the problems of refugees in Africa which I 
have just mentioned must be added the continuing 
tragic plight of tlie almost 300,000 Algerians in 
Tunisia and Morocco. Here again the League of 
Red Cross Societies and the U.N. High Commis- 
sioner for Refugees are conducting an exception- 
ally important humanitarian program in a tense 
and uncertain political situation. Tlie United 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

States continues to make major contributions to 
these programs both in cash and in surplus foods. 

Private citizens, vohnitary agencies, and your 
Government continue to have great interest in the 
more than a million refugees from Red China in 
Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwim. Of even more 
dramatic appeal is the problem involving the 
35,000 Tibetan refugees in India and 20,000 in 
Nepal. Here again the problems faced by the host 
governments in their relationships with the gov- 
ernment of Red Cliina, coupled with limited eco- 
nomic resources available to the indigenous popu- 
lation, have affected the extension of adequate 
assistance to these escapees from Red Chinese 

With this rapid review of various refugee prob- 
lems, even though it has not included all and has 
only alluded to the pressing problems we face in 
caring for the 70,000 or more Cubans presently 
in this counti-y, it is readily apparent that many 
new people are on the move. 

Basis for U.S. Concern for Refugees 

Perhaps you wonder why these new refugees 
are of concern to the United States. You may 
even be thinking that we as a nation have done 
enough. "Wliy, then, should we continue to help 
solve the problems of the extant refugee groups for 
whom we have done so much? Why do we need 
to concern ourselves with the new problems aris- 
ing in Africa? 

The basis of our concern for the refugees in 
Africa is a graphic reason which when outlined 
explains much of our interest in refugees 

As the inevitable march of independence moves 
forward in Africa to bring full self-rule to states 
which are now dependent, sheer realism compels 
us to conclude that the attendant political meta- 
morphoses will surely produce still further refu- 
gee problems. The United States must continue 
to exert its influence and use its resources to help 
meet and solve these problems. To do so is indis- 
pensable to the attainment of our basic objectives 
in Africa: to demonstrate the friendship and 
helpfulness of the United States toward these 
newly emerging African nations, and to produce 
political and economic stability and well-being in 
Africa as the essential groundwork for the orderly 
transition of these coimtries from dependent states 
to independence and true democracy. To resolve 

these arising refugee problems is to reduce sig- 
nificantly the content of want, confusion, and 
despair affecting millions of people. These are 
the birth pangs of independence — conditions 
which, we know only too well, if allowed to persist 
will surely foster the inception and growth of 
totalitarianism. Thus our assistance to refugees 
in these localized refugee problems — in Africa as 
in the Near East and elsewhere — is a blow struck 
in the cause of freedom. 

But there is one refugee problem which is world- 
wide in scope. I refer to the problem of refugees 
fleeing from communism and its attendant per- 
secution of the individual. Wlierever Communist 
regimes exist — in Europe, Asia, the Far East, and 
even in the Western Hemisphere — the pattern is 
basically the same : the agonized flight of oppressed 
peoples seeking, no matter what the price, to reach 
a land of freedom and, just as inevitably, the es- 
tablishment by the Communists of cruel and fiend- 
ish border and internal security controls, designed 
to preclude escape at any cost. 

Our fundamental concern for the individual, our 
traditional and deep-seated sympathy for the po- 
litically oppressed, make the well-being of those 
fortunate persons who do escape a matter of vital 
national interest. Beyond that, our assistance 
demonstrates in concrete form to the enslaved 
millions in Communist-dominated lands the in- 
herent humanity of free society. It gives assur- 
ance of the continuity of our friendship for those 
who are denied freedom. The anti-Commimist 
refugee places his full reliance in the basic human- 
itarianism which is the very life and blood of free, 
democratic society. He is a symbol of the repudia- 
tion of a regime which, ostensibly interested in 
promoting the well-being of masses of individual 
human beings, instead makes captives of them all 
and with utter cynicism and brutality stamps out 
those who seek to exercise the impulses of freedom 
innate in all human beings. The tragic closure of 
the East Zone border in Berlin by the Communists 
on August 1'3 — fresh in the minds of you all — is a 
classic illustration of the gulf between the human- 
ity of the free world and the inhumanity of com- 
munism. In this context the significance of ref- 
ugee problems in the framing of our foreign 
policy may be clearly recognized. 

To give a succinct summary of our traditional 
concern for refugees and the basis by which that 
concern is woven into our foreign policy I call 

January 15, 1962 


your attention to the statements of President Ken- 
nedy himself. Quoting from the text of a letter^ 
which he transmitted July 21, 1961, to the Presi- 
dent of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House 
of Representatives along with the administration's 
proposed legislation for refugee and migration 
programs, the President states : 

The United States, consistent with the traditional 
humanitarian regard of the American people for the in- 
dividual and for his right to a life of dignity and self- 
fulfillment, should continue to express in a practical 
way its concern and friendship for individuals in free- 
world countries abroad who are uprooted and unsettled 
as the result of political conditions or military action. 

The successful re-establishment of refugees, who for 
political, racial, religious or other reasons are unable 
or unwilling to return to their country of origin or of na- 
tionality under conditions of freedom, dignity, and self- 
respect, is importantly related to free-world political 
objectives. These objectives are: (a) continuation of the 
provision of asylum and friendly assistance to the op- 
pressed and persecuted; (b) the extension of hope and 
encouragement to the victims of communism and other 
forms of despotism, and the promotion of faith among 
the captive populations in the purposes and processes 
of freedom and democracy; (c) the exemplification by 
free citizens of free countries, through actions and sacri- 
fices, of the fundamental humanitarianism which con- 
stitutes the basic difference between free and captive 

Some refugee problems are of such order of magnitude 
that they comprise an undue burden upon the economies 
of the countries harboring the refugees in the first in- 
stance, requiring international assistance to relieve such 
countries of these burdens. 

President Kennedy went on to express his be- 
lief that the Congress shares with him and with 
the people of America pride in the generous and 
successful efforts of the United States in helping 
the homeless and stateless victims of war and 
political oppression to live again as free men, 
stressing too the decidedly political interests of 
the United States to maintain and continue to en- 
hance our policy and leadership with respect to 
assisting refugees. He concluded with the follow- 
ing statement : 

This country has always served as a lantern in the dark 
for those who love freedom but are persecuted, in misery, 
or in need. We must and will continue to show the 
friendship of the United States by doing our share in the 
compassionate task of helping those who are refugees 
today as were so many of our forefathers in the years 

' Bulletin of Aug. 7, 1961, p. 255. 

It is my hope that, with the meager outline which 
I have given you of who and where the refugees 
are, coupled with the compelling words of Presi- 
dent Kennedy as to why it is in our national inter- 
est to help them, those of you in attendance who 
are dedicated to the task of helping people on the 
move will become reassured of the importance of 
your tasks. May those of you here whose interest 
in these unfortunate victims of oppression and mis- 
fortune has been only casual become convinced of 
the important role of private citizens and your 
Government in continuing the support of the pro- 
grams designed to bring hope, security, and peace 
to all people forced to move. For it is you, your 
organizations, your Government, and the people of 
the entire free world in which you live who must 
remember that today millions of refugees through- 
out the world are in desperate want and thousands 
more will be added to their numbers unless the 
yearned-for miracle of a just and lasting peace is 
soon forthcoming. But just to remember is not 
enough. We must be prepared to act promptly 
and effectively to meet the pressing problems posed 
by these unfortunate victims of war and violence. 
To do less would be to forsake our heritage and 
renege upon our obligations to humanity itself. 

Foreign Policy Briefings To Be Held 
in Illinois and Minnesota 

Press release 911 dated December 29 

The Department of State will hold regional for- 
eign policy briefing conferences at Chicago, 111., 
on February 1, 1962, and at Minneapolis-St. Paul, 
Minn., on February 2. Representatives of the 
press, radio and television, and nongovernmental 
organizations concerned with foreign policy will 
be invited to participate. 

The Cliicago conference, which the Chicago 
Council on Foreign Relations is sponsoring, will 
bring together participants from Illinois and In- 
diana. The Minneapolis-St. Paul meeting, to 
which media and organization representatives 
from North and South Dakota, Minnesota, and 
Wisconsin are being invited, is being sponsored by 
the Minnesota World Affairs Center and the Uni- 
versity of Minnesota. 

Chester Bowles, the President's Special Repre- 
sentative and Adviser on African, Asian, and Latin 

Department of State Bulletin 

American Affairs, and other principal officers of 
the Department of State and otlaer Government 
agencies concerned with foreign affairs will take 
part in both conferences. 

These regional meetings continue the series 
which was inaugurated in July of this year at San 
Francisco and Denver and continued in October 
at Kansas City and Dallas. Their purpose is to 
provide opportunity for discussion of interna- 
tional issues between those who inform the public 
on the issues and the senior officers of the execu- 
tive branch who have the responsibility for deal- 
ing with them. 

United States Extends 
Further Credits to Brazil 

Press release 918 dated December 29 

The U.S. Government through the Agency for 
International Development (AID) and the Ex- 
port-Import Bank announced on December 29 
that it is making available to Brazil credits of 
$40 million. $15 million will be made available 
out of AID funds and $2'5 million from the Ex- 
port-Import Bank. The AID funds are provided 
by an amendment to the loan signed on November 
20, 1961, for $50 million.^ The AID loan makes 
available $65 million of a total of $100 million 
in credits earmarked for Brazil. The Export- 
Import Bank funds constitute an advance under a 
$168 million credit authorized by the Bank in 
May 1961. 

The purpose of the loans is to provide further 
assistance to the Brazilian Government's program 
of promoting economic and social progress under 
conditions of financial stability. These objectives 
are an essential part of the Alliance for Progress 
concept, as expressed in the Chai-ter of Punta del 

The loans mark a further step in the imple- 
mentation of the financial agreements concluded 
between the United States and Brazil in May 
1961.^ At that time the United States announced 
$338 million in new credits, which were accom- 
panied by new credits from other governments, 
from private sources, and from international 

' Bm-LETIN of Dee. 18, 1961, p. 1003. 

" For text, see ibid., Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463. 

'/6!(?.,June5, 1961, p. 862. 

financial institutions. At the same time, arrange- 
ments were made for the rescheduling of Brazilian 
debts abroad. Of the $338 million, $100 million 
was conditional upon the action taken by the 
United States Congress on the foreign aid pro- 
gram for 1962. The passage of the Act for In- 
ternational Development has enabled the United 
States to implement this part of the arrangement. 

The funds made available on December 29 will 
bring total drawings on U.S. Government credits, 
under the May arrangement, to $209 million. This 
represents a little more than 60 percent of the 
total commitment of AID and Export-Import 
Bank funds made under the financial agreement 
in May of this year. 

The proceeds of the loans will be used to help 
Brazil finance essential imports from the United 
States and assist the stabilization program which 
is so necessary for the continued economic growth 
of Brazil. In order to contribute most effectively 
to the objective of easing Brazil's foreign debt re- 
payment obligations, particularly during the next 
few years, repayment of the AID loan will be 
made in 40 years. Eepayment will be in dollars. 
There will be a small credit fee of three-quarters 
of 1 percent of the balance outstanding each year. 

The Export-Import Bank loan is likewise a 
long-term loan. 

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee 
Meets at Ottawa 

Press release 915 dated December 29 

The seventh annual meeting of the joint United 
States-Canadian Committee on Trade and Eco- 
nomic Affairs will be held in Ottawa January 12 
and 13, 1962. 

Canada will be represented by the Honorable 
Howard C. Green, Secretary of State for External 
Affairs ; the Honorable Donald M. Fleming, Min- 
ister of Finance; the Honorable George Hees, 
Minister of Trade and Commerce; and the Hon- 
orable Alvin Hamilton, Minister of Agriculture. 

The United States will be represented by the 
Honorable C. Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the 
Treasury ; the Honorable Stewart H. Udall, Secre- 
tary of the Interior; the Honorable Orville L. 
Freeman, Secretary of Agriculture ; the Honorable 
Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce; and 

January 15, 1962 


the Honorable George W. Ball, Under Secretary 
of State. 

The annual meeting of the Joint Committee pro- 
vides an opportunity for officials at the Cabinet 
level to review recent economic and trade devel- 
opments of interest to the United States and Can- 
ada. The meetings have been valuable over the 
years in furthering understanding between the 
two governments on questions affecting their eco- 
nomic relations. The last meeting was held in 
Washington March lS-14, 1961.^ 


Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Amendment of article VI.A.3 of the Statute of the In- 
ternational Atomic Energy Agency (TIAS 3873). 
Done at Vienna October 4, 1961.' 

Acceptances deposited: Norway, December 22, 1961 ; 
Sweden, December 28, 1961 ; Tunisia, December 22, 
1961; United Kingdom, December 12, 1961. 


Agreement to supplement the agreement between the 
parties to the North Atlantic Treaty regarding the 
status of their forces, signed at London June 19, 1951 
(TIAS 2846), with resi)ect to foreign forces stationed 
in the Federal Republic of Germany, and protocol of 
signature. Signed at Bonn August 3, 1959.' 
Ratification deposited: Canada, December 11, 1961. 

Agreement to implement paragraph 5 of article 45 of the 
agreement of August 3, 1959, to supplement the agree- 
ment between the parties to the North Atlantic Treaty 
regarding the status of their forces with respect to for- 
eign forces stationed in the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many. Signed at Bonn August 3, 1959." 
Ratification deposited: Canada, December 11, 1961. 


Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial 
property of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels Decem- 
ber 14, 1900, at Washington June 2, 1911, at The Hague 
November 6, 1925, at London June 2, 1934, and at Lisbon 
October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958. 
Entered^ into force: January 4, 1962. 


International teleeommimication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 

' For text of a joint communique issued at the close of 
the meeting, see BtniETiN of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 487. 
" Not in force. 

into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United States Octo- 
ber 23, 1961. 

Accessimi as associate member deposited: Singapore- 
British Borneo group (Singapore, Brunei (Protected 
State), North Borneo, Sarawak), December 9, 1961. 



Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace Corps 
program in Brazil. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Rio de Janeiro November 11, 1961. Entered into force 
November 11, 1961. 

El Salvador 

General agreement for economic, technical, and related 
assistance to El Salvador. Signed at San Salvador 
December 19, 1961. Enters Into force on the date of 
the communication by which the Government of Bl 
Salvador notifies the Government of the United States 
that it has been ratified. 


Agreement for financing certain educational exchange 
programs, with exchange of notes. Signed at Addis 
Ababa December 6, 1961. Entered into force December 
6, 1961. 


Agreement further extending the agreement of August 
11, 1951, relating to agricultural workers, as amended 
and extended (TIAS 2331, 2531, 2586, 2928, 2932, 3043, 
3054, 3454, 3609, 3714, and 4374). Effected by exchange 
of notes at Mexico December 11, 1961. Entered into 
force December 11, 1961. 


General agreement for technical and economic coopera- 
tion. Signed at Panami December 11, 1961. Enters 
into force on the date of the communication by which 
the Government of Panama notifies the Government of 
the United States that it has been ratified. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act 
of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), 
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Manila Novem- 
ber 24, 1961. Entered into force November 24, 1961. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), 
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Washington Decem- 
ber 15, 1961. Entered into force December 15, 1961. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act 
of 1954, as amended (68 St«t. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), 
with exchange of notes. Signed at Saigon December 

27, 1961. Entered into force December 27, 1961. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act 
of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709). 
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Belgrade December 

28, 1961. Entered into force December 28, 1961. 


Department of State Bulletin 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^ 

Adjourned During December 1961 

GATT Contracting Parties: 19th Session Geneva Nov. 13-Dec. 9 

ICAO South American-South Atlantic Rules of the Air and Air Lima Nov. 14- Dec. 2 

Traffic Services/Communications Meeting. 

ICAO Limited European-Mediterranean Frequency Assignment Paris Nov. 14-Dec. 5 

Planning Meeting. 

U.N. EC AFE Regional Training Seminar on Trade Promotion . .. New Delhi Nov. 20-Dec. 22 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 2d Meeting of Geneva Nov. 27-Dec. 1 

Study Group for Projections on Agricultural Problems. 

Inter-American Consultative Group on Narcotics Control Rio de Janeiro Nov. 27-Dec. 8 

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 4th Session . . . . Tokvo Nov. 27-Dec. 8 

2d U.N. ECAFE/WMO International Seminar on Field Methods Bangkok Nov. 27-Deo. II 

and Equipment Used in Hydrology and Hydrometeorology. 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Gas Problems Geneva Nov. 29-Dec. 1 

ITU Roundtable Discussions on Revisions of Radio Regulations Geneva Nov. 30-Dec. 2 

and Schedule of Conferences. 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 13th Session. . . Geneva Dec. 4-8 

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 4th Session. . . . Trivandrum, India Dec. 4-9 

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 4th Session Geneva Dec. 4-15 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Economic Paris Dec. 5-7 


U.N. Consultative Group on Prevention of Crime and Treatment Geneva Dec. 5-15 

of Offenders. 

U.N. ECAFE Regional Seminar on Energy Resources and Electric Bangkok Dec. 6-16 

Power Development. 

OECD Group of Experts on Restrictive Business Practices .... Paris Dec. 7-9 

United Nations Sugar Conference (resumed session) Geneva Dec. 7-14 

Four-Power Foreign Ministers Meeting Paris Dec. 11-12 

NATO Civil Aviation Planning Committee Paris Dec. 11-12 

OECD Meeting of Experts on Sanitary Regulations Affecting Inter- Paris Dec. 11-14 

national Trade in Fish and Fish Products. 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 2d Session of Subcommittee on London Dec. 11-15 

Tonnage Measurement. 

FAO International Rice Commission: 9th Meeting of Working New Delhi Dec. 11-16 

Party on Rice Production and Protection. 

FAO International Rice Commission: 8th Meeting of Working New Delhi Dec. 11-16 

Party on Rice, Soil, Water, and Fertilizer Practices. 

GATT Cotton Textile Committee: Technical Subcommittee . . . Geneva Dec. 11-22 

OECD Economic Pohcy Committee: Working Party III (Balance Paris Dec. 12-13 

of Payments). 

OECD Fisheries Committee Paris Dec. 13-14 

NATO Ministerial Council Paris Dec. 13-15 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 22d Session Geneva Dec. 18-19 

UNICEF Program Committee New York Dec. 18-19 

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee Geneva Dec. 18-19 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: Sub- Bangkok Dec. 18-22 

committee on Electric Power. 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Housing and Geneva Dec. 19-22 

Building Statistics. 

UNICEF Executive Board New York Dec. 20-21 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session (resumed) .... New York Dec. 20-22 

In Session as of December 31, 1961 

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960- 

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotian Question. Geneva May 16- 
United Nations Assembly: 16th Session (inrecess December New York Sept. 19- 

20, 1961-Jauuary 15, 1962). 

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed Geneva Nov. 28- 


' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 29, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: ECAFE, 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; FAO, Food and Agriculture 
Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, 
International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International 
Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WMO, World Meteorological 

January 75, 1962 107 

United Nations Rules Out Change in Representation of China are statements made in plenary hy 
Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representa- 
tive to the General Assembly, on the question of 
the representation of China in the United Nations, 
together with texts of a resolution adopted on 
Deceniber 15 and a Soviet draft resolution which 
was rejected. 


U.S. delegation press release 3872 

The question confronting the Assembly of the 
representation of China in the United Nations is 
of worldwide importance. 

"We live in an age when the ever-expanding 
family of nations is striving anew to realize the 
vision of the United Nations Charter: a world 
community, freed from the overhanging menace 
of war, acting together in equal dignity and 
mutual tolerance to create a better life for human- 
ity. This very Assembly, in its majestic diver- 
sity, is both the physical symbol and the practical 
embodiment — however imperfect — of that tran- 
scendent vision. 

In striving toward that vision, what we decide 
about the representation of China will have mo- 
mentous consequences. For more is at stake than 
the status of certain delegations. More is at stake 
than the registering or reflecting of existing facts 
of power. Indeed, the underlying question is how 
the great people of China, who by a tragedy of 
history have been forcibly cut off from their own 
traditions and even led into war against the com- 
munity of nations, can be enabled to achieve their 
own desires to live with themselves and with the 
rest of the world in peace and tolerance. 

This question has a long history. For 12 years 
past, ever since the Communist armies conquered 
the Chinese mainland and the Republic of China 
relocated its Government in Taipei, the commu- 
nity of nations has been confronted with a whole 


set of profoundly vexing problems. Most of them 
have arisen from aggressive military actions by 
the Chinese Communists — against Korea, against 
the Government of the Republic of China on its 
island refuge, against Tibet, and against south and 
southeast Asia. 

The problem before us today, in its simplest 
terms, is this: The authorities who have carried 
out those aggressive actions, who have for 12 years 
been in continuous and violent defiance of the 
principles of the United Nations and of the reso- 
lutions of the General Assembly, and deaf to the 
restraining pleas of law-abiding members, these 
same warlike authorities claim the right to occupy 
the seat of China here and demand that we eject 
from the United Nations the representatives of the 
Republic of China. 

The gravity of this problem is heightened in its 
worldwide political and moral significance by the 
fact that the Republic of China's place in the 
United Nations, since its founding in 1945, has 
been filled by its representatives with distinction — 
filled by representatives of a law-abiding govern- 
ment which, under most difficult circumstances, 
has done its duty well and faithfully in the United 
Nations and against which there is no ground for 
serious complaint, let alone expulsion. 

The United States believes, as we have believed 
from the beginning, that the United Nations 
would make a tragic and perhaps irreparable mis- 
take if it yielded to the claim of an aggressive and 
unregenerate "People's Republic of China'' to re- 
place the Republic of China in the United Nations. 
I realize that we have sometimes been charged with 
"unrealism" — and even with "ignoring the exist- 
ence of GOO million people." 

That is a strange charge. My country's soldiers 
fought with other soldiers of the United Nations 
in Korea for nearly 3 years against a huge invad- 
ing army from the mainland of China. My coun- 
try's negotiators have done tlieir best, for nearly 10 

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

years, at Panmunjom, at Geneva, at Warsaw, to 
negotiate with the emissaries of Peiping. 

No country is more aware of their existence. I 
thirdc it could be said with more justice that it 
would Ix; dangerously unrealistic if this Assembly 
were to bow to the demands of Peiping to expel and 
replace the Eepublic of China in the United Na- 
tions; it would be ignoring the warlike character 
and aggressive beliavior of the rulers who domi- 
nate 600 million people and who talk of the inevi- 
tability of war as an article of faith and refuse to 
renounce the use of force. 

An Era of Revolutionary Changes 

To consider this subject in its proper light, Mr. 
President, we must see it against the background 
of the era in wliich we live. It is an era of sweep- 
ing revolutionary changes. We cannot clearly see 
the end. With dramatic swiftness the classic age 
of empire is drawing to a close. More than one- 
third of the member states of the United Nations 
have won their independence since the United Na- 
tions itself was founded. Today, together with all 
other free and aspiring nations, they are working 
to perfect their independence by developing their 
economies and training their peoples. Already 
they play a vital part in the community of nations 
and in the work of this Organization. 

Thus, for the first time in histoiy on this grand 
scale, we have seen an imperial system end, not in 
violent convulsions and the succession of still an- 
other empire but in the largely peaceful rise of new 
independent states — equal members of a world- 
wide community. 

So diverse is that commimity in traditions and 
attitudes, so small and closely knit together is our 
modern world, so much do we have need of one 
another — and so frightful are the consequences of 
war — that all of us whose representatives gather 
in this General Assembly hall must more than ever 
be determined, as the charter says, "to practice 
tolerance and live together in peace with one an- 
other as good neighbors." For there can be no in- 
dependence any more except in a community, and 
there can be no community without tolerance. 

Such is one of the great revolutionary changes 
of our time: a spectacular revolution of emancipa- 
tion and hope. But this centuiy has also bred 
more sinister revolutions bom out of reaction to 
old injustices and out of the chaos of world war. 
These movements have brought into being a plague 

of warrior states — the scourge of our age. Tliese 
regimes have been characterized not by democracy 
but by dictatorship ; they have been concerned not 
with people but with power, not with the consent 
of the people but with control of the people, not 
with tolerance and conciliation but with hatred, 
falsehood, and permanent struggle. They have 
varied in their names and their ideologies, but that 
has been their essential character. 

Nowhere have these qualities been carried to a 
greater extreme, or on a grander scale, than on the 
mainland of Cliina under Commimist rule. The 
regime has attempted through intimidation, 
hunger, and ceaseless agitation — and through a 
so-called "commune" system which even allied 
Communist states view with distaste — to reduce a 
brilliant and spirited civilization to a culture of 
military uniformity and iron discipline. Day and 
night, by poster and loudspeaker and public ha- 
rangue, the people are reminded of their duty to 
hate the foreign enemy. 

International Activities of Chinese Communists 

Into the international sphere the Chinese Com- 
munists have carried the same qualities of arro- 
gance, regimentation, and aggression. Many 
people hoped, after their invasion of Korea ended, 
that they would thereupon give up the idea of 
foreign conquest. Instead they sponsored and 
supplied the communizing of North Viet-Nam; 
they resumed their warlike threats against Tai- 
wan ; they launched a campaign of armed conquest 
to end the autonomy of Tibet ; and all along their 
southern borders they have pressed forward into 
new territory. To this day, in a fashion recalling 
the early authoritarian emperors of China, they 
pursue all these policies and in addition seek to use 
the millions of Cliinese residing abroad as agents 
of their political designs. 

In fact these modern Chinese imperialists have 
gone further than their imperial ancestors ever 
dreamed of going. There are at this time, in 
Communist China training centers for guerrilla 
warfare, young men from Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America being trained in sabotage and guerrilla 
tactics for eventual use in their own countries. 
Thus the strategy of Mao Tse-tung, of "protracted 
revolutionary war in the rural areas," has become 
one of the principal world exports— and no longer 
an "invisible export"— of Communist Cliina. 

January 75, J 962 


We have exact information about some of these 
activities. For example, we have the testimony 
of six young men from the Republic of Cameroon 
who traveled clandestinely from their country to 
the mainland of China last year. They arrived in 
China on June 9 and left on August 30. During 
that period they had a 10-week course from 
French-speaking instructors in a military academy 
outside Peiping. The curriculum of this educa- 
tional institution, taken from the syllabus those 
men brought home, included such items as these: 

Correct use of explosives and grenades. 

Planning a sabotage operation. 

How to use explosives against houses, rails, 
bridges, tanks, guns, trucks, tractors, et cetera. 

Manufacture of explosives from easily obtained 

Manufacture and use of mines and grenades. 

Use of semiautomatic rifles and carbines. 

Theory and practice of guerrilla warfare, am- 
bushes, attacks on communications. 

Political lectures with such titles as "The People's 
War," "The Party," "The United Front," and— 
of course ! — "The Imperialists Are Only Paper 

This, incidentally, was the fourth in a series of 
courses to train Cameroonians to fight for the 
overthrow not of European colonial rulers (for 
their rule had already ended) but of their own 
sovereign African government. 

Such an aiEnity for aggressive violence, and for 
subversive interference in other coimtries, is 
against all the rules of the civilized world ; but it 
accords with the outlook and objective of the 
Peiping rulers. It was the supreme leader of 
Chinese communism, Mao Tse-tung, who summed 
up his world outlook over 20 years ago in these 
words: "Everything can be made to grow out of 
the barrel of a gun." And again: "The central 
dutj' and highest fonn of revolution is armed sei- 
zure of political power, the settling of problems by 
means of war. This Marxist-Leninist principle is 
universally correct, whether in China or in f oreigia 
countries; it is always true." 

President Tito of Yugoslavia knows to what ex- 
tremes tliis dogma of violence has l)een carried. 
In a speech to his people in 1958, he quoted the 
"Chinese leaders" as saying with apparent com- 
placency that "in any possible war . . . there 
would still be 300 million left : that is to say, 300 

million would get killed and 300 million would be 
leftbehmd. . . ." 

In an age when reasonable men throughout the 
world fear and detest the thought of nuclear war, 
from the Chinese Communist thinkers there comes 
the singular boast that, after such a war, "on the 
debris of a dead imperialism the victorious people 
would create with extreme rapidity a civilization 
thousands of times higher than the capitalist sys- 
tem and a truly beautiful future for themselves." 

In fact, only 3 months ago it was these same 
Chinese Commimist leaders who officially ac- 
claimed the resimiption of nuclear tests by the 
Soviet Union as "a powerful inspiration to all 
peoples striving for world peace." What a queer 
idea of world i>eace they seem to have ! 

With such a record and such a philosophy of 
violence and fanaticism, no wonder this regime, 
after 12 years, still has no diplomatic relations 
with almost two-thirds of the governments of the 
world. One cannot help wondering what the 
representatives of such a predatory regime would 
contribute in our United Nations couiicils to the 
solution of the many dangerous questions which 
confront us. 

I believe these facts are enough, Mr. President, 
to show how markedly Commimist Cliina has 
deviated from the pattern of progress and peace 
embodied in our charter and toward which the 
community of nations is striving. In its present 
mood it is a massive and brutal threat to man's 
struggle to better his lot in his own way — and 
even, perhaps, to man's very survival. Its gigan- 
tic power, its reckless ambition, and its imcon- 
cem for human values make it the major world 

What Can Be Done About the Red China Problem? 

Now, what is to be done about tliis problem? 
And what in particular c^n the United Nations 

The problem is, in reality, age-old. How can 
those who prize tolerance and humility, those 
whose faith commands them to "love those that 
hate you" — how can they make a just reply to the 
arrogant and the rapacious and the bitterly intol- 
erant? To answer with equal intolerance woidd 
be to betray our own humane values. But to 
answer with meek submission or with a con- 
venient pretense that wrong is not really wrong — 


Department of State Bulletin 

this would betray the institutions on which the 
future of a 2:)eaceful world depend. 

There are some who acknowledge the illegal and 
aggressive conduct of the Chinese Communists 
but who believe that the United Nations can some- 
how accommodate this imbridled power and bring 
it in some measure under the control, or at least 
the influence, of the community of nations. They 
maintain that this can be accomplislied by bring- 
ing Communist China into participation in the 
United Nations. By this step, so we are told, the 
interplay of ideas and interests in the United 
Nations would sooner or later cause these latter- 
day empire-builders to abandon their warlike ways 
and accommodate themselves to the rule of law 
and the comity of nations. 

Tliis is a serious view, and I intend to discuss 
it seriously. Certainly we must never abandon 
hope of winning over even the most stubborn 
antagonist. But reasons born of sober experience 
oblige us to restrain our wishful thoughts. There 
are four principal reasons which I think are of 
overriding importance, and I most earnestly urge 
the Assembly to consider them with great care, 
for the whole future of the United Nations may 
be at stake. 

My first point is that the step advocated, once 
taken, is irreversible. We cannot try it and then 
give it up if it fails to work. Given the extraor- 
dinarj' and forbidding difficulty of expulsion 
imder the charter, we must assume that, once in 
our midst, the Peiping representatives would 
stay — for better or for worse. 

Secondly, there are ample grounds to suspect 
that a power given to such bitter words and ruth- 
less actions as those of the Peiping regime, far 
from being reformed by its experience in the 
United Nations, would be encouraged by its suc- 
cess in gaining admission to exert, all the more 
forcefully, by threats and maneuvers, a most dis- 
ruptive and demoralizing influence on the Organ- 
ization at this critical moment in its histoiw. 

Thirdly, its admission, in circumstances in 
which it continues to violate and defy the prin- 
ciples of the charter, could seriously shake public 
confidence in the United Nations — I can assure 
you it would do so among the people of the United 
States — and this alone would significantly weaken 
the Organization. 

Elementary prudence requires the General 
Assembly to reflect that there is no sign or record 

of any intention by the rulers of Communist China 
to pursue a course of action consistent with the 
charter. Indeed the signs all point the other way. 
The Peiping authorities have shown nothing but 
contempt for the United Nations. They go out 
of their way to depreciate it and to insult its mem- 
bers. They refuse to abandon the use of force in 
the Taiwan Straits. They continue to encroach 
on the territorial integrity of other states. They 
apparently don't even get along very well with 
the U.S.S.R. ! 

Fourth, Mr. President, and with particular em- 
phasis, let me recall to the attention of my fellow 
delegates the explicit conditions which the Chinese 
Commimists themselves demand to be fulfilled be- 
fore they will deign to accept a seat in the United 
Nations. I quote their Prime Minister, Chou 
En-lai : 

The United Nations must expel the Chiang Kai-shek 
clique and restore China's legitimate rights, otherwise it 
would be impossible for China to have anything to do 
with the United Nations. 

In this short sentence are two impossible de- 
mands. The first is that we should expel from the 
United Nations the Republic of China. The 
second, "to restore China's legitimate rights," in 
this context and in the light of Peiping's persistent 
demands, can have only one meaning: that the 
United Nations should acquiesce in Communist 
China's design to conquer Taiwan and the 11 mil- 
lion people who live there and thereby to over- 
throw and abolish the independent Government of 
the Republic of China. 

Rights and Actions of Republic of China 

The effrontery of these demands is shocking. 
The Republic of China, which we are asked to 
expel and whose conquest and overtlirow we are 
asked to approve, is one of the founding members 
of the United Nations. Its rights in tliis Organi- 
zation extend in an unbroken line from 1945, 
when the charter was framed and went into effect, 
to the present. 

Mr. President, the Republic of China is a char- 
ter member of this Organization. The seat of the 
Republic of China is not empty ; it is occupied and 
should continue to be occupied by the able dele- 
gates of the Government of the Republic of China. 

The fact that control over the Chinese mainland 
was wrested from the Government of the Republic 

January IS, 7962 


of Cliina by force of arms, and its area of actual 
control was thus greatly reduced, does not in the 
least justify expulsion nor alter the legitimate 
rights of the Government. 

The de jure authority of the Government of the 
Republic of China extends throughout the terri- 
tory of China. Its effective jurisdiction extends 
over an area of over 14,000 square miles, an area 
greater than the territory of Albania, Belgium, 
Cyprus, El Salvador, Haiti, Israel, Lebanon, or 
Luxembourg — all of them member states of the 
United Nations. It extends over 11 million 
people, that is, over more people than exist in the 
territory of 65 United Nations members. Its ef- 
fective control, in other words, extends over more 
people than the legal jurisdiction of two-thirds of 
the governments represented here. The economic 
and social standard of living of the people under 
its jurisdiction is one of the highest in all Asia 
and is incomparably higher than the miserable 
standard prevailing on the mainland. The pro- 
gressive agrarian policy of the Government of the 
Republic of China and its progress in political, 
economic, and cultural affairs contrast starkly 
with the policies of the rulers in Peiping under 
whom the unhappy lot of the mainland people has 
been little but oppression, communes, famine, and 

All those who have served with the representa- 
tives of the Republic of China in the United Na- 
tions know their high standards of conduct, their 
unfailing dignity and courtesy, their contributions 
and their consistent devotion to the principles and 
the success of our Organization. 

The notion of expelling the Republic of China 
is thus absurd and imthinkable. But what are we 
to say of the other condition sought by Peiping — 
that the United Nations stand aside and let them 
conquer Taiwan and the 11 million people who live 
there? In effect Peiping is asking the United Na- 
tions to set its seal of approval in advance upon 
what would be as massive a resort to arms as the 
world has witnessed since the end of World War 
II. Of course the United Nations will never stul- 
tify itself in such a way. 

Issue Facing the United Nations 

The issue we face is, among other things, tliis 
question — whether it is right for the United Na- 
tions to drive the Republic of China fi-om this 

Organization in order to make room for a regime 
whose appetite seems to be insatiable. It is 
whether we intend to abandon the charter require- 
ment that all United Nations members must be 
peace-loving and to give our implicit blessing to 
an aggressive and bloody war against those Chi- 
nese who are still free in Taiwan. Wliat an invita- 
tion to aggression the Soviet proposal ^ would be — 
and what a grievous blow to the good name of the 
United Nations ! 

In these circumstances the United States ear- 
nestly believes that it is impossible to speak seri- 
ously today of "bringing Communist China into 
the United Nations." No basis exists on which 
such a step could be taken. We believe that we 
must first do just the opposite: We must instead 
find a way to bring the United Nations — its law 
and its spirit — back into the whole territory of 

The root of the problem lies, as it has lain from 
the beginning, in the hostile, callous, and seem- 
ingly intractable minds of the Chinese Communist 
rulers. Let those members who advocate Peiping's 
admission seek to exert upon its rulers wliatever 
benign influence they can, in the hope of persuad- 
ing them to accept the standards of the commimity 
of nations. Let those rulers respond to these ap- 
peals ; let them give up trying to impose their de- 
mands on this Organization; let them cease their 
aggression, direct and indirect, and their threats 
of aggression ; let them show respect for the rights 
of others ; let tliem recognize and accept the inde- 
pendence and diversity of culture and institutions 
among their neighbors. 

Therefore, Mr. President, let the Assembly de- 
clare the transcendent importance of this question 
of the representation of China. Let us reaffirm 
the position which the General Assembly took 10 
years ago, that such a question as this "sliould be 
considered in the light of the Purposes and Princi- 
ples of the Charter. . . ." 

The issue on which peace and the future of Asia 
so greatly depend is not simply whether delegates 
from Peiping should take a place in the General 
Assembly. More profoundly still, it is whether 
the United Nations, with its universal purjioses of 
peace and tolerance, shall be permitted to take its 
rightful place in the minds of the people of all of 

' U.N. doc. A/L. ."iOO. 


Deparfmenf of Sfofe BulleHn 

Today tlie rulers in Peiping still repeat the iron 
maxim of Mao Tse-tmig: "All political power 
grows out of the barrel of a gim." If that maxim 
had been followed the United Nations would never 
have been cresited and this world would long since 
have been covered with radioactive ashes. It is an 
obsolete maxim, and the sooner it is abandoned, the 
sooner the people of all of China are allowed to re- 
sume their traditionally peaceful policies, the bet- 
ter for the world. 

The United States will vote against the Soviet 
draft resolution and give its full support to the 
continued participation of the representatives of 
the Government of the Eepublic of China in the 
United Nations. 

No issue remaining before the United Nations 
this year has such fateful consequences for the 
future of this Organization. The vital signifi- 
cance which would be attached to any alteration 
of the current situation needs no explanation. 
The United States has therefore joined today with 
the delegations of Australia, Colombia, Italy, and 
Japan in presenting a resolution ^ imder wliich the 
Assembly would determine that any proposal to 
change the representation of China would be con- 
sidered an important question in accordance with 
the charter. Indeed, it would be hard to consider 
such a proposal in any other light, and we trust it 
will be solidly endorsed by the Assembly. 


D.S. delegation press release 3891 

At this session of the General Assembly the 
United States favored full and free debate on the 
question of the representation of China in the 
United Nations. We have been having just such 
a debate for 2 weeks, and we have heard from no 
less than 50 speakers. 

At several points we have heard again some old 
ideological tirades. History has been turned up- 
side down by such statements that it was South 
Korea which attacked North Korea on that 
infamous Sunday morning in June 1950. And a 
few of the speeches have been seasoned with 
captious, capricious, and irrelevant inaccuracies. 
I shall resist the temptation to contradict them in 

' U.N. doc. A/L. 372. 
January 75, 1962 

Mr. President, I must however reply briefly to 
a suggestion by several speakers — that the real 
reason for United States opposition to a change in 
Chinese representation is that we resent the "social 
system" of the Peiping regime. This, of course, 
is a red herring. It is well known that we main- 
tain normal relations with a number of Commu- 
nist states. We did not oppose the recent entry 
of another such coimtry into this body. In recent 
weeks the President of the United States said 
quite clearly that we have no objection to a Com- 
miuiist regime if that is what the people of a 
certain country want for themselves. 

No, Mr. President, that is not the problem. Nor 
is it the problem that we are confusing 1962 with 
1945 or 1949 ; indeed, we believe in the redemption 
of sin — and letting bygones be bygones. 

No amount of good will, of tolerance, of gen- 
erosity, or of wishful thinking can obscure the 
reality of 1961 — that we are asked to offer mem- 
bership in this body to a regime which believes in 
the rule of the gun, not the rule of reason or of 
negotiation or of cooperative action, but the rule 
of the gun! 

And no amoimt of sentiment can obscure the 
fact that the draft resolution of the Soviet Union 
would give a license for the Peiping regime to use 
armed force against a member who sits in this 
Assembly. One can hardly accuse Ambassador 
[Valerian A.] Zorin of equivocation on this point. 
In his opening statement in this debate he was 
explicit about the alleged "right" of Peiping to 
"liquidate through the use of force" the Eepublic 
of China on Taiwan. "That," he said, "is within 
its exclusive right and nobody else's." 

Mr. President, this body has devoted many 
anguished hours to its duty and resolve to prevent 
the use of force. Now we are faced with this 
stupefying request to sanction the use of force. 

And some would have us believe, Mr. President, 
that this really is not an important question for 
the United Nations — just a routine procedural 
point for casual decision. 

Mr. President, article IS of the charter, which 
deals with the important-question issue, is not a 
narrow, legalistic concept. In the wisdom of the 
founders it is left to the Assembly to determine, 
on general political grounds, what is and is not an 
important question. And this is precisely what 
the Assembly has done on one occasion after 


another. There is nothing unusual about the pro- 
cedure involved. For example, as recently as 
October 27 this year, the Assembly decided by 
vote that a resolution dealing with the report of 
the Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic 
Radiation was of sufficient importance to require 
for passage a two-thirds majority of all members 
present and voting. This was fully in accordance 
with the rules of procedure and article 18 of the 

There has also been an effort to confuse this de- 
bate by contending that a precedent was set for the 
question before us when the Assembly accepted the 
credentials of the representatives of the Republic 
of the Congo (Leopoldville) in November I960.' 
The statement has even been made that the resolu- 
tion was passed by a simple majority. 

In point of fact the resolution was passed by 
better than a two-thirds majority. But that is not 
the main point. The main point is that there is no 
analogy between the presentation of credentials by 
the unchallenged chief of state of a new nation 
which has just achieved membership and the pres- 
ent proposal to throw out a founding member and 
replace it with representatives of another regime. 
I hope no further effort will be made to confuse the 
issue on this score. 

Mr. President, I submit with all sincerity that 
the proposal to expel a member which supports the 
charter to make room for a regime which defies the 
charter and to arm that regime with a United 
Nations license to make war across the Formosa 
Strait is wrong from the viewpoint of this Organ- 
ization — is morally wrong — is legally wrong — is 
unrealistic in the light of the relevant realities of 
1961. And, whatever else may be said, it is in- 
dubitably an important question — one of the most 
important questions ever likely to come before us. 

A recurrent theme running through the argu- 
ments put forth by those who favor immediate ad- 
mission of Red China is a plea for realism. Let 
us face the fact, these speakers say, that the main- 
land of China has been imder the control of the 
Chinese Communist Party for, lo, tliese 12 years 
past. Let us, they say, face the fact — repeated 
from this rostrum scores of times during the past 
10 days — that there are 650 or 700 million Chinese 
people under the control of that regime. And, 

" For background, see Buixetin of Dec. 12, 19G0, p. 904. 

they say finally, let us face the fact that this is 
1961, not 1945. 

The idea behind this theme seems to be that 
other delegations are guilty of a lack of realism 
because they are not bowled over by the big reality, 
which seems to be that Communist control of 
mainland China is Communist control of main- 
land China. But no one has disputed this obvious 
fact. As I heard it repeated over and over, I 
thought of the aphorism about the woodpecker: 
"Thou sayest such undisputed things in such a 
solemn way." 

But these repeated facts only help to define the 
problem ; they do not help to solve it. 

Six "Realities" Bearing on Communist Regime 

To act wisely on the matter before us, we must ■ 
look at all the relevant and current realities bear- 
ing upon the Communist regime in Peiping and 
the Organization it aspires to join. I suggest that 
there are six such realities of major consequence 
to the decision we are soon to make. 

The -first reality is that the regime in Peiping 
does not in any meaningful way represent those 
700 million people of whom we have heard so often 
these past 2 weeks: the mass executions, the iron 
controls, the total suppression of all personal free- 
dom and civil liberties, the 2 million Chinese refu- 
gees in Hong Kong — these are proof enough. 

The second reality is that the Conmninist Chi- 
nese regime has already made a record of aggres- 
sion and hostility toward its neighbors in Korea, 
in Tibet, in India, and in soutlieast Asia. 

The third reality is that the Chinese Commu- 
nists are dedicated today — and as a matter of high 
policy — to war and violent revolution in other 

The fourth reality is that the Republic of China 
is a founding member of the United Nations, that 
the Government of the Republic of China exists, 
and so do 11 million people on Taiwan, that its 
delegation which sits here now has performed hon- 
orable service to the United Nations and its 

The fifth reality is the charter of the United 
Nations, which sets forth explicitly the require- 
ments for membership and the terms for expulsion. 

The sixth reality is the proposal which is put to 
us in the Soviet draft resolution, which is this: 
that by our own deliberate action we are first to 

Department of State Bulletin 

thi'ow out a founding member wlio is guilty of 
nothing in order to empty a seat in this hall; we 
are then to invite another delegation to enter tliis 
body on its own terms, to fill that empty seat ; and 
we are to present that new delegation with a spe- 
cial license to commit armed aggression against 
the member we have just ejected illegally. 

This is the reality of the proposal before us: to 
violate our own charter to make room for a regime 
whose creed and actions are diametrically opposed 
to the letter and spirit of the U.N. Charter. 

These are realities. These are facts. And it 
is precisely these hard, cold, and current realities 
of 100)1 which persuade my delegation that what 
we are asked to do is not realistic but mirealistic. 

And it is these realities which have been over- 
looked or conveniently ignored by some who have 
spoken on this subject in recent days. 

World View of Peiping Regime 

Mr. President, to be tolerant we do not have to 
be naive ; to be generous we do not have to be fool- 
hardy ; and to be realistic most certainly we do not 
have to be carried away by wishful dreams. 

I have in naind especially the suggestion made 
by several speakers that once the Peiping regime 
has been admitted to this Organization, it would 
forthwith change its spots — and join cooperatively 
with other nations to help keep the peace and 
otherwise engage in constructive international 

This is a most tempting thought which all of us 
would like to share. But I still look for evidence 
that there is any substance to it. All the evidence 
points tlie other way. And it would be exceeding- 
ly dangerous to substitute our hopes for the hard 
evidence about the intentions of the Peiping regime 
which is furnished to us by that regime itself. 

This evidence is not of our manufacture. It is 
not the product of ill will on our side. It is the 
official evidence offered by the Peiping regime 
itself — in its own words and in its own actions. 
We would ignore it at our common peril because it 
bears directly upon the work and the future of 
this Organization. And it shows clearly just how 
harmoniously the Peiping regime would fit into 
the deliberations of this body — just how construc- 
tive a contribution we could expect from this new 
voice in the United Nations. 

Let me remind the delegates of the basic world 
view of the Peiping regime. It was put quite 

clearly by Red Flag, the theoretical journal of the 
central committee of the Chinese Commimist 
Party, in April 1960. 

"Everyone knows," says Red Flag, that there 
are "principally two types of countries with social 
systems fundamentally different in nature. One 
type belongs to the world socialist system, the 
other to the world capitalist system." This state- 
ment means that in the eyes of Peiping every 
member of this Assembly which does not belong 
to the world Commimist system belongs by defini- 
tion to what Peiping calls the "capitalist-imperial- 
ist system" — for there are only two types of 

And Red Flag goes on to announce "the capital- 
ist-imperialist system absolutely will not crumble 
by itself. It will be pushed over by the proletarian 
revolution within the imperialist country con- 
cerned, and the national revolution in the colonial 
and semicolonial countries. Revolution means the 
use of revolutionary violence by the oppressed 
class, it means revolutionary war." 

This concept is further borne out by a statement 
from a senior official of the Chinese Communist 
government, Tung Pi-wu, who declared on October 
9, 1961, at a public meeting in Peiping, "in the 
present epoch, only under the leadership of the 
proletariat, and by obtaining the help of the So- 
cialist coimtries, will it be possible for any coim- 
try to win complete victory in its national and 
democratic revolution." In other words a Com- 
munist revolution, aided by external support from 
Communist countries, must still be fostered in the 
newly independent countries of the world. 

Proof that these are not mere words was heard 
in this Assembly only the other day, when the dis- 
tinguished delegate of one new African nation 
poignantly described Peiping's incessant cam- 
paign to destroy his government through subver- 
sion and guerrilla warfare. 

Peiping's Views of Urgent World Problems 

This is the world view of the Peiping regime, 
and it should be warning enough to all of us. But 
what does Peiping think more precisely about our 
most urgent world problems — about the kind of 
problem we attempt to deal with in these United 
Nations ? I shall mention two — disarmament and 
the U.N. operations in the Congo. 

January 15, 1962 


On disarmament we also find the evidence in 
the same Red Flag article. Remember, if you 
please, the premise that all nations wliich are not 
members of the world Communist system are con- 
sidered to be "imperialist". Red Flag says : 

It ia . . . inconceivable that imperialism will accept a 
proposal for general and complete disarmament. . . . only 
when the Socialist revolution is victorious throughout 
the world can there be a world free from war. . . . 

Tliat takes care of our search for general dis- 
armament. According to Peiping it is a hopeless 
illusion until all governments have been over- 
thrown by violent Commimist revolution. In the 
meantime Peijiing's policy on the recent rupture 
of the moratorium on nuclear testing is the fol- 
lowing — in their own words, of course : "The Sovi- 
et Government's decision to conduct experimental 
explosions of nuclear weapons is in accord with the 
interests of world peace and those of the people 
of all countries." 

As for the United Nations Operation in the 
Congo, Peiping's policy is set forth as recently as 
December 6 m the People's Daily ^ the official news- 
paper of the Chinese Communist Party. Our 
peacekeeping effort in the Congo, in which troops 
of a score of members are involved, is described in 
People's Daily as nothing but imperialism imder 
United Nations cover. "As long as the Congo re- 
mains occupied by the United Nations force," ac- 
cording to Peopleh Daily, "the Congolese issue 
will remain unsolvable and the freedom of other 
African coimtries insecure." The article demands 
an immediate stop to the United Nations Opera- 
tion in the Congo. 

That, of course, is a prescription for tribal strife, 
chaos, and slaughter in the Congo — which, no 
doubt, is what Peiping desires. 

Finally, Mr. President, at the very moment 
when some members of this Assembly were plead- 
ing the qualifications of the Peiping regime for 
membership in the United Nations, the PeopWs 
Daily of December 10, 1961— just 4 days ago — 

All revolutionary people can never abandon the truth 
that "all political power grows out of the barrel of a 
gun. . . ." 

The revolutionary theories, strategy and tactics, 
summed up by the Chinese people in revolutionary practice 
and expressed in a nutshell in Comrade Mao Tse-tung's 
writings, are carrying more and more weight with the 
people of various countries. . . . 

To put it frankly, all ojiprossed nations and peoples will 

sooner or later rise in revolution, and this is precisely why 
revolutionary experiences and theories will naturally gain 
currency among these nations and peoples. This is why 
pamphlets introducing guerrilla warfare in China have 
such wide circulation in Africa, Latin America and 
Asia. . . . 

Nowhere in this extraordinary dociunent do the 
Chinese Communists deny that their actions have 
been as I described them. Indeed, they boast- 
fully announce their intention to continue spread- 
ing violence and dissension abroad. 

Note carefully, also, if you will, that none of 
these official statements has anything to do with 
membership or nonmembership in the United 
Nations. Peiping does not say that it favors 
atomic testing now but would feel differently if 
admitted to the United Nations. Peiping does not 
say that it wants the United Nations to abandon 
the Congo now but would feel differently if 
admitted to the United Nations. Peiping does 
not say that, although it is now training guerrillas 
for revolution in other countries, it would act 
differently if admitted to the United Nations. 

We have no other choice but to believe that 
these policies would be pursued and advocated 
in this very Assembly by Chinese Communist rep- 
resentatives who believe that all political power 
grows out of the barrel of a gim. 

IVliat else can we assimie — and be realistic? 
Wliat else can we expect — confronted with the 
evidence ? 

Responsibilities to People of the World 

It seems to me, IMr. President, that the mem- 
bers will be well advised to think careful!}' about 
our obligations and responsibilities to the people 
of the world, who want the United Nations to 
continue as a going concern — and go on to new 
strengths and new triumphs. They would do well 
to consider the already-delicate deliberations of 
this body — and the already-difficult operations on 
wliich we are embarked. They would do well to 
think long and hard about these things, and then 
ask themselves whether the worlv of this body 
would be helped or hindered by the presence here 
of a delegation from Peiping. 

One of the members, in the course of debate, 
lamented at length on the sad plight of the people 
on mainlaiul China. My delegation yields to no 
otlier in its concern for the people of China. But 
the delegate in question went on to suggest that 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

if Peiping were in the United Nations the Food 
and Agriculture Organization "could have been 
of assistance" to the hungry people of China. 

Perhaps he does not know that Peiping rejected 
an offer of help extended to the Cliinese Conunu- 
nist Red Cross Society by the League of Red 
Cross Societies — of which Communist China is 
a member. "VVliile we know of it from the press, 
the people on tlie Chinese mainland never were 
told tliat sucli an offer of international assistance 
had been extended. 

Would Peiping, which refused help for its own 
people from one humanitarian international or- 
ganization to wliich it belongs, accept help from 
another international organization ? 

In the meantime, Mr. President, it is not my 
delegation which presumes to pass judgment on 
others. We are not, as several have implied, 
inventing some subtle moral criterion to dexiide 
who is good and who is bad, who is correct and 
■who incorrect, who is respectable and not respect- 

On the contrary, the principles to which mem- 
bers of the United Nations are bound are stated 
quite explicitly in the charter in terms which we 
would be the last to want to refine. And the evi- 
dence of Peiping's disdain for these principles is 
written with equal clarity. We ask only that each 
member compare the official charter and the official 

Mr. President, the Soviet proposal and the 
amendment ^ to it submitted by three delegations 
not only call for the expulsion of a loyal member 
of the United Nations but implicitly would encour- 
age the Chinese Communists to use force to achieve 
their objectives. 

For these reasons we believe that the Soviet 
proposal to unseat the Government of the Republic 
of China and replace it with, a delegation from 
Peiping should be emphatically rejected, and we 
will vote against it. 

Tlie amendment to that proposal submitted by 
the delegations of Cambodia, Ceylon, and Indo- 
nesia, while set forth with greater sophistication 

* U.N. doc. A/L. 375. The amendment called for dele- 
tion of the operative paragraphs of the Soviet draft resolu- 
tion and substitution of the following paragraph : "De- 
cides in accordance with the above declaration that the 
representatives of the Government of the People's Repub- 
lic of China be seated in the United Nations and all its 

than the Soviet proposal, clearly would have the 
same effect. We believe it shoidd be likewise re- 
jected and will accordingly vote against it, also. 

And for all these reasons I am equally confident 
that the members will confirm the plain fact that 
any proposal to alter the representation of Cliina 
in the United Nations would be a vitally impor- 
tant question under the charter. 


Important-Question Resolution ' 

The General Assembly, 

Holing that a serious divergence of views exists among 
Members concerning the representation of a founder Mem- 
ber who is named in the Charter of the United Nations, 

Recalling that this matter has been described repeatedly 
in the General Assembly by all segments of opinion as 
vital and crucial and that on numerous occasions its in- 
scription on the agenda has been requested under rule 15 
of the rules of procedure as an item of an important and 
urgent character, 

Recalling further the recommendation contained in Gen- 
eral Assembly resolution 396 (V) of 14 December 1950 
that, "whenever more than one authority claims to be the 
government entitled to represent a Member State in the 
United Nations and this question becomes the subject of 
controversy in the United Nations, the question should be 
considered In the light of the purposes and principles of 
the Charter and the circumstances of each case," 

Decides in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter 
that any proposal to change the representation of China 
is an important question. 

Soviet Draft Resolution " 

The General Assembly, 

Considering it necessary to restore the lawful rights of 
the People's Republic of China in the United NaUons, 

Bearing in mind that only representatives of the Gov- 
ernment of the People's Republic of China are competent 
to occupy China's place in the United Nations and all 
its organs, 

Resolves to remove immediately from all United Nations 
organs the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique 
who are unlawfully occupying the place of China in the 
United Nations, 

Invites the Government of the People's Republic of 
China to send its representatives to participate in the 
work of the United Nations and of all its organs. 

'U.N. doe. A/RES/1668(XVI) (A/L.372) ; adopted on 
Dec. 15 by a vote of 61 to 34, with 7 abstentions. 

' U.N. doc. A/L.360 ; rejected on Dec. 15 by a vote of 
36 to 48, with 20 abstentions. (Subsequently, Norway 
requested that its vote be recorded as in favor and not as 
an abstention.) 

January IS, 1962 


U.S. and GATT Reaffirm Cooperation 
in New World Trading Situation 

Following is an exchange of messages between 
E. P. Barhosa da Sil-va, Chairman, of the Contract- 
ing Parties to the General Agreement on Tarijfs 
and Trade, and Under Secretary George W. Ball. 
Mr. Ball was the U.S. representative to the minis- 
terial meeting held at Geneva November 27-30 in 
conjunction with the 19th session of tJie GATT 
Contracting Parties November 13-December 9. 

Mr. Barbosa da Silva to Mr. Ball 

December 8, 1961 
The Contracting Parties today endorsed with 
enthusiasm the important declaration proposed by 
you to ministers and endorsed by them.^ We are 
planning to go ahead actively to pursue the direc- 
tions given to us by ministers. We are heartened 
by the statement made by you and President 
Kennedy. We look forward to GATT going from 
strength to strength under the enlightened leader- 
ship of the United States. Kind regards. 

Mr. Ball to Mr. Barbosa da Silva 

December 16, 1961 
I appreciate very much your message as Chair- 
man of tlie Contracting Parties to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which was trans- 
mitted to me by the United States Mission in 
Geneva. We too look forward to continuous 
strengthening of the GATT as the instrument for 
broad international cooperation in the trade field. 
I certainly hope that we will be able to work 
together to make some real progress in promoting 
trade which will be beneficial to the developing 
countries. I am confident that the resolution on 
the trade of the developing countries adopted by 
ministers will provide a basis for making the 
GATT an increasingly effective instrument in this 
respect. As you know, President Keiuiedy will 
ask for legislation which seeks broad new author- 
ity to enable us better to deal with the new trading 
situation that exists in the world. 

I am looking forward to our continuing close 
cooperation in removing barriers to international 

' For background and text of declaration, see BtJiiEXiN 
of Jan. 1,1962, p. 3. 




Chester Bowles as the President's Special Representa- 
tive and Adviser on African, Asian, and Latin American 
Affairs, effective December 1. 


Salvatore A. Bontempo as Administrator of the Bureau 
of Security and Consular Affairs, effective January 2. 
(For an exchange of letters between Secretary Rusk 
and Mr. Bontempo, see Department of State press release 
922 dated December 30.) 

Checl< List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 25-31 

Press releases may be obtained from the Ofl3ce of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Release appearing in this issue of the BirLLBrnN 
which was issued prior to December 25 is No. 838 
of December 4. 



904 12/26 
















Japanese-American conference on cul- 
ture and education (rewrite). 

Williams : Sigma Delta Chi, Detroit 

U.S. participation in international 

Rowan: Phi Beta Sigma, Philadel- 

Handley sworn in as Ambassador to 
Mali (biographic details). 

Cleveland : statement on U.N. bond 

Holiday entertainment fo foreign 

Regional foreign policy brifing con- 

Robert Kennedy travel plans. 

Rusk: message to Philippine Vice 
President on Rizal Day. 

Stevenson : report to President on first 
part of 16th session of U.N. General 

U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade 
and Economic Affairs. 

Harriman : Jos6 Rizal Day. 

Rusk : American Historical Associa- 

Extension of credits to Brazil. 

Rusk: interview on Hearst Metro- 

Agreement with Slesico on deliveries 
of Colorado River water. 

Department statement on Tshombe 

Bontempo resignation : exchange of 
letters with Secretary Rusk. 

AID loan to Korea. 

♦Not printed. 

tHeld for a later Issue of the Bulletin. 

t914 12/30 

915 12/29 













Department of State Bulletin 

January 15, 1962 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1177 

Brazil. United States Extends Further Credits 
to Brazil 105 

Canada. U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee Meets 
at Ottawa 105 

China. United Nations Rules Out Change in Rep- 
resentation of China (Stevenson, texts of resolu- 
tions) 108 

Colombia. President and Mrs. Kennedy Visit 
Venezuela and Colombia (Kennedy) 89 

Communism. Some Issues of Contemporary His- 
tory (Rusk) 83 

Congo (Leopoldvilk) 

Some Issues of Contemporary History (Busk) . . 83 
U.S. Refutes False Katangan Charges of Interfer- 
ence in Negotiations 95 

Department and Foreign Service 

Designations (Bowles) 118 

Resignations (Bontempo) 118 

Economic Affairs 

U.S. and GATT Reaffirm Cooperation in New World 
Trading Situation (Ball, Barbosa da Silva) . . 118 

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee Meets at Ot- 
tawa 105 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Cultural and 
Educational Exchange To Be Discussed by U.S. 
and Japan 99 

Foreign Aid. United States Extends Further Cred- 
its to Brazil 105 


Attorney General Kennedy Completes Plans for 

February Trip 99 

Some Issues of Contemporary History (Busk) . . 83 

Indonesia. Attorney General Kennedy Completes 
Plans for February Trip 99 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 107 

U.S. and GATT Reaffirm Cooperation in New World 
Trading Situation (Ball, Barbosa da Silva) . . 118 

Iran. Attorney General Kennedy Completes Plans 

for February Trip • 99 


Attorney General Kennedy Completes Plans for 

February Trip 99 

Cultural and Educational Exchange To Be Dis- 
cussed by U.S. and Japan 99 

Presidential Documents 

President and Mrs. Kennedy Visit Venezuela and 
Colombia 89 

President Holds Talks in Bermuda With Prime Min- 
ister Macmillan 94 

Public Affairs. Foreign Policy Briefings To Be 
Held in Illinois and Minnesota 104 

Refugees. People on the Move (Brown) .... 100 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 106 

U.S.S.R. United Nations Rules Out Change in Rep- 
resentation of China ( Stevenson, texts of resolu- 
tions) 108 

United Kingdom. President Holds Talks in Ber- 
muda With Prime Minister Macmillan (text of 
Joint communique) 94 

United Nations 

The United Nations Bond Issue (Cleveland) ... 96 
United Nations Rules Out Change in Representa- 
tion of China (Stevenson, texts of resolutions) . 108 

Venezuela. President and Mrs. Kennedy Visit 
Venezuela and Colombia (Kennedy, text of joint 
communique) 89 

'Name Index 

Ball, George W 118 

Barbosa da Silva, B. P 118 

Betancourt, Bomulo 90 

Bontempo, Salvatore A 118 

Bowles, Chester 118 

Brown, Richard R 100 

Cleveland, Harlan 96 

Kennedy, President 89, 94 

Macmillan, Harold 94 

Rusk, Secretary 83 

Stevenson, Adlai E 108 

SOCIAL sciew:es deft 






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On June 30, 1960, the Republic of the Congo, a former Belgian 
colony, was declared a sovereign and independent state. Five days 
after independence the army mutinied. A total breakdown of law 
and order ensued and the Congo began falling apart. The Govern- 
ment of the Congo, faced with full-scale anarchy, civil war, and the 
inevitable consequences of great-power intervention, called on the 
United Nations for help. 

This 22-page booklet, based on an address by Under Secretary of 
State George W. Ball, reviews the situation in the Congo, describes 
the purposes and operations of the United Nations there, and outlines 
the United States objectives for that country, namely, "a free, stable, 
non-Communist government as a whole, dedicated to the maintenance 
of genuine independence and willing and able to cooperate with us 
and with otlier free nations in meetmg the tremendous internal 
challenges it must face." 

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order payable to 
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Vol. XLVI, No. 1178 

January 22, 1962 




by Under Secretary McGhee 131 


Secretary VTilliams 136 


Richard N. Gardner 150 

FIRE • Statements by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson . . 145 


For index see inside back cover 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

r £8 'i - 1962 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

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62 Issues, domestic $8.50, torclRn $12.25 

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Note: Contents of this publication are not 
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or State Bi'i.i.etin as the source will bo 
appreciated. The Bulletin is Indexed In the 
Headers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

Vol. XLVI, No. 1178 • Publication 7330 
January 22, 1962 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government mith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on tlie icork of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by tlie White House and 
Department, and statements and > 
dresses made by the President and 
the Secretary of State and oth 
officers of the Department, as well 
special articles on various pliases < 
internatiotuil affairs and the func 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and interiuuional agreements to 
which the United States is or nwy 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral intcnmtiorutl interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
Uitive material in the field of inter- 
rwitiomil relafiorvs are listed t-urrrntly. 

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on ''Reporters Roundup" 

Following is the transcrift of an interview of 
Secretary Rusk hy Charles Batchelder of the Mu- 
tual Broadcasting System and Endre Marton of 
the Associated Press on the radio program ^'■Re- 
porters Roundup^'' broadcast over the Mutual 
Broadcasting System on January 7. The mod- 
erator of the program was Ken French of MBS. 

Press release 11 dated January 6 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the central issue, of course, 
reviains Berlin. After about 3 months of prax- 
tically no contact with the Soviets, Ambassador 
Thompson again began explori7ig what the 
chances are of the Berlin settlement. The few 
reports on the first Thompson-Gromyko meeting 
speculated about the possibility of a very limited 
agreement, some kind of a modus vivendi. 

Could you say, sir, that these reports were 
correct, and, generally, do you consider the first 
Thompson-Gromyko conference to represent prog- 
ress f 

A. Well, Mr. Marton, as we move into the new 
year the Berlin question, of course, remains a very 
important and potentially dangerous issue. We 
are now, as you intimated, engaged in exploratoi-y 
talks with the Soviet Union to find out whether 
there is a basis for negotiation looking toward an 
agreement. Now the differences between a ne- 
gotiated agreement and what has been referred to 
as a jnodus vivoidi are not very great. But I 
tliink the problem is how extensive, how thorough, 
how complete an agreement can be found on the 
one side. What will be involved will be some ar- 
rangements which will protect the vital interests 
of all concerned without a resort to force. It's 
much premature to speculate about how these talks 
may develop, but, as you know, Ambassador 
Thompson's talks will continue and we are some- 
what encouraged to know that this issue is in the 
course of discussion and that there is responsible 
contact among the Governments involved. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, let me ask a question at this 
time thafs pertinent to this. Does or does not 
President de Gaulle of France support this ne- 
gotiation or this inquiry? 

A. Well, there is complete agreement among 
the principal Western Powers on the basic issues 
in the Berlin question. General de Gaulle has 
some very considerable reluctance about engaging 
ill fonnal negotiations until it is quite clear that 
there is an adequate basis for such negotiations. 
My understanding is that he does not object to 
these exploratory talks wliich are now going on. 

The Laotian Question 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could loe go over to another 
area of unpleasant news? The three princes of 
Laos apparently got noiohere, having met after 
xoeeks of procrastination. Could you explain now, 
sir, how much i^ really at stake if we are not going 
ahead with the task of unification and what are 
the alternatives? 

A. The Laotian question has moved very far 
toward a settlement insofar as the Geneva con- 
ference is concerned.^ There, on the international 
side, governments have worked out, or come very 
close to working out, arrangements wliich would 
be designed to safeguard the independence and 
neutrality of Laos. Now these negotiations in 
Geneva can't get much further until there is in 
fact a government in Laos which can speak for 
the entire country and can midertake the respon- 
sibilities and obligations of neutrality and inde- 
pendence. That, of course, depends upon the 
ability of the Laotian leaders themselves to work 
out some sort of government which will be able to 
pursue a neutral, independent policy. These talks 
are, at the present time, in a state of suspension. 
I myself do not believe that they have been ter- 

' For baeki^ound, see BuiiETiN of June 5, 1961, p. 844 ; 
June 26, 1961, p. 1023 ; and July 10, 1961, p. 85. 

January 22, ?962 


minated. These are not matters which can be 
worked out quickly and easily, because the feelings 
are high and memories are long and the experience 
in that country has been bitter. We expect that 
there will be additional talks with and among these 
Laotian leaders, and we're not by any means 
abandoning hope that an arrangement can be 

India and Goa 

Q. Could we move to another scene, Mr. Secre- 
tary, and that is India. What is your reaction at 
this time to the change — apparent change — in at- 
titude of Mr. Nehru by using force against Goa and 
against the Portuguese group over there? Does 
this weaken his position in the world among the 
neutral nations, so-called? 

A. Well, the attitude of the United States to- 
ward the use of force in Goa was made very clear 
indeed by Ambassador Stevenson during the dis- 
cussion in the Security Council in the United 
Nations.^ We made vigorous representations in 
India with respect to the use of force before this 
event occurred, and Ambassador Stevenson indi- 
cated our attitude toward it. 

I do think that India has delivered something 
of a shock to opinion in many other countries. I 
do not myself believe that this anticipates a major 
change in orientation in Indian foreign policy. 
This particular problem has been there for a long 
time and had many special characteristics of its 
own ; but I think that we can't know for a while 
yet exactly how this will affect India's position 
among other coimtries, including the neutrals. 

Q. You mentioned something tliat brings up 
still another phase of the Goa question, and that 
is this. Of course Portugal has threatened 
through Premier Salazar to withdraw from the 
United Nations. Do you think that that, in this 
case, would make the United Nations stronger or 
less important during J 062, or would it affect their 
place in the world? 

A. Well, I think that any use of force contrary 
to the charter does to that extent weaken the 
peacekeeping machinery of the United Nations, 
and from that point of view this was most un- 
fortunate. I myself hope very much that Portugal 

will not withdraw from the United Nations. I 
think it still is the most important international 
forum for the settlement of problems and for 
achieving cooperation on a worldwide basis — on 
a general basis — and I would hope very much that 
it would continue to play that role with as wide 
membership as possible. I feel quite certain that 
Portugal has much to gain from continued mem- 
bership in the U.N. and the U.N. has much to gain 
from having Portugal there. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, another related question. 
Does this incident, or whatever you may call it, 
affect our thinking on aiding India? 

A. Well, I think that we have a basic American 
interest in the economic and social development 
of India and that we have not abandoned that 
policy or that interest as a result of this Goa 

Q. Have you revised your thinking? 

A. I would not say that we have revised our 
approach to this problem. We do have commit- 
ments, as you know, to the Indian longtime devel- 
opment program, and I would expect that we 
would continue on those commitments. 

Disarmament Discussions 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the new negotiating body on 
dlsar^nament will m^eet on March Hth. Now, in 
view of the basic difference between the American 
and Soviet philosophy on how to achieve disar- 
mament, is there any basis or hope that a new 
round of talks will bring us any Jiearer to this 

A. We felt that the establislmient of the forum 
itself was at least a small step toward a serious dis- 
cussion of disarmament. Earlier we had agreed 
on certain principles governing disarmament with 
the Soviet Union,' but that statement of principles 
also reflected a far-reaching and most fundamen- 
tal disagreement. To put it briefly, the Soviet 
Union is willing to have inspection of those arms 
which are destroyed or given up but is not willing 
to have inspection of those arms which are re- 
tained, and we believe that we cannot have an 
effective disarmament without complete assur- 
ance and verification to the rest of us that the 

• See p. 145. 

' For text of a joint stiitement of agreed principles, see 
Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1'JCl, p. .%SS>. 

Deparfmenf of Sfa/e Bw//e/in 

conditions of any agreement, the provisions of 
any agreement, are in fact being carried out. 

Now this particular point of disagreement, Mr. 
Marten, is both fundamental and far-reaching, 
and I think one would not wish to be optimistic 
about a particular discussion that might convene 
on March 14th or thereabouts; but nevertheless the 
issue of disarmament, particularly in light of 
modern weapons, is so important, the dangers of 
the alternatives are so great, that we feel we must 
keep gnawing at it, working at it, trying our best 
to find a practical and safe means by which man- 
kind can move into a period of reduced arms and 
to some limitation on the arms race. 

The Cuban Issue 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could I hring this Soviet 
threat just a little closer home — in other xoords, 
could loe dbicuss Cuba a hit? The State Depart- 
ment has issued a white paper* a cornplete review 
of the Red infiltration of Guha and Castro's af- 
filiation. What can the United States do now 
about Cuba? 

A. Well, we have been very much encouraged 
to find that throughout Latin America there is an 
increasing awareness of the nature of the develop- 
ment in Cuba, the threat of that particular kind 
of penetration of this hemisphere by outside in- 
fluence and outside elements, and the threat which 
that poses to the rest of the hemisphere. We shall 
be coming up to a meeting January 22d of the for- 
eign ministers of the American states, and we be- 
lieve that the meeting will clearly record the con- 
cern of the hemisphere in this development and 
that various measures will be effectively discussed 
looking toward an isolation of Castroism and this 
type of penetration in this hemisphere, as a part 
of the basic protection of the hemisphere written 
into the basic charters of the American systems. 

Q. Is there any way this government could be 
overthrown from the outside? 

A. Well, I wouldn't at tliis point want to get 
into that question, Mr. Batchelder. I believe that 
basically the overthrow of the Cuban government 
is a problem for the Cuban people. Of course, if 
there were overt acts of aggression against Cuba's 

neighbors, that would raise some very serious prob- 
lems indeed. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the latest question first. Isn't 
there a danger that this issue, the Cuban issue, 
will be sort of watered down again as it happened 
in San Jose? " 

A. Well, I wouldn't want to speculate today, 
Mr. Marton, about what the results of the meeting 
will be. We are in very active discussion with the 
other governments of the hemisphere about that. 
Now I would not think that the problem would be 
watering down to the point where the hemisphere 
would appear to be unconcerned about this matter. 
I think that this is a matter about which there is 
very great interest throughout the hemisphere. 

The West New Guinea Problem 

Q. May I ash a question, too? Well jump to 
another hemisphere, Mr. Secretary, and that is 
the problem which is occurring in Indonesia and 
the Netherlands and Dutch West New Guinea. 
The United States, it is said, has at one time 
offered its service as mediator, and then that has 
again been denied. Do you care to clear ics up 
on that? 

A. Well, we have not at any time formally of- 
fered our services as mediator. This is one of those 
many, many issues which come to our desk be- 
cause, when friends of ours in different parts of 
the world find themselves in disagreement with 
each other, each comes to us to ask if we can be of 
some assistance in the dispute. 

We have been involved in a certain sense with 
this question since the late forties at the time of 
the first movement for Indonesian independence, 
and the West New Guinea problem is something 
that was not clarified completely in the minds of 
both Governments at that time. We see no reason 
why this matter cannot be effectively discussed 
between the two Governments and some sort of 
peaceful settlement reached; but we're not in a 
position of formal mediation. 

Q. Do you actually expect that the Indonesians 
IV ill use force? 

A. I wouldn't want to speculate on that. I think 
the use of force in a situation of this sort would 

* For a Department announcement and text of the sum- 
mary section of the report, see p. 129. 

^ For text of Declaration of San Jos6, see Bulletin of 
Sept. 12, 1960, p. 407. 

January 22, ?962 


itself be a very serious matter and -would, I think, 
be contrary to Indonesia's obligations. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, to conclude on a more philo- 
sophical vein, the neio editor of the Saturday 
Evenimg Post said in his editorial columm, the other 
day, "/ feel that we, collectively, have grown 
fearful and hesitant. . . . There is a danger that 
in our maturity tve have become tired and cynical, 
overzealous for security, afraid to live and afraid 
to die.''"' 

I wonder, sir, how you feel about this rather 
melancholy statement. 

A. Well, my guess is that if we could consult 
the historians we would find expressions of that 
sort made regularly for the last two or three cen- 
turies, as people look at the scene of their own 
time. I do not myself underestimate the whirl, 
the capacity, the concern, the dedication, the com- 
mitment, of the American people and the people 
of the free world to continue this great struggle 
for freedom. We, I think, in times of peace, in 
times of relative ease, tend to think that we're 
going soft in some way; but when you think of 
the generation that grew up in a rather pacifist 
period during the thirties and remember that that 
was the generation that fought and won World 
War II, when you think of the great performance 
of young people who came through the flapper age 
of the twenties, I am not one to lose confidence 
in free peoples, and I think we'd make a great 
mistake if we felt that the peoples of the free 
world are not prepared to do what is necessary 
to continue this great historical fight for freedom. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, one additional question.. In 
your immediate future you have to look to the 
convening of Congress on the 10th of this month, 
and I knoiu that problems ivill be faced there. 
Would yoxb like to discuss your relations with 
Congress so far and the foreign relation.^ commJf- 
tees in pai'ticxdar? 

A. Well, I believe, Mr. Batchelder, as I ran 
over some time ago for another purpose a quick 
count, I met conmiittees or a considerable group 
of Congressmen some 45 times during the last 
session. This is not only an indispensable part 
of the relationships between the executive and 
legislative branch, but from my point of view it is 
a most valuable experience. I myself do not regret 
this time whatever. If you will look around 
Washington and you look for the people who 

have had a responsible relationship with foreign 
affairs over a long period of time, you will find 
many of those people on the key committees of 
the Congress. People in the executive branch come 
and go, as you know. These are very, very valu- 
able exchanges, particularly in the executive ses- 
sions of these committees, where both the executive 
and the legislative can look at these problems in 
all of their depth and complexity and look at the 
alternatives. I can assure you that in those dis- 
cussions partisanship almost never enters into the 

Moderator: Thank you very much. Secretary 

Secretary Rusk Interviewed 
on Hearst Metrotone/Telenews 

Following is the transcript of an intervieio of 
Secretary Rusk by Charles Shiitt of Hearst Metro- 

Press release 919 dated December 30, for release January 1 

Mr. Shutt: As we begin a new year, Mr. Secre- 
tary, what do you consider the prospects of achiev- 
ing peaceful settlements in 1962 in the Congo, 
Southeast Asia, and Berlin ? 

Secretary Rusk : Well, Mr. Shutt, one of the pri- 
mary tasks of foreign policy is to try to protect 
the vital interests of our country, by peaceful 
means if possible. The situation in each of these 
three cases is somewhat different. 

In the Congo, you will recall that in 1960 the 
United Nations was called into the Congo to pre- 
vent that country from settling into complete 
chaos and to avoid its becoming a battleground of 
great contending forces from the outside. Now 
they have had a difficult year, but we believe that 
there is a fair prospect that the Congolese leaders 
themselves can continue their talks, agree on a 
constitutional arrangement which is satisfactory 
to them, and establish a moderate government un- 
der which that potentially rich countiy can take 
up again the great tasks of economic and social 
development. I would be inclined to be optimistic 
about the Congo. 

In Southeast Asia the Laotian question depends 
now for solution on the ability of the Laotian 
leaders themselves to agree on a neutral coalition 


Department of State Bulletin 

goveriunent. That has proved to be a difficult 
agreement to reach, although the international ar- 
rangements for a neutral Laos have almost been 
completed in the discussions at Geneva. I would 
not want to predict what the outlook is in Laos at 
this time. 

In Viet- Nam there is an aggression being sup- 
ported, stimulated, and supplied from the outside 
against South Viet-Nam, and we, as you know, 
have stepped up sharply our aid to that country, 
and we suppose that in these next few months 
there will be considerable strife as the Government 
attempts to deal with the guerrillas that are active 

In Berlin I think that the free world has taken 
an important first step toward a peaceful solution. 
They have made it quite clear that the free world 
considers that its vital interests are engaged in 
West Berlin and that those vital interests will be 
protected with whatever it takes to protect them. 
The free world is united on that; the NATO al- 
liance is firm on that. We are in contact with the 
Soviet Government in order that there not be any 
possible misimderstanding or misapprehension on 
that point. 

I think clarity and determination in that situa- 
tion are first steps toward a peaceful settlement — 
we shall see — because it will continue to be danger- 
ous so long as the Soviet Union seems to be push- 
ing in upon these vital interests which we have 

Mr. Shutt: Mr. Secretary, do you foresee any 
new crises in 1962 ? 

Secretary Rush: If 1962 should prove to be a 
year without crises, it would be a most remarkable 
and a most welcome year. 

As a matter of fact, we are in the midst of great 
tumultuous changes in the world. The revolution 
of freedom is still the most dynamic and power- 
ful revolutionary influence at work in the world 
today. And that is a revolution which is a part 
of our own tradition, which we welcome, and with 
which we can work in different parts of the world. 

We also have the great revolution of rising ex- 
pectations. People all over the world are looking 
for rapid economic and social development, and 
we are a great part of that effort. 

The free institutions of the world are under 
pressure from the Communist bloc, but they are 
not having as much success as they might have 

hoped. It is interesting that no one of the coun- 
tries which have become independent since 1945 
has become a member of the Sino-Soviet bloc. 
These newly independent countries are resistant 
to this idea and this notion, despite the fact that 
some of them say things from time to time which 
we find disagreeable or imcomfortable. 

Now we spend a great deal of our time in the 
Department of State in trying to anticipate and 
prevent crises, and, to the extent that we are suc- 
cessful, these crises don't, of course, appear in the 
headlines. But I don't think that we should fear 
crises, as such. Because if you look back over the 
crises of the postwar period, many of them have 
turned out well from the point of view of the free 
world. But, nevertheless, we get on with the great 
job of building a decent woi-ld order — in the 
United Nations, in the North Atlantic community, 
in other parts of the world — through the Alliance 
for Progress in Latin America. These are the 
great tasks to which we have put our hands, and 
these are the great constructive efforts into which 
crises will take their place, and these are the great 
stakes which we have in working through these 
crises to a tolerable community. 

I think one can see everywhere a steady building 
up of the contacts across national frontiers, the 
sorting out of the world's daily work on a basis 
of cooperation across national frontiers. I think 
there is room for confidence; certainly there is 
room for effort and energy in the months ahead. 

Mr. Shutt: Finally, Mr. Secretary, do you see 
any possibility of having successful negotiations 
with Mr. Khrushchev in 1962 ? 

Secretary Rusk: Despite the great differences, 
Mr. Shutt, that separate us from the Soviet Union, 
I think that there ought to be responsible contacts 
with them in order to discover at what points 
some measure of agreement can be reached. 

Now we have at the present time a first-class 
crisis over West Berlin, and while we are trying to 
resolve that one we should also consider the pos- 
sibilities of other points at which our two policies 
might draw somewhat closer together. 

In 1961 we were deeply disappointed that they 
were unwilling or unable to take up a nuclear test 
ban treaty. We shall pursue that to see if we 
can't make some headway on that effort. 

We have agreed recently in the United Nations 
to constitute a new forum to take up once again the 

January 22, 1962 


question of general disarmament.^ And there has 
been some little progress made in the matter of 
cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space; 
and there will come up, I suppose, further discus- 
sions in our cultural exchange programs. We 
don't know how successful we shall be in any of 
these negotiations, but the discussions ought to 
be continued, the contacts kept alive, because it 
is important for us to find even slender threads 
of common interest reaching through and across 
the Iron Curtain. 

Mr. Shutt: And as long as we continue to talk, 
that is at least a plus. 

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think there is advantage 
in talking. And I tliink that there are times when 
talking, among other things, makes it clear what 
we are in there after, and, if we are fortmiate, talk- 
ing might find points of agreement. 

Mr. Shutt: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. 

U.S. Welcomes Dominican Solution 
of Political Difficulties 

Statement by President Kennedy 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated December 20 

I want to make special note of die most en- 
couraging developments in the Dominican Repub- 
lic. The solution to the political difficulties in that 
country, the principal feature of which is the im- 
mediate creation of a council of state, was an- 
nounced by President Balaguer on December 17 
and has now been accepted by the principal ele- 
ments of the democratic opposition. It repre- 
sents, in my judgment, an impressive demonstra- 
tion of statesmanship and responsibility by all 
concerned. This accomplishment by the demo- 
cratic opposition and the Dominican Government 
is all the more remarkable when it is recalled that 
only recently the Dominican Republic emerged 
from three decades of a harshly repressive regime 
which dedicated itself to stifling every democratic 
Dominican voice. This victory of the Dominican 
people and its leaders is a striking demonstration 
of the fact that dictatorship can suppress but can- 

not destroy the aspirations of a people to live in 
freedom, dignity, and peace. 

The Dominican people still face long and diffi- 
cult efforts to transform their aspirations into an 
effective, soimdly based democratic system. In 
this struggle, they have the assurance of our sym- 
pathetic and tangible support. I understand that 
the Organization of American States is now con- 
sidering the lifting of the sanctions imposed upon 
the Dominican Republic by collective action in 
August 1960 and January 1961.' If the Council 
of the OAS takes such action — and our represent- 
atives are supporting that step — we will resume 
diplomatic relations with the Dominican Republic 
promptly. When this takes place the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture will authorize purchases 
under the Dominican allocation of nonquota sugar 
for the fii-st 6 months of 1962. 

In addition, I propose to send, upon the installa- 
tion of the new council of state, a United States 
economic assistance mission, headed by Ambassa- 
dor Teodoro Moscoso of AID [Agency for Inter- 
national Development] and including Deputy 
Assistant Secretary of State Milton Barall, to visit 
the Dominican Republic. Its purpose will be to 
explore emergency requirements and the possibili- 
ties for longer range cooperative programs under 
the Alliance for Progress, which can be of direct 
benefit to the Dominican people. I expect that 
this mission will arrive in the Dominican Republic 
late this month or very early in January. 

I imderstand that Mr. Felipe Herrera, President 
of the Inter-American Development Bank, will 
head a high-level mission to the Dominican Re- 
public in the near future to begin discussions and 
inquire into economic and social development 

These actions are intended to assist the new 
Dominican Government and people in developing 
a sound economic and social structure, which is 
indispensable to an enduring democratic political 

Tlie Dominican people and their leaders con- 
front a great and seldom given opportunity : the 
construction of a democratic society on the ruins 
of tyraimy. It is a noble task, but it is not an 
easy one. We wish them well, and we assure them 
of our desire to assist them in their efforts. 

' Bulletin of Dee. 18, 1961, p. 1023. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 5. 1960, p. 358 ; 
Feb. 20, 1961, p. 273 ; and Dec. 4, 1961. p. 929. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Diplomatic Relations Resumed 
With Dominican Republic 

The Department of State announced on Jan- 
uary 6 (press release 13) that the Government of 
the United States and the Government of the 
Dominican Republic had on that day announced 
that they have resumed diplomatic relations. The 
action follows the decision by the Council of the 
Or<^anization of American States on January 4, 
1962, to discontinue the measures adopted in Res- 
olution I ^ of the Sixth Meeting of Foreign Min- 
isters at San Jose, Costa Rica, which called for, 
among other things, the breaking of diplomatic 
relations of all the member states of the Organiza- 
tion of American States with the Dominican Re- 

John Calvin Hill, Jr., has been designated U.S. 
Charge d'AfFaires ad interim. Prior to his desig- 
nation, Mr. Hill had been consul general at Santo 
Domingo. The Government of the Dominican 
Republic has designated Dr. Marco A. de Peiia as 
Charge d'Affaires ad interim of its Embassy at 

mitted this document to the Inter- American Peace 

The document covers the period from the Sev- 
enth Meeting of Consultation of the Foreign Min- 
isters of the American Republics (San Jose, Costa 
Rica, August I960),' which condemned the inter- 
vention of international communism in this hemi- 
sphere, through August 1961. The United States 
is also submitting to the Inter-American Peace 
Committee information on events since that date, 
which show even more clearly the nature and ex- 
tent of the ties between Cuba and the Communist 

The Inter-American Peace Committee is in- 
vestigating violations of hmnan rights in Cuba 
and the subversive activities of the Castro regime 
in other American Republics as a result of (1) 
Resolution IV of the Fifth Meeting of Consulta- 
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs* and (2) a 
request made of the Council of the OAS by the 
Government of Peru on October 13, 1961. The 
Inter- American Peace Committee will report the 
results of its investigation to the Eighth Meeting 
of Foreign Ministere beginning on January 22, 
1962, at Punta del Este, Uruguay.^ 

Department Reports on Cuban Threats 
to the Western Hemisphere 

Following is a DepartTnent announcement of the 
release of a 32-page document entitled '■^The Castro 
Regime in Guba^'' ^ together with the text of the 
summary section of the document. 


The Department of State announced on Janu- 
ary 3 (press release 3) the release of a document 
entitled "The Castro Regime in Cuba," which con- 
tains information on the extensive ties of the Cu- 
ban Government with the Sino-Soviet bloc and the 
threat posed by the Castro regime to the inde- 
pendent govenunents of the Western Hemisphere. 
On December 6, 1961, Ambassador deLesseps S. 
Morrison, the U.S. Representative on the Council 
of the Organization of American States, trans- 


From the time the Castro regime came to power on Jan- 
uary 1, 1959 it has deliberately tried to undermine estab- 
lished governments in Latin America and destroy the 
inter-American system. In the process it has associated 
itself with the Sino-Soviet bloc in an active partnership 
and adopted totalitarian policies and techniques to cement 
dictatorial control over the Cuban people. This situation 
confronts the nations of the Western Hemisphere with a 
grave and urgent challenge. 

The challenge does not stem from the fact that the 
Castro regime came to power by revolution or that it ad- 
vocates social and economic reform. The world welcomed 
the fall of Batista and the advent of a new government 
which promised political freedom and social justice for 
the Cuban people and respect for Cuba's international 

• For text, see Btilletin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 358. 
' For text, see Department of State press release 3 dated 
Jan. 3. 

' For statements made by Secretary Herter at the meet- 
ing and the text of the Declaration of San Josi5, see Buir 
LETiN of Sept. 12, 1960, p. 395. 

' For text, see ihid., Sept. 7, 1959, p. 343. 

"For a statement made by Ambassador Morrison on 
Dec. 4 before the OAS Council concerning the convocation 
'of the meeting, see ibid., Dec. 25, 1961, p. 1069. 

Note : On Dec. 22 the Council accepted the offer of Uru- 
guay to hold the foreign ministers meeting at Punta del 
Este and decided upon Jan. 22 as the date for the meeting. 

January 22, 1962 


obligations. The challenge results from the fact tliat the 
Oastro regime has betrayed its own revolution by deliver- 
ing it into the hands of powers alien to the hemisphere 
and by transforming it into an instrument deliberately in- 
tended to suppress the hope of the Cuban people for a 
retuni to representative democracy and to subvert es- 
tablished governments of other American Republics. 

Since August 1960, when the Foreign Ministers of the 
American Republics considered the problem of Cuba and 
the Castro regime rejected the decisions taken, this pat- 
tern has crystallized with alarming rapidity and unmis- 
takable clarity. The leaders of the Castro regime now 
frankly admit and publicly proclaim that their revolu- 
tionary dogma is to be exported with the objective of 
bringing about Castro-like revolutions in all the American 
Republics. The activities of Cuban diplomats and other 
agents, the training of foreigners in Cuba in sabotage and 
subversive techniques, and the intensive propaganda cam- 
paign throughout the hemisphere clearly demonstrate the 
manner in which the groimd is being prepared in other 
countries for such action. 

During this period the Castro regime has established 
such extensive and intimate political-military, economic 
and cultural ties with the Soviet Union, Communist China 
and the countries associated with them as to render Cuba 
an appendage of the communist system. Far from re- 
jecting the efforts of the Sino-Soviet bloc to exploit social 
and political problems within this hemisphere, the Castro 
regime ia working with the international communist 
movement to advance this exploitation. 

Ideologically, the Castro government has placed Cuba 
in the communist camp. This was clearly demonstrated 
in the Cuban-Soviet joint communique of December 19, 
1960° in which the two countries endorsed their respec- 
tive domestic and foreign policies and pledged to work 
together. On May 1, 1961, Dr. Fidel Castro proclaimed 
Cuba to be a "socialist" state. The brand of "socialism" 
referred to is not, of course, Western social democracy 
but rather the second stage in the newly proclaimed com- 
munist three-stage theory of political evolution : national 
liberation, socialism, and communism. 

The Castro regime has established diplomatic relations 
with all the members of the Sino-Soviet bloc, except East 
Germany. It is currently engaged in an extraordinary 
military buildup which has literally transformed the 
country into an armed camp. Cuba's ground forces are 
now larger than those of any other country in Latin 
America, and at least ten times greater than those main- 
tained under the Batista regime. The receipt of thou- 
sands of tons of military e(iuipment from the Sino-Soviet 
bloc made this pos.iible. 

Through a series of trade and financial agreements, the 
Castro regime has moved toward the adaptation of Cuba's 
economy and industrial plant to that of the Sino-Soviet 
bloc. The major result of the trip of Major Guevara to 
Moscow during the last two months of 1960 was to re- 
orient Cuba's trade toward tlie bl(K- and plan the roor- 

' For text, see Department of State press release 3 
dated Jan. 3. 

ganization of the Cuban economy in accordance with the 
communist design. The degree to which Cuba has be- 
come economically dependent on the bloc is evidenced by 
the fact that approximately 80 percent of Its trade is now 
tied up in barter arrangements with Iron Curtain coun- 
tries. At the beginning of 1960 only two percent of 
Cuba's total foreign trade was with the bloc. 

Culturally, the Castro regime is rapidly orienting Cuba 
toward the Sino-Soviet bloc. This orientation is not tak- 
ing the form of a mere cultural interchange with com- 
munist countries such as several Western nations are con- 
ducting. On the contrary, the emerging pattern is one 
of extensive cultural identification with the bloc in which 
Cuban cultural patterns are being rapidly altered and the 
traditional cultural ties with countries of this hemisphere 
and Western Europe deliberately severed. This is to be 
.seen in the comprehensive cultural agreements with bloc 
countries, the increasing exchange of students, perform- 
ing artists and exhibitions with the Soviet Union and 
CommunLst China and their satellites, the impediments 
placed before students wishing to study anywhere except 
in Iron Curtain countries, the virtual halting of the flow 
of movies, books and magazines from free countries with 
a commensurate rise in the influx of these materials from 
the Sino-Soviet bloc, and the attacks on Western culture In 
general and that of United States in particular. 

As a bridgehead of Sino-Soviet imperialism within the 
inner defenses of the Western Hemisphere, Cuba under 
the Castro regime represents a serious threat to the indi- 
vidual and collective security of the American Republics 
and by extension to the security of nations anywhere in 
the world opposing the spread of that imperialism. 

Vice Chancellor Erhard of German 
Federal Republic Visits U.S. 

The Department of State announced on January 
5 (press release 10) that Dr. Ludwig Erhard, Vice 
Chancellor and Minister of Economics of the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, would pay a 2-day 
visit to "Washinjiton January 8-9 to confer with 
officials of the Department of State and other U.S. 
Government agencies and with representatives of 
international organizations. 

Dr. Erhard's di.scussions will be concerned with 
various aspects of economic cooperation in the 
Atlantic community, including U.S.-German eco- 
nomic relations, developments relating to the 
European Economic Community, and German 
and American participation in aid to developing 

Dr. Erhard will also spend 2 days in New York 
(January 10-11). 


Department of State Bulletin 

Atlantic Unity — Key to World Community 

hy Under Secretary McGhee ^ 

Increasingly we laave been drawn by our ex- 
perience since World War II to the conclusion 
that a closer association between the United States 
and the other Atlantic nations is a prime requisite 
for the successful carrying out of our basic na- 
tional strategy. The objective of this strategy 
is to help create a world environment in which a 
nation with purposes such as ours can flourish. 

We cannot create such an environment by merely 
trying to sustain the status quo. For the United 
States today confronts a world situation unparal- 
leled in history. We find ourselves in the throes 
of change more rapid and far-reaching than ever 
before experienced. This is the nuclear era and 
the jet and missile age. It is a time of exploding 
populations, of liglitning communication, and of 
the conquest of outer space. 

All of these aspects of our era are the result of 
forces deep in history that are continually evolv- 
ing and in so doing pushing us on to new achieve- 
ments, literally to new frontiers. These forces 
respond in part to human direction and design ; in 
part they seem to move on powerfully M'ith a 
momentum of their own. 

The world is being remade before our eyes. We, 
with our wealth, our power, and our acknowledged 
leadership in many fields, are being called upon 
to play a major role in the task. 

Central to our o^vn objectives is our national 
security. The problem is not, however, simply 
one of our own national defense in the traditional 
sense, although this remains of critical importance 
in an era of rapidly burgeoning superweapons. 
Any quest for real national security today must 
take into account the entire international scene. 

' Address made before the 13th Annual Student Confer- 
ence on United States Affairs at the U.S. Military Acad- 
emy, West Point, N.Y., on Dec. 8 (press release 862). 

Such a quest would indeed be futile if we con- 
ceived of our own country merely as an island to 
be fortified and defended in the midst of a hostile 

Perhaps the most significant revolution of our 
era is that which is resulting in increased interde- 
pendence among nations. The new forces that 
have overleaped the oceans and penetrated the 
hard shell of hitherto impregnable defenses know 
nothing of national borders. In scores of ways the 
life of our nation has become intermingled with 
the life of other peoples in every quarter of the 

Science and technology have swiftly brought 
into being the physical reality of an international 
community. Too often our thinking has lagged 
behind this reality. We have tended to follow old 
and familiar grooves of thinking with respect to 
national security and foreign policy. 

A New World Environment 

In searching for a national strategy to meet the 
requirements of this era, we must look out toward 
the new world environment that is taking shape. 
Here we see allies and adversaries, mature states 
and peoples barely emerging into nationhood — all 
moving forward at an unprecedented pace. 

It is of crucial importance that we project our 
power and influence into this emerging world com- 
munity of peoples, that we attempt to shape it into 
the sort of world order in wJiich we and other free 
peoples can survive and thrive. The Sino-Soviet 
powers are attempting to impose a universal design 
upon all peoples, a design of coerced conformity. 
Our interest and strategy demand that we foster 
the growth of a pluralistic world in which free 
nations may develop and flourish along their own 
individual lines — make their own history and 

Jonuory 22, ?962 


choose their associations spontaneously as their 
common interests dictate. 

Thus the great issue of our times is between the 
free nations on one hand and the Sino-Soviet 
powers on the other as to how the world shall be 
organized, as to what sort of international envi- 
ronment shall come into being. Unless we can pre- 
vail on this issue, our security will remain in 
jeopardy and our future uncertain. 

If we are to prevail we must establish a central 
core of strength about which to build — a core 
which will provide needed resources for the task 
that lies ahead. The Communists profess to 
possess such a core of their own in the heartland of 
Eurasia. Even though rifts are showing in the 
Sino-Soviet bloc which spans this heartland, their 
power is great and we must not allow wishful 
thinking to delude us into believing that this rift 
offers us an easy way out. 

Our best counterpoise to this power is what we 
may term the Atlantic Community, linking the 
free states of Europe with North America. Here 
is already a closely knit association of nations pos- 
sessing material and human resources far surpass- 
ing those of the Soviet Union and its satellites, 
and already having considerable cohesion. 

But this by no means exhausts tlie collective re- 
sources of the free world. Outside the Atlantic 
Community are other groups of nations, more or 
less closely associated, which have an important 
role to play. All these groupings form the poten- 
tial components of a worldwide community of free 

Our problem, then, is to develop this free- world 
community, witli tlie Atlantic association at its 
core, so that its strength, prosperity, and attrac- 
tive power will shape the world of the future — 
rather than the Communist design of a world 
state. Such a development would also contribute 
to a stronger and more effective United Nations 
and thus to the achievement of a broader world 

The potentialities of an Atlantic Community 
are vast, tliough as yet very imperfectly realized. 
Wliat are its historic foundations? Tliej' are two- 

First, there has been a trend toward a tightly 
integrated Europe. 

Second, there has been, at the same time, a trend 
toward a larger and looser Atlantic grouping. 

The 18th to 20th centuries witnessed the eman- 
cipation of the European empires in North and 

South America, Asia, and Africa — for a time 
slowly, but over the last half century at an ac- 
celerating pace. Today the world teems with 
newly emergent nations born of the old European 

Europe also suffered shattering losses in two 
world wars, lost most of her overseas investments, 
and, as a result, experienced a drastic relative de- 
cline in her world power position. There occurred 
progressively a diffusion of power to other world 
areas. Combined, the European powers were by 
midcentury overshadowed to the east and west 
by the Soviet and American superpowers. 

But Europe was not ready to be counted out. 
During the fifties Europe experienced a remark- 
able recovery, demonstrating great vitality and 
recuperative power. She progressed steadily to- 
ward unity, toward realization of the "European 
idea." She established new bonds to replace her 
former colonial ties with her overseas territories. 

For centuries the dream of unity had beguiled 
European thinkers. There were many "plans" — 
Sully's Grand Design, Penn's European Parlia- 
ment, the schemes of Kant, St. Pierre, and others — 
all of which came to naught. Following the dis- 
astrous collapse of the Concert of Europe in the 
war of 1914, tliere were renewed efforts by Edou- 
ard Herriot and Count Coudenhove-Kalergi. But 
again authoritarian leaders plunged Europe into 
even more catastrophic war in 1939. 

It was, however, only when economic collapse 
and the Communist threat combined in the after- 
math of the war to bring Europe to the edge of 
disaster that Europeans undertook practical steps 
to unite. Churchill in 1946 declared that the 
"sovereign remedy for the continent's ills" was 
"to re-create the European family. We must build 
a . . . United States of Europe." 

In the following decade and a half many men 
of stature and vision arose bent on fulfilling this 
\nsion in practical terms — Adenauer in Germany, 
Spaak in Belgium, Monnet, Schuman, and Pleven 
in France, de Gasperi in Italy. Tliey and others 
fashioned the institutions that gradually knit the 
free states of Europe together — Benelux, OEEC 
[Organization for European Economic Coopera- 
tion], EPU [European Payments Union], the 
Brussels Pact, the Council of Europe, and finally 
the Conmiunity of Six with its atomic energy 
community, common market, and coal and steel 

Tlie United States, from an early date, per- 


Department of State Bulletin 

ceived the value of European union. In the Mar- 
shall plan it strongly encouraged economic inte- 
gration of the states to which its aid was directed. 
A major achievement of European policy was the 
healing of the age-old antagonism between France 
and Germany and, above all, the assimilation of 
Germany into a tightly knit European Commu- 

There were setbacks, as when the French re- 
jected the EDO [European Defense Community] 
in 1954. But with the treaties of Rome in 1957 
came the culminating move of the Six toward 
achieving progressive economic integration over 
a span of years on a supranational basis. The 
Six have flourished beyond expectations and, al- 
though some major matters such as a common 
agricultural policy still remain to be mapped out, 
now form the nucleus about which a greater 
Europe seems gradually coalescing. Britain's 
application for full membership in 1961 confirms 
the success to date. 

Interdependence of North America and Europe 

Parallel with these developments it had become 
clear by 1949 that purely European economic 
imions and defense pacts were not enough. So- 
viet imperialism was on the move in Eastern 
Europe, and pressures were being exerted else- 
where. The satellite empire was being consoli- 
dated. National strategy was becoming out- 
moded; even local regional defense efforts were 
inadequate. Only an Atlantic strategy could hope 
to match the pooled power of the Soviet bloc. 

The United States and Canada, faced by cold- 
war exigencies, were drawn toward a Europe that 
formed the great land bastion between them and 
Soviet power. Europe, in turn, felt bound not 
only by historic, cultural, and trade ties to North 
America but also by the imperative necessities of 
her own security. 

Together, by their mutual attraction and inter- 
dependence. North America and Europe formed 
the basis for a far-reaching regional community 
of free nations — based on their kindred etlinic and 
historic origins, their common Western culture, 
and their sense of common destiny. 

So in 1949 NATO was created — a 12-nation 
alliance, within the spirit of the U.N. and des- 
tined to be a bulwark of the charter. NATO in- 
augurated an epochal experiment in integrated 
defense covering tlie vast North Atlantic area and 

the commimity of nations adjacent to it. By 1954 
it had expanded to 15 states including Greece, 
Turkey, and Germany. Since its foundation 
NATO has progressed through experience and 
evolution, developing a scope and intensity of 
concerted defense effort never before paralleled 
in peacetime. 

A decade after NATO was founded another 
step was taken toward Atlantic-wide cooperation 
on an institutional basis. The OEEC, offspring 
of the Marshall plan and embracing only Euro- 
pean countries, was reorganized in 1960 as the 
OECD — Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development — including 18 European states, 
the United States, and Canada. With it is associ- 
ated, for purposes of coordination of aid pro- 
grams, the Government of Japan. 

Our Common Tasks 

These two trends, toward a tightly integrated 
Europe and toward a somewhat looser Atlantic 
association, suggest the pattern of our future pol- 
icy : an increasingly fruitful partnership between 
the United States and the European Community 
within the framework of the Atlantic Commu- 
nity in the discharge of common tasks. 

What are these common tasks ? 

One is a concerted effort to help the less devel- 
oped countries achieve needed progress. 

Another is the task of defending the frontiers 
of freedom against Communist threats and ag- 

A closer partnership in addressing these tasks 
will become more feasible as progress is achieved 
toward European integration. The United States 
can work more effectively with a single integrated 
Europe than with several weaker European na- 

The tasks to be midertaken by the Atlantic na- 
tions will, moreover, require increasing resources. 
To secure these resources they will need to take 
national and joint steps to accelerate their eco- 
nomic growth. Trade negotiations between the 
expanding European Community, the United 
States, and other countries in the GATT [Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] could serve 
this purpose by leading to reciprocal reductions 
in their trade restrictions and thus to more effec- 
tive use of their resources. The benefits of agreed 
cuts would, of course, be extended to other coun- 
tries on a most- favored-nation basis. 

January 22, 7962 


The European Community, the United States, 
and the other OECD member countries could also 
accelerate their growth by coordinating economic 
and fiscal policies. Such joint efTorts will permit 
these countries to press forward with expansion- 
ist domestic policies without undue fear of gener- 
ating costly and disruptive imbalances in their 
international payments. 

This process has begun through the Economic 
Policy Committee of the OECD. The OECD 
countries have set themselves a combined economic 
gi-owth target of 50 percent by 1970." If the 
OECD countries meet this target, it will mean that 
by 1970 they will have added to their combined 
economic strength the equivalent of that of the 
United States in 1960. 

If they are to use their resources in common 
constructive and defensive tasks along the fron- 
tiers of the free world, the European countries 
must have reasonable assurance that their home 
base will be secure against Soviet attack. To this 
end they must have confidence that adequate nu- 
clear power will be available to deter or defeat 
attack upon them. 

If, however, more individual European nations 
should seek to acquire their own nuclear capa- 
bilities to assure their defense, fears and divisions 
would be created which would place the grand 
design of European and Atlantic unity in jeop- 
ardy. To avert such a tendency we should be 
prepared to join our allies in exploring procedures 
and guidelines relating to use of nuclear forces, 
both those in Europe and those outside the Con- 
tinent, wliich would insure that use of these forces 
is responsive to their needs. It should be reas- 
suring to our European allies that U.S. forces 
cover targets essential to the defense of NATO 
Europe and will be used in case of need. 

We should also be willing to explore with our 
allies, if they wish, the concept of a multilatorally 
owned and controlled seaborne MRBM force 
which the President put forward in his Ottawa 

A sound military base for a confident European 

( association with the United States in building a 

free- world community must also be one which 

includes effective NATO nonnuclear forces. "We 

cannot count on nuclear forces surely to deter all 

' For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 18, 1961, p. 1014. 
" Ihid., June 5, 1961, p. 839. 

kinds of Soviet aggression. We want to have as \ 
wide a range of choices as possible in responding 
to such aggression. It is well within the capa- 
bilities of the NATO nations to build up the con- 
ventional forces needed to this end. European 
unity would be greatly enhanced by the addi- 
tional feeling of confidence that the possession of 
such additional conventional forces would give. 

With a secure military base and expanding re- 
sources, the United States and Western Europe 
would be able to cooperate much more effectively 
in meeting the needs of the developing nations. 
In many cases Japan would be their partner. The 
combined ability of such a grouping to extend 
assistance to other nations would provide unparal- 
leled opportunities for progress. 

But all this presupposes a will in the European 
countries to share in costly tasks outside areas of 
special historical concern to them. How do we 
know that they will respond to this challenge? 
Their incentive to do this will be enhanced by 
meaningful U.S. consultation with these countries 
about the uses of our common power and resources, 
which means both theirs and ours. 

The forum for concerting about defensive tasks 
is NATO. We should be fair and forthcoming in 
the process of our NATO consultations. A 
forum for concerting about constructive tasks — 
notably aid to less developed countries — is the 
OECD. Again this requires that the United 
States play an active role. 

We should seek to strengthen these organs of 
Atlantic action — NATO and OECD — as progress 
is registered toward European integration. In 
this way a coalescing Europe will find a reward- 
ing role to play within the framework of an in- 
creasingly cohesive Atlantic Community. 

Basis for World Order 

Although the Atlantic Community is steadily 
strengthening, even this is, in itself, not enough. 
The interests of the Atlantic nations are global. 
Their vision demands a more universal goal — a 
world order in which all free nations can concert 
to achieve their common purposes — a community 
of free nations. This is the kind of world order 
called for in the charter of the United Nations. 

A basis for such a world order exists in the 
consensus among nations determined to progress 
in freedom. There is alroadv a great and grow- 


Department of State Bulletin 

mg network of international trade and communi- 
cations, a flow of resources and capital, of people 
and ideas among the nations free of Commmiist 
control. There is the great common denominator 
of a imiversal desire for modernization, for dig- 
nity and recognition. There are the beginnings 
of an emergent system of interdependence based 
on mutual interest. We hope that this urge will 
eventually take a fonn sufficiently flexible to en- 
compass the divergent special interests of most 
nations. There can thus be foreseen the basis 
for the eventual development of genuine world 

The Atlantic Community provides a precedent 
for this broader association. It is not merely 
concerned with its own internal problems. It is 
outward-looking, seeking to replace the old colo- 
nial relationships with a new partnership in con- 
structive tasks with the less developed nations. 
It is, in a sense, both the model and the "motor" 
of our effort to build a new world order; it must 
supply the great bulk of the external resources 
needed for this purpose. 

We have, as I indicated earlier, valuable ties 
with other nations and groupings of nations as 
well. These ties help bind many free countries 
closer together and thus contribute to eventual de- 
velopment of a community of free nations. 

One such grouping is the hemispheric union of 
American states — the OAS [Organization of 
American States]. This is of particular impor- 
tance since it includes our neighbors in the hemi- 
sphere in which we live and with which we have 
strong economic ties. Here we have a special re- 
sponsibility as leading partner of the hemispheric 
group, having moved from the mere "good neigh- 
bor"' stage in our relations to the more positive 
Alliance for Progress. 

There are, in addition, the Pacific countries, in- 
cluding North America and the free nations of 
the West Pacific from Japan to Australasia. 
There are also the nations with which we are for- 
mally allied in Asia and the Middle East, or with 
whicli we have special defense arrangements or 
economic ties. 

Then there are the so-called emerging and un- 
alined nations. These nations have generally two 
things in common: They wish to maintain their 
independence, and they aspire to economic devel- 
opment and modernization. Some of them are of 
key importance in their respective regions. 

-Vll of these nations, and regional groupings in- 
cluding them, are potential components of a 
worldwide coimnunity. With many of them we 
are just beginning to work toward a real com-/ 
munity of interest, to make clear the broad iden- 
tity between their purposes and ours. We ahso 
seek to encourage ties among these countries them- 
selves. Thus we favor the formation of coopera- 
tive regional organizations where none now exist 
but where a natural basis for them can be found. 

Such regional organizations are provided for 
in the charter of the United Nations and can pro- 
vide stable support for the purposes of the charter. 
Regionalism, in the spirit of the charter, can help 
to bring about the reality of the broader commu- 
nity which it envisaged. 

The strength and will of the Atlantic Commu- 
nity are promising and essential instruments in 
our strategy for achieving this long-term goal. 
We and our Atlantic partners can offer to all these 
states the "umbrella" of our defensive arrange- 
ments, if they desire it, and the helping hand of 
our aid programs. 

Our broader and ultimate objective in all these 
efforts is a universal community of nations. Our 
best ultimate hope for lasting peace is that, 
through evolution, these various emerging and 
still incomplete ties and associations will eventu- 
ally coalesce into a community with such strong 
attraction that no nation or group of nations will 
wish to remain aloof from it. 

In moving toward this ultimate goal we must 
avoid the trap of believing that there is one single 
way to achieve it. The United Nations, the Atlan- 
tic Commvmity, the Western Hemisphere alliance, 
Asian groupings and alliances, and other regional 
and bilateral arrangements are not alternative de- 
vices. They are complementary, not exclusive. 
They are mutually reinforcing and therefore must 
be sought simultaneously. The best way to organ- 
ize the world is to encourage it freely to organize 

In this grand design the Atlantic Commvmity 
has a role of special importance to play. What it 
can do, others will be encouraged to believe they 
can do. Only it, moreover, can supply the re- 
sources, the cohesion, and the sense of direction 
which is needed at the heart of our effort to build 
a world in which free men can in dignity work 
together to improve their lot. 

January 22, 7962 


U.S. Record on the Congo: A Search for Peaceful Reconciliation 

hy G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

The Congo has been very much in the news in 
recent days. The immediate focus of course is 
on the December 21 agreement between Prime 
Minister [Cyrille] Adoula of the central Congo 
government and Mr. [Moise] Tshombe, the Ka- 
tanga leader, on the reintegration of Katanga 
Province into the Congo. As the United States 
has made clear,^ we regard this agreement as a 
real commitment by Mr. Tshombe to end his at- 
tempt at secession and to work out by negotiation 
the honorable place which Katanga can and 
must occupy under a national Congolese govern- 

As you will recall, the agreement stemmed 
from Mr. Tshombe's expressed desire to negotiate 
with Prime Minister Adoula, a desire set forth 
in a telegram to President Kennedy on December 
14. Tlie President then asked our Ambassador 
to the Congo to facilitate a meeting between the 
two leaders, which was held at Kitona on the Con- 
go's west coast.^ 

The goal we have had in mind is not a weakened 
Katanga but a strengthened Congo fully able to 
defeat subversion from within or attempts at out- 
side domination. This, briefly stated, has been 
the objective of U.S. policy in support of the 
United Nations in the Congo from the beginning. 

The situation in the Congo is subject to daily, 
almost hourly, change, as any of you know who 
have tried to keep track of events there. The 
history of the Congo since independence on June 
30, 1960, is in itself a complex study. In addition, 
conflicting interpretations — including some that 

' Address made before Sigma Delta Chi at Detroit, 
Mich., on Dec. 27 (press release 905 dated Dee. 26). 

'For texts of Doiiartment statements, see Bulletin of 
Jan. 8, 1962, p. 49, and Jan. 15, 1962, p. 95. 

" lUd., Jan. 1, 19G2, p. 10. 

are highly fictional — have been widely aired as to 
United States and United Nations policies. It 
therefore seems worth while to present to you to- 
night a serious accounting of the Congo problem 
and of what we have sought to do about it.* 

The first and overriding element of our policy — 
and of U.N. policy — is the desire to preserve an 
integrated, independent Congo. This policy is 
based on the desires of the overwhelming majority 
of the Congolese people. It has been opposed by 
a relatively small minority in Katanga, who argue 
for secession of that province. Kather than come 
to an understandmg with their brother Congolese, 
these Katangans appropriated revenues that 
should have gone to the central government and 
campaigned for secession. Supported by merce- 
naries, they turned to violence against the United 
Nations forces in Katanga, which symbolized the 
goal of maintaining an integrated Congo. 

United Nations troops had to meet force with 
force. Their mission has never been to seek a 
military decision — only a clear acknowledgment 
of the U.N.'s rightful presence in Katanga. The 
U.N. role has been to prevent civil war, to eject 
the mercenaries, and to keep the focus on the 
need for a national reconciliation between Ka- 
tanga and the rest of the Congo. 

Katanga Is Part of the Congo 

The United States is not alone in opposing seces- 
sion by Katanga. Far from it. The Government 
of the Kepublic of the Congo quite naturally op- 
poses secession of the richest of its six provinces. 
Bcj'ond this the United Nations memberehip, in- 
cluding all the Western Powers, is opposed to se- 

* For an article by Under Secretary Rail on "The Ele- 
ments In Our Congo Policy," see ihid., Jan. 8, 1962, p. 43. 


Department of State Bulletin 

cession. It is worth i-ecalliiig that Mr. Tshombe 
proclaimed his secession in July 1960. Yet at no 
time since has any government anywhere in the 
world recognized his i-egime. 

Tlie fact is, there has never been any legal, 
moral, or other basis for Katanga's existence as a 
separate state. Let us see why this is so. 

First of all, the Congo achieved indejiendence as 
a miit with a Constitution specifying that its ter- 
ritoi-y includes all the provinces of the former 
Belgian Congo. This was agreed to before inde- 
pendence by all of the Congolese party leaders, 
including Mr. Tshombe, at a conference in Brussels 
in February 1960. The validity of this C/onstitu- 
tion was perfected by the election of officers under 
it. Mr. Tsliombe in fact became President of the 
Katanga Province by virtue of this same 

Furthermore, an integrated Congo is the will of 
the vast majority of the Congo's 14 million people. 
Not only that, but in Katanga Province itself Mr. 
Tshombe and his regime have enjoyed the support 
of less than half of the population. The Baluba 
tribe, centered in the north, and related subgroups 
alone constitute approximately one-half of a total 
provincial population of 1,650,000 people and have 
been opposed to Mr. Tshombe's regime and its 
secessionist efforts. 

In May 1960 Mr. Tshombe's Conakat party and 
its allies won 27 seats in a provincial assembly of 60 
seats. The Baluba party (Balubakat) and its 
allies won 25 seats. Eight seats were not effectively 
filled because of disputed elections and other 
reasons. Harassed by the Elisabethville govern- 
ment, the Baluba representatives long ago with- 
drew from the provincial legislature, leaving what 
we would call a rump organization. In these cir- 
cumstances the "legislature" is a body which is 
witliin Ml'. Tshombe's control. The question of 
"ratifying'' the Kitona agreement is thus mean- 
ingless, except as a demonstration of what orders 
Mr. Tshombe gives to his deputies. 

In tliis comiection, you may have heard the al- 
legations that the Katanga is the only area of 
order and peace in the Congo. The fact is that 
the Elisabethville regime has forcefully but im- 
successfully sought to impose its will on the Balu- 
bas and the Katanga has been as disturbed as any 
other area of the Congo. An example was the 
massacre at Luena, in which over 200 Baluba 
tribesmen were shot down by Katanga soldiers. 

January 22, T962 

624352—62 3 

Alternative to Reintegration 

But what of the broader picture? 

They have not seen it, but those who have argued 
for Katanga secession have in reality been arguing 
for the destniction of the Republic of the Congo. 
They simply have not faced up to the civil strife 
and economic and political chaos which would then 
overtake 14 million Congolese. They have taken 
no account of the alternative to U.N. action, wliich 
is to see the army of the Leopoldville government 
embark on a direct military attack against 

Make no mistake about this: The rest of the 
Congo is intent upon the return of the Katanga. 
They woidd use force to secure it. No political 
leader would siu^vive who did not support Ka- 
tanga's return. And a very serious disaster could 
easily grow out of civil strife in the Congo. In 
the words of the U.N. Conciliation Commission for 
the Congo, there is the "danger of civil war which 
may well degenerate into a war of genocide be- 
tween different tribes in the Congo." 

To forestall such a calamity is reason enough 
for the United Nations Operation in the Congo. 
Just as important is the prevention of outside mil- 
itaiy intervention which woidd all too probably 
follow such warfare. Those who would denigrate 
the U.N. role in the Congo have not, I fear, reck- 
oned with these alternatives. 

If Katanga leadere in Elisabetliville have suf- 
fered from "local-itis," responsible people outside 
Katanga have a broader obligation. Unfortu- 
nately, this "local-itis"' has been cultivated widely 
in Europe and even heie in the United States by 
a well-financed propaganda machine speaking for 
Mr. Tshombe and against the U.N. 

Central Government of Prime Minister Adoula 

The United Nations — with U.S. support, with 
the support of the great majority of U.N. mem- 
bers, and in direct o^jposition to the Soviet 
Union — slowly built up the basis for a new politi- 
cal consensus in the Congo. This bore fi'uit last 
August, when Parliament met to fomi a new gov- 
ermnent under the strong, moderate, independent 
Prime Minister, Cyrille Adoula. 

The Adoula government gained the adherence 
of all major elements of the Congo body politic, 
excepting Tshombe, although provision was made 
for Katangan representation. Its inauguration 
marked the effective end of the illegal, breakaway 


regime of [Aiitoine] Gizenga, whom the Com- 
munists had sought to make their puppet. It set 
the stage for national integration imder moderate 
government. It signaled the imminent accom- 
plisliment of the U.N.'s emergency task and the 
beginning of a new and hopeful life of recon- 
struction for the Congolese people. 

Mr. Adoula, whom I have met, deserves to be 
much better known. As Secretary Rusk stated 
the other day,'' "Premier Adoula is a man of intel- 
ligence, moderation, and nationwide stature. . . . 
He has made clear liis determination to keep his 
country free from control from any foreign 
quarter." Furthermore, Mr. Adoula has held the 
door open to reconciliation with Mr. Tshombe. 
Senator [Thomas J.] Dodd, who has recently re- 
turned from talks in the Congo with both Mr. 
Adoula and Mr. Tshombe, described both leaders 
as "men of exceptional intelligence and integi'ity" 
who have a great deal in common. It is evident 
that agreement between the two, on the basis of 
one Congo under a national government, is the 
liighroad to ending the present crisis. That is 
why it is so important that Mr. Tshombe and his 
colleagues fulfill the commitment made at Kitona. 

Extremist and Communist Threats 

Tlie effect of Mr. Tshombe's erstwhile course of 
secession was to threaten the survival of the mod- 
erate Adoula government and to strengthen ex- 
tremist elements — Mr. Gizenga in particular — 
who are all too ready to invite hostile outside 
intervention, which could plunge central Africa 
into chaos with the Communists as the only win- 
ners. Mr. Gizenga has not given up his own itch 
for power in the Congo, but he has l>een cut back 
severely in the last 6 months. He has no broad 
political support, and his chief hope has been to 
trade on the issue of Katangan secession and, per- 
haps, civil war. A divided, anarchic Congo would 
be wide open to communism. 

Failure to see this vital role of the Adoula gov- 
ernment has been the great blind spot of those 
for whom it is enough that Mr. Tshombe has 
described his cause as anti-Comnumist. Mr. 
Tshombe is indeed anti-Communist, and this is all 
to the good. But even if one imagines a separate 
Katanga — and even Sir Roy Welensky of tlie 

° For a transcript of Secretary Rusk's news conference 
of DiK-. 8, see ibid., Dec. 25, 19C1, p. 1053. 


Rhodesias has said he sees no future for a separate 
Katanga — the price that would be paid in the rest 
of the Congo would most certainly be chaos, civil 
war, and conditions favorable to Communist pene- 
tration. The world would then have on its hands 
a disaster afl'ecting central Africa and perhaps 
the whole continent. And it would be a very high- 
priced disaster indeed. 

Let me now speak of two important considera- 
tions which deserve a better miderstanding. One 
is the provocations that led up to violence in 
Katanga: the other is the efforts at conciliation 
which have been, and are being, made to resolve 
the crisis. 

Provocations Against UNOC 

At his press conference December 8, Secretary 
Rusk observed, "I think we ought to remind our- 
selves that this recent outbreak of fighting oc- 
curred after several days of harassment by Ka- 
tangese against U.N. personnel, both civilian and 
military." The background is this : 

Since about the middle of November, and prior 
to adoption of the most recent Security Council 
resolution,*' Katanga provincial authorities have 
directed a propaganda campaign of mcreasing 
violence against the U.N. An official Katanga 
communique on November 15 said that "ill-inten- 
tioned officials" of the UN. were "intent on mas- 
sacring the people who have remained faithful 
to the Katanga Government." This is but a sam- 
ple of tlie propaganda of incitement to which the 
U.N. was subjected. 

On November 28, Ivan Smith (Australian) and 
Brian Urquliart (British), the top U.N. officials 
in Elisabethville, wei-e severely beaten by Katanga 
troops in front of Senator Dodd, who was visiting 
Elisabethville at the time. They were rescued 
only by valiant efforts of the American consul. 

On the same day an Indian officer was kidnaped 
and his driver was killed by Katangan troops. 
The officer is still missing, and the worst is feared. 

On December 2, drunken Katangan gendarmes 
molested airport workers and a woman at Elisa- 
bethville airfield. Indian troops disarmed the 
gendarmes, whereupon other Katangan armed ele- 
ments opened fire on the U.N. troops. 

That same evening, a Katangan armored car oc- 

' For text, see ibid., IOCS. 

Department of State Bulletin 

cupied by two Europeans was stationed off the road 
to the airfield and roadblocks were set up by the 
Katanga gendarmery to impede U.N. conununica- 
tions with its headquarters. 

On the night of December 2-3, seven Swedes, 
two Norwegians, and one Argentine, all members 
of the U.N. foi'ces, were abducted by Katanga 

On December 3, the roadblocks were mamied 
again, a U.N. helicopter was fired on, and shoot- 
ing by Katangan gendarmeiy was reported from 
various parts of Elisabethville. 

Also on December 3, Katanga gendarmes fired 
on U.N. personnel attempting to pass a roadblock 
at the tunnel. A private Swedish soldier who was 
driving was killed, and two others were injured. 

On December 4, Katanga paracommandos estab- 
lished roadblocks completely cutting communica- 
tions between UNOC headquarters and the air- 
port. Repeated representations were made to the 
Katangan Foreign Minister, who promised to re- 
move the troops. His orders were not obeyed. 
Early in the afternoon of December 5 Indian 
troops took action to clear the roadblocks. 

That is when the first serious action began. 

That is the background to the reinforcement of 
U.N. forces in Katanga, which the United States 
assisted by providing planes for an airlift. 

Since Mr. Tshombe is a man of some responsi- 
bility, how can we account for these provocations ? 

The reason is that local political extremists and 
some 400 foreign mercenaries, men of the worst 
reputation, sought to convince Mr. Tshombe that 
through use of force he could maintain the Ka- 
tanga as a separate state. These individuals de- 
liberately initiated violence and fomented activi- 
ties designed to frustrate the peacemaking efforts 
of the U.N. 

Their handiwork is also responsible for much 
of the harassment of U.N. forces, by sniping and 
hit-and-rim raids, which has been reported since 
Mr. Tshombe took off for Kitona. The U.N. had 
issued a hold-fire at that point. The mercenaries 
obviously stand to lose in a reconciliation of the 
Congolese people. They have not hesitated to 
keep the provocations going. The Katanga propa- 
ganda machine has thus had the material to fabri- 
cate horrendous tales of indiscriminate mayhem 
by U.N. troops. Actually, casualty figures have 
been held down only by virtue of U.N. restraint 
and discipline, which has been very good. 

Conciliation Efforts 

Now, what of steps taken by the U.N., with U.S. 
support, to achieve peaceful reconciliation of Ka- 
tanga with the Congo central government ? 

Attempts at reconciliation go back to July of 
1960. In that summer the American consul in 
Elisabethville made repeated attempts to convince 
Mr. Tshombe that the only future for Katanga 
lay in its reintegration with the Congo. No terms 
were suggested; the nature of the political ar- 
rangements was to be left to negotiations between 
the two parties. Such efforts, by us and by the 
U.N., continued in succeeding months. 

In March 1961, the U.S. and other Western gov- 
ermnents applauded the results of the provisional 
conference at Tananarive, which seemed to foretell 
the restoration of Congolese unity. We heartily 
approved Mr. Tshombe's attendance at the con- 
ference at Coquilhatville in April 1961 which was 
to work out the constitutional pattern in more 
detail. We were distressed when the breakdown 
of this conference led to his detention at Coquil- 
hatville and later at Leopoldville. However, on 
June 25, after being liberated and then promising 
to jom with other Congolese factions in establish- 
ing a central government and participating in the 
reconvening of Parliament, Mr. Tshombe returned 
to Elisabethville. But once there, Mr. Tshombe 
repudiated the agreements he had made in Leo- 

When in July it became apparent that a new 
central government was indeed going to be formed 
through legal meetings of Parliament at Leopold- 
ville, the U.N. — and among othere the U.S., Bel- 
gium, and Britain — made repeated efforts to con- 
vince Mr. Tshombe to send his parliamentarians 
to Leopoldville. Despite guarantees of protection, 
Mr. Tshombe refused. The Adoula government 
was fonned by all major political elements in the 
Congo, excepting only the Tshombe group. 

During the fighting in Elisabethville from Sep- 
tember 13 to 20, Secretary-General Hammarskjold 
himself came to the Congo in a new attempt at 
reconciliation. He lost his life while on a mission 
to accomplish a cease-fire and lay the foundation 
for political negotiations. 

On September 26, our consul delivered to Mr. 
Tshombe a written statement in which we hailed 
the cease-fire and the end of bloodshed and 
pointed out the advantages of restoring the po- 
litical and economic situation of Katanga by en- 

January 22, J 962 


tering into a satisfactorily negotiated settlement 
with the central government. As in the past, 
Tshombe's reaction to tliis suggestion was 

Finally, in the period between the firet and sec- 
ond U.N.-Katangan conflicts in Elisabethville, 
President Kennedy asked Mr. [ W. Averell] Harri- 
man to meet Mr. Tshombe in Switzerland and to 
underline the importance which we attach to rec- 
onciliation in the Congo. Ambassador Harriman 
did indeed attempt to convince Mr. Tshombe that 
the Congo situation demanded that negotiations 
take place as soon as possible. Moreover, when 
Senator Dodd visited Elisabethville in November, 
he also attempted without success to achieve this 
same objective. 

The re<?ord, I believe, is clear that we want and 
have actively sought peaceful reconciliation in the 
Congo. There has been no thought whatever on 
our part, or on that of United Nations officials of 
destroying Mr. Tshombe. Certainly tliis has 
been shown by our facilitation of the meeting of 
Mr. Tshombe with Prime Mmister Adoula at Ki- 
tona December 19-21. We have, of course, been 
gravely concerned over the casualties and loss of 
life that have occurred in Elisal>ethville, since we 
believe that peace and tranquillity in the Congo 
are necessary for fruitful negotiations. The bur- 
den of this need falls heavily on Mr. Tshombe and 
those around hun at the present time. 

Summing Up 

What is called the Katanga question is really 
the Congo question in one of its major aspects. 
Perhaps I should add that the Congo question is 
also the question of peace, stability, and progress 
for all of central Africa. With these points in 
mind, let me sum up United States policy in this 
wliole matter. 

That policy has been consistent support of the 
United Nations mission, which has prevented 
cliaos and war in the Congo. 

That policy recognizes the integrity of the Con- 
go as one nation. Not one of our allies nor any 
other nation differs with us in that attitude, and 
all have publicly called for an end to Katangan 

That policy was borne out by the eclipse of the 
Soviet-supported Stanleyville regime of Gizonga 
and the formation of a moderate, fully legitimate 
government at Leopoldville last August. 

That policy seeks the alinement of Katanga's 
strength and resources alongside those forces in 
the rest of the Congo wluch are anxious to build 
a thorouglily independent nation, secure from in- 
tei-nal subversion and outside intervention. The 
Kitona agreement provides for such a result. 

That policy, building for a secure Congo na- 
tion, has thwarted Soviet designs. 

The record is thus one of painful progress, but 
progress nonetheless. The price of that progress 
in the Congo may seem high. But it would look 
trivial lieside the cost that would come with the 
alternative of civil war at the strategic center of 
Africa. The only winners in such a war would 
be those forces in the world which always thrive 
on chaos. 

So it is fair to say that a great deal is at stake 
in the Congo. The challenge has been tremendous. 
It will continue to be tremendous. All the more 
reason, then, to face it squarely, not to waver but 
instead to see things through as liefits United 
States leadership in the cause of freedom and 

United Nations Affairs 
Discussed by U.S. and U.K. 

Press release 7 dated January 3 

Consultations on United Nations affaii-s will 
take place tetween U.S. and U.K. officials at 
Washington, D.C., on January 11-13, 1962. 

The meetings are part of the normal consulta- 
tions between the two Goverimients and have been 
scheduled to take advantage of the recess of the 
16th session of the U.N. General Assembly, which 
resumes on Januaiy 15. 

U.S. participants in the discussions will include 
Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson, permanent rep- 
resentative of the United States at the United Na- 
tions, and Harlan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary 
of State for International Organization Affairs. 
They will be joined by other appropriate U.S. 

The United Kingdom will be represented at the 
talks by a delegation arriving from London which 
includes Duncan Wilson, Assistant Secretary for 
United Nations Affaire. Sir Patrick Dean, Am- 
bassador of the United Kingdom to the United 
Nations, will also participate and Sir David Orms- 
by Gore, U.K. Ambassador to the United States, 
will attend some sessions. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The consultations will deal with current U.N. 
issues, including ways of improving the function- 
ing of the United Nations under the charter. 

U.S. and Viet-Nam Expand 
Economic Development Programs 

Joint Communique 

Press release 8 dated January 4 

The Government of Viet-Nam and the United 
States Government annoimce a broad economic 
and social program aimed at providing every 
Vietnamese with the means for improving his 
standard of living. This program represents an 
intensification and expansion of efforts already 
made for the same purpose during the past few 

Social facilities in the fields of education and 
health will be established throughout the country. 
Roads, communications and agricultural facilities 
will be developed to bring increasing prosperity to 
the people. 

Measures to strengthen South Viet-Nam's de- 
fense in the military field are being taken simul- 
taneously pursuant to the recent exchange of let- 
ters between President Kennedy and President 

All of these steps — economic, social, military — 
demonstrate the desire of both the United States 
and Vietnamese Governments to do tlieir utmost 
to improve the protection and prosperity of the 
Vietnamese in the face of Communist guerrilla 
aggression and depredations directed and sup- 
ported by the Communist regime in Hanoi. 

The Vietnamese and American Governments 
have worked out a comprehensive program as a 
follow-up to the study made by a joint group of 
experts under the leadership of Professor Vu 
Quoc Time of Viet-Nam and Dr. A. Eugene Staley 
of the United States, as well as later studies. 
Some measures have already been started. Others 
are in the advanced planning stage and will soon 
be underway. 

The United States Government is furnishing 
additional aid to assist the Government of Viet- 
Nam in maintaining a level of essential imports 
which the Government of Viet-Nam could not 
otherwise finance. Priority will be given to im- 
ports required to meet the needs of the people, in- 

' BuixETiN of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 13. 
January 22, 7962 

eluding the means of developing industries of 
Viet-Nam, and luxury goods will be excluded in 
accordance with current conditions of austerity. 
The Vietnamese Government, as recently an- 
nounced, has taken steps to increase greatly the 
piaster resources available to it for financing the 
piaster costs of security, economic and social 

With this combination of dollars and piasters, 
the Government of Viet-Nam, with United States 
material and advisory support, will carry out the 
following programs at village and hamlet levels 
and in cities: 

1. Training facilities for village officials will be 
set up to improve administration where govern- 
ment has the closest contact with the people. 

2. The rural health program will be further 
developed. Maternity clinics have already been 
established in over half of the districts and first 
aid stations in about two-thirds of the villages. 
The objective is to extend this progi-am to achieve 
100 percent coverage. A nationwide program of 
inoculations against diphtlieria, tetanus and 
whooping cough will be started. These programs 
will be concentrated in the near future in areas 
relatively free of Viet Cong domination and will 
be extended to other areas as Viet Cong are 

3. The education program will also be expanded. 
Public primary schools have increased from 1,191 
in 1954 to 4,668 in 1961. Over the same period the 
number of students has grown from 330,000 to 
1,100,000. The goal is to extend primary schools 
to every village in the country. As with rural 
health facilities, the immediate aim is to expedite 
the extension of primary schools to all those vil- 
lages in areas relatively free of Viet Cong and to 
extend them to villages in other areas as Com- 
munist guen-illas are eliminated. 

4. Village communications are being developed, 
both to enable receipt of radio programs broad- 
cast over the National Radio System (now near- 
ing completion), and to provide the means for 
village communication with district headquarters. 
Such a communications system will make it pos- 
sible to make emergency calls of any nature — for 
example, for emergency medical assistance. 

5. New roads are being built to link rural com- 
munities with main highways and, in turn, with 
provincial and national centers. This program, 
already imderway in many areas, will make it 


easier to ferret out Viet Cong guerrillas at the 
same time it lays potential for improving the lot 
of loyal citizens. 

6. Adequate funds will be available to support 
and expand the agricultural credit system. It has 
already functioned successfully in many parts of 
the country, and as security is restored an in- 
creasing number of farmers will be al)le to borrow 
money cheaply in order to increase their produc- 
tion and income. 

7. The program to control pests and insects, 
especially in central Viet-Nam where they have 
ravaged rice crops for the past two years, is ready 
to be launched on an extensive scale. It should 
materially improve the livelihood of peasants in 
the areas affected. 

8. Special efforts will also be taken to enable the 
montagnard population in the High Plateau to 
share progress in this region with their Vietnamese 
compatriots. Kesettlement will be accelerated 
where necessary to remove the population from 
Viet Cong pressures. Increased resources avail- 
able to the Government of Viet-Nam will assist 
in the construction of resettlement villages and 
will permit helping inhabitants where necessary 
until they become self-supporting. Many of tlie 
Land Development Centers created during the past 
few years are now flourishing areas producing new 
crops like kenaf and ramie, and people living in 
them enjoy a bigger income than before. Sim- 
ilar prospects exist for new resettlement centers 
for montagnards, to which village improvements 
in health, education and communications will be 

9. Special efforts will be directed at reconstruc- 
tion in flood-stricken regions in the Mekong Del- 
ta. These will include regroupment of people into 
new villages to which health, education and com- 
munications benefits will be extended. Road and 
canal constmction will also be involved. 

10. Extensive programs of public works will be 
undertaken to help relieve unemployment. 

11. Industrial development which has been 
marked in the past two years will continue. In 
the field of cotton textiles, for example, a further 
investment of $0 million will go far toward mak- 
ing Viet-Nam nearly self-sufficient in cotton cloth. 
At the same time it will provide living for thou- 
■sands of workers. 

Increased United States assistance for both im- 
mediate economic and social measures and longer 

range development reflects the confidence of the 
United States Government in the future of free 
Viet-Nam. Both the Vietnamese and United 
States Governments also welcome the support and 
assistance of other Governments in carrying for- 
ward these programs for insuring the freedom of 
Viet-Nam and increasing the prosperity of the 
Vietnamese people. 

U.S. Delegation to U.S.-Japan 
Cultural Conference Meets 

The Department of State announced on Janu- 
ary 5 (press release 12) that the American delega- 
tion to the Joint United States-Japan Conference 
on Cultural and Educational Interchange, which 
begins a 1-week meeting at Tokyo on January 25,^ 
held its organization meeting at the Japan Society 
in New York on that day. 

Philip H. Coombs, Assistant Secretary of State 
for Educational and Cultural Affairs and a mem- 
ber of the U.S. delegation, told the group that, 
"building a broader bridge of understanding be- 
tween these two great cultures is an imdertaking 
not only for the governments but more impor- 
tantly for colleges and universities, professional 
societies, labor unions, private foundations, and 
other nongovernmental organizations." 

In outlining plans for the conference Mr. 
Coombs noted that "few, if any, measures are more 
important in our relations with the Japanese peo- 
ple than expanding and strengthening our educa- 
tional and cultural ties. "We have already come a 
long way since the end of the Pacific war in 
broadening this bridge of understanding and in- 
creasing the ti-affic on it in both directions through 
cultural and educational interchange.'' 

The conference, the first of its kind in United 
States-Japanese history, is the third arising under 
an agreement reached by President Kennedy and 
Prime Minister Ikeda at Washington early last 
summer. - Conferences in the economic ' and sci- 
entific ■* spheres have been held in recent weeks. 

Hugh Borton has been named chairman of the 
American delegation. Serving witli him, besides 

' For lui announcement of the meeting, see Buixetin of 
Jan. !.->, 1902, p. 09. 

'/()i(f.. .TulylO. 19G1, p. 57. 
' /f)iVf., Nov. 27, 1901, p. 890. 
' Ihid., Jan. 8, 1962, p. 60. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Mr. Coombs, will be: Aaron Copland, Charles B. 
Fahs, Clarence H. Faust, Sterling!; M. McMurrin, 
Douglas Overton, Edwin O. Eeischauer, Arthur 
Schlesinger, Jr., Thomas C. Sorensen, Willard 
Thorp, and Robert Penn Warren. 

Mr. Copland will conduct a perfomiance of the 
Japan Philharmonic Symphony Orchestra in 
Tokyo. A chamber music program, with Mr. Cop- 
land at the piano, is also being planned. Lectures 
before university assemblies and other educational 
and cultural groups have been scheduled by 
Messrs. Borton, Fahs, Faust, Overton, Thorp, and 
Warren, and others are likely to be added. Mr. 
Warren will deliver two lectures under the aus- 
pices of the American Literature Society at the 
Japan-American Cultural Center, the first on 
20tli-century American literature and the second 
on his own works. 

AID Approves Loan 

for Korean Power Project 

Press release 92.3 dated December 30. for release December 31 

Fowler Hamilton, Administrator of the State 
Department's Agency for International Develop- 
ment, announced on December 31 the approval of 
a $20,900,000 loan for a power project in Korea. 
It will be repaid in dollars. 

The loan will be made to the Government of 
Korea and be used by the Government-controlled 
Korea Electric Co. (5, 2-KA Namdeamoon-EO, 
Chung-Ku, Seoul). The company will spend 
the money in the United States for goods and 
services needed to establish and put in operation 
a 132,000-kilowatt thennal generating plant at 
Kamchon-ri, a suburb of Pusan. 

Participating in the financing of the project is 
International General Electric, a division of Gen- 
eral Electric Co., which will provide a credit of 
about $3,500,000 in foreign exchange. IGE is the 
prime contractor for the project and is responsible 
for construction and the provision of all non- 
Korean goods and services. IGE has retained the 
Bechtel Corp. to perform consulting engineering 

The Pusan plant will include two 66,000-kilo- 
watt turbine-generator units plus the necessary 
auxiliary facilities. It will use primarily Korean 
anthracite coal, delivered to the plant's dock by 
seagoing barges. The project includes the trans- 

mission lines and substations needed to (icli\er 
power into the company's system. 

Mr. Hamilton explained that Korea faces a 
shortage of generating capacity, expected to reach 
about 240,000 kilowatts by next year. This short- 
age has limited industrial expansion and ham- 
pered economic growth. Many industries have 
been forced to operate at levels considerably below- 
capacity. Consequently, he said, the expansion 
of power-generating capacity has been given top 
priority in Korea's development planning. 

The project will help Korea cari-y out its re- 
cently drafted first 5-year plan for economic de- 
velopment. Among the goals of this plan are an 
increase in the gi'owth rate from the present 4.7 
percent to about 7 percent, a 50-percent reduction 
in unemployment, and a reduction of the coimtry's 
large balance-of-payments deficit. 

The Korean Govermnent also is undertaking a 
number of self-help measures aimed at strengthen- 
ing the economy. Among other things, it is seek- 
ing to strengthen the tax system, mobilize private 
savings, and reduce governmental expenditures. 

The Korea Electric Co. was formed last July 
by consolidating three separate companies and 
is now the only power company in Korea. The 
Governnient owns 84 percent of the stock; the 
remainder is held mostly by Korean corporations 
and individuals. 

The AID loan will be repayable over a period 
of 40 years. 

Fowler Hamilton To Inspect 
AID Efforts in Far East 

The Department of State announced on Janu- 
ary 3 (press release 6) that Fowler Hamilton, 
Administrator of the Agency for International 
Development, would leave on January 4 for a 2- 
week inspection trip through the Far East, in the 
course of which he will examine the progress of 
AID efforts in that area at first liand and confer 
with AID personnel in the Orient. 

Mr. Hamilton, on this fii-st of a series of trips 
which he plans to make to all areas in which AID 
conducts major operations, will be accompanied 
by Henry Koren, Director of the Office of South- 
east Asian Affairs, Department of State, William 
Ellis, AID program officer for the Far East, and 
Stephen Ives, his exe<?utive assistant. 

He will visit Tokyo on January 6, 7, and 8; 

January 22, 1962 


Seoul on January 9 and 10; Taipei on January 11 
and 12 ; Hong Kong on January 13 and 14 ; Saigon 
on Januaiy 15 and 16 ; Bangkok on January 18 ; 
and Manila on January 19. 

U.S. and Mexico To Study Salinity 
of Colorado River Water 


Presa release 900 dated December 21 

The Department of State has received a num- 
ber of inquiries about the salinity of water being 
delivered to Mexico under the water treaty of 
February 3, 1944,^ between the United States and 

The treaty guarantees delivery of 1,500,000 acre- 
feet of water to Mexico each year imder normal 
circumstances out of the waters of the Colorado 
River, from any and all sources. 

According to information received by the De- 
partment, this winter farmers in the Mexicali 
Valley of Mexico do not desire to accept the water 
being delivered and have largely withheld plant- 
ing their wheat crop because they believe that the 
saline content of the water now being delivered 
makes the water unusable for the irrigation of 
wheat. In November the Government of Mexico 
expressed its concern to the Department of State 
over this matter. 

The United States considers that it is fully 
complying with its obligations under the treaty, 
which placed no obligation on the United States 
to deliver any specified quality of water. It was 
widely understood at the time the treaty was con- 
cluded that the saline condition of the water might 
increase as a result of the development of the Colo- 
rado River basin and that a large portion of the 
delivered water, especially during the winter 
months, would be saline drainage and return flows 
from irrigation projects. 

Nevertheless, because of the concern expressed 

' 59 Stat. 1219. 

by the Government of Mexico, the Departments 
of State and the Interior have been urgently seek- 
ing a solution to this problem since it was first 
brought to their attention. Each of the two De- 
partments, as a part of the study, has appointed 
an independent consulting engineer to consider 
this problem on an emergency basis. They are 
already engaged in their factfinding mission. 
They will be assisted in their work by engineers 
from the United States Section of the Interna- 
tional Boundary and Water Commission and the 
Department of the Interior. The Departments of 
State and the Interior hope to have a report from 
these consultants within a few days and at that 
time will be able to determine whether steps can 
be taken to alleviate the problem. 


Press release 920 dated December 29 

Agreement has been reached with Mexico that 
it will, without increasing its total annual allot- 
ment, schedule larger than normal deliveries of 
Colorado River water in January and February 
1962 as a means of reducmg the salinity of the 
water currently being delivered to farms in the 
Mexicali Valley, the Departments of State and 
Interior announced jointly today. 

In so doing, Mexican authorities have requested, 
and the United States has agreed, that the Re- 
public of Mexico be permitted discretion in modi- 
fying the February schedule of water deliveries on 
shorter notice than the 30 days or by more than 
the 20 percent that are mentioned in the Mexican 
water treaty. Other provisions of the treaty will 
not be affected. 

Both Governments reserve their legal positions 
under the treaty and, in the spirit of mutual good 
will and imderstanding which has traditionally 
existed between the United States and Mexico, will 
enter at once into intensive discussions seeking to 
resolve all questions at issue and to explore every 
possibility of removing the basic problem for the 


Department of Stale Bulletin 


Security Council Considers Situation in Goa; 
Soviet Veto Bars Call for Cease-Fire 

Following are three statements made in the Se- 
(nirity Council on December 18 hy Adlai E. 
Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the United Na- 
tions, during debate on the situation in Goa. 


U.S./D.N. press release 3S97 

I should like to express the views of the United 
States at this fateful hour in the life of the United 
Nations. I will not detain you long but long 
enough, I hope, to make clear our anxiety for the 
future of this Organization as a result of this 

Wlien acts of \dolence take place between nations 
in this dangerous world, no matter where they 
occur or for what cause, there is reason for alarm. 
The news from Goa tells of such acts of violence. 
It is alarming news, and m our judgment the 
Security Council has an urgent duty to act in the 
interests of international peace and security. 

We know, as the world knows and as has been 
said countless times in the General Assembly and 
the Security Council, that the winds of change are 
blowing all over the world. But the winds of 
change are manmade, and man can and must con- 
trol them. They must not be allowed to become 
the bugles of war. 

Our charter begins with the determination "to 
save succeeding generations from the scourge of 
war" and pledges its members to "practice toler- 
ance and live together with one another as good 

In that connection it deserves to be said that all 
of us at the United Nations owe much to India. 
The largest contingent in the United Nations effort 
to establish peace in the Congo are the troops of 
India. India has also contributed of its resources 
in the Middle East. Few nations have done more 

to uphold the principles of this Organization or 
to support its peacemaking efforts all over the 
world, and none have espoused nonviolence more 
vehemently and invoked the peaceful symbolism of 
Gandhi more frequently. That nation is led by a 
man whom I regard as a friend, who has been a 
lifelong disciple of one of the world's great saints 
of peace, whom many have looked up to as an 
apostle of nonviolence, and who only this year ad- 
dressed this Assembly with a moving appeal for a 
United Nations Year of International Coopera- 

These facts make the step which has been taken 
today all the harder to understand and to condone. 
The fact is — and the Indian Government has an- 
nounced it — that Indian armed forces early this 
morning (December 18) marched into the Portu- 
guese territories of Goa, Damao, and Diu. Damao 
and Diu have been occupied, and there is fighting 
at this moment within the territory of Goa. 

Here we are, Mr. President, confronted with the 
shocking news of this armed attack and that the 
Indian Minister of Defense [V. K. Krishna 
Menon] , so well known in these halls for his advice 
on matters of peace and his tireless enjoinders to 
everyone else to seek the way of compromise, was 
on the borders of Goa inspecting his troops at the 
zero hour of invasion. 

Let us be perfectly clear what is at stake here, 
gentlemen. It is the question of the use of armed 
force by one state against another and against its 
will, an act clearly forbidden by the charter. We 
have opposed such action in the past by our closest 
friends as well as by others. We opposed it in 
Korea in 1950, in Suez and in Hungary in 1956, in 
the Congo in 1960, and we do so again in Goa in 

The facts in this case are unfortunately all too 
clear. These territories have been under Portu- 
guese dominion for over four centuries. They 

January 22, 1962 


have been invaded by Indian armed forces. The 
Government of India regards these territories as 
having the same status as the territories of Britain 
and France on the subcontinent from which those 
countries have vohmtarily -withdrawn. The Gov- 
ernment of India has insisted that Portugal like- 
wise withdraw. Portugal has refused, maintain- 
ing that it has a legal and moral right to these 

Mr. President, we have repeatedly urged both of 
the parties to this dispute to seek by peaceful 
processes the resolution of a problem which has its 
roots in the colonial past. 

I do not at this time propose to concern myself 
with the merits of this dispute. We are not meet- 
ing here today to decide the merits of this case. 
We are meeting to decide what attitude should be 
taken in this body when one of the members of 
these United Nations casts aside the principles 
of the charter and seeks to resolve a dispute by 

But, Mr. President, what is at stake today is 
not colonialism. It is a bold violation of one of 
the most basic principles of the United Nations 
Charter, stated in these words from article 2, 
paragraph 4 : 

All Members shall refrain in their international re- 
lations from the threat or use of force against the 
territorial integrity or political independence of any state, 
or In any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes 
of the United Nations. 

We realize fully the depths of the differences 
between India and Portugal concerning the future 
of Goa. We realize that India maintains that 
Goa by rights should belong to India. Doubtless 
India would hold, therefore, that its action today 
is aimed at a just end. But if our charter means 
anything it means that states are obligated to re- 
nounce the use of force, are obligated to seek a 
solution of their differences by peaceful means, 
are obligated to utilize the procedures of the 
United Nations when other peaceful means have 
failed. Prime Minister Nehru himself has often 
said that no riglit end can be served by a wrong 
means. The Indian tradition of nonviolence has 
inspired the whole world, but this act of force 
with which we are confronted today mocks the 
faith of India's frequent declarations of exalted 
principle. It is a lamentable (leparture not only 
from the charter but from India's own profes- 
sions of faith. 

What is the world to do if every state whose 

territorial claims are unsatisfied should resort with 
impunity to the rule of armed might to get its 
way? The Indian subcontinent is not the only 
place in the world where such disputes exist. 

The fabric of peace is fragile, and our peace- 
making machinery has today suffered another 
blow. If it is to survive, if the United Nations is 
not to die as ignoble a death as the League of Na- 
tions, we cannot condone the use of force in tliis 
instance and thus pave the way for forceful solu- 
tions of other disputes which exist in Latin 
America, Africa, Asia, and Europe. In a world 
as interdependent as ours, the possible results of 
such a trend are too grievous to contemplate. 

This action is all the more painful to my coun- 
try because we have in recent weeks made repeated 
appeals to the Government of India to refrain 
from the use of force. Tliis has included not only 
a series of diplomatic approaches in Washington 
and in New Delhi but also a personal message 
from President Kennedy ^ to Prime ^linister 
Nehru on December 13 indicating our earnest hope 
that India would not resort to force to solve the 
Goa problem. 

As a culmination of these efforts, the United 
States Government last Saturday [December 16] 
made an appeal to Prime Minister Nehru, both 
through the United States Ambassador in New 
Delhi and through the Indian Ambassador in 
Washington, to suspend preparations for the use 
of force in connection with a direct offer of United 
States help in seeking a peaceful solution to the 
problem. This resort to armed action is a blow to 
international institutions such as our Unite<l Na- 
tions, the International Court of Justice, which 
are available to assist in the adjustment of 

This is our principal concern. This body cannot 
apply a double standard with regard to tlie prin- 
ciple of resort to force. We appeal to India to 
recognize that its own national interests, as well as 
those of the entire world community, dejiond on 
the restoration of confidence in the pro<'osses of 
law and conciliation in international affairs. In- 
deed, Mr. President, this tragic episode reveals 
clearly — if nothing else — the need for urgent re- 
view of peacef id settlement procedures to deal with 
the problems of peaceful cliange. The United 
States will have more to say about this at an ap- 
propriate otx'asion. 

' Not printed. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The Council has an urtrent duty, in our judg- 
ment, to bring this dispute back from the battle- 
field, so fraught with danger for the world, to the 
negotiating table. We earnestly urge the Govern- 
ment of India to withdraw its armed forces from 
the territoi'ies which they have invaded. We ear- 
nestly appeal for a cease-fire. And we earnestly 
urge the Governments of India and of Portugal to 
enter into negotiations to achieve a solution. We 
must ask for an immediate cease-fire, in our judg- 
ment ; we must insist on withdrawal of the invad- 
ing forces; and we must insist that the two parties 
negotiate on the basis of the principles of the 

The law of the charter forbids the use of force 
in such matters. There is not one law for one part 
of the world and another law for the rest of the 
world. There is one law for the whole world, and 
it is, in our judgment, the duty of this Council to 
uphold it. 


U.S./U.N. press release 3S98 

Mr. President, a decision in this case is so urgent 
that I should like to proceed with the introduction 
of a resolution with only a few further words. 

It is clear as crystal on the basis of the facts in 
the complaint that the issue before the Security 
Council is not the right or the wrong of Portugal's 
colonial policy. It is the right or the wrong of 
one nation seeking to change an existing political 
and legal situation by the use of anned force. 
That is expressly forbidden in the charter. There 
are no exceptions, except self-defense. And can 
anyone believe that huge India is acting in self- 
defense against this almost defenseless little 
territory ? 

The history that lies behind today's events is 
well known. We know, as the world knows, and 
as has been said countless times in the General 
Assembly and in the Security Council, and as I 
said this afternoon, the winds of change are blow- 
ing all over the world. And surely areas under 
Portuguese control are not immune to those winds. 
But I repeat that these winds of change are man- 
made and man can and must control them in the 
interests of the security of all of us. They must 
not blow us into war. And that is the point at is- 
sue here. 

Evidently I must remind the Ambassador of 

India that the United States stand on colonial 
questions is forthright and we make no apology for 
it. We wholeheartedly believe in progress in self- 
government and in self-determination for colonial 
and dependent peoples. In the past year we have 
supported many efl'orts to bring about progress in 
colonial questions, including two resolutions in this 
Council on Angola ^ and a resolution in tlie Gen- 
eral Assembly on Portuguese non-self-governing 
territories.' Here in the Security Council last 
March when we considered the question of Angola, 
speaking for the United States I said that * 

The United States would be remiss ... if it failed to 
express honestly its conviction that step-by-step planning 
within Portuguese territories and its acceleration is now 
imperative for the successful political and economic and 
social advancement of all inhabitants . . . advancement, in 
brief, toward full self-determination. 

We have not altered that stand. And after 
listening to some declarations here that the in- 
habitants of Goa want freedom from Portugal and 
that it is India's right and duty to use force to 
liberate them, I am obliged to remind the members 
of the Council that there are a lot of people in the 
world, in East Germany and all the way from the 
Baltic to the Black Sea, who want their freedom 

Do I detect in this debate an implication that a 
country such as the United States, for example, is 
not really anticolonial unless it approves the aboli- 
tion of colonies by international armed attack ? If 
so, the United States delegation totally rejects this 
implication. We are against colonialism, and we 
are against war. We are for the charter. And the 
overwhelming testimony of recent histoiy upholds 
the force and the realism of this position. 

I have been struck by two contentions made in 
defense of India's use of force here : first, that Goa 
is a colony or non-self-governing territory and, 
therefore, somehow force is permissible to be em- 
ployed against it; second, that Portugal has not 
relinquished control of Goa pursuant to a recom- 
mendation contained in Resolution 1514^ and, 
therefore, that force is permissible to be used 
against it, that it is not India but Portugal that is 
the aggressor. Let me comment on these conten- 
tions in turn. 

"For texts, see Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 499, and 
July 10, 1961, p. 89. 

'V.N. doc. A/RE S/1699( XVI). 

* Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 497. 

' For text, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 27. 

January 22, 7962 


The fii-st fact is that if Goa and its dependencies 
are a colony or a non-self-governing territory of 
Portugal, they are not under the sovereignty of 
India. In fact the Assembly last year decided just 
that in Resolution 1542. It affirmed that Goa is a 
non-self-governing territory of Portugal on which 
Portugal was required to report. And those who 
have taken other positions this afternoon sup- 
ported that resolution at that time. It is not a 
question of whether Goa should or should not be 
under Portuguese authority. As a matter of ob- 
vious fact and of international law, it is under 
Portuguese authority. This being the case, India 
cannot lawfully use force against Goa, especially 
when the peaceful means in the charter have not 
been exhausted. 

And the claim that Portugal is the aggressor and 
not India because it has not followed the recom- 
mendation of Resolution 1514 requires an even 
greater exertion of the imagination. We support 
that resolution, and we hope that it will be intel- 
ligently carried out. The Assembly has again 
acted with our support to the same end tlus year. 
But Resolution 1514 does not authorize the use of 
force for its implementation. It does not, and it 
should not, and it cannot under the charter. If it 
did, the resolution would lead to international 
chaos, not to national progress. Resolution 1514 
does not and cannot overrule the charter injmic- 
tions against the use of armed force. It would not 
have been adopted if it had attempted to do so. 
It gives no license to violate the charter's funda- 
mental principle: that all members shall settle 
their international disputes by peaceful means, 
that all members shall refrain from the threat or 
use of force against any other state. 

As I have said, I do not propose at this time to 
express judgment on the merits of the territorial 
disputes between India and Portugal. They seem 
to me irrelevant. However, even if the United 
States were supporting entirely the Indian posi- 
tion on the merits, we should nevertheless be firmly 
opposed to the use of force to settle the question. 
The charter in its categorical prohibition of the 
use of force in the settlement of intei-national dis- 
putes makes no exceptions, no reservations. The 
charter does not say all members shall settle their 
international disputes by peaceful means except in 
cases of colonial areas. It says again and again 
throughout its text that the basic principle of the 
United Nations is the maintenance of peace, not 

only peace in Europe or peace in America but 
peace in Africa, peace in Asia, peace everywhere. 

We know that it is the doctrine of the Soviet 
Union, as the Soviet delegate made clear again 
today, that while war in general may be repre- 
hensible, what they call "wars of liberation" and 
Coiimiunist revolutions to overthrow existing gov- 
erimients are quite another breed and permissible, 
even desirable. Now there have in the past been 
many wars of liberation, of territorial conquest, 
depending on your choice of words. But our 
charter was drafted in the recognition of the grim 
fact that in our times war is indivisible, that a 
war of liberation from colonialism is as likely as 
any other to lead to a world conflagration and 
that the only way to insure that mankind is spared 
that catastrophe is strictly, firmly, and consistently 
to oppose the use of force in international dis- 
putes, wherever it may occur and however it may 
be justified. 

I therefore submit the following resolution ® 
and urge the Council to adopt it promptly. In 
collaboration with the United Kingdom, with 
France, and with Turkey, it reads as follows : 

The Sccuritp Council, 

Recalling that in Article 2 of the Charter all mem- 
bers are obligated to settle their disputes by jieaceful 
means and to refrain from the threat or use of force in 
a manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United 

Deploring the use of force by India in Goa, Damao and 

Recalling that Article 1(2) of the Charter specifies as 
one of the purposes of the United Nations to develop 
friendly relations among nations based on respect for 
the principle of equal rights and self-determination of 

1. Calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities ; 

2. Calls upon the Government of India to withdraw its 
forces immediately to positions prevailing before 17 De- 
cember 1961 ; 

3. Urges the parties to work out a permanent solution 
of their differences by peaceful means in accordance with 
the principles embodied in the charter ; 

4. Requests the Secretary-General to provide such as- 
sistance as may be appropriate. 

I hope very much that the Security Council can 
proceed this evening to vote on this and such other 
resolutions as may be before it. 

[In a further Intervention. Ambassador Stevenson stated:] 

Mr. President, I see no need whatsoever for any 
further delay in reachmg a vote. This is an 

" S/5033. 


Department of State Bulletin 

urgent and pressing matter. This is war. People 
are being killed. My delegation's proposal at 
least is for a cease-fire, for the restoration of nor- 
mal conditions in this territory and a resumption 
of negotiations. It would seem to me that it is 
clear from what has been said here that we are 
all ready in fact to take a decision on these two 
resolutions tonight, and I would urge that we 
proceed to do so.' 


U.S. /O.N. press release 3900 

Mr. President, I am the only delegate, I think, 
at this table who was present at the birth of this 
Organization. Tonight we are witnessing the 
first act in a drama which could end witli its 
death. The League of Nations died, I remind 
you, when its members no longer resisted the use 
of aggressive force. So it is, sir, with a most 
heavy heart that I must add a word of epilog 
to this fateful discussion, by far the most im- 
portant in which I have participated since this 
Organization was founded 16 years ago. The 
failure of the Security Council to call for a cease- 
fire tonight in these simple circumstances is a fail- 
ure of the United Nations. The veto of the 
Soviet Union is consistent with its long role of 
obstruction. But I find the attitude of some other 
members of the Coimcil profoundly disturbing 
and ominous because we have witnessed tonight 
an effort to rewrite the charter, to sanction the 
use of force in international relations when it 
suits one's own purposes. This approach can 
only lead to chaos and to the disintegration of the 
United Nations. 

The United States appeals again to the Gov- 
ernment of India to abandon its use of force, to 
withdraw its forces. We appeal to both parties 
again to negotiate their differences. This is the 
course prescribed by the charter. It is the course 

' On Dec. 18 the Security Council voted on two draft 
resolutions. A draft resolution (S/o032), cosponsored by 
Ceylon, Liberia, and tile U.A.R., calling for the rejection 
of the Portuguese complaint of aggression against India 
and calling upon Portugal "to terminate hostile actions 
and to co-operate with India in the liquidation of her 
colonial possessions in India," was rejected by a vote of 
4 in favor and 7 against (U.S.). A draft resolution 
(S/.5033), cosponsored by France, Turkey, the U.K., and 
the U.S., received 7 votes in favor and 4 against and was 
not adopted because one of the negative votes cast was 
by a permanent member of the Council (U.S.S.R.). 

of wisdom. The inability of the Council to act 
because of a Soviet veto does not alter this fact. 
We will consult overnight with other members 
of the Coimcil about further steps which the 
United Nations might take, and we reserve the 
right to seek a further meeting at any time. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed below) may he consulted at depository libraries in 
the United States. D.N. printed publications may be 
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations, 
United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 

Security Council 

Reports, note verbale, and communication on the situa- 
tion in the Congo. S/4940/Add. 12 and Corr. 1, Novem- 
ber 2, 1961, 10 pp.; S/497.5, November 8, 1961, 1 p.; 
S/4976, November 11, 1961, 101 pp.; S/4940/Add. 13, 
November 16, 1961, 11 pp. ; S/4988, November 17, 1961, 
2 pp. 

General Assembly 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. Movements to Canada of refugees with tuber- 
culosis. A/AC.96/INF.4. October 16, 1961. 12 pp. 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. Note on the Convention on the Reduction of 
Statelessness. A/AC.96/INP.5. October 26, 1961. 16 

Cable dated November 1 from the Emperor of Ethiopia 
to the President of the General Assembly concerning 
events in the Congo. A/4951. November 1, 1961. 1 p. 

Letter dated November 1 from the permanent representa- 
tive of the United Kingdom ft) the President of the 
General Assembly concerning the Geneva Conference 
on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests. 
A/4772/Add. 1. November 2, 1961. 22 pp. 

Letter dated November 2 from the permanent representa- 
tive of the Netherlands to the President of the General 
Assembly concerning the situation with regard to the 
implementation of the declaration on granting independ- 
ence to colonial countries and peoples. A/4954. Nov- 
ember 4, 1961. 14 pp. 

Assistance of the specialized agencies and of the United 
Nations Children's Fund in the economic, social, and 
educational development of South West AJfrica. 
A/4956. November 6, 1961. 4 pp. 

Letter dated November 6 from the permanent representa- 
tive of Cameroun to the Secretary-General concerning 
the continuation of suspension of nuclear tests. A/4962. 
November 9. 1961. 2 pp. 

Twenty-third report of the Advisory Committee on Admin- 
istrative and Budgetary Questions to the General As- 
sembly on budget estimates of the Technical Assistance 
Board secretariat for 1962. A/4966. November 14, 
1901. 10 pp. 

Letter dated November 13 from the permanent represent- 
ative of the United Kingdom to the President of the 
General Assembly concerning resumption of the Geneva 
test ban talks. A/4967. November 13, 1961. 2 pp. 

Letter dated November 13 from the permanent represent- 
ative of the United States to the President of the 
General Assembly concerning resumption of the Geneva 
test ban talks. A/4969. November 15, 1961. 2 pp. 

January 22, 1962 


World Food Program: A New Opportunity for the United Nations 

Statement hy Richard N. Gardner 

Dejyaty Assistant Secretary for IntemationaZ Organization Affairs ^ 

Today, December 8, 1961, will surely be recorded 
in the annals of the United Nations as a day of 
historic paradox. 

In another chamber of this house distinguished 
delegates have been debating how to cope with the 
newest challenge to mankind — the conquest of 
outer space. In this chamber we begin considera- 
tion of the oldest challenge to mankind^ — the con- 
quest of hunger. 

In another chamber of this house eloquent words 
have been heard about the most sophisticated of 
man's instincts — the desire to explore the imknown. 
In this chamber we confront the most elemental 
of man's instincts — the desire for food. 

In another chamber our colleagues have been 
considering questions of orbiting weather satel- 
lites and what the earth must look like at an alti- 
tude of several hundred miles. In this chamber 
we are taking a closer look at our imhappy planet, 
and we are finding its true face of suffering, of old 
scars and new wounds — a world of famine, disease, 
and neglect. 

The simultaneous occurrence of these debates 
confirms a fact of which we are all tragically 
aware — that man's capacity for social invention 
has lagged ever further behind his capacity for 
scientific advance. 

For years now the international community has 
struggled in vain to develop acceptable interna- 
tional procedures to deal with an age-old problem 
of coexistence — the coexistence of food abundance 
and food deficiency, of surpluses and starvation. 
Time and again our governments have seemed on 
the point of reaching international solutions, only 
to fall back in disappointment. 

Today, despite this history of frustration, we 
find ourselves on the threshold of an historic op- 

portunity, an opportunity to launch the first in- 
ternational program of food aid for himgry 

The extraordinary progress which we have re- 
cently witnessed in a venture wliich has hitherto 
defied all efforts of collaboration has been nour- 
ished from several sources. The Prime Minister of 
Canada took a major initiative when he laid a 
proposal for a "World Food Bank before the 14th 
General Assembly. At the following Assembly the 
United States introduced the resolution - which 
called for recommendations on a multilateral food 
I^rogram by FAO [Food and Agriculture Organi- 
zation]. President Kennedy declared in a memo- 
randum accompanying his second Executive order 
after assuming office : ' "We must narrow the gap 
between abundance at home and near starvation 
abroad. Humanity and prudence, alike, counsel a 
major effort on our part." Shortly thereafter the 
United States offered $40 million in connnodities 
toward a $100-million program of multilateral 
food aid. 

Both the United Nations and the FAO supplied 
essential inspiration and energy. We salute the 
Secretary-General and his associates in the United 
Nations. We salute also the Director General and 
his colleagues in FAO. Their report. Develop- 
ment Through Food — A Strategy for Surplus 
Utilization* will long stand as a landmark in the 
history of this subject. 

Acknowledgment of this extraordinary leader- 
ship should not distract our attention, however, 
from fundamental developments without which we 
would not be where we are today. AVe stanil, as it 
were, at the confiuence of three historic forces 
which we should recognize if we are to take full 
advantage of the opi)ortunities aliead. 

'Made in Committee II (Economic and on 
Dec. 8 (U.S. delegation press release SHSO) . 

' For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 21, 1960, p. S(X). 
' Ibid., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 216. 
' U.N. doc. E/3402. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Urgency of Economic Development 

The first of these forces is the growing under- 
standing of the urgency of economic development 
and of tl\e task that lies ahead for both the de- 
veloped and the developing countries. 

The heightened awareness of the responsibilities 
of the industrialized countries finds eloquent testi- 
mony in many quarters and many forums. For 
example, our new foreign aid legislation, the Act 
for International Development, declares it to be a 
"primary necessity, opportimity, and responsi- 
bility of the United States, and consistent with its 
traditions and ideals, ... to help make a historic 
demonstration that economic growth and political 
democracy can go hand in liand to the end that an 
enlarged community of free, stable, and self- 
reliant countries can reduce world tensions and 

This increased awareness of the stake which 
the advanced countries have in the economic de- 
velopment of the less developed areas has been 
matched by the increase in the resources which 
they have been prepared to make available. The 
annual flow of public capital to less developed 
countries has now passed the $5-bilIion mark and 
can be expected to grow further in the years ahead. 

The advances in the policies of developed coim- 
tries have not been unrequited. In recent years 
there has been increasing understanding of the 
fact that the primary responsibility for economic 
development rests with the developing countries 
themselves — indeed, that the principal obstacle to 
sound and rapid economic growth is no longer the 
lack of external resources. 

Developing countries have come increasingly to 
appreciate — and to act upon — the truism that 
sound development cannot take place without 
thoroughgoing domestic reforms in such matters 
as public administration, taxation, finance, and 
land tenure, and without a wider sharing in the 
political process. 

"When we contemplate the dimension of the prob- 
lem before us, however, we cannot be satisfied with 
past efforts. It is therefore appropriate that this 
committee should have unanimously adopted a 
resolution = a fortnight ago [November 28] desig- 
nating tlie current decade as the United Nations 
Development Decade — a decade "in which Member 

'U.N. doc. A/C. 2/L. 599; for a statement made by 
Philip M. Klutznick in Committee II on Oct. 6, see Bul- 
letin- of Dec. 4, 19G1, p. 939. 

States and their peoples will intensify their efforts 
to mobilize and to sustain support for the measures 
required on the part of both developed and de- 
veloping countries to accelerate progress towards 
self-sustaining growth." 

Contribution of Food Abundance to Development 

The second fundamental trend on which our 
recent progress is based is the growing recognition 
of the contribution which food abundance can 
make to economic development. 

As economic development proceeds, the demand 
for food tends to grow faster than the growth in 
agricultural production. The resulting food de- 
ficiency cannot always be filled through commer- 
cial imports, due to the shortage of foreign ex- 
change. Food aid, by filling this deficiency with- 
out draining scarce foreign exchange resources, 
can forestall an inflation of agricultural prices, 
avoid a diversion of resources from other uses, and 
sustain at a saving in human suffering a faster 
pace of development. 

More specifically, food aid can : 

— permit increases of employment to occur more 
rapidly than the capacity of the country to produce 
food for the newly employed ; 

— improve both the quantity and quality of 
diets and thus increase productivity ; 

— provide relief in famine and other emergen- 

— develop, through school and preschool feeding 
programs, the "human capital" of the future; 

—facilitate desirable land reform by compensat- 
ing for the temporary fall in agricultural produc- 
tion sometimes attendant upon redistribution of 

Food aid is not a substitute for financial aid. 
But in these ways food can stretch the limited 
supply of finance that is available. 

It is in recognition of this fact that the food 
aid program of the United States has steadily 
gathered momentiun. In the last 7 years the 
United States has provided over $9 billion in agri- 
cultural commodities on special terms to other 
countries. In the years ahead we will be provid- 
ing food aid at a rate of some $2 billion a year. 

As our Food-for-Peace Program proceeds, we 
are devoting increasing attention to promoting 
economic and social development. In Tmiisia, for 
example, food has been used as a partial wage 

January 22, J 962 


payment with spectacular results. As a result of 
food aid, over half of the normally unemployed 
labor force of some 300,000 men have been working 
on some 6,000 projects including reforestation, 
land clearing, well drilling, sanitation, and hous- 
ing. In 3 years this program has generated 70 
million man-days of work. 

In all these activities we have given careful at- 
tention to protecting established and developing 
patterns of commercial trade in which we also have 
a substantial interest. With this in mind we have 
participated actively in the FAO Consultative 
Subcommittee on Surplus Disposal and have met 
i-egularly with representatives of commercial ex- 
porting countries. 

Advance in International Economic Cooperation 

The thii'd fundamental trend on which our 
progress has be«n based is the dramatic advance in 
international economic cooperation. Such coop- 
eration has reached dimensions imdreamt of as 
recently as 15 years ago. 

The Marshall plan, the Colombo Plan, the Ali- 
anza fcira el Progreso^ the OECD [Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development] are 
milestones on the road to the achievement of eco- 
nomic progress through mutual aid. Within the 
U.N. system of organizations, many of us have 
worked together in the creation of the great inter- 
national lending agencies such as the International 
Bank for Eeconstruction and Development and 
the International Development Association. Our 
discussions in this, the Economic Committee of the 
General Assembly, in the Economic and Social 
Council, and in the governing bodies of the spe- 
cialized agencies have increasingly been dominated 
by our concern with multilateral assistance to help 
the developing countries in their struggle for a 
better life. And we have created new interna- 
tional instruments to this end such as the Special 
Fund and the Expanded Program of Technical 

The promotion of international cooperation in 
economic development is a cardinal point in the 
foreign policy of the United States. Our new aid 
legislation specifically provides that doveloi^ment 
assistance "to newly independent countries shall, 
to the maximum extent appropriate in the circum- 
stances of each case, be furnished through multi- 
lateral organizations or in accordance with multi- 
lateral plans, on a fair and equitable basis with due 
regard to self-help." 


The pattern of economic development assistance 
that has been emerging in recent years defies easy 
classification. It goes beyond bilateralism but 
stops short of complete multilateralism, if that 
term is thought to mean the administration of all 
aid by international agencies. To be sure, a large 
part of teclmical assistance and a small part of 
financial aid is now administered by international 
organizations. For much of the rest there is grad- 
ually emerging a kind of multilateral bilateralism, 
or multilateral coordination of bilateral programs, 
in which countries supply, on a voluntary basis in 
each case, technical, financial, and commodity aid 
in support of projects and programs drawn up 
under international auspices. This pattern well 
reflects the opportunities as well as the limitations 
of international cooperation in a divided world. 

My Government sees in the program which we 
are now discussing another potentially very im- 
portant expansion of our efforts at intei-national 
cooperation. We see in it a new teclmique in ex- 
tending assistance to countries which need external 
aid, a new resource to help them meet their needs. 

The new program represents a first major initia- 
tive as we enter upon the United Nations Decade of 
Development. It should be viewed in the context 
of our other endeavors to assist the developing 
countries. To this end it should be woven in with 
the ongoing U.N. programs for economic ad- 
vance — at the center through the kind of relation- 
ships on the intergovernmental and managerial 
level provided for in the resolution * before this 
committee, and on the country level by making 
use of the resident representatives serving as the 
country directors of the Special Fund programs. 

In taking this approach we trust that the pro- 
gi-am of multilateral food aid will become an im- 
portant vehicle in strengthening the trend toward 
more effective forms of multilateral assistance for 
economic and social development. 

U.S. Views on Future Contributions 

Tlie distinguished delegate from Canada has 
already spoken to the draft resolution now before 
us. I should only like to call attention now to the 
second part of the resolution. This part looks to 
the future. 

Its first operative paragraph expresses the hope 
that, as soon as experience warrants, the U.N. and 
the FAO will proceed with consideration of in- 

"U.N. doc. A/C.2/L. fil7. 

Department of Sfafe Bu//ef/n 

crt'iising the size and scope of the program with a 
greater emphasis on economic and social develop- 

So far as the United States is concerned, we can 
state here and now that we are willing to make 
substantial contributions to such an expanding 
program with growing emphasis on the use of food 
for development purposes. 

Naturally, any futm'e decision to commit com- 
modities beyond the $40 million we have already 
offered will have to take account of the factors 
enumerated in the first paragraph of this part of 
the resolution — the advantages which the program 
has brought to developing countries, the interest 
of contributing coimtries, and the overall effective- 
ness of the initial program. 

Let me emphasize that one of the principal con- 
siderations which will influence us in any future 
decisions will be the willingness and ability of 
other countries to contribute food to the program 
and to make contributions in cash and services. 

"We should like to see the broadest possible par- 
ticipation in this global effort. Even very small 
contributions by developing coimtries which pro- 
duce more than their own needs of a certain com- 
modity will serve to broaden the base of active 
participation and will make for a truly multi- 
lateral program. In such a fashion, by partici- 
pating together, we can learn together. 

As I have just noted, we should like to see this 
program expand after experience has demon- 
strated its value. "We should like it to place in- 
creasing emphasis on economic and social develop- 
ment. "We believe that the role of the U.N. will 
grow naturally as this emphasis grows. Keeping 
this evolution in mind, we regard the administra- 
tive arrangements here proposed as tentative and 

This concept is embodied in the second operative 
paragraph of this part of the resolution, which re- 
quests the Secretary-General, in cooperation with 
the Director General and other interested agen- 
cies, to keep the relationships between their re- 
spective institutions imder review and to under- 
take studies which would aid in the future 
development of multilateral food programs. 

Benefits of Multilateral Food Aid Program 

Mr. Chairman, I have not dwelt at length on the 
detailed arrangements and procedures incorpo- 
rated in the resolutions now before us. Both in 

economic concept and in institutional arrange- 
ment this is a complicated program. But our pre- 
occupation with its complexity should not distract 
us from the fundamental importance of what we 
are doing here today. 

We have today the opportunity to establish the 
first multilateral program of food aid for economic 
development. There are many benefits which 
could flow from such a first step, but I shall men- 
tion only two. 

In the fii-st place the establishment of this pro- 
gram could be a modest but significant step toward 
strengthening the rule of law in international 
connnodity trade. The value of such a step is 
founded on the hard fact that, due to the technical 
revolution in agriculture, more and more countries 
will be in a position to distribute food abundance 
to others on special terms as this decade proceeds. 
We do not wish to disturb existing bilateral ar- 
rangements, for which satisfactory principles have 
already been developed, but there are areas and 
functions in which a multilateral program can best 
serve the interests of all. 

In the second place a multilateral program of 
the kind we are now considering can give new 
vitality to the U.N. and to its family of agencies. 
It can, by providing new resources, promote a 
more effective relationship between the organs of 
the U.N. in implementing economic development 
at the country level. It can strengthen the fabric 
of common interest in the U.N. and thus promote, 
however gradually, more effective political 

As I noted at the outset, Mr. Chairman, our col- 
leagues have been meeting in another chamber of 
this house to discuss the peaceful uses of outer 
space. Let their preoccupation with this new 
dimension in man's existence be a challenge to us 
here. Let it inspire us to renewed determination 
to resolve the oldest dimension of man's existence — 
the problem of finding food. 

As our Secretary of Agriculture, Mr. Orville 
Freeman, said at the FAO Conference last month 
in Eome: 

"Let it never be said of our generation that we 
were able to send men into space, but were unable 
to put bread and milk into the hands of hungry 

"Let it never be said that we had the scientific 
knowledge and the technical skill to destroy civili- 
zation, but that we did not have the ability, the 

January 22, 1962 


vision, and the will to use that knowledge to pro- 
duce and distribute the abundance that science and 
technology offer to a world at peace." ^ 



Robert E. Lee as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Con- 
gressional Relations, effective January 2. (For bio- 
graphic details, see Department of State press release 2 
dated January 3. ) 

of notes at Rio de Janeiro October 27, 1961. 
into force October 27, 1961. 



Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of October 6, 1959, as amended (TIAS 4.S37 and 
4747). Effected by exchange of notes at Bogota No- 
vember 9 and 20, 1961. Entered into force November 
20, 1961. 


General agreement for economic cooperation. Signed at 
Tehran December 21, 1961. Entered into force De- 
cember 21, 1961. 


Agreement amending and extending the agreement of Au- 
gust 11, 1951, relating to agricultural workers, as 
amended and extended (TIAS 2331. 2.-)31, 2.5S6, 2928, 
2932, 3043, 3054, 3454, 3609, 3714, and 4374). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Mexico December 29, 1961. 
Entered into force December 29, 1961. 


Current Actions 



Protocol of amendment to the convention on the Inter- 
American Institute of Agricultural Sciences. Opened 
for signature at Washington December 1, 1958.' 
Ratification deposited: Colombia, January 3, 1962. 


International whaling convention and schedule of whaling 
regulations. Signed at Washington December 2, 1946. 
Entered into force November 10, 1948. TIAS 1849. 
Notification of withdrawal: Norway, December 29, 1961. 
Effecttve June 30, 1962. 



Agreement relating to a program of joint participation 
in intercontinental testing in connection with experi- 
mental communications satellites. Effected by exchange 

' On Dec. 13 Committee II adopted by a vote of 72 to 0, 
with 10 abstentions (Soviet bloc), a resolution entitled 
"World Food Programme" (U.N. doc. A/C.2/L.617/Rev.3, 
as modified by the sponsors) ; the resolution was adopted 
in plenary on Dec. 19 by a vote of 89 to 0, with 9 

' Not in force. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 1-7 

Press releases may be obtained from the Ofiice 
of News, Department of State. Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases appearing in this issue of the Bulletin 
which were issued prior to January 1 are Nos. 862 
of December 8 ; 900 of December 21 ; 905 of Decem- 
ber 26; 920 of December 29; and 919 and 923 of 
December 30. 

























U.S. participation in international 

Lee appointed Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Congressional Re- 
lations (biographic details). 

Department releases document en- 
titled "The Castro Regime in 
Cuba" (rewrite). 

Janow sworn in as Assistant Ad- 
ministrator for Far East, AID 
(biographic details). 

Seasonal marketing fund for Cen- 
tral American coffee. 

Hamilton visit to Far East (re- 

U.S. and U.K. oflScials confer on 
U.N. affairs. 

U.S.-Viet-Nam joint communique. 

Cleveland : Woman's National 
Democratic Club (excerpts). 

Visit of German Vice Chancellor 

Rusk : interview on "Reporters 

Meeting of U.S. delegation to U.S.- 
Japan cultural conference (re- 

Resumption of diplomatic relations 
with Dominican Republic (re- 

' Not printed. 

fHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 


Department of State Bulletin 

January 22, 1962 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1178 

Agriculture. World Food Prograui : A New 

Opportunity for the United Nations (Gardner) . 150 

American Republics. Department Reports on 
Cuban Threats to the Western Hemisphere (text 
of summary section of report) 129 

Asia. Fowler Hamilton To Inspect AID Efforts 

in Far East 143 

Communism. Department Reports on Cuban 
Threats to the Western Hemisphere (test of 
summary section of report) 129 

Congo (Leopoldville) 

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on Hearst Metro- 
tone/Telenews 126 

U.S. Record on the Congo : A Search for Peaceful 

Reconciliation (Williams) 136 


Department Reports on Cuban Threats to the West- 
ern Hemisphere (text of summary section of 
report) 129 

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Reporters Round- 
up" 123 

Department and Foreign Service. Appointments 

(Lee) 154 

Disarmament. Secretary Rusk Interviewed on 
"Reporters Roundup" 123 

Dominican Republic 

Diplomatic Relations Resvmied Witli Dominican 
Republic 129 

U.S. Welcomes Dominican Solution of Political 

Difficulties (Kennedy) 128 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. U.S. Delegation 
to U.S.-Japan Cultural Conference Meets . . . 142 

Europe. Atlantic Unity — Key to World Commu- 
nity (McGhee) 131 

Foreign Aid 

AID Approves Loan for Korean Power Project . . 143 

Fowler Hamilton To Inspect AID Efforts in Far 

East 143 

U.S. and Viet-Nam Expand Economic Development 

Programs (text of joint communique) .... 141 
U.S. Welcomes Dominican Solution of Political 

Difficulties (Kennedy) 128 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on Hearst Metrotone/ 
Telenews 126 

Vice Chancellor Erhard of German Federal Repub- 
lic Visits U.S 130 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Reporters Round- 
up" 123 

Security Council Considers Situation in Goa ; So- 
viet Veto Bars CaU for Cease-Fire (Stevenson) . 145 

Indonesia. Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Re- 
porters Roundup" 123 

Japan. U.S. Delegation to U.S.-Japan Cultural 

Conference Meets 142 

Korea. AID Approves Loan for Korean Power 
Project 143 


Secretary Rusk Intert'iewed on Hearst Metrotone/ 
Telenews 126 

Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Reporters Round- 
up" 123 

Mexico. U.S. and Mexico To Study Salinity of 
Colorado River Water 144 

Netherlands. Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Re- 
porters Roundup" 123 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. Security Coun- 
cil Considers Situation in Goa ; Soviet Veto Bars 
Call for Cease-Fire (Stevenson) 145 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on "Reporters Round- 
up" 123 

Security Council Considers Situation in Goa ; So- 
viet Veto Bars CaU for Cease-Fire (Stevenson) . 145 

Presidential Documents. U.S. Welcomes Domini- 
can Solution of Political Difficulties 128 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 154 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on Hearst Metrotone/ 

Telenews 126 

Security Council Considers Situation in Goa ; So- 
viet Veto Bars Call for Cease-Fire (Stevenson) . 145 

United Kingdom. United Nations Affairs Dis- 
cussed by U.S. and U.K 140 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 149 

Security Council Considers Situation in Groa ; So- 
viet Veto Bars Call for Cease-Fire ( Stevenson ) . 145 

United Nations Affairs Discussed by U.S. and 
U.K 140 

World Food Program : A New Opportunity for 
the United Nations (Gardner) 150 


Secretary Rusk Interviewed on Hearst Metrotone/ 
Telenews 126 

U.S. and Viet-Nam Expand Economic Development 

Programs (text of joint communique) .... 141 

Name Index 

Gardner, Richard N 150 

Kennedy, President 128 

Lee, Robert E 154 

McGhee, George C 131 

Rusk. Secretary 123, 126 

Stevenson, Adlai E 145 

Williams, G. Menueu 136 






United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 






On June 30, 1960, the Kepublic of the Congo, a former Belgian 
colony, was declared a sovereign and independent state. Five days 
after independence the anny mutinied. A total breakdown of law 
and order ensued and the Congo began falling apart. The Govern- 
ment of the Congo, faced with full-scale anarchy, civil war, and the 
inevitable consequences of great-power intervention, called on the 
United Nations for help. 

This 22-page booklet, based on an address by Under Secretary of 
State George W. Ball, reviews the situation in the Congo, describes 
the purposes and operations of the United Nations there, and outlines 
the United States objectives for that country, namely, "a free, stable, 
non-Communist government as a whole, dedicated to the maintenance 
of genuine independence and willing and able to cooperate with us 
and with other free nations in meeting the tremendous internal 
challenges it must face." 

Publication 7326 

15 cents 

Order Form 

'o: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Please send me.... copies of THE ELEMENTS IN OUR CONGO POLICY. 


Enclosed find: 

Street Address : 

{cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 


City, Zone, and State: 











Boston Public Library- 
Superintendent of Documents 

Vol. XLVI, No. 1179 PEB 2 y 1962 January 29, 1962 


THE STATE OF THE UNION • Address of the President 

to the Congress (Excerpts) 159 


Secretary Williams 170 

JOSE RIZAL DAY • by Assistant Secretary Harrinian . . 174 


USES OF OUTER SPACE • Statement by Ambassador 
Adlai E. Stevenson and Text of Resolution 180 

For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLVI, No. 1179 • Publication 7331 
January 29, 1962 

For sale by the Superintendent or Documents 

U.S. Government Printlnp Office 

Washington 26, D.O. 


52 Issuea. domestic $8.50, foreign $12.28 

Single copy, 26 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publlcb- 
tlon approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Notf: Contents of this publication are not 
copyriphted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bdllktin Is Indexed In the 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of Stnte BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by th« 
Offif^e of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government tcith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the tcork of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as tcell as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
tvhich the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

The State of the Union 


In the past year I have traveled not only across 
our own land but to other lands — to the north and 
the south, and across the seas. And I have found — 
as I am sure you have, in your travels — that people 
everywhere, in spite of occasional disappoint- 
ments, look to us, not to our wealth or power but 
to the splendor of our ideals. For our nation is 
commissioned by history to be either an observer 
of freedom's failure or the cause of its success. 
Our overriding obligation in the months ahead is 
to fulfill the world's hopes by fulfilling our own 

Our Goals Abroad 

All of these efforts at home give meaning to our 
efforts abroad. Since the close of the Second 
World War a global civil war has divided and 
tormented mankind. But it is not our military 
might or our higher standard of living that has 
most distinguished us from our adversaries. It is 
our belief that the state is the servant of the citizen 
and not his master. 

This basic clash of ideas and wills is but one of 
the forces reshaping our globe, swept as it is by 
the tides of hope and fear, by crises in the head- 
linos today that become mere footnotes tomorrow. 
Both the successes and the setbacks of the past year 
remain on our agenda of unfinished business. For 
every apparent blessing contains the seeds of 
danger, every area of trouble gives out a ray of 
hope, and the one unchangeable certainty is that 
nothing is certain or unchangeable. 

Yet our basic goal remains the same : a peaceful 
world community of free and independent states, 

' Delivered on .Tan. 11 (White House press release; as- 
delivered text) ; also printed as H. Doc. 251, 87th Cong., 
2d sess. 

free to choose their own future and their own sys- 
tem so long as it does not threaten the freedom of 

Some may choose forms and ways that we would 
not choose for ourselves, but it is not for us that 
they are choosing. We can welcome diversity — 
the Communists cannot. For we offer a world of 
choice — they offer the world of coercion. And 
the way of the past sliows clearly that freedom, 
not coercion, is the wave of the future. At times 
our goal has been obscured by crisis or endangered 
by conflict, but it draws sustenance from five basic 
sources of strength : 

— the moral and physical strength of the United 
States ; 

— the united strength of the Atlantic com- 
munity ; 

— the regional strength of our hemispheric re- 

— the creative strength of our efforts in the new 
and developing nations; and 

— the peacekeeping strength of the United 

The United Nations 

But arms alone are not enough to keep the 
peace; it must be kept by men. Our instrument 
and our hope is the United Nations, and I see little 
merit in the impatience of those who would aban- 
don this imperfect world instrument because they 
dislike our imperfect world. For the troubles of 
a world organization merely reflect the troubles 
of the world itself. And if the organization is 
weakened, these troubles can only increase. We 
may not always agree with every detailed action 
taken by every officer of the United Nations, or 
with every voting majority. But as an institu- 

January 29, 1962 


tion it should have in the future, as it has had in 
the past since its inception, no stronger or more 
faithful member than the United States of 

In 1961 the peacekeeping strength of the United 
Nations was remforced. And those who preferred 
or predicted its demise, envisioning a troika in 
the seat of Hammarskjold — or Eed China inside 
the Assembly — have seen instead a new vigor, un- 
der a new Secretary-General and a fully independ- 
ent Secretariat. In making plans for a new 
forum and principles on disarmament, for peace- 
keeping in outer space, for a decade of develop- 
ment effort, the U.N. fulfilled its charter's lofty 

Eigliteen months ago the tangled, turbulent 
Congo presented the U.N. with its gravest chal- 
lenge. The prospect was one of chaos — or certain 
big-power confrontation, with all of its hazards 
and all of its risks, to us and to others. Today the 
hopes have improved for peaceful conciliation 
within a united Congo. This is the objective of 
our policy in this important area. 

No policeman is universally popular, particu- 
larly when he uses his stick to restore law and 
order on his beat. Those members who are will- 
ing to contribute their votes and their views — but 
very little else — have created a serious deficit by 
refusing to pay their share of special U.N. assess- 
ments. Yet they do pay their annual assessments 
to i-etain their votes, and a new U.N. bond issue, 
financing special operations for the next 18 
months, is to be repaid with interest from tliese 
regular assessments. This is clearly in our in- 
terest. It will not only keep the U.N. solvent but 
require all voting members to pay their fair share 
of its activities. Our share of special operations 
has long been much liigher than our share of the 
annual assessment, and the bond issue will in effect 
reduce our disproportionate obligation. For 
these reasons I am urging Congress to approve our 

With the approval of this Congress we have 
undertaken in the past year a great new effort in 
outer space. Our aim is not simply to be first on 
the moon, any more than Charles Lindbergh's real 
aim was to be the first to Paris. His aim was to 
develop the techniques of our own country and 
other countries in the field of air and the atmos- 
phere, and our objective in making this effort, 
which we hope will place one of our citizens on the 


moon, is to develop, in a new frontier of science, 
commerce, and cooperation, the position of the 
United States and the free world. 

This nation belongs among the first to explore 
it, and among the first — if not the first — we shall 
be. We are offering our know-how and our co- 
operation to the U.N. Our satellites will soon be 
providing other nations with improved weather 
observations. And I sliall soon send to the Con- 
gress a measure to govern the financing and opera- 
tion of an international communications satellite 
system in a manner consistent with the public 
interest and our foreign policy. 

But peace in space will help us naught once 
peace on earth is gone. World order will be se- 
cured only when the whole world has laid down 
these weapons which seem to offer us present se- 
curity but threaten the future survival of the 
liuman race. That armistice day seems very far 
away. The vast resources of this planet are be- 
ing devoted more and more to the means of de- 
stroying, instead of enriching, human life. 

But the world was not meant to be a prison in 
which man awaits his execution. Nor has man- 
kind survived the tests and trials of thousands of 
years to surrender eveiything — including its exist- 
ence — now. This nation has the will and the 
faith to make a supreme effort to break the logjam 
on disarmament and nuclear tests, and we will 
persist until we prevail, until the rule of law has 
replaced the ever-dangerous use of force. 

Latin America 

I turn now to a prospect of great promise : our 
hemispheric relations. The Alliance for Progress 
is being rapidly transformed from proposal to 
program. Last month in Latin America I saw 
for myself the quickening of hope, the revival of 
confidence, and the new trust in our country — 
among workers and farmers as well as diplomats. 
We have pledged our help in speeding their eco- 
nomic, educational, and social progress. The 
Latin American Republics have in turn pledged a 
new and strenuous effort of self-lielp and self- 

To support this historic midertaking I am pro- • 
posing, under the authority contained in the bills i 
of the last session of the Congress, a special long- 1 
term Alliance for Progress finid of $;l billion. 
Combined with our Food-for- Peace, Export-Im- 
port Bank, and other resources, this will provide jj 

Department of State Bulletin 


more than $1 billion a year in new support for 
the Alliance. In addition we have increased 
twelvefold our Spanish- and Portuguese-language 
broadcasting in Latin America and improved 
hemispheric trade and defense. And while the 
blight of communism has been increasingly ex- 
posed and isolated in the Americas, liberty has 
scored a gain. The people of the Dominican Re- 
public, with our firm encouragement and help, and 
those of our sister Republics of this hemisphere, 
are safely passing the treacherous course from 
dictatorship through disorder toward democracy. 

The New and Developing Nations 

Our eli'orts to help other new or developing na- 
tions, and to strengthen their stand for freedom, 
have also made progress. A newly miified Agency 
for International Development is reorienting our 
foreign assistance to emphasize long-term develop- 
ment loans instead of grants, more economic aid 
instead of military, individual plans to meet the 
individual needs of the nations, and new stand- 
artls on what they must do to marshal their own 

A newly conceived Peace Corps is wimiing 
friends and helping people in 14 coimtries, supply- 
ing trained and dedicated young men and women 
to give these new nations a hand in building a 
society and a glimpse of the best that is in our 
country. If there is a problem here, it is that we 
cannot supply the spontaneous and mounting 

A newly expanded Food-for- Peace Program is 
feeding the hungry of many lands with the 
abundance of our productive farms, providing 
lunches for children in school, wages for economic 
development, relief for the victims of flood and 
famine, and a better diet for millions whose daily 
bread is their chief concern. 

These programs help people, and by helping peo- 
ple they help freedom. The views of their govern- 
ments may sometimes be very different from ours, 
but events in Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern 
Europe teach us never to write off any nation as 
lost to the Communists. That is the lesson of our 
time. We support the independence of those 
newer or weaker states whose history, geography, 
economy, or lack of power impels them to remain 
outside ''entangling alliances'' — as we did for more 
than a century. For the independence of nations 

is a bar to the Communists' "grand design" — it is 
the basis of our own. 

In the past year, for example, we have urged a 
neutral and independent Laos, regained there a 
common policy with our major allies, and insisted 
that a cease-fire precede negotiations. While a 
workable formula for supervising its independ- 
ence is still to be achieved, both the spread of 
war — which might have involved this country 
also— and a Communist occupation have thus far 
been prevented. 

A satisfactory settlement in Laos would also 
help to achieve and safeguard the peace in Viet- 
Nam, where the foe is increasing his tactics of 
terror, where our own efforts have been stepped up, 
and where the local government has initiated new 
programs and reforms to broaden the base of re- 
sistance. The systematic aggression now bleeding 
that country is not a "war of liberation," for Viet- 
Nam is already free. It is a war of attempted sub- 
jugation — and it will be resisted. 

The Atlantic Community 

Finall}^ the united strength of the Atlantic com- 
munity has flourished in the last year under severe 
tests. NATO has increased both the number and 
the readiness of its air, ground, and naval units — 
both its nuclear and nonnuclear capabilities. 
Even gi'eater efforts by all its members are still 
required. Nevertheless our unity of purpose and 
will has been, I believe, immeasurably strength- 

The threat to the brave city of Berlin remains. 
In these last 6 months the Allies have made it un- 
mistakably clear that our presence in Berlin, our 
free access thereto, and the freedom of 2 million 
W^est Berliners would not be surrendered either to 
force or through appeasement — that to maintain 
those rights and obligations we are prepared to 
talk, when appropriate, and to fight, if necessary. 
Every member of NATO stands with us in a com- 
mon commitment to preserve this symbol of free 
man's will to remain free. 

I cannot now predict the course of future nego- 
tiations over Berlin. I can only say that we are 
sparing no honorable effort to find a peaceful and 
mutually acceptable resolution of this problem. 
I believe such a resolution can be found and with 
it an improvement in our relations with the Soviet 
Union, if only the leaders in the Kremlin will rec- 
ognize the basic rights and interests involved and 
the interest of all mankind in peace. 

{January 29, 1962 


But the Atlantic community is no longer con- 
cerned with purely military aims. As its common 
imdertakings grow at an ever-increasing pace, 
we are, and increasingly will be, partners in aid, 
trade, defense, diplomacy, and monetary affairs. 

The emergence of the new Europe is being 
matched by the emergence of new ties across the 
Atlantic. It is a matter of undramatic daily co- 
operation in hundreds of workaday tasks: of cur- 
rencies kept in effective relation, of development 
loans meshed together, of standardized weapons 
and concerted diplomatic positions. The Atlantic 
community grows, not like a volcanic mountain, 
by one mighty explosion, but like a coral reef, 
from the accumulating activity of all. 

Thus we in the free world are moving steadily 
toward unity and cooperation, in the teeth of that 
old Bolshevik prophecy and at the very time when 
extraordinary rumbles of discord can be heard 
across the Iron Curtain. It is not free societies 
which bear within them the seeds of inevitable 

Our Balance of Payments 

On one special problem, of great concern to our 
friends and to us, I am proud to give the Congress 
an encouraging report. Our efforts to safeguard 
the dollar are progressing. In the 11 months pre- 
ceding last February 1, we suffered a net loss of 
nearly $2 billion in gold. In the 11 months that 
followed, the loss was just over half a billion dol- 
lars. And our deficit in our basic transactions 
with the rest of the world — trade, defense, for- 
eign aid, and capital, excluding volatile short-term 
flows — has been reduced from $2 billion for 1960 
to about one-third that amount for 19G1. Specu- 
lative fever against the dollar is ending, and 
confidence in the dollar has been restored. 

We did not — and could not — achieve these gains 
through import restrictions, troop withdrawals, 
exchange controls, dollar devaluation, or choking 
off domestic recovei-y. We acted not in panic but 
in perspective. But the problem is not yet solved. 
Persistently large deficits would endanger our eco- 
nomic growth and our militiiry and defense com- 
mitments abroad. Our goal must be a reasonable 
equilibrium in our balance of payments. With 
the cooperation of the Congress, business, labor, 
and our major allies, that goal can be reached. 

We shall continue to attract foreign tourists 

and investments to our shores, to seek increased 
military purchases here by our allies, to maximize 
foreign-aid procurement from American firms, to 
urge increased aid from other fortunate nations to 
the less fortunate, to seek tax laws which do not 
favor investment in other industrialized nations 
or tax havens, and to urge coordination of allied 
fiscal and monetary policies so as to discourage 
large and disturbing capital movements. 


Above all, if we are to pay for our commitments 
abroad, we must expand our exports. Our busi- 
nessmen must be export-conscious and export- 
competitive. Our tax policies must spur moderni- 
zation of our plants; our wage and price gains 
must be consistent with productivity to hold the 
line on prices; our export credit and promotion 
campaigns for American industries must continue 
to expand. 

But the greatest challenge of all is posed by the 
growth of the European Common Market. As- 
suming the accession of the United Kingdom, 
there will arise across the Atlantic a trading 
partner behind a single external tariff similar to 
ours with an economy which nearly equals our 
own. Will we in this country adapt our thinking 
to these new prospects and patterns, or will we 
wait until events have passed us by ? 

This is the year to decide. The Reciprocal Trade 
Act is expiring. We need a new law, a wholly 
new approach, a bold new instrument of American 
trade policy. Our decision could well affect the 
unity of the West, the course of the cold war, and 
the economic growth of our nation for a genera- 
tion to come. 

If we move decisively, our factories and farms 
can increase their sales to their richest, fastest 
growing market. Our exports will increase. Our 
balance-of-payments position will improve. And 
we will have forged across the Atlantic a trading 
partnership with vast resources for freedom. 

If, on the other hand, we hang back in deference 
to local economic pressures, we will find ourselves 
cut off from our major allies. Industries — and I 
believe this is most vital — industries will move 
their plants and jobs and capital inside the walls 
of the Common Market — and jobs therefore will 
be lost here in the United States — if they cannot 
otherwise compete for its consumers. Our farm 
surpluses will pile ujj — and our balance of trade, 


Department of State Bulletin 

as you all know, to Europe, the Common Market, 
in farm products is nearly three or four to one in 
our favor, amounting to one of the best earners of 
dollars in our balance-of -payments structure — and 
without entrance to this market — without the 
ability to enter it — our farm surpluses will pile 
up in the Middle West, tobacco in the South, and 
other commodities, which have gone through 
Western Europe for 15 years. Our balance-of- 
payments position will worsen. Our consumers 
will lack a wider choice of goods at lower prices. 
And millions of American Avorkers whose jobs de- 
pend on the sale or the transportation or the dis- 
tribution of exports or imports, or whose jobs will 
be endangered by the movement of our capital to 
Europe, or whose jobs can be maintained only in 
an expanding economy — these millions of workers 
in your home States and mine will see their real 
interests sacrificed. 

Members of the Congress: The United States 
did not rise to greatness by waiting for others to 
lead. This nation is the world's foremost manu- 
facturer, farmer, banker, consumer, and exporter. 
The Common Market is moving ahead at an eco- 
nomic growth rate twice ours. The Communist 
economic offensive is under way. The opportunity 
is ours, the initiative is up to us, and I believe that 
1962 is the time. 

To seize that initiative, I shall shortly send to 
the Congress a new 5-year trade expansion action, 
far-reaching in scope but designed with great care 
to make certain that its benefits to our people far 
outweigh any risks. The bill will permit the 
gradual elimination of tariffs here in the United 
States and in tlie Common Market on those items 
in which we together supply 80 percent of the 
world's trade — mostly items in which our own 
ability to compete is demonstrated by the fact that 
we sell abroad, in these items, substantially more 
than we import. This step will make it possible 
for our major industries to compete with their 
counterparts in Western Europe for access to Eu- 
ropean consumers. 

On the other hand, the bill will permit a grad- 
ual reduction of duties up to 50 percent, permit 
bargaining by major categories, and provide for 
appropriate and tested fonns of assistance to firms 
and employees adjusting to import competition. 
We are not neglecting the safeguards provided by 
peril points, an escape clause, or the national se- 
curity amendment. Nor are we abandoning our 

non-European friends or our traditional most- 
favored-nation principle. On the contrary, the 
bill will provide new encouragement for their sale 
of tropical agricultural products, so important to 
our friends in Latin America, who have long de- 
pended upon the European Common Market, who 
now find themselves faced with new cliallenges 
which we must join with them in overcoming. 

Concessions in this bargaining must of course 
be reciprocal, not unilateral. The Common Mar- 
ket will not fulfill its own high promise unless 
its outside tariff walls are low. The dangers of 
restriction or timidity in our own policy have 
counterparts for our friends in Europe. For to- 
gether we face a common challenge: to enlarge 
the prosperity of free men everywhere, to build 
in partnership a new trading community in which 
all free nations may gain from the productive 
energy of free competitive effort. 

These various elements in our foreign policy 
lead, as I have said, to a single goal — the goal of a 
peaceful world of free and independent states. 
This is our guide for the present and our vision 
for the future: a free community of nations, in- 
dependent but interdependent, imiting north and 
south, east and west, in one great family of man, 
outgi-owing and transcending the hates and fears 
that rend our age. 

We will not reach that goal today, or tomorrow. 
We may not reach it in our own lifetime. But the 
quest is the greatest adventure of our century. 
We sometimes chafe at the burden of our obli- 
gations, the complexity of our decisions, the agony 
of our choices. But there is no comfort or se- 
curity for us in evasion, no solution in abdication, 
no relief in irresponsibility. 

A year ago, in assuming the tasks of the Presi- 
dency, I said that few generations in all history 
had been granted the role of being the great de- 
fender of freedom in its hour of maximum dan- 
ger. This is our good fortune; and I welcome it 
now as I did a year ago. For it is the fate of this 
generation — of you in the Congress and of me as 
President — to live with a struggle we did not 
start, in a world we did not make. But the pres- 
sures of life are not always distributed by choice. 
And while no nation has ever faced such a chal- 
lenge, no nation has ever been so ready to seize 
the burden and the glory of freedom. 

And in this high endeavor, may God watch 
over the United States of America. 

January 29, 1962 


President Kennedy and Soviet Leaders 
Exchange New Year's Messages 

Following is an exchange of messages betiveen 
President Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev^ 
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the 
V.S.S.R., and Leonid Brezhnev, President of the 
Presidivmi of the Supreme Soviet of tlie U.S.S.R. 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated December 31 

President Kennedy to Soviet Leaders 

December 31, 1961 
Dear President Brezhnev and Chairman 
Khrushchev: As the year 1961 approaches its 
close I wish to extend to the people of the Soviet 
Union and to you and your families my most sin- 
cere wishes and those of the American people for 
a peaceful and prosperous New Year. The year 
which is endinfj has been a troubled one. It is 
my earnest hope that the coming year will 
strengthen the foundations of world peace and 
will bring an improvement in the relations be- 
tween our countries, upon which so much depends. 
It is our grave responsibility to fulfill that hope. 
As President of the United States, I can state 
on behalf of the government and the American 
people that we will do our best to do so. 

John F. Kennedy 

Soviet Leaders to President Kennedy 

Decembeb 29, 1961 

President .Ioiin F. Kennedy 
Preaident of the United States 
White House 
Washington, D.C. 

Dear Mb. Pkesitient : In these few last hours of the 
expiring 1961 we are sending to the people of the United 
States the sincerest wishes for peace and happiness in 
the New Year and lilcewise our best wishes of personal 
happiness to you and to your entire family. Right now 
on the doorstep of the New Tear the nations live with 
new hope that the coming year will be such a threshold 
in the development of events when there will be uiuler- 
talcen eflicient steps in the cause of liquidation of cen- 
ters of military danger. There is no doubt that on the 
state of affairs in Soviet-American relations depends 
very much whether humanity will go towards peace or 
war. At the meeting in Vienna the President of the 
United States and Chairman of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. 
agreed that history imposed a great responsibility on our 


peoples for the destinies of the world.' The Soviet peo- 
ple regard the future optimistically. They express hopes 
that in the coming year our countries will be able to 
find ways towards closer cooperation, will be able to find 
a basis for concerted actions and efforts for the good 
of all humanity. 

On the part of the Soviet Union, as before, there will 
be no lack of resolution to do everything in its power 
in order to ensure durable and lasting peace on our 

N. Khrushchev 
L. Brezhnev 
Kremlin, Moscow 

Secretary Rusl( Interviewed 
by NBC News 

Following is the transcript of an interview with 
Secretary Bti~sk hy EUe Abel of NBC News, por- 
tions of which were broadcast on the NBC-TV 
network program "/. F. K. Report-'' on January 

Press release 27 dated January 12 

Q. Mr. Secretary, when President Kennedy took 
office about a year ago, there xoas a great wave of 
hope around the world and in this country — hope 
for new ideas, neio initiatives, neio solutions to 
some of the old problems. So many of them are 
still with us: Berlin, Laos, nuclear testing, arms 
control. I grant you the style of American 
foreign policy has changed, but how about the 
substance? Hovj has that changed? 

A. I think if we rememlier President Kennedy's 
inaugural last year, he called attention to the fact 
that we are in a turbulent world situation, and in 
any given year, in a situation of that sort, things 
are likely to be a little mixed. But there are many 
reasons for encouragement and confidence as we 
move into 1962. 

For example, in the North Atlantic community 
there are far-reaching negotiations now going on 
to expand and strengtlien the European Common 
Market. In the OECD [Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development], of which 
we're a member, the governments there liave deter- 
mined to set as their goal a r)0-percent increase in 
overall gross national product over the next 10 
years and to adjust their public policies — their 
economic and fiscal policies — to the concept of 

' Bulletin of June 26, 1961, p. 991. 

Department of State Bulletin 

growth.^ In the Development Assistance Group 
of tlie North Atlantic community the member gov- 
ernments are moving toward a commitment of 1 
percent of their gross national product toward 
helping the underdeveloped countries get on with 
that job. In the militaiy field the Atlantic com- 
munity — NATO — is stronger than it has been in 
many years. There's much to be done still, but 
that strength is making itself felt. I think that 
we can take a great encouragement from the vital- 
ity and liveliness of this great community. Now, 
indeed, some of the so-called disagreements that 
trickle out of these discussions with our NATO 
allies themselves reflect the vigor of the discussion 
that is going on. We no longer are talking about 
just those questions in which we know in advance 
we already agree. It is a vigorous forum of dis- 
cussion of far-reaching political issues that stretch 
right around the world. 

In the Latin American scene the Alliance for 
Progress has given new impetus to economic and 
social development. We were able to be helpful 
in setting the Dominican Republic on a great step 
toward democratic institutions,^ after some 30 
years or more of dictatorship and against a back- 
ground of violence and hatred and suspicion in 
that country. I think it's fair to say that the 
hemisphere is becoming increasingly aware of the 
dangers of the penetration of this hemisphere by 
communism, as reflected in the Cuban situation.^ 
We'll be meeting in Punta del Este on the 22d of 
this month to consult with the foreign ministers 
of other hemisphere countries on that particular 

On some of the critically dangerous problems 
such as Berlin and Southeast Asia, our object there 
has been to protect the vital interests of this coun- 
try and have the free world without war if pos- 
sible. Now, those problems haven't disappeared. 
But on the other side, our vital interests are in- 
tact, and we still have peace, as far as tliis country 
is concerned. But there's much to be done on 
those issues. 

I think in the last week or 10 days there's been 
a considerable improvement in the Congo situa- 
tion. There are signs that Mr. [Moise] Tshombe 

' For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 18, 1961, p. 1014. 

^ For a statement by President Kennedy and an an- 
nouncement of the resumption of diplomatic relations 
with the Dominican Republic, see ibid., Jan. 22, 1962, 
pp. 128 and 129. 

" For background, see ibid., p. 129. 

and Mr. [Cyrille] Adoula are reaching out toward 
a negotiated agreement with respect to constitu- 
tional arrangements in that country, and we are 
encouraged by that.'' I tliink there are many 
reasons for confidence, but the agenda of the 
United States still remains a very full one. 

May I conclude this remark by pointing out 
something about the United States which is unique 
in this foreign policy field — where no other gov- 
ernment has quite the same problem that we have. 
And that is that influence on American foreign 
policy is a prunary objective of every other foreign 
office in the world. Wlierever a dispute arises, 
whether it's in Kashmir, or in West New Guinea, 
or wherever it might be, we are drawn in because 
the parties to these disputes hope to enlist our 
aid and sympathy and interest, sometimes on their 
own side of the dispute but also in terms of help 
in settling them. 

Q. What makes it tricky, of course., Mr. Secre- 
tary, is that so often iotk of the disputants are 
friends of ours. 

A. Yes, and many of these disputes are over 
questions which have no direct national interest 
to us — over issues wliich we did not invent, where 
our primary interest is that friends of ours settle 
their disputes between them on a friendly basis. 
But we are drawn into them. And, of course, 
this gives us a very full agenda throughout the 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Pd like to ask a question that 
I think is on the minds of a great many Ameri- 
cans — following Cuba, Laos, and Berlin. It has 
to do with whether President Kennedy, in your 
view, understands the uses of national fower in 
support of national goals. There has ieen some 
doubt raised in this area. The question I wanted 
to ash you is — are you, yourself — what is your 
testimony? You watched this man close up deal- 
ing with issues that — in which the balance between 
war and peace was very narrow. Are you, your- 
self, satisfied on this score? 

A. I think that the American people can be 
fully confident that President Kennedy under- 
stands not only the burdens and responsibilities 
and the necessities of power but also the limita- 
tions on power. In a situation such as Berlin, 
where the most immediate and direct vital inter- 

' For texts of Department statements, see ihid., Jan. 8, 
1962, p. 49, and Jan. 15, 1962, p. 95. 

January 29, 7962 


ests of the United States are involved, there is, 
of course, a need to be absolutely determined to 
protect that position. And that has been made 
clear by the President, not only to the free world 
but to others. I think that it is too easy to think 
that every problem could be solved if we were 
ready at a moment's notice simply to inject Amer- 
ican troops into a particular situation. 

Q. Yes. 

A. That is not (he way to peace. It's not the 
way to an orderly world. Nor do I believe that 
the American people ought somehow to be trans- 
formed into gendarmes for every dispute in any 
part of the world — if there's an opportunity to 
bring about a peaceful settlement which is con- 
sistent not only with our national interests but 
with the peace of the world. 

The Threat Posed by Cuba 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in his speech ' before the 
American Society of Newspaper Editors last 
April, at the height of the Cuban affair, President 
Kennedy said: "T7e intend to profit from this les- 
son. We intend to reexamine . . . our forces of 
all kinds — our tactics and other institutions here 
in this C07n7minity. We intend to intensify our 
efforts for a struggle in many ways more difficult 
than war. . . ." Can you tell us, sir, looking 
back on it now, what lessons this administratio?i 
learned from Cuba and how this reexamination 
of forces and tactics has gorve? 

A. I think one thing that we should remember 
is that the struggle for freedom, which has been 
going on for centuries, is not determined by one 
or two or a third episode. These brave Cubans 
who undertook to liberate their own country 
failed in that particular effort. But the story of 
freedom is a long one, and that story has not come 
to its final conclusion. I think that we, at the 
present time, are working closely with the other 
members of the Organization of American 
States — the other governments in this hemi- 
sphere — on the basis that the threat posed by Cuba 
and the penetration of this hemi.spliore bj' com- 
munism is more directly and immediately a threat 
to the rest of them than it is to the United States. 
Their awareness of the nature of this threat has 
been growing very rapidly. And that is the next 

• Ihiii., May 8, 1961, p. 059. 

chapter, I think, in this problem here in this 

Q. But has there been a change, Mr. Secretary, 
of the kind that the President ivas talking about 
in that speech — mi the sort of internal procedures 
of the American Government — to make sure that 
a disaster like Cuba will not happen again? 

A. We've had a reorganization and some ad- 
justment in our procedures. But I would not 
think that that would be the more fundamental 
aspect of that problem. 

The Berlin Wall 

Q. Some Americans have argued, Mr. Secre- 
tary, that we should have torn down that loall in 
Berlin brick by brick — or better still, that we 
should have pushed it aside when it was still 
barbed loire instead of brick. Was that idea ever 
considered in mid-August of last year? And if 
so, xuhy did the President decide not to go ahead 
and do it? 

A. When a question of this sort— a situation 
of this sort — comes up, I think it's reasonable to 
assume that all contingencies are considered and 
thought about. But I would not wish to empha- 
size that particular action in terms of its being 
considered as an immediate step apart from every 
other contingency that was thought about. East 
Berlin and East Germany have been firmly in 
Communist control since the war. The events of 
the last 15 years gave them, in effect, control over 
those areas. Now, they've put up the wall. I 
think without any question, not against the West — 
that is, not to keep the West out — 

Q. Yes. 

A. — but to keep their own people in. 

Q. — to keep their oion people in. 

A. Even within the last 10 days Mr. [Walter] 
Ulbricht has made that very clear — that they put 
up the wall to stop the outflow of East Germans 
and East Berliners wlio wanted to come to tlie 
West. Now, let's not be under any illusions about 
this. Just as some international agreements can 
confer benefits upon both sides, so can certain epi- 
sodes or situations prove a disadvantage to both 
sides. I think both sides have lost because of tlie 
wall. I think the Communists have lost. Here 
is the gretvt .symbol of the type of concentration 

Department of State Bulletin 

camp which they have to erect in order to prevent 
their own people from seeking freedom. East 
Berlin is a very dull place these days — its opera, 
its showplaces, its restaurants are only partially 
filled, and the life of that part of the city has 
suffered a setback. But nevertheless it would be 
better for West Berlin and the West had that 
wall not been there. I think we must find ways 
to restore the circulation of people, if we can pos- 
sibly do it, so that these Germans in Berlin will 
once again be able to recapture some of the life 
of the city as a whole. 

Q. In othe^ words, then, sir — 

A. — primarily to be reunited. 

Q. — ii^s an objective of American policy today? 

A. That is correct. 

Q. — rcould ie to open sotn-e doors — so7ne gates 
in the toall? 

A. Tliat is correct. 

Q. — rather than to tear it down completely? 

A. If you talk about shooting your way into 
East Berlin, then you have got to follow on and 
be prepared to answer the questions which come 
tomorrow or the next day and the next week about 
whether that is a basis of policy. 

U.S. Negotiating Position 

Q. Right. Mr. Secretary, some of us have been 
puzzled — / have myself — about the nature of our 
sort of prenegotiating position on Berlin. 
Haven't xoe stacked the cards against real nego- 
tiation by insisting that the scope of whatever 
negotiation there may be, may be narrowed to Ber- 
lin? If negotiation assumes a certain give and 
take, what is there that we can give in Berlin that 
would not underTuine the city^s future? 

A. Well, I wouldn't, Mr. Abel, want to charac- 
terize the narrowness or the breadth of the dis- 
cussions which are now going on. The talks 
which Ambassador [Llewellyn E.] Thompson is 
having in Moscow are to find out whether a basis 
for negotiation exists, and we presume they will 
go on somewhat further to explore that point. 
There are not, quite frankly, major concessions 
that are available in this situation. Again, over 
the last 15 yeai-s, the margins of adjustment and 

compromise have been worn pretty thin. "Wliat 
we see in Berlin is a confrontation of the vital in- 
terests of the West, with pressures from the East. 
And this is not an easy and normal trading situ- 
ation where by adjustment here and there you 
reach a quick agreement. This is much more dif- 
ficult than that and has to be handled much more 

Q. That's precisely v>hy I asked the question. 
I had wondered, myself, whether, in a wider ne- 
gotiation, where xoe woidd not be dealing with 
Berlin alone, we might not be in a stronger posi- 

A. Well, there are broader questions which do 
have a bearing upon the relations between the 
Sino-Soviet bloc and the Western World but 
which we've already tried to explore. For ex- 
ample, one of the real setbacks, I think, not for us 
but for the human race in past years, was the 
failure to obtain a treaty on nuclear testing, which 
we presented in March to the Soviet Union.' 
That was a great disappointment to us. And we 
hope very much that that can be followed up on, 
in some way. 

American Diplomatic Achievements 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Pd like to give you a break at 
this point. We^ve been talking a great deal about 
setbacks and disasters and so forth. Looking back 
on this first year of the Kennedy administration, 
is there some single achievement of American di- 
plomacy — some job particularly well done — that 
gives you, as Secretary of State, particular satis- 

A. Well, I think there are a number of those, 
Mr. Abel. Some of them won't be known, I sus- 
pect, until the papers are published some 25 years 
from now, because part of our business is pre- 
venting crises — and we don't put them on the 
public record as we go along. I would think that 
perhaps there are two things that come to mind 
in connection with your question. One was the 
recent session of the General Assembly, where 
some very important forward steps were taken, 
where the effort to unseat the Republic of China 
was decisively defeated,' where a Secretary-Gen- 
eral was appointed without limiting his authority 

' For text, see iUd., June 5, 1961, p. 870. 

■ For background, see ihid., Jan. 15, 1962, p. 108. 

January 29, 1962 


along the lines of troika. I also would point to 
the remarkable work done by our consul general — 
a professional Foreign Service officer — in the Do- 
minican Eepublic, Mr. Jolm C. Hill, in helping 
that country find its way out of the agonies in 
which it had fallen. 

Q. And that, incidentally, was one situation in 
which we did use American national power sym- 
holically, didn't loe? 

A. Yes. 

Yes, we did. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I have one final question. 
You are going off to Punta del Este in about 10 
days. What is the least that you would expect to 
come out of that conference with regard to action 
against C astro'' s Cuba by the other hemisphere 

A. Well, Mr. Abel, a question about what we 
expect to have occur in a conference Mliich is about 
10 days off, I think, is just a little untimely, be- 
cause we're, of course, negotiating and discussing 
very closely with other governments, right now, 
exactly what those results might be. I am quite 
sure that there will be registered there, in closer 
terms, the deep concern of this hemisphere about 
the penetration of the Americas by these forces 
from the outside. The exact steps which we — 
which may come from that — we'll have to wait the 
event. But we're in close consultation with the 
other governments right now. 

Q. Well, thank you very much, sir. 

President Reviews Berlin Situation 
Witli General Clay 

Statement by President Kennedy 

White House press release dated January 7 

General Clay ^ and I have had a most useful and 
satisfactory review of the current situation in 
Berlin and Germany. I have been very glad to get 
his report of the continued stanchness of the free 
people of West Berlin, and we have talked at 
length about the ways and means of sustaining 
and strengthening the life of their great city in 
the future as in the past. 

We liavc also reviewed the general problem of 

" Lucius D. Clay, the President's personal representa- 
tive In Berlin. 

effective handling of possible crisis situations, and 
we have reached full agreement on the policy to 
be followed during these months. 

This meeting is one more way in which Mr. 
Rusk, General Clay, and I can keep in the closest 
touch, and we continue to be fortunate in having 
him as the senior American in Berlin. 

U.S.-Canada Economic Committee 
Concludes Seventh Meeting 

The seventh meeting of the Joint United States- 
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic Af- 
fairs was held at Ottaioa January 12-13. Follow- 
ing is the text of a communique released at Ottawa 
at the conclusion of the meeting. 

The seventh meeting of the Joint Canada- 
United States Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs was held in Ottawa, January 12 and 13, 
1962, under the Chairmanship of the Honourable 
Donald M. Fleming, Minister of Finance. 

2. The United States was represented at the 
meeting by the Honorable C. Douglas Dillon, Sec- 
retary of the Treasury; the Honorable Stewart 
Udall, Secretary of the Interior; the Honorable 
Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of Agriculture; the 
Honorable Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Com- 
merce ; and the Honorable George W. Ball, Under- 
Secretary of State. The United States Delegation 
also included Mr. Livmgston T. Merchant, United 
States Ambassador to Canada. 

3. Canada was represented by the Honourable 
Howard Green, Secretary of State for External 
Affairs; the Honourable Donald M. Fleming, Min- i 
ister of Finance; the Honourable George Hees, 
Minister of Trade and Commerce; and tlie Hon- 
ourable Alvin Hamilton, Minister of Agriculture. 
The Canadian Delegation included the Canadian 
Ambassador to the United States, Mr. A. D. P. 
Heeney. | 

4. The Committee noted tlie improvement in the 
level of economic activity in botli countries since 
the previous meeting in Washington in INIarch, ^ 
1961.^ They agreed on the importance of achiev- 
ine; sustained economic growth in accordance with 
the resolution adopted at the first Ministerial 
meeting of the OECD on November 17.= Meas- 

' Bui.LKTiN of Apr. 3, 1961. p. 487. 

' For a statement made by Under Secretary of State 
George W. Ball at the OECD moetins and text of a com- 
munique, see ibid.. Dee. IS, liHJl. p. 1014. 


Department of State Bulletin,. 

ures for the expansion of world trade would be 
essential to the achievement of these aims. 

5. Canadian Ministers reiterated their support 
for the expansion of world trade on a multilatei'al, 
nondiscriminatory basis, and Canada's readiness to 
play a constructive role in the promotion of f I'eer 
world trade. United States members welcomed 
this statement and pointed out that the United 
States had consistently supported these objectives 
for many years. The Committee recognized the 
importance of the recent decision at the GATT 
Ministerial Meeting to explore new arrangements 
for the multilateral reduction of trade barriers and 
for moving toward freer trade.'' The United 
States members emphasized that the new trade 
legislation being sought at this Session of Con- 
gress is intended to contribute substantially to this 

6. The United States members explained the 
general nature and purposes of the trade expan- 
sion programme which the United States Admin- 
istration will be submitting to Congress, which, 
if approved, would enable the United States to 
make a greater contribution to the growth of in- 
ternational trade on a multilateral basis, and in 
this way contribute substantially to the strength 
and prosperity of the free world. 

7. The Committee examined the problems in- 
hibiting international trade in agricultural com- 
modities and underlined the importance of 
securing international agreement on measures 
which would provide adequate access to world 
markets for agricultural producers. They agreed 
that such measures should take full account of the 
comparative advantage of production in agricul- 
tural commodities among different countries. 
United States and Canadian Ministers expressed 
the hope that coming international discussions 
would effectively contribute to the freeing and 
expansion of international trade in agricultural 

8. The Committee noted the current negotia- 
tions between Britain and the European Economic 
Community and the widespread consequences 
which British entry into the EEC would have for 
the rest of the world. The Committee recognized 

^ For statements made by Under Secretary Ball and 
Under Secretary of Commerce Edward Gudeman, a re- 
port of the U.S. delegation to the 19th session of GATT, 
and text of a declaration on promotion of trade of less 
developed countries, see iMd., Jan. 1, 1962, p. 3. 

the great importance of the Commonwealth as a 
unique association of free nations bridging five 
continents and the constructive contribution which 
it was making to world peace and stability. 

9. Canadian Ministers emphasized that the Com- 
monwealth trade links, including the exchange 
of preferences and the historic right of free entry 
into the United Kingdom market, were an essen- 
tial cohesive element in the Commonwealth asso- 
ciation. They stressed the importance the Ca- 
nadian Government attached to Britain's efforts 
in their negotiations with the EEC to safeguard 
the trade interests of Canada and other Common- 
wealth countries. 

10. The Committee recalled the constructive 
conclusions reached at the recent Ministerial meet- 
ing of the GATT concerning the trade of the 
less-developed countries. They reaffirmed that it 
was the continuing policy of both coimtries to 
assist the efforts of those countries to expand their 
trade and improve their standards of living. 

11. The Committee recognized that direct ex- 
changes of views at the Cabinet level are useful in 
helping to maintain soundly based and effective 
economic co-operation between Canada and the 
United States. Such understanding and co-opera- 
tion will be all the more necessary in the years 
ahead if each coimtry is to play its part in a chang- 
ing world with a full recognition of the essential 
interests and aspirations of the other. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Ecuador, 
Neftali Ponce Miranda, presented his credentials 
to President Kennedy on January 10. For texts 
of the Ambassador's remarks and the President's 
reply, see Department of State press release 22 
dated January 10. 

Republic of Gabon 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Repub- 
lic of Gabon, Jules Mbah, presented his creden- 
tials to President Kennedy on January 10. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi- 
dent's reply, see Department of State press release 
23 dated January 10. 

January 29, 7962 


Rule and Exception in Africa 

by G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ' 

It gives me gi-eat pleasure to join you today at 
a time when the new year is still young and full 
of promise. At this season we feel our energies 
revive and we take a new look at the possibilities 
which life offers — the stubborn problems we face 
and the opportunities we all have in the pursuit of 
happiness, in working for a more abundant life 
in our communities, and in strengthening the 
leadership of our country in the great causes of 
justice, liberty, and peace. 

This nation has a great deal to say in the shap- 
ing of the world community today. Our good for- 
tune historically, our good and hardworking peo- 
ple, have endowed the United States with miprece- 
dented power and material prosperity. These 
attributes greatly enhance the effect of all our 
actions in the world outside our borders. If we 
ourselves are somewhat breathless from our ad- 
vance into the atomic age and the new era of space 
exploration, we can be certain that to most other 
nations and peoples the force of our presence 
grows ever stronger. 

Yet the great promise of America continues to 
spring from our spiritual heritage. When our 
forebears proclaimed that governments derive 
"their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned," a profound inspiration flowed out from 
these shores to nourish the very roots of civiliza- 
tion. The flowering of that inspiration has re- 
claimed many national destinies for peoples 
throughout the world. As Jefferson foresaw, the 
American ideal of freedom would surely reach out 
across the world, "to some pai'ts sooner, to some 
later, and finally to all." 

' Address made before the Woman's National Demo- 
cratic Club at Washington, D.C., on .Tan. 8 (press release 

In our time, this ferment, this inevitable asser- 
tion of the natural rights of man, has been — and 
is — at work in Africa. 

Evolution to Independence 

Above all else the striking thing about Africa 
today is the emergence, only yesterday, of so many 
new nations. Twenty-five of the 29 sovereign na- 
tions of Africa have won their independence in 
the last 11 years, 18 of them within the past 2 
years alone. 

This is a simple reckoning of an enormously 
significant transfonnation in our world commu- 
nity. The curtain is rapidly falling on act three 
of the drama of the old imperial-power relation- 
ships, the spectacle of colonialism with its master- 
servant relationships. The new play of forces in 
Africa may seem pooi-ly rehearsed, and we are 
not very well acquainted with many of the actors. 
But clearly this drama of change is a text for our 

There is no use crying that some way should 
have been found to clap the lid on the world the 
way it was yesterday. Rather, as realists, we 
should welcome this new play of forces because 
it offers eloquent, fresh testimony to man's in- 
extinguishable desire for freedom. 

The colonial powers, with important excep- 
tions, have contributed intelligently to this evo- 
lution to self-determination and independence of 
the African peoples. The colonial experience 
generated a great many frictions, but what is re- 
markable is that nearly nil the new nations of 
the continent have emerged to freedom peacefully. 
On (ho one hand, a degree of preparation, some- 
times minimal but nevertheless vital, was extended 
to these dependent peoples in the field of political 


Deporfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

expression and self-government. On the other 
hand, African nationalist leaders have generally 
used the political choices open to them with great 

This peaceful evolution is the rule. We must 
not miss seeing it because of headlines concerning 
the one great exception in newly independent 
Africa — the fonner Belgian territory which is now 
tlie Republic of the Congo. 

I do not wish today to go into the situation in 
tlie Congo, except to reiterate that American policy 
has helped to lay the groundwork there for a 
necessary reconciliation among the Congolese 
peoples. The tui'bulence in the Congo runs too 
deep to expect an overnight solution of all the 
problems of that country. But on the basis of 
the Kitona agreement,- which President Kennedy 
helped to make possible, the goal of a stable Congo, 
impervious to subversion or outside domination, 
is brought within reach. 

Positive Achievements Are Characteristic 

What I want to reiterate is that events in the 
Congo must not distract us from the broader 
truths about the new African states. The Congo 
is the exception. We must look to, we must get 
to know, the substantial, positive achievements of 
the other new states of Africa, which constitute the 
great majority. 

What I would like to see in headlines is not 
that 1 among the 25 newly independent nations 
of Africa is rent by secession and civil strife but 
that the other 24 are peacefully established under 
governments of their own choosing; that law and 
order prevails throughout virtually every one of 
these countries; that responsible leadership is 
widely characteristic; that economic and social 
progress is the order of the day ; and that, despite 
the blandisliments of the Soviet bloc, no African 
country has traded away its independence (nor is 
any likely to), while hj far the majority maintain 
a friendly and productive orientation toward the 

When we recall the rigors of our own country's 
early development, we know how much we owe to 
tlie courage and foresight of our first leaders and 
how much sweaty toil by our people was needed to 
bring us round the bend of early uncertainties and 

' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 10, 
and Jan. 8, 1962, p. 49. 

setbacks. Africa has moved fast, but the excep- 
tions only go to prove the rule that the nations 
there have begun their careers under foresighted 
leadership which is determined to realize flourish- 
ing societies and a secure destiny in the free world. 
This certainly is not going to be an easy task, 
for the needs of the African countries are many. 
The needs, in fact, are shaping the kinds of in- 
stitutions which are felt to be necessary to mobilize 
national resources, including what is sometimes 
called human investment, in the drive for economic 
and social development. There is an impatience 
to move ahead, but it could hardly be otherwise. 
African leaders are caught up in a race with time 
and the expectations of their peoples. They are 
going to make some mistakes, but again we must 
see the mainstream, which is already, and will 
increasingly become, a forward movement. 

Examples of Progress 

We are too little aware of the inspired will to 
work, to plan, and to sacrifice for a growing 
economy that is evident, for example, in Tunisia. 
The Tunisians are being reminded over and over 
again that "the future belongs to industrious 
peoples"; they are taught that " 'God helps them 
who help themselves' is the motto of new Tunisia." 
The Tunisian people have responded vigorously. 

The total school population of Tunisia has 
doubled sinc« 1952 and is still growing. The num- 
ber of hospital beds has increased from 6,000 to 
10,000 in 3 years. Slums are being cleared, and 
pure water is being supplied to remote villages. 
About 9,000 new housing units are being con- 
structed each year, most of them low-cost units 
for workers, and plans are being made to build 
20,000 annually. 

The case of Nigeria is also instructive. Nigeria 
has been developing in accordance with a program 
based on a survey by the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. Some 80 per- 
cent of this program has been financed from in- 
ternal Nigerian sources. With its help, Nigeria's 
rate of economic growth has risen to about 6 per- 
cent per annum. Tax withholdings are now being 
started to cut down on tax evasion. Efforts are 
being made to meet uncertainties of present land 
ownership by changes in the tenure arrangements. 
New lands are being opened up by well-drilling 
and land-resettlement projects, and new conMnuni- 
ties are being created. 

January 29, J 962 


Incidentally, traveling in Nigeria and several 
other countries of Af i-ica, I was impressed to find 
that industrial development agencies have been set 
up, quite like those found in many of our own 

Partnership and Cooperation 

We also need to be reminded of the continuing 
partnership between almost every one of the Afri- 
can nations and the former metropole powers. In 
every instance the new nations have turned first to 
these or other countries of the West for aid. 
Quite a few have felt obliged to accept aid offers 
also from the Soviet bloc, owing to the magni- 
tude of their needs and, sometimes, as another 
means of signifying their independence. There 
are dangers in this, of course, but the present odds, 
measured in terms of aid programs, are heavily 
weighted on the free- world side. 

We ourselves have done much less than the Eu- 
ropean countries. Our direct economic aid to 
Africa in fiscal year 1961 was $215 million apart 
from surplus agricultural commodities, but 
France and England together provided well over 
$400 million. Germany, Belgium, Italy, and sev- 
eral smaller countries have also made substantial 
contributions. This pool of Western assistance 
is nourishing sound programs of economic and 
social development. In addition international 
agencies are supporting this general forward ef- 
fort. Last year almost one-third of the new loan 
commitments of the International Bank for Re- 
construction and Development went to Africa. 

Moreover, new joint efforts in African assist- 
ance are being set in motion by member nations 
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development. And on their own account the 
African nations have formed political groupings 
which find their first expression in developing ra- 
tional economic plans on a cooperative basis. One 
example is the work of the Organization for Afri- 
can and Malagasy Economic Cooperation, through 
which 12 former French territories are forming a 
customs union and planning coordinated develop- 
ment programs. Twenty nations, including sev- 
eral foimerly under British administration, expect 
soon to adopt a convention with similar develop- 
ment objectives, and still another group of six 
nations have agreed to cooperate under the "Casa- 
blanca Charter." 

These are realities of constructive work and 


orderly progress in Africa. They do not mean 
that the end of the road is in sight, for the prob- 
lems are manifold and tenacious. But they do 
mean that a very good start has been made on the 
sort of development which is consistent not only 
with African needs but with free- world objectives. 
That development can be brought to fruition if the 
free world maintains and enlarges its support to 
African nations. In this great effort we must do 
our share. 

American Responsiveness 

Recognizing these realities. President Kennedy, 
in the great tradition I referred to at the start, 
has given us the framework for our new African 
policy. This he outlined in his inaugural ad- 
dress,^ in which he saluted the new nations and at 
the same time warned the enemies of freedom of 
our determination to defend that world of free 
choice which is ever enlarging. As you may re- 
call, he went on to pledge this coimtry's best efforts 
to help these peoples help themselves — "not be- 
cause the Communists may be doing it, not because 
we seek their votes, but because it is right." 

Our policy has been to vmdergird the stability 
of the nations of Africa by assisting them in the 
fight against poverty, illiteracy, and disease. We 
seek to strengthen newly won independence in 

We have done so by according African nations 
and leaders full recognition, full assurance of our 
desire to consider their problems on their own 
merits and to cooperate in solving them. We have 
welcomed to America such distinguished African 
leaders as President Bourguiba of Tunisia. Presi- 
dent Youlou of the Congo (Brazzaville), Prime 
Minister Balewa of Nigeria, President Abboud of 
the Sudan, President Tubman of Liberia, and 
President Senghor of Senegal. Vice President 
Johnson, Attorney General Robert Kcnnedj', 
Labor Secretary Arthur Goldberg, Commerce Sec- 
retaiy Luther Hodges, Ambassador Chester 
Bowles, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., have rep- 
resented the United States on official missions to 
Africa. My own acquaintanceship with African 
leaders, and that of my associates, has been very 
broadly developed in three extensive and valuable 
trips to Africa. 

In launching the Decade of Development, Presi- 
dent Kennedy has developed a new concept within 

'/&»?.. Feb. 6, 1961, p. 17.-. 

Department of State Bulletin 

which our efforts to promote economic growth are 
being carried forward and luider which we are 
seeking to mobilize the resources of the free workl/ 

We have taken this concept and translated it 
into new aid principles calling for longer term, 
planned contributions to somid economic develop- 
ment. Already in Nigeria and Tanganyika those 
principles govern our aid programs. We have cal- 
culated our risks with great care in deciding to 
assist the Volta River project in Ghana and are 
confident that our national interest, as well as 
African advancement, is served by this decision. 
Our aid projects are typified by the decision to 
help build a vital port in Somalia and a great 
university in Ethiopia, and by turning over to 
Liberia the port facility we built at Monrovia dur- 
ing the war. Our special interest in education is 
reflected by our sending of 150 teachers to east 
Africa and by support to more than a dozen Afri- 
can educational institutions. 

Another significant program is the Peace Corps. 
Dedicated, talented young Americans of the Peace 
Corps are putting their shoulders to the wheel of 
African development. 

We have, finally, seen the United Nations Op- 
eration in the Congo through thick and thin, en- 
abling the Congolese to throw off a threatened 
Communist infection which could have spread 

In support of these efforts we have sought to 
bring out tlie very best in our official representa- 
tives stationed in Africa. We have armed our am- 
bassadors with full authority to direct the activi- 
ties of all our officials in these countries, and Am- 
bassador Bowles and I met personally with the 
ambassadors and their principal aides to reinforce 
this directive and to sound out how well it was 
being applied. 

I am happy to say that the year past has given 
me a great respect and admiration for the level of 
competence, dedication, and professional skill of 
these men and women who are representing 
America, often under difficult conditions demand- 
ing real sacrifices. Properly supported by under- 
standing and a sense of commitment here at home, 
and by an aid program more nearly approaching 

' For an address by President Kennedy before the U.N. 
General Assembly on Sept. 2.'i, 1961, see ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, 
p. 619 ; for a statement by Philip M. Klutznick, U.S. Rep- 
resentative to the General Assembly, made in Committee 
II on Oct. 6, 1961, see ibid., Dec. 4, 1961, p. 939. 

January 29, 1962 

624S56— 62 3 

the needs of these nations, our team in Africa can 
be counted on to give new substance to our historic 
role in support of freedom, in raising of living 
standards, and in the elevation of human dignity. 

The Dependent Territories 

For those parts of Africa which are still in a 
dependent status, our policy has two chief aspects. 
First, as President Kennedy told the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly in September, the "continuing tide 
of self-determination, which runs so strong, has 
our sympathy and our support." Second, as I 
have intimated above, we regard deliberate, ex- 
peditious preparation for self-goveniment as es- 
sential not only to African advancement but to 
the avoidance of increased tensions which could 
jeopardize the remarkable progress that so far 
characterizes the political evolution of Africa. 

It is not our policy to intervene in the vital 
processes of constitutional transition and racial 
accommodation which are presently in train in 
most of the dependent areas. They must be re- 
solved, we recognize, primarily by the peoples and 
governments concerned, and much credit is due to 
European administrators and African nationalists 
who have registered the progress which I had the 
privilege to see on my visits in east and central 
Africa. Wliere our comisel is sought, or where 
it is incumbent on us to define our position, we 
declare our interest in political, economic, and so- 
cial progress and assert that we believe such 
progress should occur without reference to the 
race of individual citizens and certainly without 
the derogation of the full rights of any element 
of the population. 

I should add that we liold these views with re- 
spect also to an African nation which has long 
been independent. I refer to the Eepublic of 
South Africa, whose policy of apartheid so clearly 
departs from the principles of our own national 
policy and from the tenets of the United Nations 

American Confidence in Africa Unshaken 

As a general summing up, I would say that the 
iVmerican attitude toward Africa is one of confi- 
dence in people and principles, a confidence un- 
shaken by the multiplicity of new problems pre- 
sented to our foreign policy and undistracted by 
headlines which center on the trouble-starred 
exceptions to the orderly transition which has 


marked the postwar course of events in Africa. 
Out of a decent respect for the opinions of our 
oldest friends and the aspirations of our newest, 
we are seeking to strengthen independent Africa 
against internal instabilities and outside ambitions 
and to contribute to an orderly evolution in de- 
pendent areas, conscious of how much depends 
on the actions of wise administrators and men 
of good will representing all elements of 
these national communities as they seek further 

Above all, our outlook is centered on the record 
of acliievement of the new African states. Their 
leaders and peoples have earned our deep respect. 
Looking out on a world of constant change, we 
find here new reflections of the peniianent values 
we have always sought to build on. 

So in our policy for Africa, in our support to 
Africa, let us get on with the job, let us build 
for the future peace and opportunity that must 
be secured for the world if they are to be enjoyed 
by us and by our children. 

Jose Rizal Day 

hy W. AverellHarriman 

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^ 

It is with great personal satisfaction that I join 
this distinguished company in commemorating the 
memory of Jose Rizal on this 65th anniversary of 
his death. Today also marks the conclusion of the 
centenary year of the birth of Rizal, martyr-hero 
of the Philippines, which has been observed by all 
who are dedicated to the principles of freedom for 
which he died. In doing so we have been ful- 
filling Rizal's own admonition, "I die without 
seeing the dawn brighten over my native land ! 
You, who have it to see, welcome it — and forget 
not those who have fallen during the night !" 

Jose Rizal was a man of whom all Filipinos are 
justifiably proud. Still more, liowever, Rizal was 
a man from whom all men who love freedom can 
take inspiration. He was only 35 years old when 
his life was abruptly ended before a firing squad. 
Yet in that brief span he had earned many honors, 
and his stature is today recognized the world over. 
He was renowned as a naturalist whose specimens 
may still be seen in European museums. Rizal 
was a scientific agriculturalist, an educator, sculp- 
tor, humorist, linguist. He was eminent as a phy- 
sician and as an eye specialist. His historical re- 

' Address made at the Department of State on Dec. 30 
(press release 916 dated Dec. 29) at an observance of 
Jos6 Rizal Day sponsored by the Philippine Embassy. 

search formed the basis for the study of the pre- 
Hispanic culture of his country. He has earned 
a place in the distinguished company of such great 
names as Jefferson and Ben Franklin. 

Rizal's greatness rests on none of these impres- 
sive achievements, however. It is Jose Rizal the 
social reformer, the selfless embodiment of the na- 
tional conscience, the seeker after trutli, the voice of 
freedom, whose guiding hand is felt in tlie Philip- 
pines today. The most eloquent testimony of 
Rizal's eminence as a political philosoplier is the 
early fulfillment of his conviction that injustice 
and oppression in his colonial homeland could not 
long survive the liberation of the minds of his 
countrymen. He set as his first goals the attain- 
ment of freedom of education, of thought, and of 
speech in the Philippines. A gentle man of reason, 
he sought change, not througli revolutionary vio- 
lence but through the orderly paths of education 
and political preparation, knowing that without 
these the troubles of his country would be com- 
pounded. He asked that his follow coimtrjiiien be 
given a measure of responsibility for their own 
destinies and that in their homeland they be af- 
forded opportunities for the liberal education he 
himself was forced to seek abroad. 

It is especially tragic that young Dr. Jose Rizal, 
who stood before a firing squad as a revolutionary 


Department of State Bulletin 

symbol 65 years ago today, had in truth dedicated 
his life to peaceful reform. Hatred and revenge 
played no part in his liberal outlook. 

As "the Great Malayan" he is honored through- 
out the world. As a Filipino he was the spokes- 
man for national aspirations, foe of despotism, 
and father of his country. 

"We would do well to listen again to the 
thoughts of Rizal, which are as fresh today as 
when he first expressed them. He said : 

Without education and freedom, which are the soil 
and the sun of man, no reform is possible, no measure 
can yield the desired result. . . . 

An immoral government presupposes a demoralized 
people; a conscienceless administration, greedy and 
servile citizens in the settled parts, outlaws and brigands 
In the mountains. . . . 

My countrymen, I have given proof that I am one most 
anxious for liberties for our country, and I am still 
desirous of them. But I place as a prior condition the 
education of the people, that by means of instruction and 
indu.stry our country may have an individuality of its 
own and make itself worthy of these liberties. . . . 

Jose Rizal foresaw many of the circumstances 
which resulted in the start, 2 years after his death, 
of the close and fruitful association of the Philip- 
pines and the United States. But not even Rizal 
could have predicted that the system of liberal 
education and political preparation he yearned 
for would, soon after his death, be introduced so 
quickly and effectively from America. 

I am gratified to be able to say that the United 
States early recognized Rizal's wisdom and the 
logic of his ideals. In 1902 a bill establishing 
civil government in the Philippines was adopted 
by the United States Congress (the first Organic 
Act). In his sponsorship speech Representative 
Henry A. Cooper said of Rizal, 

Search the long and bloody roll of the world's martyred 
dead, and where — on what soil, under what sky — did 
tyranny ever claim a nobler victim? . . . the future is 
not without hope for a people which . . . has furnished 
to the world a character so lofty and so pure as that of 
Jose Rizal. 

Present U.S.-Philippine Relationship 

His ideas and ideals form an appropriate back- 
groimd for the present relationship of the Philip- 
pines and the United States as sovereign equals 
joined in a partnership based upon mutuality of 
outlook, interest, and purpose and on an active 
concern with the welfare and peace of humanity 
everywhere. This association has been marked 

Secretary Rusk Sends Greetings 
to Republic of the Pliilippines 

Following is a message sent 6y Secretary Rusk to 
Vice President Emmanuel Pelacz of the Pliilippines 
on the occasion of Rizal Day, December 30, awl the 
conclusion of the centennial observance of the hirth 
of Jos6 Rizal. 

Press release 913 dated December 29 

December 29, 1961 

Dear Mb. Vice President : Over the past twelve 
months we in the United States have been honored 
by the opportunity to share in celebrating with you 
the centennial of the birth of your national hero, 
Dr. Jos6 Rizal. 

The close association of our two countries in pur- 
suing our mutual ideals truly embraces the spirit 
of Rizal. Founded on such an identity of prin- 
ciple, our common cause and our many individual 
friendships can only grow and prosper to the ad- 
vantage of all mankind. 
Sincerely yours, 

Dean Rusk 

by constantly growing respect and friendship, 
with each partner maturing in step with the 
other. Accompanying these official relations 
from the outset have been the equally important 
individual ties between Filipino and American. 
As early as 1901, plans were made to send 1,000 
American teachers to the Philippines. Those 
dedicated teachers (known as Thomasites after 
the name of the Army transport wliich took them 
there) are still held in esteem throughout the 
Philippines. By 1903 the education of outstand- 
ing Filipino students in the United States was 
authorized. Our good friend General [Carlos P.] 
Romulo himself was one of them. 

I like to think that Jose Rizal would have re- 
sponded warmly to the arrival in this, his cen- 
tenary year, of a second group of youths fired by 
ideals similar to his own. The heirs of his leader- 
ship, as well as we who send them, recognize the 
spirit of Rizal in the Peace Corps volimteers who 
are now undertaking to assist the cause of educa- 
tion in the Philippines. I noted with satisfaction 
a few days ago that six of them offered their 
labor during the Christmas vacation to help re- 
pair school buildings damaged or destroyed by a 
typhoon in their locality. 

Rizal did not know that liis people would so 
soon have the opportunity to develop in an atmos- 

January 29, J 962 


phere of freedom of religion, of information, and, 
most important to liim, freedom from fear. He 
would have rejoiced in the early establishment of 
libraries in which his own works have a prominent 
place. He would have been gratified by the pro- 
grams under which the United States helped re- 
stock libraries destroyed by war. Rizal's interest 
in languages today finds expression in the progress 
in the Philippines in the development of a national 
language. The United States has assisted this 
program through the printing of textbooks in the 
vernacular, principally Tagalog, as well as in 
English. Our exchanges of students, leaders, 
and specialists and the sharing of radio broad- 
casting facilities have done much to liighlight the 
similarity of our individual and national outlooks. 
How splendid is the degree of harmony of ideals 
and effort achieved between the Republic of the 
Philippines and the United States of America! 
Both our nations owe Rizal a great debt for his 
foresight and wisdom, which facilitated develop- 
ment of Asia's first liberal democracy. 

In drawing attention to the closeness of our peo- 
ple, I would be remiss were I to overlook the 
occasional disagreements and problems that have 
arisen between us. However, there have been none 
tliat have not or cannot be i-esolved through frank 
discussion. We have learned, over the yeare, to 
know each other so well that we can argue with- 
out fear of misunderstanding, as members of the 
same family. For our part, we are impressed that 
the spirit of pride in national identity and accom- 
plishment that Rizal encouraged so fervently has 
become an important part of the Philippine 

Together our peoples have progressed. From 
unsure and sometimes inept first steps, the United 
States assisted the Philippines to national inde- 
pendence dedicated to insuring the blessings of 
liberty to its citizens. Although at times the way 
was not clear, neither of us ever doubted what 
the goal was nor that it would be achieved. It is 
a fact that the United States has done much for 
the Philippines; we have contributed money, we 
have sent technicians and teachers. But without 
Philippine talents, energies, and dedication all 
this would have been in vain. The United States 
has not played the role of mentor alone. From 
the Philippines we have had countless lessons in 
the art and psychology of living in a world soon to 
be free of the forms of traditional colonialism if 

not of all of its scars. The experience has been 
mutually beneficial. 

United in dedication to Rizal's ideals, our coun- 
tries at Bataan and Corregidor forged an alliance 
to forestall any second attempt to extinguish the 
light of liberty in either country. After cooperat- 
ing in crushing the alien-dominated Communist 
Huks, w^ho sought to destroy the Philippines, and 
after fighting side by side again in Korea, our two 
coimtries took the lead in developing an organiza- 
tion to defend Southeast Asia from the new 

Rizal said, 

When a people is denied light, home, liberty, and Jus- 
tice — things that are essential to life, and therefore man's 
patrimony — that people has a right to treat him who so 
despoils it as we would the robber who intercepts us on 
the highway. 

Today we jointly protect our liberty. We can- 
not and will not compromise our responsibilities 
to defend the free peoples of Asia. The help of 
the people of the Philippines is essential in ful- 
filling this responsibility. 

The Philippine economy has made great prog- 
ress in recovering from the ravages of World War 
II and going far beyond prewar production levels, 
and more, I feel sure, can and will be achieved. 
However, as President Kennedy has said, the 
challenges and opportunities of the sixties are 
enormous for all of us. 

U.S. Shares "Faith in the Filipino" 

Of great significance is the inauguration, just 
a few hours ago, of a new government in the 
Philippines. President Kennedy has sent Gov- 
ernor Robert B. Meyner of New Jersey as his 
personal representative to emphasize the hope, 
the esteem, and the respect .^Vmericans hold for 
the Philippine people and their flourishing demo- 
cratic institutions. I have every confidence that 
the prospects for even closer cooperation between 
our respective Governments are most promising. 
President [Diosdado] Macapagal has dedicated 
himself, his campaign, and his administration to 
"Faith in the Filipino." We share that faith. 
The new President has committed himself to the 
maintenance of United States-Philippine coopera- 
tion in defense of free-world interests. He has 
outlined a progressive program for economic 
development and social justice. He deserves the 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

full suppoi't of all in the Philippines, regardless 
of political affiliation. 

The new administration declared during the 
campaign its intention to resume and to accelerate 
economic progress. It specifically promised to 
remove the foreign-exchange controls which have 
inhibited Philippine trade these past 11 years 
and also to reduce Government participation 
in business enterprises to a minimum. It is 
pledged to launch a positive program to encourage 
private foreign investment. I feel sure that 
foreign investors will respond and can help by 
providing a part of the very large amounts of 
capital still needed to develop the tremendous 
natural and human resources of the Philippines. 
Moreover, the United States Government is ready 
to consider any other constructive proposals 
through which we may help the Philippines to 
use its resources more fully. We are prepared 
to join with other friends of the Philippines, both 
public and private, to supplement those resources 
in the most economical way possible. 

The United States particularly welcomes the 
Macapagal administration's reemphasized inter- 
est in a program of self-help, its announced in- 
tention to develop priorities for the use of available 
resources, to improve the use of forestry and fish- 
ery resources, to redirect credit to more produc- 
tive use, to improve tax collections, to grant 
greater autonomy to local communities, and to 
insure a just distribution of the blessings of eco- 
nomic progress. These goals fortuitously paral- 
lel the criteria set forth in the act establishing 
the new United States Agency for International 
Development. It is good to see Eizal's hopes and 
ideals acknowledged to such a degree in his 

To President Macapagal and to the people of 
the Philippines go our best wishes for his health 
and success in carrying out his programs in the 
spirit and example of Jose Kizal. 

In extending our congratulations, we are pro- 
foundly aware of the magnitude of the challenge 
our countries face together. Our interest in the 
continuing development of our common social and 
political ideals is an historical fact. We do not 
and shall not take for granted our friendship with 
the Pliilippines or its people. 

Wliile hundreds of millions of people have been 
gaining their freedom, in most cases, as with the 
Philippines, through the enlightened modem 

policies of the former colonial powers, a new colo- 
nialism in Europe and Asia is threatening free 
peoples everywhere. I need not remind this au- 
dience of what we have seen in Hungary and 
Tibet, and most recently of the attempts of the 
aggressive forces of this new colonialism to enslave 
the free people of Viet-Nam. Certainly these at- 
tacks are a portent of a continuing probing by 
communism of the free world's will and dedication 
to freedom. 

Our mutual goals are clear. Each of us must 
strive, first of all, to get on with the unfinished 
business at home as we develop our economic and 
social potential to the fullest. Secondly, we must 
maintain and strengthen our joint and allied de- 
fense posture to discourage or to repel, if need be, 
aggression wherever it arises. Thirdly, we must 
inform people in a manner which will lead to their 
understanding and vigorously' opposing this new 
Communist colonialism. And finally, we should 
take positive measures to provide continuing help 
to other nations who also draw inspiration from 
these shared and universal ideals — the ideals of 
Rizal — that liberal education and free choice, not 
indoctrination and coercion, are the keys to eco- 
nomic prosperity and social welfare. 

In this way we shall not only fittingly remember 
one who has "fallen during the night," but we 
shall do much to preserve and to extend the fron- 
tiers of freedom in the coming years. We owe it to 
the memory of Rizal and to our American Found- 
ing Fathers to pledge our energies and our pur- 
pose and our honor to the cause of freedom, as 
President Roosevelt said — everywhere in the 

Mr. IVSoscoso Heads Factfinding 
Mission to Dominican Republic 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla. ) dated January 4 

Tlie Wliite House announced on January 4 that 
a factfinding mission headed by Teodoro Moscoso, 
Assistant Administrator of the Agency for Inter- 
national Development, would depart for the 
Dominican Republic on January 7 to confer with 
Dominican officials on the possibility of AID 
projects for that country. 

Mr. Moscoso's mission will seek information 
in the areas of the monetary and fiscal situation 
in the Dominican Republic and the possible need 
for emergency progi-ams such as unemployment 

January 29, 1962 


relief and literacy and immunization programs, as 
■well as looking into the possible requirements for 
long-term AID programs in the nation in order 
to strengthen the Alliance for Progress. 

Mr. Moscoso will spend several days at Santo 
Domingo, then return to Washington, with a short 
stopover in Puerto Rico. Members of his mission 
will remain in Santo Domingo for a period of at 
least a week in order to obtain detailed informa- 

Other members of the factfinding mission are 
Milton Barall, Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
State for Inter-American Affairs; Ralph A. Vis- 
bal. Chief, Office of Caribbean and Mexican Af- 
fairs, Bureau for Latin America, AID; Norman 
Ward, Special Assistant, Office of Institutional 
Development, Bureau for Latin America, AID; 
Ralph W. Ruffner, Acting Director, Education 
and Social Development Staff, Bureau for Latin 
America, AID; Joseph Carwell, Deputy Director, 
Office of Inter-American Regional Economic Af- 
fairs, Department of State; and Gabriel Kaplan, 
consultant on community development. 

U.S. Proposes Seasonal Marketing 
Fund for Central American Coffee 

Press release 5 dated January 3 

The U.S. Government is prepared, in principle, 
to lend up to $12 million to help certain Latin 
American countries in their efforts to relieve sea- 
sonal pressure on coffee markets through more 
orderly marketing of their coffee, Teodoro Mos- 
coso, AID Assistant Administrator for Latin 
America, announced on January 3. This furthers 
the aims of the Allanza para el Progreso. 

To discuss detailed arrangements the United 
States is proposing that a meeting be held at 
Washington on January 22. The governments of 
the following six countries have been invited: 
Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nica- 
ragua, and Costa Rica. These are the countries 
which have displayed most immediate concern 
about the seasonal marketing problem. It is possi- 
ble that otlier Latin American nations having sim- 
ilar problems may wish to consider participation 
in the program at a later date. This is not pre- 
cluded by the present action. 

Mr. Moscoso emphasized that the U.S. plans had 
just been comnmnicated to the interested govern- 

ments. They have been advised of the essential 
conditions wliich the United States believes must 
be satisfied if the program is to hold out promise 
of success and therefore to justify U.S. participa- 

There are two main elements in the approach 
envisaged by the United States : 

1. For their part the countries participating in 
the agreement will be asked to strengthen controls 
over exports as required by the existing Interna- 
tional Coffee Agreement. They will also under- 
take internal measures to relieve the pressure that 
overproduction puts on the market. 

2. If certain conditions are satisfied the United 
States will be prepared to make a long-tenn loan 
of up to $12 million for a Seasonal Marketing 
Fund (SMF). The fund would assist the coun- 
tries to hold back their quota coffees from export 
for a long enough time to relieve seasonal pressure 
on coffee markets. The funds advanced will be 
used on a revolving-fund basis, and the United 
States proposes that repayment should be provided 
on an automatic basis through a levy on each bag 
of coffee exported. If the program meets with the 
success hoped for, it is entirely possible that lesser 
sums will be needed and that repayments can be 
speeded up. 

Other large coffee-producing coimtries in Latin 
America have indicated their support for the pro- 
gram, since relief of seasonal pressures on Central 
American coffees will result in reduced pressures 
on coffees from elsewhere. 

Mr. Moscoso emphasized that the proposed pro- 
gram should strengthen the existing coffee agree- 
ment to which most of the world's coffee exporters 
belong. He also said that it should improve the 
chances for bringing about a long-term coffee 
agreement among exporters and importers which 
is intended to come to grips with the basic prob- 
lem of ovei-production which now plagues world 
coffee markets. 

Latin American countries are heavily dependent 
on earnings from the exports of commodities in 
order to carry out their economic and social de- 
velopment programs. Coffee is particularly im- 
portant in Central America, where it is the 
number-one export item. The worldwide coffee 
markets have been deteriorating for some years, 
basically because of overproduction. They show 
particular seasonal weakness in Central America 
since the full year's harvest is concentrated in a 


Department of State Bulletin 

short period of 3 to 4 months, creating great pres- 
sures for early sale. Overproduction has also now 
for the first time become a problem for that area. 

Mr. Moscoso explained that the proposed meas- 
ures to ease the seasonal marketing problem would 
further programs of economic and social develop- 
ment in this hemisphere, in accordance with the 
charter of the Alliance for Progress agreed to at 
the meeting last August at Punta del Este, Uru- 
guay.^ More particularly, it would further the 
specific program agreed to there for dealing with 
the hemisphere's coffee problems. 

Mr. Moscoso emphasized that this program does 
not embrace buffer-stock arrangements, purchases 
of surplus coffee, or intervention by the U.S. Gov- 
ernment in coft'ee markets. Moreover, he stressed 
it is not intended to raise the price of coffees. In- 
stead it is intended to prevent seasonal marketing 
pressures from reducing prices below their al- 
ready depressed levels. Wholesale prices of Cen- 
tral American coffees are now about 36 cents a 
pound, which is about two-fifths their level of 7 
years ago (90 cents) and about one-third less than 
the average price 3 years ago (51 cents). Prices 
are now the lowest since 1950. Recent price de- 
clines have cost the exporting countries precious 
foreign exchange. Every 1-cent drop in coffee 
prices costs the six countries annually $7 million 
in income. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

87th Congress, 1st Session 

Impact of Imports and Exports on Employment (Coal 
and Residual Fuel Oil). Hearings before the Subcom- 
mittee on the Impact of Imports and Exports on Ameri- 
can Employment of the House Education and Labor 
Committee. Part 1. June 19-20, 1061. 215 pp. 

Closedown and Current Status of U.S. Government Nickel 
Plant at Xicaro, Cuba. Hearings before a subcommit- 
tee of the House Government Operations Committee. 
August 20-30, 1961. 78 pp. 

Export of Logs to Japan. Hearing before the Subcom- 
mittee on Forests of the House Agriculture Committee. 
October 7, 1961. 73 pp. 

The European Economic Community and the United 
States. Paper prepared by Robert R. Bowie and Theo- 
dore Geiger for the Subcommittee on Foreign Economic 
Policy of the Joint Economic Committee. November 27, 
1961. 60 pp. [Joint Committee print] 

United States Commercial Policy : A Program for the 
1960's. Paper prepared by Peter B. Kenen for the 
Subcommittee on Foreign Economic Policy of the Joint 
Economic Committee. November 30, 1961. 37 pp. 
[Joint Committee print] 

Passport Regulations Affecting 
Communists Revised 

Press release 24 dated January 12 

Tlie Department of State announced on Jan- 
uary 12 the promulgation of revised passport reg- 
ulations ^ dealing with denial of passports to 
members of Communist organizations registered 
or required to be registered under the Subversive 
Activities Control Act of 1950. These regulations 
are designed to implement the act in light of the 
recent decision of the Supreme Court in the case 
of the Comtnunht Party of the United States v. 
Subversive Activities Control Board. 

The regulations provide that a passport shall 
not be issued to or renewed for any individual who 
the issuing officer knows or has reason to believe 
is a member of a Communist organization regis- 
tered or required to be registered under the Sub- 
versive Activities Control Act. 

The regulations provide further that any per- 
son to whom a passport or renewal of a passport 
has been denied or whose passport has been re- 
voked shall have the right to a hearing before the 
Passport Office and shall liave the right to appeal 
from an adverse decision of the Passport Office to 
the Board of Passport Appeals appointed by the 
Secretary of State. In such hearings the appli- 
cant shall be accorded the right to appear, to be 
represented by counsel, to present evidence, to be 
informed of the evidence against him and the 
source of such evidence, and to confront and cross- 
examine adverse witnesses. The decision to deny 
a passport shall be based only on evidence which 
is made available to the applicant for the passport. 

The Department of State also announced on 
January 12 that it will move to revoke the out- 
standing passports of certain leading officers and 
members of the Communist Party of the United 
States. This action will be taken pursuant to the 
discretionary authority of the Secretary in the is- 
suance of U.S. passports and in conformity with 
the provisions in the Subversive Activities Control 
Act relating to passports for persons wlio are 
members of Communist organizations registered 
or required to be registered under the act. The 
Department is now conferring with the Depart- 
ment of Justice as to the procedures for carrying 
out such action. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463. 

■ For text, see 27 Fed. Reg. 344. 

January 29, 1962 



International Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space 

Following is a statement made in Committee I 
(Political and Security) on December ^ hy Am- 
bassador Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Bepresenta- 
tive to the General Assembly, together with the 
text of a resolution adopted in plenary on Decem- 
ber 20. 


U.S. delegation press release 3875 

The subject before tliis committee this morning 
is, as you have indicated, outer space — and what 
we together decide to do, or not to do, to promote 
the exploration and use through peaceful cooper- 

This is Year Five in the Age of Space. Already 
in 4 short years scientific instruments, then ani- 
mals, then men, have been hurled into space and 
into orbit around the earth. Within a few more 
years satellites will bring vast new developments 
in weather forecasting and in worldwide tele- 
phone, radio, and television communications. 
More than that, rocket booster capacity will be- 
come sufficient to launch teams of men on journeys 
to the moon and to the nearest planets. And after 
that, one can only speculate what may come next. 

Unhappily this astoiuiding progress in space 
science has not been matched by comparable prog- 
ress in international cooperation. In the race of 
history social invention continues to lag behind 
scientific invention. 

We have already lost valuable time that can 
never be recovered. 

Unless we act soon the space age — like the naval 
age, like the air age and the atomic age— will see 
waste and danger beyond description as a result 
of mankind's inability to exploit liis technical ad- 
vances in a rational social framework. In short, 
unless we act soon, we shall be making the old mis- 
takes all over again. 

Despite the urgent need for immediate inter- 
national action, I fear that we come to this subject 

ill-prepared to think cleai-ly about it. I suspect 
that we are handicapped by our heritage of 
thought about the affairs of this single planet. 

We are conditioned to think in terms of nations. 
Our lives and concepts are predicated upon states 
whose boundaries are fixed by oceans and rivers 
and mountain ranges or by the manmade lines 
drawn sharply across the two-dimensional and 
finite surface of jDlanet Earth. We are condi- 
tioned to think in terms of nations defined by 
finite areas expressed m finite measurements — na- 
tions with more or less known resources and more 
or less counted populations. And especially we 
are conditioned to think in terms of national 

Such concepts hav^e no meaningful application 
to the unexplored, unboimded, and possibly un- 
populated reaches of outer space, which surround 
no nation more than any other nation, and which 
are innocent of the idea of national sovereignty. 

We are further handicapped, many of us, by the 
impression that the exploration of outer space is a 
matter of concern only to the great powers because 
they alone have the capacity to penetrate space. 
That impression gains force from the belief that 
outer space is unrelated to the day-to-day pi'ob- 
lems of nations whose energies are absorbed by 
such earthly daily questions as growing enough 
food to feed their peoples. 

This impression, I submit, is totally and danger- 
ously wrong. 

The smallest nation represented here in the 
United Nations is deeply concerned with this ques- 
tion before us — and so is the poorest of our 
members. Indeed, tliey may have far more to 
gain from the shared benefits of space science — 
and on just such matters as growing food — than 
the larger and the richer societies. 

Moreover, the small nations have an overriding 
interest in seeing to it (liat access to space and the 
benefits of space science are not preempted by a 
few nations, that space exploration is not carried 


Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

forward as a competition between big-power 
rivals, (hat the ideological quarrels which so un- 
happily alUict this planet are not boosted into 
space to infect other planets yet unsullied by the 
quarrels of men. 

Final]}', all nations can play a part in assuring 
(hat mankind derives the maximum advantage 
from space technology in the here and the now 
and not just in the hereafter. Every nation can co- 
operate in the allocation of radio frequencies for 
space communications. Every nation can partici- 
pate in global systems of weather prediction and 

In outer space we start with a clean slate — an 
area yet unmarred by the accumulated conflicts 
and prejudices of our earthly past. We propose 
today that the United Nations write on this slate 
boldly and in an orderly and a creative way to 
narrow the gap between scientific progress and so- 
cial invention, to offer to all nations, irrespective 
of the stage of their economy or scientific develop- 
ment, an opportunity to participate in one of the 
greatest adventures of man's existence. 

The United States, together with other delega- 
tions, today places before this committee a pro- 
gram for cooperation in outer space — a program 
embodied in the draft resolution ^ now before you. 
"We look forward to constructive discussions of 
these proposals — and to improvement upon them. 
They do not represent fixed positions. We are 
prepared to consider constructive suggestions from 
any member of the committee so that the widest 
possible measui'e of common agreement may be 
reached. But these proposals do represent our 
best and most thoughtful effort to put forward 
in good faith a program of international coopera- 
tion for the benefit of all mankind. 

Toward a Regime of Law and Order 

The first part of this program, embodied in part 
A of the draft resolution, looks toward a regime 
of law and order in outer space based on two 
fimdamental principles wliich should commend 
themselves to all nations. 

The first principle is that international law, in- 
cluding the United Nations Charter, applies to 
outer space and celestial bodies. Now that man 
has found means to venture beyond his earthly en- 
vironment, we should state explicitly that the 
rules of good international conduct follow him 

wherever he goes. The Ad Hoc Committee on the 
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space noted in its report 
of July 14, 1959,^ that as a matter of principle 
the United Nations Charter and the statute of 
the International Court of Justice are not limited 
in their operations to the confines of the earth. 

The second principle is that outer space and 
celestial bodies are free for exploration and use 
by all states in conformity with international law 
and are not subject to national appropriation by 
claim of sovereignty or otherwise. 

The Ad Hoc Committee on Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space noted in its report that with the prac- 
tices followed during the International Geophys- 
ical Year "there may have been initiated the rec- 
ognition or establishment of a generally accepted 
rule to the effect that, in principle, outer space is, 
on conditions of equality, freely available for 
exploration and use by all in accordance with 
existing or future international law or agree- 

This rule has been confirmed by the practice of 
states in the time since the report was written. It 
now deserves explicit recognition by this 

But such a statement on outer space is not 
enough. In the 2 years since the report was writ- 
ten, mankind has taken giant steps toward reach- 
ing celestial bodies. The first manned lunar 
landing may take place by the end of the present 
decade. All mankind has an interest and a stake 
in these monumental achievements. We must not 
allow celestial bodies to be the objects of com- 
peting national claims. 

The members of the committee will note that we 
have not attempted to define where outer space 
begins. In our judgment it is premature to do 
this now. The attempt to draw a boundary be- 
tween air space and outer space must await fur- 
ther experience and a consensus among nations. 

Fortunately the value of the principles of free- 
dom of space and celestial bodies does not depend 
on the drawing of a boundary line. If I may cite 
the analogy of the high seas, we have been able 
to confirm the principle of freedom of the seas 
even in the absence of complete agreement as to 
where the seas begin. 

Freedom of space and celestial bodies, like free- 
dom of the seas, will serve the interest of all na- 
tions. Man should be free to venture into space 

' U.N. doe. A/C. 1/L. 301. 
January 29, 1962 

' U.N. doc. A/4141. 


on the same basis that he has ventured on the 
high seas — free from any restraints save those 
imposed by the laws of his o^vn nation and by the 
rules of international law, including those em- 
bodied in the United Nations Charter. 

Open and Orderly Conduct of Activities 

The second part of our program is designed to 
encourage the open and orderly conduct of outer 
space activities. The measures proposed in part 
B of the draft resolution would help all countries 
participate in space activities and would foster 
an atmosphere of mutual trust and confidence. 

In pursuit of these objectives we proposed that 
all states launching objects into orbit or beyond 
should furnish information promptly to the Sec- 
retary-General for the purpose of registration of 
launchings. This information would include or- 
bital and transit characteristics and such other 
data as lavmching states might wish to make avail- 
able. The Secretariat would maintain a record 
of this information and would communicate it 
upon request to other members of the United Na- 
tions and to specialized agencies. 

The establishment of a complete registry or 
census of space vehicles would mark a modest but 
an important step toward openness in the conduct 
of space activities. It would benefit nations the 
world over, large and small, which are interested 
in identifying, tracking, and communicating with 
space vehicles. It could lay the basis for later 
arrangements for termination of radio transmis- 
sion and removal of satellites when their useful 
lives were ended. 

The Secretariat should perform other useful 
functions bej'ond these connected with the regis- 
try of space vehicles : 

It could, in consultation with appropriate spe- 
cialized agencies, maintain close contact with gov- 
ernmental and nongovernmental organizations 
concerned with outer space matters. 

It could provide for the exchange of informa- 
tion which governments might supply in this 
field on a voluntary basis — supplementing but not 
duplicating existing exchanges. 

It could assist in the study of measures for the 
promotion of international cooperation in outer 
space activities. 

Finally, it could make periodic reports on sci- 
entific and institutional developments in this field. 

It is time to vest the Secretariat with these basic 

service functions. The report of the Ad Hoc 
Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space sug- 
gested that some functions of this kind should be 
performed by the Secretariat. It noted with ap- 
proval the conclusion of its Technical Committee 
that "there is a need for a suitable centre related 
to the United Nations that can act as a focal point 
for international co-operation in the peaceful uses 
of outer space." 

We believe that this recommendation should be 
implemented without further delay, making full- 
est possible use of existing resources of the Sec- 
retariat. We understand that the services speci- 
fied in this resolution can be performed with the 
addition of a very small number of pereonnel. 
The measures taken to carry out the new functions 
could be reviewed by the Assembly at its next 

Weather Research and Prediction 

The third part of our proposed program calls 
for a worldwide effort under the auspices of the 
United Nations in weather research and weather 

The dawn of the space age is opening vast new 
possibilities in weather sciences. Satellites and 
sounding rockets have supplemented other ad- 
vances in meteorological techniques such as the 
use of radar and electronic computers. They make 
it possible for the first time in history for man to 
keep the entire atmosphere in every region and 
at every altitude under constant surveillance. 

This portends a revolution in meteorology — a 
peaceful revolution which can benefit all peoples 
on this earth, particularly in the less developed 
regions which presently lack adequate weather 
information. Meteorological satellites hold spe- 
cial promise for the improvement of weather fore- 
casting capabilities in the Tropics and in the 
Southern Hemisphere, where vast oceans cannot 
be covered by present techniques. 

Increased knowledge of the forces that shape 
the weather will enable man to foi-ecast typhoons, 
floods, rainfall, and drought with greater ac- 

These possibilities will mean the saving of 
human life and reduction of property damage. 

They will make possible the more efficient 
use of limited water resources and enable the farm- 
er to adjust the timing and the nature of his 
planting to the rainfall which his fields will re- 


Departmenf of State Bulletin 

ceive. Fishing and gazing will also benefit. 

Fuels and raw matei-ials can be transported and 
stored more efficiently with better forelmowledge 
of the weather. 

In short, by making the weather and the events 
which depend on it the more predictable, we can 
foster progress in industry', agriculture, and health 
and contribute to rising living standards around 
the world. 

But the enhancement of our Icnowledge of the 
weather is only the beginning. In the more dis- 
tant future looms the possibility of large-scale 
weather modification. If this power is to be used 
to benefit all rather than to gain special advantage 
for a few, if it is to be used for peaceful, con- 
structive purposes, progress toward weather con- 
trol should be part of a cooperative international 

"With these exciting prospects in mind we pro- 
pose preparatory studies for two coordinated pro- 
grams in part C of the draft resolution. 

The first is an international atmospheric science 
program to gain greater knowledge of the basic 
forces affecting the climate. This will yield in- 
formation essential for improved weather predic- 
tion and eventually for possible weather modifica- 

The second is an international meteorological 
service program. The aim of this program would 
be to enable men eveiywhere to reap the practical 
benefits of discoveries in basic weather science. 
Under this program steps could be taken leading 
to the establishment of a global network of re- 
gional weather stations located in less developed 
as well as developed areas of the world. "Weather 
information obtained from satellites could be 
transmitted directly to such centers or communi- 
cated indirectly after receipt in other areas of the 

The concept of regional meteorological centers 
is already accepted and being applied in the 
Northern Hemisphere, where thei-e are five such 
centers serving regional needs for weather com- 
munications and analysis. The needs of the 
Tropics and the Southern Hemisphere are now be- 
ing .studied. Tliere is. for example, a plan for 
establishment of an international meteorological 
center in Bombay in connection with the 4-year 
international Indian Ocean expedition. 

To put such a world weather network in opera- 
tion will require cooperative efforts of many na- 
tions. The "World Meteorological Organization — 

called AVMO — has played an important role in 
supplying technical assistance in the training ol 
weather technicians, especially in the less devel- 
oped areas. "We believe tliis activity of AVMO 
should be continued and strengthened in the fu- 
ture. National and international suppliers of 
investment capital can help finance the e, 
ment of centers in countries which cannot afford 
them. Nations which have developed weather sat- 
ellites can make the weather information avail- 
able freely for use in this system. 

So far as the United States is concerned, we 
stand ready, here and now, to make the weather 
data received from our satellites available for such 
a global system. In fact we are already making 
such data available to other countries. "W^e are 
developing methods which would permit direct 
transmission of satellite cloud photography to any 
part of the world. If this is successful the way 
will be opened for a marked increase in the timely 
availability of useful data. 

Global System of Communication Satellites 

Now the fourth part of the space program looks 
toward the establishment of a global system of 
communication satellites. 

Space technology' has opened enormous possi- 
bilities for international communications. "With- 
in a few years satellites will make possible a vast 
increase in the control and quality of interna- 
tional radio, telephone, and telegraph traffic. In 
addition, something new will be added — the possi- 
bility of relaying television broadcasts around the 

This fundamental breakthrough in communica- 
tion could affect the lives of people everywhere. 

It could forge new bonds of mutual knowledge 
and understanding between nations. 

It could offer a powerful tool to improve literacy 
and education in developing areas. 

It could support world weather services by 
speedy transmittal of data. 

It could enable leaders of nations to talk face 
to face on a convenient and reliable basis. 

The United States wishes to see this facility 
made available to all states on a global and non- 
discriminatory basis. "We conceive of this as an 
international service. "We would like to see 
United Nations members not only use this service 
but also participate in its ownership and operation 
if they so desire. 

January 29, 1962 


The United Nations Organization itself stands 
to benefit directly from the use of satellites both 
in communicating with its representatives around 
the world and in disseminating programs of in- 
formation and education. 

As an example of the potentialities of such use, 
we hope to have before long an experimental satel- 
lite which will transmit across the Atlantic, for 
brief periods, live television excerpts of debates 
in the General Assembly of the United Nations. 

In preparation for these developments the 
United States proposes that the International 
Telecommunication Union consider the various 
aspects of space communication in which interna- 
tional cooperation will be required. This will as- 
sure all members of the United Nations a fair 
opportunity to express their views. It is partic- 
ularly important that the necessary arrangements 
be made for the allocation of radio frequencies for 
space communications. 

In order to enable less developed countries to 
participate in effective use of satellite communica- 
tions, the Expanded Technical Assistance Pro- 
gram and the United Nations Special Fund should 
give sympathetic consideration to requests for 
assistance from less developed countries to im- 
prove the state of their domestic communications. 

The principles I have mentioned are embodied 
in part D of the draft resolution now before you. 
If implemented with dispatch tliey could help to 
clear the way for cooperative use of a worldwide 
system of satellite communications. 

Revitalizing the Outer Space Committee 

The fifth part of our i^rogram seeks to put new 
life and new responsibilities in the Committee on 
the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. 

As we all know, this Committee was established 
2 years ago for an indefinite period by Resolution 
1472 (XIV) ^ with a continuing mandate to study 
programs on peaceful uses of outer space which 
might be undertaken under United Nations aus- 
pices, to study the legal problems whicli might 
arise from the exploration of outer space, and to 
plan an international conference for the exchange 
of experience in the exploration of outer space. 

We propose that, in addition to the responsibili- 
ties laid down in this original mandate, the Com- 
mittee should review the activities provided for 
in this resolution and make such reports as it may 


consider appropriate. In the four previous parts 
of the resolution we have specifically noted the 
role the Committee could play in studying the 
legal problems of outer space, in reviewing the 
service arrangements undertaken by the Secretary- 
General, and in examining the proposals for 
international cooperation in weather and 

As my colleagues are aware, Resolution 1472 
provided for 24 membei's of the Outer Space Com- 
mittee elected for a period of 2 years. We propose 
to continue the same membership, augmented by 
the addition of Nigeria and Chad in recognition 
of the increase in the membership of African 
states in the United Nations during the past 2 

Let the Committee make a fresh beginning. Let 
the Committee meet early in 1962 to undertake 
its original tasks and its new responsibilities in 
connection with these cooperative programs. 

We recognize that outer space activities are 
unique in many respects and that international 
cooperation is a prerequisite to progress. Al- 
though we cannot of course accept the veto in the 
work of the Committee, we expect that this work 
can be carried out in a spirit of mutual imdcr- 
standing. We do not anticipate that the nature of 
the Committee's work would give rise to differ- 
ences that could not be resolved by discussion. We 
hope that, proceeding in this spirit, we can finally 
put life into the Committee created 2 years ago. 

I ask the distinguished delegates here to bear 
in mind that in weather and commimications the 
resolution embodies no commitments to any specific 
program. It merely calls upon the Secretary- 
General in cooperation with the specialized 
agencies, and with other organizations, to submit 
proposals for action. These proposals will be 
presented to the Economic and Social Council at 
its 34th session, to the I7t.h General Assemblj', and 
to the Outer Space Committee. 

In short the resolution in these fields merely 
clears the way for deliberate consideration of 
programs by government representatiA'cs. Such 
basic studies ought not be further delayed. 

Now we have sought in good faith and so far 
as is possible to present a program which is above 
the clash of partisan politics or the cold war. The 
principles and programs embodied here bestow no 

^ For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 11, 1960, p. 68. 

Department of State Bulletin 

special advantage on any state — they are in the 
interest of all states. 

The resolution deals exclusively \\-ith the peace- 
ful uses of outer space. The military questions 
of space are closely entangled with the militai-y 
questions of earth. We believe that they require 
urgent study as part of comprehensive negotia- 
tions for general and complete disarmament. 

This does not mean, however, that the program 
of peaceful cooperation now before us has no bear- 
ing on the issues of peace and war. It does. If 
put into operation without delay, it can help lay 
the basis for a relaxation of tensions and facilitate 
progress elsewhere toward general and complete 

We Cannot Afford To Delay 

Mr. Chairman, I must close with the same theme 
on which I commenced this presentation : We can- 
not afford to delay. 

The space programs of the great powers are 
well advanced. Our own nation is proceeding 
with the development of satellite systems for 
weather forecasting and communications. In the 
months ahead important decisions will have to be 
made. If the opportunity for United Nations 
action is missed, it will be increasingly difficult to 
fit national space progi'ams into a rational pattern 
of United Nations cooperation. 

Our first choice is a program making maximum 
use of the United Nations for at least three 
reasons : 

— because it could bring new vitality to the 
United Nations and its family of agencies; 

— because it would help to assure that all mem- 
bers of the United Nations, developed and less 
developed, could have a share in the adventure of 
space cooperation ; and 

— because a program of such magnitude should 
be carried out as far as possible through the or- 
ganizations of the world community. 

As I say, this is our first choice. But the march 
of science is irreversible. The United States has 
a responsibility to make the fullest possible use 
of new developments in space technology — in 
weather forecasting, in communications, and in 
other areas. These developments are inevitable in 
the near future. We hope they can take place 
through cooperative efforts in the United Nations. 

I suppose that the great climaxes in the drama 
of history are seldom evident to those who are on 

the stage at the time. But there can be little ques- 
tion tliat man's conquest of outer space is just such 
a moment, that we — all of us— are on stage, and 
that how we behave in the immediate will have 
a profound impact upon the course of human af- 
fairs in the decades ahead. 

Tiiere is a right and a wrong way to get on with 
the business of space exploration. In our judg- 
ment the wrong way is to allow the march of 
science to become a i-unaway race into the un- 
known. The right way is to make it an ordered, 
peaceful, cooperative, and constructive forward 
march under the aegis of the United Nations. 

I most earnestly recommend your serious atten- 
tion to the proposals my Government is making 
to this end. 



The General Assembly, 

Recognizing the common interest of mankind in fur- 
thering the peaceful uses of outer space and the urgent 
need to strengthen international co-operation in this im- 
portant field, 

Believing that the exploration and use of outer space 
should be only for the betterment of mankind and to the 
benefit of States irrespective of the stage of their eco- 
nomic or scientific development, 

1. Commends to States for their guidance in the explo- 
ration and use of outer space the following principles : 

(a) International law, including the Charter of the 
United Nations, applies to outer space and celestial bodies ; 

(6) Outer space and celestial bodies are free for ex- 
ploration and use by all States in conformity with inter- 
national law and are not subject to national appro- 
priation ; 

2. Invites the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space to study and report on the legal problems 
which may arise from the exploration and use of outer 


The General Assembly, 

Believing that the United Nations should provide a 
focal point for international co-operation in the peaceful 
exploration and use of outer space, 

1. Calls upon States launching objects into orbit or 
beyond to furnish information promptly to the Committee 
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, through the Secre- 
tary-General, for the registration of launchings; 

2. Requests the Secretary-General to maintain a public 
registry of the information furnished in accordance with 
paragraph 1 above; 

'U.N. doc. A/RES/1721 (XVI) (A/C.l/L.301/Rev. 1 
and Corr. 1) ; adopted unanimously in plenary session on 
Dee. 20. 

ianuary 29, 1962 


3. Requests the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space, in co-operation with the Secretary-General 
and making full use of the functions and resources of 
the Secretariat : 

(a) To maintain close contact with governmental and 
non-governmental organizations concerned with outer 
space matters ; 

(6) To provide for the exchange of such information 
relating to outer space activities as Governments may 
supply on a voluntary basis, supplementing but not 
duplicating existing technical and scientific exchanges; 

(c) To assist in the study of measures for the promo- 
tion of international co-operation in outer space activi- 

4. Further requests the Committee on the Peaceful 
Uses of Outer Space to report to the General Assembly 
on the arrangements undertaken for the performance of 
those functions and on such developments relating to the 
peaceful uses of outer space as it considers significant. 


The Oeneral Assembly, 

Noting with gratification the marked progress for 
meteorological science and technology opened up by the 
advances in outer space, 

Convinced of the world-wide benefits to be derived 
from International co-operation in weather research and 

1. Recommends to all Member States and to the World 
Meteorological Organization and other appropriate spe- 
cialized agencies the early and comprehensive study. In 
the light of developments in outer space, of measures : 

(a) To advance the state of atmospheric science and 
technology so as to provide greater knowledge of basic 
physical forces affecting climate and the possibility of 
large-scale weather modification ; 

(&) To develop existing weather forecasting capabili- 
ties and to help Member States make effective use of such 
capabilities through regional meteorological centres ; 

2. Requests the World Meteorological Organization, 
consulting as appropriate with the United Nations Edu- 
cational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and other 
specialized agencies and governmental and non-govern- 
mental organizations, such as the International Council 
of Scientific Unions, to submit a report to its member 
Governments and to the Economic and Social Council at 
its thirty-fourth session regarding appropriate organi- 
zational and linancial arrangements to achieve those 
ends, with a view to their furtlier consideration by the 
General Assembly at its seventeenth session ; 

3. Requests the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space, as it deems appropriate, to review that report 
and submit its comments and recommendations to the 
Economic and Social Council and to the General Assembly. 


The Oeneral Assembly, 

Believing that communication by means of satellites 
should be available to the nations of the world as soon 


as practicable on a global and non-discriminatory basis. 
Convinced of the need to prepare the way for the estab- 
lishment of effective operational satellite communication, 

1. Notes nith satisfaction that the International Tele- 
communication Union plans to call a special conference 
in 1963 to make allocations of radio frequency bands for 
outer space activities ; 

2. Recommends that the International Telecommuni- 
cation Union consider at that conference those aspects 
of space communication in which international co-opera- 
tion will be required ; 

3. Notes the potential importance of communication 
satellites for use by the United Nations and its principal 
organs and specialized agencies for both operational and 
informational requirements ; 

4. Invites the Special Fund and the Expanded Pro- 
gramme of Technical Assistance, in consultation with the 
International Telecommunication Union, to give sympa- 
thetic consideration to requests from Member States for 
technical and other assistance for the survey of their 
communication needs and for the development of their 
domestic communication facilities so that they may make 
effective use of space communication ; 

5. Requests the International Telecommunication 
Union, consulting as appropriate with Member States, 
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization and other specialized agencies and govern- 
mental and non-governmental organizations, such as the 
Committee on Space Research of the International Coun- 
cil of Scientific Unions, to submit a report on the imple- 
mentation of those proposals to the Economic and Social 
Council at its thirty-fourth session and to the General 
Assembly at its seventeenth session ; 

6. Requests the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space, as it deems appropriate, to review that 
report and submit its comments and recommendations 
to the Economic and Social Council and to the General 


The Oeneral Assembly, 

Recalling its resolution 1472 (XIV) of 12 December 

Noting that the terms of office of the members of the 
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space expire 
at the end of 1961, 

Noting the report of the Committee on the Peaceful 
Uses of Outer Space," 

1. Decides to continue the membership of the Commit- 
tee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space as set forth in 
General Assembly resolution 1472(XIV) and to add Chad, 
Mongolia, Morocco and Sierra Leone to its membership 
in recognition of the increased membership of the United 
Nations since the Committee was established ; 

2. Requests the Committee to meet not later than 31 
March 1962 to carry out its mandate as contained la 
General Assembly resolution 1472(XIV), to review the 
activities provided for in the present resolution and to 
make such reports as it may consider appropriate. 

" U.N. doc. A/4987. 

Department of State Bulletin 

IMF Sets Up Borrowing Arrangements 
for Supplementary Resources 

The Iiilernational Monetary Fund announced 
on January 8 that its Board of Executive Direc- 
tors has reached a decision ^ on general arrange- 
ments by which the Fund may borrow supple- 
mentary resources under article VII of tlie Fund 
Agreement. This decision sets out the terms and 
conditions under which such borrowing will be 
possible in order to enable the Fund to fulfill more 
effectively its role in the international monetary 
system under conditions of convertibility, includ- 
ing greater freedom for short-term capital move- 

Ten main industrial countries, after necessary 
legislative authorizations have been obtained and 
they formally adhere to the arrangements, will 
stand ready to lend their currencies to the Fund 
up to specified amounts when the Fund and these 
countries consider that supplementary resources 
are needed to forestall or cope with an impair- 
ment of the international monetary system. The 
total amount of such supplementary resources is 
the equivalent of $6 billion, composed as follows : 

(Equiimlent in miUions 
Countru U.S. dollars) 

Belgium $150 

Canada 200 

France 550 

Germany 1,000 

Italy .550 

Japan 250 

Netherlands 200 

Sweden 100 

United Kingdom 1, 000 

United States 2,000 

In an exchange of letters among themselves the 
10 countries have set down the procedures they 
will follow in making supplementary resources 
available to the Fund for the financing of a par- 
ticular Fund transaction for which such resources 
are considered necessary. 

The announcement by the Fund explained that 
the general borrowing arrangements should make 
it possible to mobilize quickly large additional 
resources in defense of the international monetarj' 
system. The need for the assurance of additional 
resources arises not from any failure of the mone- 
tary system but from the broader convertibility 

^ For text, see IMF press release 377 dated Jan. 8. 
January 29, 7962 

of currencies, particularly tliose of the main in- 
dustrial countries. This more widespread con- 
vertibility, which is so useful for the growth of 
world trade, has at the same time made possible 
sudden and substantial shifts of funds from one 
country to another. To avoid any undesirable im- 
pact on the functioning of the international mone- 
tary system as a result of such developments, it 
has become imperative to strengthen the resources 
which may be made available and so to enable the 
countries which experience difficulties to pursue 
appropriate policies. 

Fortunately most of the industrial countries al- 
ready possess substantial reserves of their own. 
For its part the International Monetary Fund has 
nearly $3 billion in its gold account and $6.5 
billion in the currencies of the main industrial 
countries. At any given time, however, some of 
these countries may be facing balance-of-payments 
difficulties, so that in order to promote inter- 
national monetary balance it would be advisable 
that temporarily these currencies should not be 
drawn from the Fund. Fund drawings should 
be made mainly in the currencies of those coun- 
tries that have strong balance-of-payments and 
reserve positions. The new general borrowing ar- 
rangements are designed to provide the Fund with 
additional resources of these latter currencies when 
they are needed for the purpose of forestalling or 
coping with an impairment of the international 
monetary system. In this way both the liquidity 
of the Fund and the resilience of the monetary 
system will be enhanced, to the benefit of all 

The Fund decision provides that the requests 
for drawings by participant countries for which 
supplementary resources are required will be dealt 
with according to the Fund's established policies 
and practices with respect to the use of its re- 
sources. Kepayment to the Fund of such assist- 
ance will have to be made when the country's prob- 
lem is solved, and in any event within 3 to 5 years. 
In its turn, when the Fund receives repayment, it 
will repay the countries that made supplementary 
resources available, and in any event the Fund 
will repay not later than 5 years after a borrow- 
ing. Moreover, a country that has lent to the 
Fund can receive early repayment should it re- 
quest and need this because its own payments po- 
sition has deteriorated, and rights to repayment 
are backed by all the assets of the Fund. In this 


way the claims of countries that have lent supple- 
mentary resources to the Fund have been guaran- 
teed a highly liquid character. 

Interest on the resources lent to the Fund will 
be based on a formula which at present yields a 
rate of li/^ percent per annum; in addition, the 
Fund will pay a charge of one-half of 1 percent on 
each borrowing transaction. 

Tlie borrowing arrangements will become effec- 
tive when at least seven countries with commit- 
ments totaling the equivalent of $5.5 billion for- 
mally inform the Fund that they adhere to the 
arrangements, and the arrangements will then re- 
main in effect for 4 years, with provisions for 
extension. In the light of developing circum- 
stances the amounts included in the arrangement 
may, however, be reviewed from time to time and 
altered with the agreement of the Fund and all 
the participating countries. 

Caribbean Organization Designated 
Public International Organization 


Designating the Caribbean Organization as a Public 
International Organization Entitled To Enjot Cer- 
tain Privileges, Exemptions, and Immunities 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 1 of 
the International Organizations Immunities Act, approved 
December 29, 1945 (59 Stat. 6G9 ; 22 U.S.C. 2SS), and by 
the joint resolution of June 30, 1961, 75 Stat. 194, I hereby 
designate the Caribbean Organization as a public inter- 
national organization entitled to enjoy the privileges, ex- 
emptions, and immunities conferred by the said Interna- 
tional Organizations Immunities Act. 

The designation of the above-named organization as a 
public international organization within the meaning of 
the said Act is not intended to abridge in any respect 
privileges, exemptions, and immunities to which such 
international organization may otherwise be or become 

This order revokes Executive Order No. 10025 of De- 
cember 30, 1948, to the extent that such order relates 
to the Caribbean Commi-ssion. 


The WnrrE House, 
December 30, 1961. 


U.S. and Japan Agree on Settlement 
of Postwar Economic Assistance 

Department Announcement 

Press release 18 dated January 9 

At noon, January 9, 1962, Edwin O. Reischauer, 
tlie American Ambassador to Japan, and Zentaro 
Kosaka, the Foreign Minister of Japan, met at 
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokj-o and con- 
cluded a formal agreement ^ between the United 
States and Japan for the final settlement of the 
American postwar economic assistance to Japan. 
Two supplementary exchanges of notes were also 
signed at the ceremony. 

Under the agreement the Japanese Government 
has agreed to pay to the United States the princi- 
pal sum of $490,000,000 and interest at the rate oi 
21/2 percent jaer annum on the unpaid balance. 
This debt is to be paid semiannually in 30 install- 
ments beginning 6 months from the date of entry 
into force of this agreement. The first 24 install- 
ments will consist of $21,959,125 and the last six 
installments will consist of $8,701,690. Each in- 
stallment shall be applied first to accrued interest 
and the remainder to principal. 

In the first exchange of notes the United States 
expressed its intention, subject to appropriate 
legislation, to employ the major portion of 
GARIOA [Government and Relief in Occupied 
Areas] repayments to further its programs for 
economic assistance to less developed countries. 
Tiie two Govermnents agreed to continue to con- 
sult closely in pursuit of the objective of acceler- 
ated and balanced economic development of the 
countries in east Asia. 

In a second exchange of notes the United States 
stated that it will accept the equivalent of $25,000,- 
000 of the total amount in Japanese yen to furtlier 
educational and cultural excliange between the 
United States and Japan. At the time of the 
signing Ambassador Reischauer handed Foreign 
Minister Kosaka a letter ^ expressing (lie intent of 
the United States to request this $25,000,000 in yen 

' No. 10983 ; 27 Fed. Reg. 32. 

' Not printed here. 

Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

entirely from the first two semiannual install- 
ments under the agreement. 

The United States regards this agreement as a 
fair and honorable settlement of a long outstand- 
ing issue in the close relationship between our two 
countries. We believe that the anticipated use of 
part of this settlement for cultural and educational 
exchange between the United States and Japan 
will strengthen the close ties of friendship of our 
two peoples and will contribute to better under- 
standing of our two cultures. We believe that our 
continued close consultation regarding assistance 
to less developed countries will aid further the at- 
tainment of the joint Japanese-American objec- 
tive of accelerated and balanced economic growth 
of the countries of east Asia. 

Current Actions 



Internalioiial telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered 
into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United States Oc- 
tober 23, 19«1. TIAS 4S92. 
Accession deposited: Sierra Leone, December 30, 1961. 

Trade and Commerce 

Proc6s-verbal extending declaration of November 12, 19.59 
(TIAS 4498), on provisional accession of Tunisia to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Ge- 
neva December 9, 1961. Enters into force by acceptance 
by Tunisia and any other party to declaration, and, for 
any party subsequently accepting It, by acceptance or 
upon entry Into force of declaration in respect of such 
party, whichever is the later.' 
Signature: United States, January 9, 1962. 

Procfes-verbal extending and amending declaration of 
November 22, 1958 (TIAS 4461), on provisional acces- 
sion of the Swiss Confederation to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva Decem- 
ber 18, 1961. Enters into force by acceptance by Swiss 
Confederation and any other party to declaration, and, 
for any party subsequently accepting it, by acceptance 
or upon entry into force of declaration In respect of 
such party, whichever is the later.' 
Signature: United States, January 9, 1962. 


Convention of the World Meteorological Organization. 
Done at Washington October 11, 1947. Entered Into 
force March 23, 1950. TIAS 2052. 
Ratification deposited: Colombia, January 5, 1962. 

Atomic Energy