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.^0 *9353. iA30 
















XLVIII: Numbers 

January 7- June 24, 1963 





Date of Issue 



Jan. 7, 1963 

1- 40 


Jan. 14,1963 

41- 80 


Jan. 21, 1963 

81- 112 


Jan. 28, 1963 

113- 156 


Feb. 4, 1963 

157- 192 


Feb. 11,1963 

193- 232 


Feb. 18,1963 

233- 268 


Feb. 25,1963 

269- 308 


Mar. 4, 1963 

309- 344 


Mar. 11,1963 

345- 380 


Mar. 18,1963 

381- 420 


Mar. 25, 1963 

421- 464 


Apr. 1,1963 

465- 508 


Apr. 8,1963 

509- 548 



Apr. 15,1963 

549- 588 


Apr. 22, 1963 

589- 632 


Apr. 29, 1963 

633- 676 


May 6,1963 

677- 724 


May 13,1963 

725- 768 


May 20, 1963 

769- 812 


May 27,1963 

813- 852 


June 3, 1963 

853- 892 


June 10,1963 

893- 928 


June 17,1963 

929- 964 


June 24, 1963 




MAR 5 1964 

Correction for Volume XLVIII 

The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call atten- 
tion to the following error in Volume XLVIII: 

February 25, page 295, the article entitled "Presi- 
dent Proclaims U.S. Tariff Concessions to Japan and 
Spain": The second line of the first paragraph 
should read "that the President had on January 31 
signed a , . . .'' 


Publication 7617 

Released February 1964 

For Bale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price 30 cents 


Volume XLVill: Numbers 1228-1252, January 7-June 24, 1963 

Abel, Elie, G44 

Abu Simbel, temples of, 957 

Academy of Sciences, Soviet, 748 

ACDA. See Arms Ontrol and Disarmament Agency, 

Action Committee for the United States of Europe, 195 
Adenauer, Konrad, 247 
Adjudication, international, significant cases (Meeker), 

Adjustment Assistance Advisory Board, 659 
Advisory Commission on International Educational 

and Cultural AfCairs, 46, 96. 215, 617, 753, 755 
Advisory Committee on International Book Programs, 

95, 756 
Advisory Committee on International Business Prob- 
lems, establishment and members, 296, 540, 735 
Advisory Committee on International Organizations, 

Advisory Committee on the Arts, appointments and 

designation, 190, 448, 663 
Aerial photography and mapping, agreement with 

Ethiopia, 306 
Afghanistan, resumption of relations with Pakistan 

(Rusk), 931 
Africa {see also individual countries) : 
Aspirations uniting (Williams), 902 
Coffee exports (McGhee), 494 

Communist subversive activities in (Manning), 141 
Conference of heads of state (Kennedy), 902 
Cultural programs in : 

U.S. exchange programs (Williams), 67 
UNESCO (Battle), 957 
Democracy and development, African views (Wil- 
liams), 541 
Development Bank, proposed, U.S. support (Kotsch- 

Economic Commission for, U.N., 625 
Economic development : Kotsehnig, 625 ; Williams, 

Education in : 

Communists, students trained by (Williams), 880 
Germany, role of (Williams), 904 
UNESCO programs, 603, 955 
U.S. aid, need for (Williams), 68, 208 
Germany's role in (Williams), 901 
Nationalism, Communist impact on (Williams), 877 
Newly independent nations, problems of (Johnson), 

Africa — Continued 

Pan-Africanist Congress, opposition to communism 

(Williams), 880 
Portuguese territories in, 582, 694 
Students, U.S. aid to students leaving Bulgaria, 375, 

Transition from colonialism to independence (Man- 
ning), 139 
United Nations: 
Afro- Asian group in, 105, 798 
Relationship between (Williams), 602 
U.S. poUcy : Cleveland, 167 ; Williams, 251, 457 
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams to, 250 
Afro-Asian group in the U.N., 105, 798 
Agency for International Development : 
Administrator (Bell), confirmation, 376 ; swearing in, 

Advisory Committee on International Business 

Problems, 296, 540 
Africa, ORT program in, 209 
Aid to underdeveloped countries: Kennedy, 596; 

Rusk, 668 
Brazil, financial aid to, 561 
Economic assistance loans (Johnson), 832 
Foreign aid program : 

Administration of (Rusk) , 363, 366 
Appropriation request for FY 1964, 225, 226, 881 
Reobligation of funds. Congressional request for 
information (Kennedy), 185 
Lao refugees, aid to, 571 

Priorities and standards for aid, criteria (Bowles), 

780, 943 

Agricultural Sciences, Inter-American Institute of, 

convention on and protocol amending : Brazil, 629 

Agricultural surpluses, U.S., use in overseas programs : 

Agreements with : Argentina, 38 ; Bolivia, 110, 341, 

673 ; Chile, 505, 888 ; China, 230, 306 ; Colombia, 

765; Congo (L^opoldville), 849; Dominican 

Republic, 110; Ecuador, 765; El Salvador, 

849; Greece, 110; Guinea, 962; Iceland, 342; 

India, 673 ; Indonesia. 38 ; Iran, 342 ; Israel, 306, 

849; Philippines, 378; Poland, text, 303, 306; 

Ryukyu Islands, 378, 888 ; Sudan, 306 ; Turkey, 

505, 765 ; Viet-Nam, 505, 765 ; Yugo.slavia, 962 

Algeria, U.S. food provided to under P.L. 480 

(WiUiams), 458 
Brazil, proposed aid to, 561 

Sales of, authority to sell Egyptian pounds to U.S. 
tourists, 173 

714-736—64 1 


Agriculture {see also Agricultural surpluses and Food 
and Agriculture Organization) : 
Agrarian reform. See Land reform 
Communist problems, 275, 454, 826 
Cuba, U.N. Special Fund aid for research station, 

U.S. views : Gardner, 359, 480 ; Rusk, 357 

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, 

convention on and protocol amending: Bolivia, 


Latin America, developments in (Martin), 920, 922 

Role in development process : Bowles, 941 ; Rostow, 

Trade in agricultural products {see also Commodity 
trade problems) : 
EEC policy : Rusk, 701 ; Trezijse, 499, 974 
GATT proposals (Herter), 990, 993 
Restrictions on : Kotsebnig, 628 ; Trezise, 498 
Western Europe-U.S. (Ball), 691 
Agronsky, Martin, 202 
Aguirre, Aureliano, 54 

AID. See Agency for International Development 
Air Defense Mission to India, joint Commonwealth/ 

U.S., 249n. 
Air navigation and transport. See under Aviation 
Aircraft. See Aviation 

Airmail, universal postal convention (1957) provisions 
re : Burundi, 810 ; Cuba, 765 ; Dominican Republic, 
Honduras, Nepal, 505 ; Rwanda, 810 ; Tanganyika, 
Upper Volta, 765 
Ala, U.S. shrimp boat, attack by Cuba on, 356 
Alaska, airspace, U.S. protests Soviet violation of, 476 
Albania, relations with Soviet Union (Hilsman), 273 
Alexander, Archibald S., 505 
Algeria : 

Developments in (Williams), 458 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 722, 849, 961 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 505 
AUoMza para el Progrcso. See Alliance for Progress 
Alliance for Progress : 

Appropriation request for FY 1964: Kennedy, 225, 

226, 227 ; Rusk, 672 
Inter-American conference of Ministers of Labor 

(Kennedy), 884 
Objectives and progress: Blumenthal, 219; Bowles, 
781 ; Kennedy, 89, 161, 513, 518, 519, 596 ; Martin, 
409, 711 ; Rusk, 669 ; Stevenson, 707 
Support for, U.S. discussions with: Argentina, 212; 
Venezuela, 446 
AUott, Gordon A., 70 
Alpha 66, 520 
American Organization for Rehabilitation Through 

Training (ORT),208 
American Red Cross, 137 

American Republics (see also Latin America and 
Organization of American States), interdependence 
of (Martin), 710 
American Society of Newspaper Editors, 679, 685 
American States, Organization of. See Organization 

of American States 
Anderson, Rudolf, 164 

Angola : 
Problem of (Yates), 582 

U.S. proposal for study by U.N. representatives, 
withdrawal of, 105 
Anguilla, Nevis and, international telecommunication 

convention (1959), 306 
Antarctica treaty : 
Entry into force, 305 

Recommendations furthering principles and objec- 
tives of, approval of : Argentina, Australia, Bel- 
giimi, Chile, France, Japan, New Zealand, Nor- 
way, South Africa, Soviet Union, U.K., U.S., 305 
Antigua, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
Anuman Rajadbon, Somchai, 58 

ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand, U.S.) CouncU 
meeting : 
Text of final communique, 967 
U.S. delegation, 809, 969 
Apartheid, problem of (Williams), 604 
Arab states {see also individual countries) : 
Refugees, problem of, U.S. views: Rowan, 99; 

Stevenson, 151 
Situation in (Rusk), 435 
UNESCO aid to education (Battle), 955 
Argentina : 

Foreign Minister, visit to U.S., 170, 211 
Meat exports to U.S., arrangements re, 212 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 266, 305, 306, 377, 585, 

761, 926, 998 
U.S. relations with and support for government of, 
reaflirmed, 211 
Armaments {see also Disarmament, Missiles, and Nu- 
clear weapons) : 
Control and reduction of : 

Soviet attitude (Foster), 117, 133 
U.S. position ( Foster) , 115, 132 ; Beam, 489 
OAS policy re arms trafiic to and from Cuba (Rusk), 

470, 473 
Outer space, U.S. position (Meeker) , 750 
Race, dangers of and need to halt: Foster, 129; 

Rusk, 433 
Safeguards against risk of war (Foster), 4 
Supply : 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization : 

Nuclear force 
Soviet supply to Cuba. See under Cuba 
U.S. supply to Portugal, and refutation of claim 
of diversion to Africa (Bingham), 104 
Armed forces : 

Foreign forces in Germany : 

NATO status of forces agreements, Belgium, 888 ; 

Germany, 961 
Rights, obligations, and tax treatment of, 1959 
agreement abrogating 1952 agreements concern- 
ing: Germany, 961 
Germany, Federal Republic of, Soviet protest re 

strength of, 865 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization: 

Armed forces 
Soviet Union, in Cuba. See Cuba: Soviet troops 



Armed forces — Continued 

Treatment of in time of war, Geneva conventions 
(1949) relative to: Cyprus, Ireland, Malaya, 
Mauritania, 230 
U.N., in the Congo. See Congo, Republic of: U.N. 
role and operation in 
Armed forces, U.S. : 
Accidental war, safeguards for prevention (Foster), 

4, 6, 133 
Australia : 
Naval communication station in, agreement for 

establishment, 926 
Status of U.S. forces in, agreement re, 926 
Germany, claims against members from nonduty use 
of private motor vehicles, agreement for settle- 
ment, 673 
Military missions : 
El Salvador, agreement extending 1954 Army mis- 
sion agreement, 888 
Exchange of, Soviet proposal for (Foster), 7 
Morocco, agreement for withdrawal of, 601 
Protection of U.S. ships in international waters 

(Rusk), 389 
Purpose of (Rusk), 383 
Ships. See Ships and shipping 
Viet-Nam : 

Casualties of, 641 
Number of (Rusk), 365 
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. : 
Appropriation request for FY 1964 (Kennedy), 226, 

Assistant Director, confirmation, 505 
Background and goals of (Foster), 116, 134 
Need for (Gilpatric), 120 
Statements on: 
Direct teletype communication with Soviet Union, 

Nuclear test ban treaty, 403 
Army mission, agreement extending 1954 agreement 

with El Salvador re, 888 
Arnold, Mrs. Dexter Otis, 698 
Arts, Advisory Committee on the, appointments and 

designation, 190, 448, 663, 840 
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia {see also ANZUS 
"" Council, Pacific, Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza- 
tion, and individual countries: 
Afro- Asian group in the U.N. (Plimpton), 798 
Colombo Plan efforts to increase technical training 

(Marks), 977 
Communist activities : Harriman, 275, 696 ; Hilsman, 

897 ; Johnson, 635 ; Rusk, 311 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, 

505, 660 
Foreign aid program in Southeast Asia: Johnson, 

639 ; Rusk, 702 
Japan's relationship to (Johnson), 611 
Newly independent nations (Johnson), 449 
Population conference, 20 
Social and economic development research center 

in (Battle), 956 
UNESCO programs (Battle), 955, 957 


Atlantic alliance. See North Atlantic Treaty Organi- 
Atlantic community (see also Atlantic partnership and 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization) : 
"Grand design" for a unified Europe (Rusk), 246, 

Partnership in (Ball), 196 
U.S. views : Tyler, &19 ; Rostow, 855 
Atlantic partnership : 

Nuclear problems within (Rostow), 552 
Role of De Gaulle (Ball) , 372 

U.S. position: Rusk, 315, 316; Schaetzel, 326; Ball, 
372, 690 ; McGhee, 771 
Atlantic Policy Advisory Group, NATO, 721, 774 
Atlantic Undersea Test and Evaluation Center, 866 
Atmospheric Sciences and Hydrology, Committee on 

International Programs in, 742 
Atmospheric tests (Rusk), 938 
Atomic Energy, Joint Committee on (Rusk), 488 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of : 

Agreements re civil uses of : Colombia, 810 ; U.K., 998 
Nuclear training and research equipment and mate- 
rials, agreement with India providing grant for, 
Third international conference in 1964, proposed 
(Stevenson), 150 
Atomic Energy Agency, International, statute of : 
Current actions : Bolivia, 504 ; Syrian Arab Republic, 

997; Uruguay, 230 
Amendment of art. VI.A.3, Ethiopia, 110 ; Spain, 266 ; 
U.S., 377; Yugoslavia, 926 
Atomic radiation, problem of (Rusk), 487 
Auguste, Carlet, 55 
Australia : 

ANZUS Council meeting, 967 

Colombo Plan program of technical training, pro- 
posals for (Marks), 979 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 189, 305, 477, 546, 765, 
Austria : 
Dispute with Italy over South Tyrol (Meeker), 85 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 306, 764, 926 
Automotive traffic. See Road traffic 
Aviation : 

Air transport : 

U.S. international policy, 784 
U.S. negotiations with: Mexico, 840; U.A.R., 223, 
Aircraft : 
Alaskan airspace, U.S. protests Soviet violation of, 

Cuban MIG attack on U.S. motorship Floridian, 

Soviet MIG's in Cuba (Rusk) , 244 
U.S. military, "failsafe" procedure, 4 
Civil Aviation Organization, International, 504, 585, 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Aerospace disturbances, U.S.-New Zealand agree- 
ment re research program on, 962 


Aviation — Continued 

Treaties, Agreements, etc. — Continued 

Air navigation services, joint financing of, 
agreements : 
Faroe Islands and Greenland : Art. V., amend- 
ment of, entry into force, 888 ; current actions, 
France, 153 ; Japan, 722 
Iceland : France, 153 
Air routes between the West Indies and U.S., U.S.- 

U.K. agreement as applicable to Jamaica, 77 
Air services transit agreement, international 
(1944) : Algeria, 849; Trinidad and Tobago, 629 
Air transport, U.S.-France agreement re compromis 

of arbitration pursuant to art. X of, 342 
Aircraft : 
Double taxation on earnings from operation of, 

U.S.-Iceland agreement for relief of, 77 
International recognition of rights in, convention 

(1948) on : Denmark, 341 ; Niger, 230 
Precautionary attachment of, convention (1933) 
for unification of certain rules re: Congo, 
Mauritania, 341 
Reciprocal acceptance of certificates of air- 
worthiness for imported aircraft, U.S.-Japan 
agreement re, 342 
Airmail regulations, tiniversal postal convention 
provisions re : Burundi, 810 ; Cuba, 765 ; Domini- 
can Republic, Honduras, Nepal, 505 ; Rwanda, 
810 ; Tanganyika, Upper Volta, 765 
Carriage by air, convention (1929) for unification 
of certain rules re : Congo, 38 ; protocol amend- 
ing: Switzerland, 38 
Civil aviation, international, convention (1944) 
on : 
Current actions, Jamaica, 585 ; Trinidad and 

Tobago, 504 
Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e), and 
61 on sessions of ICAO Assembly: Cuba, 
Malagasy Republic, 888 
Protocol amending article 50(a) re ICAO Coun- 
cil membership: Cuba, El Salvador, Ethiopia, 
France, Honduras, Malagasy Republic, Philip- 
pines, 888 
Bahama Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
Bailiwick of Guernsey, international wheat agreement 

(1962), 189 
Balance of payments : 
Brazil (Gordon), 284 

Canada, U.S. discussions (Kennedy, Pearson), 815 
Europe, status of (Trezise), 973 
Foreign economic aid, effect on (Johnson), 832 
U.S., status of and efforts to improve : Kennedy, 228, 
594 ; Trezise, 973 
Baldwin, Charles F., 505 
Balkans (Pearcy), 334 

Ball, George W., addresses, remarks, and statements : 
Brazil, U.S. regrets misinterpretation of statement 

re political situation in, 521 
Churchill, Winston, ceremony conferring honorary 
U.S. citizenship, 716 

Ball, George AV. — Continued 

"Issues and Answers" interview, 369 

Monnet, Jean, contribution to European unity, 195 

National Academy of Foreign Affairs, support for, 

NATO multilateral nuclear force, 372, 373 

Nuclear deterrent and the Atlantic alliance, 736 

Soviet troops in Cuba, 370 

State Department, question of public support for, 371 

U.K.-EEC negotiations, breakdown in, 412 

U.S. confidence in Atlantic partnership, 372 
Baltic States (Pearcy), 334 
Bangoura, Karim, 360 

Barbados, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 266 
Barnes, Nathan, 53 
Bataan Day, U.S.-Philippine commemorative ceremony, 

Battle, Lucius D., 92, 265, 752, 915 
Bay of Pigs prisoners, return of (Kennedy), 88 
Beehhoefer, Bernhard G., 115, 125, 126 
Belgium : 

Congo, Belgian assistance to, 483 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 266, 305, 306, 629, 
765, 810, 888, 926 
Bell, David Elliott : 

Confirmation as Alternate Governor, Inter-American 
Development Bank, 765 

Correspondence and statements : 

Brazil, economic and financial aid to, 557, 560 
Foreign aid program, request for FY 1964 appro- 
priation, 881 

Director of AID : confirmation of, 376 ; qualifications 
of ( Bowles) , 939 ; swearing in, 66 
Benelux (Pearcy), 335 
Berlin : 

Court action re "Association of Victims of Nazi 
Persecution", Soviet protest and U.S. reply, 45 

Freedom of, relation to African freedom (Williams), 

Judges Law, 751 

Legal rights re (Meeker), 86 

Possible discussions during 1963 (Rusk), 135 

Situation in (Rusk), 700 

Soviet Union attitude:, 135; McGhee, 870 

Western position : Kennedy, Macmillau, 43 ; Rusk, 
135, 136 
Bermuda, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306, 585 
Betancourt, Romulo, 445 
Bills of lading, international convention (1924) for 

unification of rules re : Tanganyika, 230 
Bingham, Jonathan B., 104, 106, 258, 459, 505 
Black, Eugene, 538 
"Black boxes," 122 
Blaustein, Jacob, 540 
Blumenthal, W. Michael, 218. 844 
Board of Foreign Scholarships, 296, 755 
Bolivia : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 751 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 341, 504, 629, 673, 926 
Bolster, Edward A., 840 



BOMARC-B weapons system in Canada, 243 
Bonds, German Dollar, 146 
Bonds, U.N., U.S. purchase, 149 
Books : 

"Books USA" campaign (Rusk), 806 
International Advisory Committee, 756 
U.S. program (Battle), 94 
Borja, Jacinto Castel, 58 
Bowles, Chester : 

Addresses and correspondence : 

Foreign aid program, objectives of, 777, 939 
Nyasaland, independence of, 253 
U.S. world relationships, problems and objectives, 
Confirmation as Ambassador to India, 848 
Bowman, Heath, 190 
Brazil : 

Coffee trade (Gordon), 289 

Economic and Social Development, Three-Tear Plan 

for, 558 
Economic relations with U.S. : 
Address (Gordon), 284 
Discussions re, results of (Bell), 557; review of 

(Rusk), 934 
U.S. aid, 144, 285, 560 
Finance Minister, visit to U.S., 434, 557 
Satellite Relay, U.S., inauguration of broadcasts via, 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 153, 341, 377, 629, 764, 

810, 888, 926 
U.S. regrets misinterpretation of statement re politi- 
cal situation in (Ball), 521 
Brezhnev, Leonid, 137 

British Guiana, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
British Honduras, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
Briti-sh Solomon Islands protectorate, international 

wheat agreement (1962) , 189 
British Virgin Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 

Brucker, Herbert, 684 

Brunei, radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed 
to international telecommunications convention 
(1959), 962 
Budget for 1964 (Kennedy), 224 
Bulgaria : 

African students, departure from, 375 
Convention on road traffic with annexes, 585 
Minister to U.S., credentials, 946 
Property, extension of deadline on filing declarations, 
Bullitt, John C, 375 
Bundy, MeGeorge, 467 
Bunker, Ellsworth, 148 

Burma, articles of agreements of International Devel- 
opment Association, 504 
Burundi, treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 418, 810, 926 
Business Problems, International, Advisory Committee 

on, 296, 540, 735 
Byelorussian S.S.R., convention for pacific settlement 
of international disputes, 341 

Caicos Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 306 
Cairo Conference of Developing Countries (Gardner), 

Calendar of international conferences and meetings 
(see also suhject), 13, 98, 186, 257, 338, 416, 503, 
580, 718, 807, 952 
California, 15 

Cambodia, protocol of accession to GATT, 266 
Cameron, Warde M., 461 

Cameroon, treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 505, 926 
Canada : 
Niagara shoal, U.S. request for IJC approval for 

removal, 717 
North Pacific fisheries, U.S.-Canada-Japan proposed 

discussions, 914 
Nuclear weapons, negotiations with U.S. concern- 
ing: Department, 243; Rusk, 235, 242, 435, 936 
Prime Minister, meetings with President Kennedy at 

Hyannis Port, 815 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 306, 418, 629, 888, 926 
Canal Zone, U.S.-Panamanian agreement re procedural 

matters, 171 
Carey, James B., 115, 124 
Caribbean (see also individual countries) : 
Peace in, dependent on Cuba (Rusk), 206 
Press secretaries meeting at Oaxaca, postponed, 809 
Suspicious trafiie in, question of U.S. surveillance 
(Rusk), 684 
Carr, Randolph, 271, 281 
Castro, Fidel, 263, 351 

Cayman Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 306 
CENTO. See Central Treaty Organization 
Central African Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 

266, 377, 764, 926 
Central America (see also individual countries) : 
Common market, plans for establishment of, 213, 437 
Heads of Government and Ministers, meetings of. 

.S'ee San Jos§ meetings 
U.S. Ambassadors, meeting of, 213 
Central Treaty Organization : 
Ministerial Council, 11th session : 
Statement (Rusk), 841 
Text of final communique, 843 
U.S. observer delegation, 484 
Statement (Rusk), 384 

Visit to member coimtries by Secretary Rusk, an- 
nouncement, 739 
Ceylon : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 703 

Expropriation of U.S. property, negotiations for 

compensation (Rusk), 240, 241 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 546, 961 
U.S. aid, susi)ension of, 328 

Radio regulations (1959), 722 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 765 
Chakravarty, B. N., 56 
Charlotte, Grand Duchess, 647, 776 
Charter of the United Nations. See United Nations 



Chayes, Abram, 296, 318 
CMari, Roberto F., 171, 213 
Chile : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 360 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 110, 189, 305, 306, 505, 
764, 888, 926 
China : 

Historical background and nature of (Johnson), 276 
U.N. representation question (Stevenson), 150 
China, Communist (see also Communism) : 
Aggression against India. See under India 
ANZUS concern and views on activities, 967 
Cuban activities (Rusk), 686 
Economic problems : Harriman, 275 ; Johnson, 454 ; 

Rostow, 826 
Emergence of ( Bowles ) , 818, 820 
Nuclear capability, problem of (Rusk), 249 
Nuclear war, views on : Harriman, 694 ; Johnson, 

On-site inspections in, question of permission for 

(Rusk), 203 
Recognition of, question of (Rusk), 702 
Southeast Asia, objectives in (Johnson), 636 
Soviet relations : 
Aid, Soviet withdrawal (Hilsman), 273, 274 
Doctrinal dispute. See Sino-Soviet dispute 
Soviet policy toward (Rusk), 204, 205 
U.N. representation, question of (Stevenson), 150 
UNESCO conference, rejection of representation 
(Battle), 9.55 
China, Republic of : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 306, 764 
U.N. representation, U.S. position (Stevenson), 150 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 848 
U.S. policy toward (Johnson), 279 
Christensen, Lew, 663 
Churchill, Randolph, 715 
Churchill, Winston, 715 
CIPASH. See Committee on International Programs 

in Atmospheric Sciences and Hydrology 
Civil Aviation Organization, International, 504, 585, 

Civilian persons in time of war, Geneva convention 
(1949) relative to treatment of: Cyprus, Ireland, 
Malaya, Mauritania, 230 
Claims : 
Ceylon, question of compensation for nationalization 

of U.S. property in, 240, 241, 328 
Germany, Federal Republic of, agreement for settle- 
ment of claims from nonduty use of private 
motor vehicles of members of U.S. Armed Forces, 
Poland, agreement for compensation of U.S. claims 

against, 948 
Unclaimed property of victims of Nazi persecution, 
amendment of Executive order re, 618 
Clark, John C, 506 
Clarke, Ellis, 59 
Clay, Lucius D., 431, 574, 882 

Clay Committee. See Committee To Strengthen the 

Security of the Free World 
Cleveland, Harlan, 60, 165, 613, 872 
Clifford, Clark, 805 

Cocoa, international agreement on (Blumenthal), 846 
Coffee : 
Brazil, trade in (Gordon), 289 
International coffee agreement, 1962 : 
Current actions: Argentina, Australia, Austria, 
Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Burundi, Cameroon, 
Canada, Central African Republic, Colombia, 
Congo (Lfiopoldville), Costa Rica, Cuba, Den- 
mark, 926 ; Dominican Republic, 926, 997 ; Ecua- 
dor, El Salvador, France, Gabon, Germany, 
Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Indonesia, 
Italy, 926 ; Ivory Coast, 926, 961 ; Japan, Leba- 
non, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Mexico, Nether- 
lands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Nor- 
way, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Rwanda, Sierra 
Leone, Soviet Union, Spain, Sweden, Switzer- 
land, Tanganyika, Trinidad and Tobago, U.K., 
U.S., Uganda, Venezuela, 926 
Provisions, negotiations, and implementation (Blu- 
menthal), 218, 220 
U.S. views: Blumenthal, 846; Gordon, 291; Ken- 
nedy, 514 ; Kotschnig, 628 ; McGhee, 493, 869 
Coffey, John W., 848 
Cold war, definition (Cleveland), 169 
Collective security (see oiso Mutual defense) : 
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. See ANZUS 
and Southeast Asia Treaty Organization 
Europe. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Free world support (Gardner), 796 
Near and Middle East. See Central Treaty Or- 
U.S. position (Rusk), 641 

Western Hemisphere. See Organization of Ameri- 
can States 
Colombia, treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 305, 764, 765, 

810, 926 
Colombo Plan : 

Colombo Plan Day, 978 

Purpose and accomplishments (Marks), 977 
Working party, recommendations of, 980 
Colonialism : 
African states concern re (Williams), 604 
U.S. position : Bingham, 459 ; Yates, 581 
Columbia River, Canadian-U.S. cooperative develop- 
ment of (Kennedy, Pearson), 816 
Comay, Michael S., 53 
Commerce, Department of, export expansion program, 

Commercial treaties. See Trade : Treaties 
Committee on International Programs in Atmospheric 

Sciences and Hydrology, 742 
Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, U.N. See 
Outer Space, U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of 
Committee on Space Research of the International 
Council of Scientific Unions, 24, 924 



Committee To Strengthen the Security of the Free 
World (Clay Committee) : 
Meetings of, 329, 431 

Report of : Kennedy, 574, 593 ; Rusk, 666, 667 
Commodity Credit Corporation, 914 
Commodity Trade, International, U.N. Commission on 

(Blumeuthal), &44 
Commodity trade problems (see also Agriculture: 
Trade owd individual commodity) : 
Latin America : Johnson, 834 ; Martin, 920, 922 
Less developed countries (Trezise), 975 
Price stabilization, problem of (Blumenthal), 844 
Common markets. See name of market 
Communications (see also Radio and Telecommunica- 
tion) : 
Advances in (Battle), 92 

Australia, agreement re naval communication sta- 
tion, 888 
Belgium, agreement re communication facilities in, 

CENTO projects, 843 
Mexico, agreement re communication station at 

Guaymas, Sonora, 926 
Satellites : 
Developments: Chayes, 837; Gardner, 740, 743; 

McGhee, 868 
Global system, proposed (Gore), 25 
Relay satellite, inauguration of broadcasts be- 
tween North and South America, 171 
U.S. programs and achievements: Gardner, 743; 

Gore, 25 
UNESCO's proposals re (Battle), 957 
U.S.-Soviet direct teletype communications link, pro- 
posed: ACDA statement, 600; Foster, 7; Rusk, 
UNESCO's programs (Battle), 956 
Communications satellite corporation, 25 
Communism («ee also China, Communist ; Cuba ; Sino- 
Soviet dispute ; and Soviet Union) : 
Africa, unsuccessful in (Williams), 877 
Aggression and subversive activities : 
Africa : Manning, 141 
Cuba : Rusk, 313, 386 
Latin America. See under Latin America 
Southeast Asia. See Laos and Viet-Nam 
Western hemisphere : Martin, 347, 404 ; Rusk, 313, 
664, 474 
Central control, importance (Johnson), 277 
Cold vrar, definition (Cleveland), 169 
Council for Economic Mutual Assistance, 273. 
Free-world struggle against: Betancourt-Kennedy, 

446 ; Hilsman, 897 ; Kennedy, 595 ; Lee, 423 
Less developed countries, danger (Rostow), 554 
Moscow meetings, effect (Rusk), 933 
Propaganda. See Propaganda 
World, objectives: Bowles, 819; Harriman, 274; 
Kennedy, 197 ; Rusk, 204, 283, 842 
Conferences and organizations, international. See 
International organizations and conferences and 

Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), treaties, agreements, 

etc., 306, 341, 418, 620, 764 
Congo, Republic of the (L4opoldville) : 
Current status of situation : Kennedy, Macmillan, 43 ; 

Rusk, 312, 680 
Economic and social development (Williams), 209, 

Special mission to study situation in, named, 148 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 341, 764, 849, 926 
U.N. role and operation in and U.S. support: 
Addresses, remarks, and statements: Bingham, 
460; Cleveland, 165, 166, 169, 874; Department, 
91; Gardner, 478; Kennedy, 207; Meeker, 85; 
Rusk, 396, 437, 442 ; Sisco, 532 ; Stevenson, 148, 
524 ; Williams, 605 
Financing : Gardner, 536 ; General Assembly reso- 
lution, 37 ; Klutznick, 30, 31 
U.S. consulate, opened at Bukavu, 765 
U.S. policy and aid : 

Addresses : Cleveland, 874 ; WiUiams, 210 
Summary of, report on, 481 
Congress, U.S. : 
Bipartisan support re U.S. foreign policy (Rusk), 

Coffee agreement, international (1962), approval re- 
quested (McGhee), 493 
Connally amendment, benefits of repeal (Foster), 124 
Documents relating to foreign policy, lists, 229, 329, 

376, 579, 717, 883, 917, 951 
Legislation, proposed: 
Budget, FY 1964, 224 
Foreign aid program, FY 1964: Kennedy, 591; 

Rusk, 664, 671 
Foreign Assistance Act, amendments: announce- 
ment, 296 ; Kennedy, 599 ; Tyler, 947 
National academy of foreign affairs (Ball), 619; 
Kennedy, 228, 427; Lee, 424, 425, 426; Orrick, 
623 ; Rusk, 429 
Presidential messages, letters, and reports. See 

under Kennedy, John F. 
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, hearings: 
Communist subversion (Martin), 347, 404 
Foreign government agents, investigations (Ball), 

Information policies (Manning) , 575 
Nuclear explosions and test ban negotiations 

(Rusk), 485, 488 
Tax returns of foreign representatives, authoriza- 
tion to inspect, 254 
Connally amendment, 124 
Conservation of Uving resources of the high seas, 

convention on : Colombia, 305 
Consular relations : 
U.N. conference at Vienna, U.S. representative, 461 
U.S. agreements with: 
Japan, 546, 585 
Korea, 154 

Panama, for issuance of exequaturs in Canal Zone, 

714-736—64 2 


Consular relations — Continued 

Vienna convention (1963) on and optional protocol: 
Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Central African Re- 
public, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo (Brazza- 
ville), Congo (LSopoldville), Cuba, Dahomey, Den- 
mark, Dominican Republic, France, Gabon, Ghana, 
Holy See, Iran, Ireland, Ivory Coast, Lebanon, 
Liberia, Liechtenstein, Niger, Norway, Peru, 
Philippines, U.S., Upper Volta, Uruguay, Vene- 
zuela, Yugoslavia, 764. 
Consultative Committee for Cooperative Economic De- 
velopment in South and Southeast Asia. See 
Colombo Plan 
Contiguous zone and territorial sea, convention (1958) 

on : Portugal, 341 ; South Africa, 810 
Continental -shelf, convention (1958) on the: Portugal, 

341 ; South Africa, 810 
Contingency fund, FY 1964 appropriation, 672, 882 
Copyright convention (19.")2), universal: 

Current actions : Bermuda, North Borneo, Zanzibar, 

Protocol 1, application to works of stateless persons 

and refugees : Finland, 546 ; Greece, 997 
Protocol 2, application to works of international 

organizations : Finland, 546 ; Greece, 998 
Protocol 3, effective date of instruments of ratifica- 
tion, acceptance, or accession : Finland, 546 ; 
Greece, 998 
Corea, Luis F., 115, 123 
Corner, F. H., 58 

COSPAR. See Committee on Space Research 
Costa Rica : 

Coffee agreement (1962), international, 926 
President Kennedy's visit to, 517 
Sau Jose meetings of Central American Presidents 
and Ministers. See San Jos^ meetings 
Cotton textiles : 

Japanese exports to U.S. (Johnson), 609 
Long-term arrangements re trade in: Australia, 189; 
Mexico, 153 
Cottrell, Sterling J., 190 

Council for Economic Mutual Assistance, 273 
Council of Finance Ministers of Latin American gov- 
ernments, cited (Martin), 919 
Courts. See International Court and Permanent Court 
Crimmins, John Hugh, 190 
Crockett, William J., 997 
Cuba (see also Cuban crisis) : 

Aggressive and subversive activities : Martin, 348, 
711; Rusk, 313, 386, 388, 440, 474; U.S. note, 
Agricultural research project, U.N. Special Fund, 

U.S. views: Gardner, 3.59, 480; Rusk, 357 
Bay of Pigs invasion : 

Prisoners, welcome on return to U.S. (Kennedy), 

Question concerning (Rusk) , 368 
Chinese and Soviet personnel in (Rusk), 686 

Cuba — Continued 

Refugees and exile groups in U.S. : 
Attack on Soviet merchant vessel, 599 
Hit-and-run raids by, U.S. position, 520, 600, 687 
Influx into U.S. (Rusk), 473 
Problem of (Martin), 984 

U.S. policy toward : Department, 709 ; Martin, 983 

Soviet domination (Kennedy), 514 

Soviet troops and militai-y equipment, U.S. concern 

and question of withdrawal: Ball, 369, 370; 

McGhee, 870 ; Rusk. 206. 238. 242, 244, 312, 362, 

365, 388, 432, 470, 472, 646, 681, 686, 733, 934; 

Stevenson, 147 

Swiss Representatives visit to U.S. prisoners on Isle 

of Pines, 137 
Travel to, recommended limitations on, 719 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 266, 306, 764, 765, 888, 

U.S. policy toward: Martin, 988; Rusk, 206, 240, 

361, 363, 680, 698, 732 
U.S. vessels, attacks on, protests and requests for 
explanations, 356, 573, 600 
Cuban crisis : 

Lessons of (Manning) , 142 

OAS and Western Hemisphere action and support: 
Martin, 405, 712 ; Rusk, 135, 207, 469 ; Stevenson, 
President's handling of (Rusk) , 204 
Report to U.N., U.S.-Soviet, 153 
Shipping and trade during. See under Ships and 

U.N. role : Cleveland, 874 ; Gardner, 477 ; Sisco, 531 ; 

Stevenson, 147, 525, 705 
U.S. actions : 

Argentine support, 212 

Blockading, question of (Rusk), 207, 473 

Embargo on shipping and trade : announcement, 

283 ; Rusk, 207, 470 
Quarantine of: 

Advance notification of (Foster) , 4 
Legal case for (Meeker) , 87 
Support of allies ( Rusk ) , 204 
U.S.-Soviet confrontation (Blumenthal), 219 
Cultural, Educational and Scientific Organization. 
See Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza- 
Cultural center, national, proposed, 93 
Cultural relations and programs (see also Educational 
exchange and Exchange of persons) : 
Advisory Committee on the Arts, 46, 190, 448, 663 
Books program. See Books 
Importance of and support (or : Battle, 92 ; Norrell, 

214, 216 
Presentations programs : 
Advisory Commission on International Educational 
and Cultural Affairs, recommendations of, 46, 96 
Statements : Battle, 96, 915 ; Norrell, 215 
Programs in: Africa (Williams), 67, 69; Japan 
(Battle), 97 



Cultural relations and programs — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. 

Cultural agreement with : Germany, 93 ; Malaya, 

265 ; Rumania, 661, 673 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, 
agreement and protocol on importation of : Tan- 
ganyika, 722 
Performing artists, agreement with Poland re re- 
ciprocal waiver of visa fees, 306 
UNESCO programs (Battle), 957 
Customs (sec also Tariff policy) : 
Commercial samples and advertising material, con- 
vention (1952) to facilitate importation: Tan- 
ganyika, 926 
Relief supplies and packages, duty-free entry and 
defrayment of inland transportation charges on, 
agreement amending 1955 agreement with Korea, 
Road vehicles, convention (1954) on temporary im- 
portation : Tanganyika, 377 
Cutler, Lloyd N., 540 

Cyprus, treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 341, 673, 722 
Czechoslovakia : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 962 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 506 

DAC. See Development Assistance Committee 

Dahomey, treaties, agreements, etc., 764, 962 

Dale, William B., 375 

Danubian countries, geographic term (Pearcy), 334 

Dean, Arthur H., 115, 121, 125, 126 

Decade of Development : 

Economic goals (Gardner) , 17, 908 
Purpose (Bingham), 460 
U.S. support (Kennedy), 208, 531 
UNESCO role (Battle), 954, 955 
Defense (see also Collective security. Mutual defense, 
and National defense) : 
Free-world alliances (Rusk), 384 
India, U.S. production consultations, 283 
Internal defense and security : 

Agreements re furnishing articles and services: 

Chile, 189 ; Jamaica, 976 ; Peru, 189 
Communist subversion, newly developed countries 

(Johnson), 452 
U.S. programs (Martin), 406 
Defense, Department of, 118, 444 
Defense College, Inter-American, 409 
De Gaulle, Charles : 

U.S. visit, question of (Rusk), 933 
Views on, question of : 

Atlantic alliance (Rusk) , 248 ; Ball, 372 
Europe (Harriman), 281 
NATO nuclear deterrent (RuskJ, 205, 206 
Del Rosario Ceballos, Enriquillo Antonio, 976 
Deming, Olcott H., 153, 505 

Demography. See Population growth, problems of 
Denmark, treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 377, 764, 926 
Denney, George C, Jr., 889 
Dennison, Robert L., 521 

Department of Commerce, export expansion program, 

Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 256 
Department of Justice, 600 
Department of State. See State Department 
Department of State 1963, published, 849 
Development Assistance Committee (DAC) : 
Activities, importance of (Johnson), 456 
Africa, aid (Williams), 209 
Chairman, election, 417 
Goals of (Rostow),857 
Development Association, International. See Interna- 
tional Development Association 
Development Bank, Inter-American. See Inter-Ameri- 
can Development Bank 
Development loans, FY 1964 appropriation, 226, 671, 

Diplomatic relations and recognition : 
Haiti, possible break (Rusk), 936 
Recognition : 
Guatemala, 703 
Iraq, 316 

Syrian Arab Republic, 476 
Togo, Republic of, 969 
Yemen, 11 
Vienna convention (1961) and protocol : Congo (Braz- 
zaville), 629 ; Laos, Niger, 110 
Diplomatic representatives abroad. See Foreign 

Diplomatic representatives in the U.S. : 
Presentation of credentials : Bolivia, 751 ; Bulgaria, 
946 ; Oylon, 703 ; Chile, 360 ; Dominican Repub- 
lic, 976; Ghana, 751; Guinea, 360; Iran, 751; 
Japan, 751; Rwanda, 317; Switzerland, 360; 
Upper Volta, 170 ; Venezuela, 317 
Yemen legation raised to Embassy, 250 
Disarmament («ee also Armaments, Arms Control and 
Disarmament Agency, Nuclear weapons and Outer 
space) : 
Complete and general : 

Importance (Kennedy), 163 
NATO views, 10 
Partial measures (Fester), 126 
Risks of (Foster) , 3, 5, 129 
18-Nation Disarmament Committee. See Eighteen 

Nation Disarmament Committee 
Soviet position : Department, 127 ; Foster, 133 
U.N. Disarmament Commission, 960 
U.S. position and efforts: Department, 127; Depart- 
ment briefing, 115 ; Foster, 3, 132, 133 ; Gardner, 
791 ; Gore, 24 ; McGhee, 869 ; Rusk, 842 
Disarmament Commission, U.N., 960 
Discrimination. See Racial discrimination 
Disputes, pacific settlement of. See Pacific settlement 
Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-19^5, 
Series G (1933-1937), The Third Reich: First 
Phase, Volume IV, April 1, 19S5-March 4, 1936, 
published, 77 
Doherty, William C, 506 



Dominican Republic : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 976 
Dispute with Haiti, OAS and Security Council efEorts 

(Yost), 958 
Elections (Department), 8 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 110, 153, 189, 306, 504, 505, 
764, 926, 997, 998 
Double taxation : 
Agreements and conventions for avoidance of : 
Earnings from ships and aircraft, Iceland, 77 
Income, Luxembourg, 9 
Negotiations to eliminate, proposed (Hilsman), 900 
Downs, Hugh, 202 
Drugs, narcotic: 
Manufacture and distribution of : 

Convention (1931) limiting and regulating : 

Senegal, Upper Volta, 961 
Protocol (1948) bringing under international con- 
trol drugs outside scope of 1931 convention: 
Senegal, Upper Volta, 961 
Opium, regulating production, trade, and use of : 
Convention (1912), Senegal, 961 
Protocol (1953) : Greece, 341; Senegal, 998; U.S., 

East-West relations : 
Communist meetings in Moscow, effect of (Rusk), 

Nassau talks (Kennedy, Macmillan), 43 
Sino-Soviet dispute, effect of (Johnson), 278 
EGA. See Economic Commission for Africa 
ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the 

Far East 
ECE. See Economic Commission for Europe 
ECLA. See Economic Commission for Latin America 
Economic and Social Council, U.N. : 

Commission on International Commodity Trade, 

meeting of (Blumenthal), 844 
Dociunents, lists of, 584, 960 

Survey and recommendations on demographic prob- 
lems : Gardner, 909 ; Martin, 919 
Trade problems of less developed countries, proposed 

conference on, 264 
U.S. representative to, confirmation (Bingham), 505 
Economic and social development (see also Economic 
and technical aid, Foreign aid programs, and Less 
developed countries: 
Africa. See under Africa 
Central America, proposals at meeting of Central 

American Presidents, 511, 516 
Commodity trade, importance of (Blumenthal), 844 
Cuba, economic situation in (Rusk), 441 
Economic diversification, importance to (Blumen- 
thal), 222 
European unity, achievement through (Schaetzel), 

Latin America. See Alliance for Progress 
Need for improvement (Cleveland), 63 
Pacific Islands, ANZUS Council recommendation, 968 

Economic and social development — Continued 
Population growth, relationship to. See Population 

Programs of and U.S. cooperation : Brazil, 557 ; 
Greece, 970; Japan, 608; Costa Rica, 517, 518; 
Viet-Nam, 968 
Rural development, relationship to (Rostow), 824 
Southeast Asia (see also Colombo Plan), SEATO's 

views on, 643 
UNESCO program for (Battle) , 956, 957 
U.S. position : Bowles, 941 ; Johnson, 453, 455 ; Gard- 
ner, 540 ; Kennedy, 593 ; Rusk, 669 
Economic and technical aid to foreign countries {see 
also Agency for International Development, Agri- 
cultural surpluses. Alliance for Progress, Economic 
and social development. Foreign aid programs, 
Inter-American Development Bank, International 
Bank, International Development Association, 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Devel- 
opment, and United Nations : Technical assistance 
programs) : 
Administration and coordination of (Bowles), 944 
Aid to : Africa, 626 ; Argentina, 617 ; Brazil, 144, 285 ; 
Congo, 209; Ceylon (suspended), 328; Japan, 
607 ; Latin America, 919 ; Portugal, 105 
Appropriation and authorization requests for FY 
1964 : Bell, 881 ; Kennedy, 224, 598 ; Rusk, 666, 
Tamily planning programs (Gardner), 910 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

U.S. agreements with: Central African Republic, 
377 ; Japan, 418 ; Somali Republic, 154 ; Tunisia, 
U.S. programs for (Johnson), 830 
West German aid to Africa (Williams), 903 
Yugoslavia, question of U.S. aid to (Rusk), 239 
Economic Commission for Africa, U.N., 5th session 

(Kotsehnig), 625 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, U.N. : 
Study of Tokaido railway problems, 660 
U.S. representative to 19th session, confirmation 
(Baldwin), 505 
Economic Commission for Europe, U.N., U.S. repre- 
sentative to 18th session, confirmation, 765 
Economic Commission for Latin America, U.N., 10th 
session : 
Statement (Martin), 918 
U.S. representative, confirmation, 765 
Economic Cooperation Administration, 647 
Economic Cooperation and Development, Organization 
for. See Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development 
Economic policy and relations, U.S. (see also indi- 
vidual countries) : 
Domestic economy: 
Effect of disarmament on : Gilpatric, 123 ; Foster, 

Need for expansion : Kennedy, 159 ; Bowles, 823 



Economic policy and relations, U.S. — Continued 
Foreign economic policy : 

Balance-of-payments problem. See Balance of 

EEC. See European Economic Commission 
Foreign aid program. See Foreign aid 
Recognition of economic interdependence (Ball), 

Tariff policy. See Tariff policy, U.S. 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962. See Trade Expan- 
sion Act 
Economic Report of the President (excerpts), 228 
ECSC. See European Coal and Steel Community 
Ecuador : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 765, 926 
U.S. tuna fishing, dispute over (RusIj), 976 
Education (see also Cultural relations and programs, 
Educational exchange, and Exchange of persons) : 
Africa. See Africa 
American schools abroad, proposed legislation to aid 

(Kennedy), 599, 672 
Central America, strengthening of, 516 
Colombo Plan efforts to increase technical training 

in Southeast Asia (Marks), 978, 979 
Foreign affairs. See Foreign Service Institute and 

National academy of foreign affairs 
Foreign students in America (Battle), 752 
International, U.S. aid to (Norrell), 216 
Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of, U.S. views (Cleve- 
land), 615 
U.S. Educational Foundation, agreement with Philip- 
pines, 673 
UNESCO programs (Battle), 955 
Education and World Affairs, Inc. (Battle), 755 
Educational exchange program, international (see also 
Cultural relations. Education, and Exchange of 
persons) : 
Advisory Commission, 46, 96, 617, 753, 755 
Agreements with : Colombia, 110, 765 ; Germany, 93 ; 
Iceland, 765; Malaya, 378; Philippines, 673; 
Thailand, 945, 998 
Appropriation request for FY 1964 (Kennedy), 226, 

Board of Foreign Scholarships, responsibilities, 297 
Review of (Battle), 753, 755 

U.S. programs in: Africa, 68; Germany, 93; Philip- 
pines, 545 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, agree- 
ment (1950) and protocol on importation of: 
Italy, 189 ; Tanganyika, 722 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 
Aid to African education ( Williams), 603 
Constitution of : Algeria, 110 ; Burundi, Jamaica, 
Mongolia, Rwanda, Trinidad and Tobago, Ugan- 
da, 341 
Director General (Maheu), visit to Washington, 584 
General conference of, 12th session (Battle), 954 
U.S. role in (Norrell), 216 
EEC. See European Economic Community 

Egypt. See United Arab Republic 
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee: 
Nuclear test ban negotiations to be resumed by 

(Foster), 236 
Progress at, question of : Dean, 121 ; Rusk, 389, 703 
Resumption of discussions (Kennedy), 340 
Soviet Union and U.S. cochairmen of, 127 
U.S. proposals (Foster), 3, 5, 124, 398, 399 
Eisenhower, Dwlght D., 166 
El Salvador: 

San Jos6 meetings of Central American Presidents 

and Ministers. See San Jos6 meetings 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 849, 888, 926 
Embargo on Cuban shipping and trade, effectiveness 

(Rusk), 207 
Emergency preparedness functions, assigned to Secre- 
tary of State, Executive order, 629 
English-language teaching program abroad (Battle), 

Erpf , Armand, 732 
Establishment, friendship, and navigation, treaty with 

Luxembourg, 403, 418, 505 
ETAP. See Expanded Program of Technical Assist- 
ance, U.N. 
Ethiopia : 

Emperor, to visit U.S., 938 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 306, 418, 888 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 505 
Europe (see also Atlantic partnership, European head- 
ings, individual countries, and North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization) : 
Balance of payments, status (Trezise), 973 
De Gaulle proposals re, effect of Sino-Soviet dispute 

on ( Harriman ) , 281 
Eastern Europe, U.S. policy re trade expansion 

(Tyler), 947 
Economic Commission for, U.S. representative to 

18th session, confirmation, 765 
Economic development and problems (see also Eu- 
ropean Economic Community) : Fanfani-Ken- 
nedy, 164; Bowles, 779; MacArthur, 174; 
Manning, 138, 139, 141, 142; Stevenson, 706 
Geographic terminology (Pearcy), 330 
U.S. relations, review (McGhee), 771, 773 
Unification of: 

De Gaulle position re, question of, 247, 248 

EEC development aids (Ball), 412, 414 

Efforts and principles: Ball, CS9; McGhee, 772; 

Schaetzel. 324 ; Tyler, 648 
French-German reconciliation, aid to (Rusk), 206, 

Monnet, role of (Ball, Kennedy), 195 
U.S. supports: Chayes, 318; McGhee, 868; Ros- 
tow, 855, 856; Schaetzel, 324; Trezise, 972 
Western Europe: 

Communism (Chayes), 319 
Countries in (Pearcy), 332 
U.S. forces In, purpose (Rusk) , 247 
U.S. relations (Rusk), 314, 391 



European Coal and Steel Community, purpose of 

(Schaetzel), 324 
European Defense Community, failure of: Chayes, 

318, 319, 320 ; Rusk, 246 ; Schaetzel, 324 
European Economic Community : 
Africa, development fund aids (Williams), 209 
Commission of. Special Representative for Trade 

Negotiations, proposed talks with, 180 
Progress and purpose : Chayes, 320 ; McGhee, 772 ; 

Trezise, 971 

Agricultural policy, Argentine-U.S. joint state- 
ment, 212 
Poultry import fees, proposed meeting (Herter), 

Tariff, common external, U.S. publication on, 889 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 230 
U.K., membership question. See under United King- 
U.S. economy challenged (MacArthur), 174 
U.S. relations: Rusk, 701; Trezise, 971 
U.S. vievps : Ball, 692 ; Tyler, 649, 651 
Unity, basis (Ball), 689 
Exchange of persons program (see also Educational 
exchange) : 
Africa, exchange of students and specialists with 

(Williams), 68 
Leaders and specialists, visits to U.S. (Norrell), 215 
Executive orders : 

Emergency preparedness functions, assigned to Sec- 
retary of State (11087), 629 
International Wheat Agreement Act of 1949, dele- 
gation of authority (11108), 914 
Migration and Refugee Assistance Act (1962), ad- 
ministration of (11077), 255 
Senate Committee granted authority to inspect for- 
eign representatives' tax returns (11080), 254 
Trade agreements program, administration of 

(11106), 839 
Trade Expansion Act, administration of (11075), 180 
Trading With the Enemy Act, amendment of Execu- 
tive order 10587 re administration of Section 
32(H) of Executive order 11086, 618 
Exequatur, agreement with Panama re issuance in 

Canal Zone, 172 
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance, U.N. 
(see also Special Fund) : 
Africa, aid in (Williams) , 602 
Objectives (Bingham) , 259, 261 
Export-Import Bank : 

Argentina, financial negotiations with, 617 
Budget and programs for FY 1964 (Kennedy), 225, 

226, 227 
Loans to Poland, 303 
Exports (see also Imports owe? Trade) : 
Africa, need to increase earnings of (Kotschnig), 

Brazil, U.S. proposals re (Gordon), 291 
Coffee. See Coffee 

Exports — Continued 

EEC-U.S. negotiations on poultry import fees, 997 
Latin America, increases in ( Martin) , 919 
Less developed countries, GATT discussions (Her- 
ter), 990 
Expansion of, promotion program for (Kennedy), 

Financing of, 229 
Italy removes restrictions on, 12 
Opportunities in EEC, 175 

Trade Expansion Act of 1962. See Trade Expan- 
sion Act 
Expropriation of property abroad : 

Ceylon, negotiation for compensation (Rusk), 240, 

Compensation for, U.N. resolution re, 787 
Hickenlooper amendment re, 296 

Fahmy, Ismail, 924 

Family -planning programs, U.S. views (Gardner), 913 
Panfani, Amintore, 164 

FAO. See Pood and Agriculture Organization 
Far East. See Asia 

Faroe Islands, agreement on joint financing of certain 
air navigation services in : 
Article V, amendment of, entry into force, 888 
Current actions : France, 153 ; Japan, 722 
Fedorenko, N. T., 198 
Ferguson, C. Vaughan, Jr., 110, 506 
Fiji Islands, international wheat agreement (1962), 

Finance Corporation, International, articles of agree- 
ment : Ivory Coast, 504 
Finland : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 230, 546 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 505 
Finletter, Thomas K., 197 
Fish and fisheries : 
Ecuador, dispute over U.S. tuna fishing (Rusk), 976 
Fishing and conservation of living resources of high 
seas, convention (1958) on: Colombia, 305; 
Portugal, 341 ; South Africa, 810 
Halibut, U.S. accepts recommendations of the In- 
ternational North Pacific Fisheries Commission 
on abstention, 574 
North Pacific fisheries : 
International convention (1952) on, amendments 

to annex : Canada, Japan, U.S., 888 
Proposed discussions, Canada, Japan, U.S., 914 
Flags, agreement with Panama re display of in Canal 

Zone, 172 
Plannery, Harry W., 440 
Florence agreement, 95 
Floridian, U.S. motorship, 573, 600 
Pood and Agriculture Organization, U.N. : 

Freedom from hunger campaign, U.S. participation, 

Projects in Cuba, U.S. views, 357, 480 
World Food Congress, sponsored by, 583, 663 



Food Congress, World, 5S3, 663 
Food-f or-Peace Program : 
Accomplishments and value : Johnson, 831 ; Kennedy, 

Appropriation request FT 1964 (Kennedy), 226, 228 
Foreign affairs, national academy of, proposed. See 

National academy of foreign affairs 
Foreign Affairs Personnel, Committee on, 425, 429, 622 
Foreign aid programs, U.S. (see also Agency for Inter- 
national Development, Economic and technical aid, 
and Peace Corps) : 
Administration of, problems (Rusk), 684 
Appropriations and authorizations requests for FY 
1964: Bell, SSI; Kennedy, 225, 226, 591; Rusk, 
664, 671 
Committee To Strengthen the Security of the Free 
World. See Committee To Strengthen the Se- 
curity of the Free World 
Effect on balance of payments ( Rusk ) , 734 
Future of and review of accomplishments (Johnson), 

Need for and objectives of: Bowles, 777, 822, 939; 

Rusk, 386, 683 
Public image of (Cleveland), 60 
Question of misuse or waste (Rusk), 685 
Role in foreign policy (Manning), 144 
Foreign aid programs of other governments (Cleve- 
land), 62, 64 
Foreign Assistance Acts : 

1961, amendments : Kennedy, 599 ; Tyler, 947 

1962, amendment (Department), 296 
Foreign Credit Insurance Association, 229 

Foreign currency, authorization for sale of Egyptian 

pounds to U.S. tourists, 173 
Foreign government agents in the U.S. : Ball, 375 ; 

Executive order re, 254 
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, 805 
Foreign investments {see also Investment), agreements 
with sovereign states re, U.N. position (Steven- 
son), 150 
Foreign Ministers conference of American Republics, 

cited ( Martin ) , 407, 408 
Foreign policy, U.S. : 

Bipartisan congressional support (Rusk), 363, 438 
Briefing conferences : 

Broadcasters and editors, 618 

National nongovernmental organizations, 935, 946 
Regional : Los Angeles, 173 ; Philadelphia, 443 ; 
San Francisco, 254, 311 
Conduct of (Rusk), 367 
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 

lists, 229, 329, 376, 579, 717, 883, 917, 951 
Educational and cultural exchange, relationship to, 

Principles, objectives, and problems : Bowles, 817 ; 
Cleveland, 167; Kennedy, 195; Manning, 138; 
Rostow, 551 ; Rusk, 203, 679 ; Williams, 251, 252 
Race discrimination, effect of (Rusk), 935 
Status of (Rusk), 203 
U.N. role (Stevenson), 522 

Foreign Relations of the United States, series : 

Advisory Committee recommendations (Rusk), 586 
X9.i2, Volume VI, The American Republics, pub- 
lished, 883 
Foreign Scholarships, Board of, 296, 755 
Foreign Service (see also State Department) : 
Ambassadors : 

Appointments and confirmations, 110, 153, 376, 505, 

765, 848, 997 
Central American and Panamanian, meeting at 
San Salvador, proposed, 213 
Budget, increase of (Kennedy) , 226, 228 
Consulate at Bakavu, Republic of the Congo, opened, 

Education and training. <Sce Foreign Service Insti- 
tute and National academy for foreign affairs, 
Language training in, 61 

Multiple entry visas for diplomatic representatives, 
agreement with Czechoslovakia re issuance, 154 
Role in struggle against communism (Lee), 424 
Women's organizations seminar, 716 
Yemen, legation raised to Embassy, 250 
Foreign Service Institute (see also National academy 
for foreign affairs, proposed) : 
Language training facilities ( Lee) , 424 
Legislation repealing establishment, proposed (Ken- 
nedy), 428 
Purpose of : Ball, 622 ; Orriek, 623 
Foreign students in the U.S. (see also Educational ex- 
change) : 
African (Williams), 68 
Aid to (Norrell),216 
Government's role (Battle), 752 
Foreign trade. See Trade 
Forest Service, U.S., use of observation satellites 

(Meeker), 748 
Foroughi, Mahmoud, 751 
Foster, William C, 3, 115, 128, 198, 236, 398 
France : 

Atlantic partnership, position re (Ball) , 372 
European integration, position re : Ball, 414 ; Chayes, 

German foreign policy documents (1935-36), volume 

released, 77 
German-French reconciliation: Ball, 374; Rusk, 206, 

NATO nuclear force, position on (Rusk), 205, 937 
President de Gaulle. See De Gaulle 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 230, 305, 342, 418, 546, 

629, 764, 888, 926 
U.S. policy toward (Rusk), 368, 933 
Veto of U.K.'s entry into Common Market: Ball, 
689, 692 ; Chayes, 321 ; Rusk, 205 
Frank. Isaiah, 264 

Freedom-from-Hunger Week, proclamation, 254 
Friendship, commerce, and navigation, treaty with the 

Netherlands, 418 
Friendship, establishment, and navigation, treaty with 
Luxembourg, 403, 418, 505 



Fulbright, James William, 33 

Fulbright-Hays Act {see also Educational exchange), 
216, 752, 753, 755 

Gabon, treaties, agreements, etc., 764, 765, 926 

Galbraith, John Kenneth, 982 

Gambia (colony and protectorate), international wheat 

agreement (1962), 189 
Gardner, John W., 617 

Gardner, Richard N., 14, 358, 477, 535, 789, 906 
GATT. See Tariffs and trade, general agreement on 
General agreement on tariffs and trade. See Tariffs 

and trade, general agreement on 
General Assembly, U.N. : 
Accomplishments ; Sisco, 530 ; Stevenson, 147, 523 
Committee I (Political and Security), consideration 
Korean question (Allott) and resolution, 70 
Outer space, peaceful uses (Gore), 21 
Committee II (Economic and Financial), considera- 
tion of population and economic development 
(Gardner) , 14, 908, 909, 911 
Committee IV (Trusteeship), consideration of Por- 
tuguese arms diversion to Angola (Bingham), 
Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary), con- 
sideration of financing of peacekeeping oi)era- 
tions in Congo and Middle East. 30 
Documents, lists of, 107, 340, 528, 584, 925, 960 
Financing peacekeeping operations: 
Addresses : Cleveland, 873 ; Gardner, 535 ; Klutz- 
nick, 30 
Bond issue, authorized, 799 
4th special session, U.S. delegates, 884 
lOJ advisory opinions, U.N. acceptance of (Klutz- 
nick), 34 
Purpose of (Chayes), 563, 565 
Resolutions : 

Hungarian question, 76 

Outer space, cooperation In peaceful uses, 28 

Peacekeeping operations in Congo and Middle East, 

accepting ICJ opinion on and financing, 37 
Population growth and economic development, 19 
UNRWA, extending mandate of, 103 
Roosevelt, Anna B., memorial tribute to, 48 
Special Political Committee, consideration of: 
Arab refugee problem, 99 
Hungarian problem (Rowan), 74 
Voting patterns in (Cleveland), 873 
General Services Administration, 182 
Geneva Accords, U.S. and Lao support and Communist 
nonsupport, 85, 312, 447, 569, 642, 680, 687, 728, 731, 
Geneva conventions (1049) relative to treatment of 
prisoners of war, wounded and sick, armed forces, 
and civilians in time of war: Cyprus, Ireland, 
Malaya, Mauritania, 230 
Geneva Disarmament Conference. See Eighteen Na- 
tion Disarmament Committee 

Geophysical Year, International (Meeker), 746 
German Dollar Bonds, Validation Board, 146 
Germany : 

Berlin. See Berlin 

Foreign policy documents (1935-36), volume released 
by Department, 77 
Germany, Federal Republic of : 

Army, Soviet views, 865 

Association of Victims of Nazi Persecution, court 
action re, Soviet protest and U.S. reply, 45 

Berlin. See Berlin 

Defense Minister, visit to U.S., 444 

French-German reconciliation : Ball, 374 ; Busk, 206, 

Soviet protests accession to NATO, 865 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 93, 110, 230, 418, 673, 888, 
961, 962 

U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 765 
Ghana : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 751 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 585, 629, 764, 961 
Gibraltar, international wheat agreement (1962), 189 
Gilbert and EUice Islands Colony, international wheat 

agreement (1962), 306 
Gilpatric, Roswell L., 115, 118, 123, 126 
Goa, Indian takeover of (Meeker), 85 
Godber, J. B., 52 

Goddard Space Flight Center, 294 
Gordon, Lincoln, 284 
Gore, Albert, 21, 105 
Gossett, William T., 376 
Government Advisory Committee on International Book 

Programs, 95, 756 
Governmeut-in-exile, Cuban, question of U.S. recogni- 
tion of (Martin), 989 
Graham, Martha, 217 
Grand Duchess Charlotte, 647, 776 
Granik, Theodore, 698 
Great Lakes, 418 
Greece : 

Defense problems, NATO aid, 10 

Minister of Coordination, visit to U.S., 970 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 341, 673, 810, 997 
Greenland, agreement on joint financing of certain air 
navigation services in : 

Article V, amendment of, entry into force, 888 

Current actions : France, 153 ; Japan, 722 
Grenada, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
Guaranty of private investment. See Investment 

Guaranty Program 
Guatemala : 

San Jos6 meetings of Central American Presidents 
and Ministers. See San Jos§ meetings 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 546, 722, 926 

U.S. recognition, 703 
Guinea : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 360 

Communist subversion (Williams), 879 

Nonalined policy (Williams), 903 

ORT program, 209 



Guinea — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 962 
Gutierrez-Olivos, Sergio, 360 

Haiti : 

Diplomatic relations, question of U.S. breaking 

(Rusk), 936 
Dispute with Dominican Republic, OAS and Security 

Council efforts (Yost), 958 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 926 
U.S. citizens, avoid traveling to and withdrawal 
from, 834 
Halaby, N. E., 784 

Halibut, U.S. accepts recommendations of the Inter- 
national North Pacific Fisheries Commission re, 
Hammarskjold, Dag, cited, 785 
Harbor and port conference, 2d inter-American, U.S. 

delegation, 925 
HARP project, 266 
Harriman, W. Averell : 

Confirmed as Under Secretary of State, 630 
Statements on Sino-Soviet dispute, 271, 274, 279 
U.S. representative to ANZUS Council meeting, 809. 

967, 969 
U.S. representative to meeting with Premier Khru- 
shchev on Laos, 775 
Harvey, C. Daggett, 540 
Hassan II, King of Morocco, 601 
Haugland, Jens, 57 
Hayes, Alfred, 732, 734, 735 

Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of, 256 
Health Organization, World. See World Health Or- 
Herter, Christian A. : 
Address and statements : 

Poultry import fees, EEC, 996 
Trade negotiations and OECD, 298 
Trade with Poland and Yugoslavia, question of, 
Special Representative for Trade Negotiations : 
Confirmation, 376 

Duties and functions : Executive orders, 180 ; 
Weiss, 658 
U.S. representative to GATT Ministerial meeting, 

Visit to Europe for talks with EEC, GATT, and 
OECD representatives, 180 
Hickenlooper amendment, 296 

High seas, convention (1958) on: Central African 
Republic, Nepal, 266 ; Portugal, 341 ; South Africa, 
Highways, Nepal, agreement terminating regional 
agreement (1958) between India, Nepal, and U.S. 
re transportation facilities development, 585 
Hilsman, Roger, Jr., 271, 765, 897 
Ho Chi Minh, 280 

Holy See, Vienna convention on consular relations. 

714-736 — 64 3 

Honduras : 

San Jos6 meetings of Central American Presidents 
and Ministers. See San Jos6 meetings 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 505, 888, 926 
Hong Kong, international wheat agreement (1962), 189 
Horsey, Outerbridge, 506 
Hound Dog missile, 44 
Housing, Costa Rican program, 517 
Hughes, Thomas L., 849 
Hungary : 

U.N. consideration of problem of (Rowan), 74 

U.S. position (Stevenson), 151 
Hydrological decade, international, proposed (Battle), 

Hydrology and Atmospheric Sciences, Committee on 
International Programs in, 742 

IAEA. Sec Atomic Energy Agency, International 

Iberian Peninsula (Pearcy),335 

IBRD. See International Bank for Reconstruction and 

ICAO. See International Civil Aviation Organization 
Iceland, treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 153, 342, 722, 765 
ICJ. See International Court of Justice 
IDA. See International Development Association 
IFC. See International Finance Corporation 
IJC. See International Joint Commission 
ILO. See International Labor Organization 
IMF. See Monetary Fund, International 
Immigration (see also Visas) : 

Fingerprint requirements for nonimmigrant appli- 
cants, agreement with Cyprus, re waiver of, 341 
Nonimmigrant visas, reciprocal, agreement with 
Ecuador, 230 
Imports («ee also Customs; Exports; Tariff policy, 
U.S.; Tariffs and trade, general agreement on; 
and Trade) : 
Dollar-area imports, need for relaxation of restric- 
tions on (Trezise), 499 
Duties. See Tariff policy 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Aircraft, imported certificates of airworthiness for, 
agreement with Japan for reciprocal acceptance, 
Commercial samples and advertising material 
convention (1952) to facilitate importation: 
Tanganyika, 926 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, 

agreement and protocol on : Italy, 189 
Road vehicles, customs convention (1954) on : 
Tanganyika, 377 
U.S. agricultural, volume of, 994 
Income, convention (1963) with Luxembourg for relief 

of double taxation on, 9 
Communist China aggression : 

Addresses and statements : Harriman, 275, 695 ; 
Kennedy, Macmillan, 43 ; Rusk, 642, 664 


India — Continued 

Communist China aggression — Continued 
Military aid to : 

Soviet Union (Harriman), 276 

U.K. and U.S. : Harriman, 276 ; Rusk, 249, 439, 

U.S. defense ijroduction experts' consultations, 
Economic aid to : 

IBRD (Johnson), 456 
Soviet Union (Harriman), 276 
U.S. : Bowles, 779 ; Johnson, 833 
Economic and social developments in (Bowles), 940 
Goa, Indian takeover (Meeker), 85 
Pakistan, relations with (Kennedy, Macmillan), 43 
President Radhakrishnan visit to U.S., 883, 969 
Secretary Rusk, proposed visit to, 484 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 77, 189, 342, 585, 629, 

673, 849, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 848 
Visit of Assistant Secretary Talbot to, purpose of 
(Rusk), 243 
Indian Ocean Expedition, international, agreements 

with India, 189, 849 
Indonesia : 

Communism and nationalism in : Harriman, 281 : 

Hilsman, 898 
Soviet Union economic and military support (Harri- 
man), 275 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 585, 926 
U.S. interest in (Harriman) , 697 
West New Guinea, settlement of dispute with Nether- 
lands : Meeker, 84 ; Rusk, 366 ; Stevenson, 148 
Industrial property, convention (1883, as revised) for 

protection of : Cuba, 266 ; Switzerland, 266 
Information activities and programs (see also Publi- 
cations and United States Information Agency) : 
Expansion of (Rusk), 387 

Freedom and management of news: Ball, 370; Man- 
ning, 500, 575 ; Rusk, 365, 366, 438 
Outer space, General Assembly resolution concern- 
ing, 29 
UNESCO program (Battle), 956 

Viet-Nam situation, need for improved coverage 
(Rusk), 238 
Institute for educational planning, international, pro- 
posed (Battle), 955 
Institute of International Education, 448 
Instituto de Biofisica de Universidade do Brasil, radio- 
biological and research program, 810 
Intelligence Advisory Board, Foreign, 805 
Interagency steering committee on air transport policy, 

Inter- American Development Bank : 
Appropriation request for U.S. subscription, for FY 

1964, 225, 227 
U.S. alternate governor, confirmation (Bell), 765 
Inter-American port and harbor conference, 2d, U.S. 
delegation, 925 

Inter- American Program for Social Progress, appropri- 
ation request for FY 1964 (Rusk), 672 
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance 

(Rusk), 384 
Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organiza- 
tion, convention on : Brazil, 629 ; Syrian Arab Re- 
public, 505 
International air services transit agreement: Algeria, 

849 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 629 
International Atomic Energy Agency. See Atomic 

Energy Agency, International 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develoi)- 
Africa, loans to (Williams), 603 
Articles of agreement : Ivory Coast. 504 ; Jamaica, 

377 ; Niger, 765 ; Upper Volta, 810 
Assistance to India and Pakistan (Johnson), 456 
Financial statement, 301 

Relationship to U.N. Special Fund (Bingham), 261 
U.S. Executive Director, confirmation, 375 
International Civil Aviation Organization, 504, 585, 888 
International Coffee Council, 221, 495 
International commission on reduction of risk of war, 

proposed (Foster), 8 
International Cooperation Administration (Rusk), 685 
International Court of Justice : 
Advisory opinion on U.N. assessments for financing 
peacekeeping operations in Congo and Middle 
General Assembly resolution accepting, 37 
U.S. support and views : Klutznick, 30 ; Plimpton, 
800; Rusk, 396 
Judicial arm of the U.N. (Chayes), 565 
Role of (Gardner), 792, 794, 795 
Statute of : Kuwait, 926 
International Development Association : 
Appropriation request for U.S. subscription for FY 

196i, 225, 227 
Articles of agreement: Burma, Dominican Republic, 
Ivory Coast, Nepal, 504 ; Niger, 765 ; Sierra 
Leone, Tanganyika, 504 
Collaboration with U.N. Special Fund (Bingham), 
International Finance Corporation, articles of agree- 
ment : Ivory Coast, 504 
International Geophysical Year (Meeker), 746 
International Joint Commission, U.S. -Canada, 717 
International Labor Conference, 47th session, U.S. dele- 
gation, 959 
International Labor Organization: 
Constitution of, amendment, 961 
Peace Corps program, agreement concerning, 546 
International law {see also International Court of 
Justice and Law of the sea) : 
Challenge of in U.N., 785 
International Law Commission, 795 
Outer space, development : Chayes, 835 ; Gore, 22 ; 
General Assembly resolution, 28 ; Meeker, 923 
Role in world affairs : McGhee, 807 ; Meeker, 83 
Strengthening, efforts for (Foster), 124 



International Monetary Fund. See Monetary Fund, 

International office of weights and measures, conven- 
tion for creation of : U.A.R., 722 
International organizations (see also subject) : 

Appropriation request for U.S. contributions, FY 

1964 : Kennedy, 226, 228 ; Rusk, 672 
Calendar of meetings, 13, 98, 186, 257, 338, 416, 503, 

580, 718, 807, 952 
Growth of law through (Meeker), S3 
Staffing of, report released, 809 

Works of, application of 1952 universal copyright 
convention to, protocol 2 : Finland, 230 ; Greece, 
International Telecommunication Union : 

Frequency allocation by ITU for outer space conunu- 

nications : Chayes, 837 ; Gardner, 743 
Proposed 1963 conference re space communications 
(Gore), 26, 29 
International tensions, U.S. efforts for reduction (Gil- 

patric), 126 
International Year of the Quiet Sun, 29 
Investment Guaranty Program : 
Accomplishments (Kennedy), 596 
Agreements with: Argentina, 998; Congo (Lfiopold- 
ville), 3S; Gabon, 765; Greece, 810; Israel, 462; 
Jamaica, 154; Nigeria, 110; Trinidad and To- 
bago, 266 ; Tunisia, 629 ; Venezuela, 77 
Investment of private capital abroad : 
Agreements regarding, U.N. position (Stevenson), 

Brazil (Gordon), 293 
Expropriation. See Expropriation 
Greece, efforts to attract, 970 
Latin America (Martin), 920 
Nigeria, 458 

Protection of. See Investment Guaranty Program 
Role of and U.S. efforts to expand: Kennedy, 595; 

Rusk, 364 
Tax credit for new investment, proposed, 596 
U.N. Special Fund role (Bingham), 261, 262 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 751 
Congratulations on results of referendum (Kennedy) , 

Secretary Rusk to visit, 484 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 342, 764 
U.S. aid to (Rusk), 685 
New government (Ball), 369 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 997 
U.S. recognition, 316 
Ireland, treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 764 
Isle of Man, international wheat agreement (1962), 189 
Israel : 
Arab refugee problem : Rowan, 99 ; Stevenson, 151 
Technical assistance programs in Africa (Williams), 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 266, 306, 341, 377, 462, 

Istomin, Eugene, 915 


Dispute with Austria over South Tyrol (Meeker), 85 
Imports from U.S., removal of restrictions on, 12 
NATO nuclear force, Italian interest (Rusk), 936 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 189, 230, 341, 418, 

673, 849, 926 
Visit of President Fanfani to U.S., 164 

ITU. See International Telecommunication Union 

Ivory Coast, treaties, agreements, etc., 504, 505, 764, 
926, 961 

Jackson, Elmore, 101 
Jamaica : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 154, 341, 377, 418, 585, 

673, 962, 976 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 506 
Japan : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 751 
Consular convention with U.S., 546, 585 
Cultural and educational exchanges with U.S., dis- 
cussions on, 97 
North Pacific fisheries, U.S.-Canada- Japan proposed 

discussions on, 914 
OECD, U.S. supports membership in: Johnson, 609, 

610 ; Rusk, 572 
Role as a major nation (Johnson) , 606 
Trade : 

Export pattern, change in (Gordon) , 292 
With U.S. (Johnson), 607, 609 
U.S.-Japanese compensatory concessions, 108, 154, 
182, 295 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 305, 342, 418, 673, 722, 
849, 888, 926 
Jayaratnem, Merenna Francis de Silva, 703 
Jewish Restitution Successor Organization, 618 
Johnson, James Allen, 1(34 
Johnson, U. Alexis, 271, 449, 606, 635, 829 
Johnstone, William C, 271, 280, 282 
Jones, J. Wesley, 376 

Jordan, treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 418, 961 
Justice, Department of, 600 

Kabore, Boureima John, 170 
Katzenbach, Nicholas deB., 719 
Kennedy, Jacqueline, 90 
Kennedy, John F. : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Atlantic Alliance, realities underlying, 197 
Central America, Presidents' meeting at San Jos6, 

511, 520 
Churchill, Winston, honorary citizen of U.S., 715 
Costa Rica, visits to housing project and univer- 
sity in, 517 
Cuban Invasion Brigade, acceptance of flag and 

welcome to U.S., 88 
Decade of Development, 208 

Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, re- 
sumption of conference, 340 



Kennedy, John F. — Continued 
Addresses, statements, etc. — Continued 
International affairs, nintti annual conference on, 

greetings to, 393 
Katanga secession, welcomes end of, 207 
National cultural center, proposed, 93 
NATO multilateral force, 197 
Olympio, Sylvanus, death of, 170 
State of the Union (excerpts) , 159 
United Nations conference on the application of 
science and technology for the benefit of the less 
developed areas, 302 
Correspondence and messages : 

Africa, conference of heads of state, 902 

AID requested to inform Congress of reobligation 

of funds, 185 
Bataan Day commemorated, 647 
Committee To Strengthen the Security of the Free 

World, acknowledgment of report from, 574 
Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign Week, 254 
Iran, congratulations on results of referendum, 

Labor, inter-American conference of ministers of, 

Marshall Plan employees, greetings at reunion of, 

Monnet, Jean, contribution to European unity, 195 
National Organizations, 13th annual conference of, 

greetings to delegates of, 531 
New Tear's greeting to Soviet leaders, 137 
Nuclear test ban proposals, 200 
Saudi Arabia, assurance of U.S. cooperation, 144 
Decision on Tariff Commission recommendation re 

escape-clause action on imports, 145 
Executive orders. See Executive orders 
Meetings with : 

Heads of State and officials of, remarks and joint 
communiques : Canada, 815 ; Central America, 
213 ; Ethiopia, 938 ; India, 969 ; Italy, 164 ; Laos, 
447 ; Luxembourg, 776 : Morocco, 601 ; Panama, 
171, 213 ; United Kingdom, 43 ; Venezuela, 445 
NATO Secretary General, 417 
Messages, letters, and reports to Congress : 
Budget message, excerpts, 224 
Defense and assistance programs, request for FY 

1964 appropriations, 591 
Economic report, excerj^ts, 228 
National Academy of Foreign Affairs, re bill for 

establishment of, 427 
State of the Union (excerpts), 159 
Proclamations. See Proclamations 
Visit to Central America, 511 
"Kennedy round". See Tariffs and trade, general 

agreement on : International negotiations, 1964 
Khan, Muhammad ZafruUa, 48, 152 
Khrushchev, Nikita S., ,50, 137, 198, 201, 775 
Klutznick, Philip M., 30 
Knight, Ridgeway B., 476 
Korea : 

Conflict, U.N. role (Meeker), 86 

Korea — Continued 
General Assembly debate on Korean item, question 
of participation of Korean representatives 
(AUott) and text of resolution, 70 
Korea, north, rejection of U.N. authority on Korean 

question (AUott), 71, 74 
Korea, Republic of : 
Support of U.N. actions and invitation to participate 
in General Assembly debate on Korean item 
(Allott) and text of resolution, 72 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 154, 189, 418 
U.S. views on military junta rule, 573 
Korry, Edward M., 505 
Kotschnig, Walter M., 264, 625, 765 
Krishnaswamy, S. Y., 663 
Kuwait : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 504, 505, 926 
U.N. membership, 884 
Kuznetsov, Vassily V., 153 

Labor : 

Canada, proposed discussions re problems (Kennedy, 

Pearson), 816 
Canal Zone, U.S.-Panama discussions, 172 
Competition with world industries (MacArthur), 

Efforts for disarmament (Foster) , 125 
Inter-American conference of ministers of, meeting 

at Bogotd (Kennedy) , 884 
International Labor Conference, 47th session, U.S. 

delegation, 959 
International Labor Organization, 546, 961 
Migrant labor, agreement amending agreement 
(1951) with Mexico, 505 
Labor Organization, International : 

Conference, 47th session, U.S. delegation, 959 
Constitution of, amendment of, 961 
Peace Corps program, agreement concerning, 546 
Lachs, Manfred, 52 
Land reform : 
Japan, accomplishments (Johnson), 610 
Need for (Bowles), 942 

U.A.R., ban on foreign ownership of agricultural 
land, 328 
Laos : 
Cease fire in, U.S. requests restoration, 646 
Independence and neutrality of : 
ANZUS support, 967 

Geneva accords : Embassy statement, 569 ; Hils- 
man, 897; Lao-U.S. communique, 447; Meeker. 
85 ; Rusk, 311, 642, 680, 687, 728, 731 
U.S.-Soviet support, 775 
Refugee problem, 567 
Status of developments in : 
Polish views (Rusk) , 936 
SEATO position, 643 

U.S. views: Johnson, 638; Rusk, 642, 680, 687 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 110 
Visit of King to U.S., 447 
Larsen, Roy E., 448 



Larson, Warner, 448 

Latin America (sec also Central America, luter- 
Amerlcan, Organization of American States, and 
individual countries) : 
Coffee trade problems. See Coffee 
Communism in and efforts against : Martin, 347, 404, 
711 ; resolution, 720 ; Rusli, 386, 472 ; U.S. note, 
Council of Finance Ministers, 919 
Economic and social development {see also Alliance 
for Progress), progress and problems: Bowles, 
781 ; Martin, 918 ; Rusk, 699 
Exports, problems of : Johnson, 834 ; Martin, 919 
Free Trade Association, proposed (Martin), 921 
Population increase, problem of (Rusk), 687 
Social science research center in (Battle), 956 
U.N. Economic Commission for, 765, 918 
UNESCO's aid in education (Battle), 955 
Laurel-Langley trade agreement (Hilsman), 899, 900 
Law Commission, International, U.S. proposal (Gard- 
ner), 795 
Law Day (1963), proclamation, 297 
Law, international. See International law 
Law of the sea {see also Geneva conventions and Safety 
of life at sea), conventions on, 266, 305, 341, 585, 
Leaders and specialists, foreign, programs for : Nor- 

rell, 215 ; Williams, 69 
Lebanon, treaties, agreements, etc., 764, 926 
Lee, John M., 197 
Lee, Robert E., 423 

Legal Subcommittee, U.N. Outer Space Committee, dis- 
cussion of law for outer space, 22, 835, 923 
Less developed countries {see also Newly Independent 
nations) : 
Commodity trade. See Commodity trade 
Economic and social development (see also Eco- 
nomic and technical aid and Economic and social 
development) : 
DAC aid (Johnson), 456 
Japanese aid (Johnson), 610 
U.N. Special Fund, aid to industrialization (Bing- 
ham), 262 
U.S. position and views: Ball, 413, 415; Bowles, 
777, 781, 939; Cleveland, 63; Herter, 990; 
Manning, 140; Rostow, 825; Schaetzel, 325 
Education in and visits to U.S., effect of (Rusk), 

Financial aid, sources of (Trezise) , 973 
GATT discussions on agricultural products, ques- 
tion of participation in (Herter), 995 
Intel-national law, approach to (Schwebel), 787 
Populati<jn problems. See Population 
Sino-Sovlet views re (Hilsman) , 281 
Trade problems, U.N. conference proposed considera- 
tion of, 264, 265 
U.N. conference on application of science and tech- 
nology in: Bingham, 461; Kennedy, 302; Rusk 
and U.S. representatives to, 188 

Less developed countries^Continued 

U.S. position : Bowles, 941 ; Kennedy, 161 ; Rostow, 

UNESCO programs in (Battle), 955, 957 
Lewis, W. Arthur, 291 
Liberia, treaties, agreements, etc., 764, 888 
Libya, U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 848 
Liechtenstein, Vienna convention on consular rela- 
tions and optional protocol, 7(54 
Lightner, E. Allan, Jr., 848 
Linowltz, Sol M., 809 
Living standards (Williams) , 903 

Loans, U.S. (See also Development Loans and Ex- 
port-Import Bank), burden on taxpayers (Gor- 
don), 286 
Locke, Edwin A., Jr., 540 
London, Kurt L., 271, 279, 282 
Louchheim, Mrs. Katie, 716, 801 
Luxembourg : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 9, 77, 230, 403, 418, 505, 

629, 673, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 506 
Visit of Grand Duchess Charlotte and Prince Jean 
to U.S., 647, 776 
Lyerly, J. Edward, 190 

MacArthur, Douglas, II, 174 
Macmillan, Harold, 43 
Madagascar. See Malagasy Republic 
Maheu, Ren6, 584, 956 
Malagasy Republic : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 849, 888, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 110; confirmation, 
Malaya, treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 265, 378 
Malaysia Federation, proposed: 
ANZUS support, 968 
Statement (Rusk), 366 
Mali : 

ORT program in (Williams), 209 
Road traffic convention (1949), 77 
Manila Pact («ee also Southeast Asia Treaty Organi- 
zation), U.S. views, 641, 642 
Manning, Robert J., 138, 500, 575 
Mapping and aerial photography, agreement with 

Ethiopia, 306 
Maritime Consultative Organization, Intergovernmen- 
tal, convention on : Brazil, 629 ; Syrian Arab Re- 
public, 505 
Marks, Matthew J., 977 

Marriage, convention (1962) on, Philippines, 926 
Marsden, Howard J., 925 
Marsh, Helen, 55 
Marshall Plan, 647, 779, 830 
Martin, Edwin M. : 
Addresses and statements: 

American states, interdependence of, 710 
Communist subversion in Western Hemisphere, 

347, 404 
Latin American economic development, 918 



Martin, Edwin M. — Continued 
Confirmation as U.S. representative to 10th session 

of ECLA, 765 
Meeting of Ambassadors at San Salvador, participa- 
tion, 213 
Mauritania, treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 341 
Mauritius, international wheat agreement (1962), 189 
Mayobre, Jos6 Antonio, 918 
McDermott, Walsh, 188, 302 
McGhee, George C, 493, 765, 771 

Measures and weights, convention (1875) creating in- 
ternational olBce of and convention (1921) amend- 
ing : U.A.R., 722 
Medical research centers, SEATO, 644 
Meeker, Leonard C, 83, 746, 923 
Mennin, Peter, 448 
Merchant, Livingston, 197 
Mercury project, tracking facilities for, agreement with 

Australia, 377 
Merrow, Chester Earl, 630 

Meteorological Organization, World. See World Mete- 
orological Organization 
Meteorological research : 

Barbados, agreement with U.K. for, 266 

Indian Ocean, agreements with India concerning, 189, 

Mexico, agreement extending 1957 agreement, 629 
Meteorological satellites: 

Canada, agreement for establishment of command 

and data acquisition station, 154 
U.N. and U.S. programs : Gardner, 740, 741 ; Gore, 26 ; 
Meeker, 747 
Mexico : 
Air transport talks with U.S., 840 
Broom production costs, use in U.S. determination of 

duties on broom imports, 376 
Migrant labor, agreement with U.S., 505 
Travel between Cuba and Mexico, problem of 

(Rusk), 474 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 153, 505, 629, 926 
Miami, Coordinator of Cuban Affairs field oflSce estab- 
lished, 190 
Middle East. See Near and Middle East 
Migrant labor, agreement with Mexico, 505 
Migration and Refugee Assistance Act (1962), admin- 
istration of. Executive order, 255 
Military aircraft, U.S., "failsafe" procedure, 4 
Military alliance, Sino-Soviet (Hilsman), 274 
Military assistance (see also Military missions, and 
Mutual defense) : 
Authorization and appropriation requests for FY 
1964: BeU, 882; Kennedy, 224, 226; Rusk, 667, 
Latin America (Martin), 406 
Objectives (Kennedy), 593, 595 
Military missions: 

El Salvador, agreement extending 1954 Army mission 

agreement with, 888 
Exchange of, Soviet proposal for (Foster), 7 
Mills, H. R., 979 

Mir6 Cardona, Jos6, 709, 985, 988 
Missiles : 
NATO multilateral nuclear force. See under North 

Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Polaris. See Polaris missiles 
Soviet, in Cuba, question of withdrawal. See Cuba : 

Soviet troops and military equipment 
U.S. margin of superiority in (Gilpatric), 126 
U.S. supply to : 

Japan, agreement re, 888 

U.K., consultations and agreement re, 44, 368, 673, 
Use in multilateral nuclear force : Ball, 738 ; McGhee, 
775 ; Rostow, 859 
Monetary Fund, International : 
Argentina, loan to, 617 
Articles of agreement : Ivory Coast, 504 ; Jamaica, 

377 ; Niger, 765 ; Upper Volta, 810 
Brazil, proposed financial negotiations, 560 
Compensatory financing facility (Blumenthal), 847 
New borrowing arrangement (Trezise), 973 
U.S. Executive Director, confirmation, 375 
Mongolia, People's Republic of : 
Sino-Soviet rivalry (Hilsman), 272, 273 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 629 
Monnet, Jean, 195, 323, 324 
Monroe Doctrine, 732 

Montserrat, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
Moon, Surveyor project, 746 
Morgan, Edward P., 369 

Morocco, visit of King Hassan II to U.S., 601 
Morris, Brewster H., 765 
Morrison, de Lesseps S., 264 
Morrow, Conrad F., 271, 282 
Moscoso, Teodoro, 213 
Moyers, Bill D., 153, 376 

Mozambique, U.S. proposal for study by U.N. repre- 
sentatives, withdrawal of, 105, 583 
MpaUaniye, Lazare, 317 
Muniz, Carlos Manuel, 170, 211 
Munro, Sir Leslie, 75, 76, 77 
Mutual defense and assistance program (Kennedy), 

161, 162 
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 
1961, 216 

NAC. See North Atlantic Council 

NAFSA. See National Association of Foreign Student 

Narcotics. See Drugs, narcotic 

NASA. See National Aeronautics and Space Admin- 
Nassau meeting (President Kennedy, Prime Minister 
Macmillan) : 
Implementation of, 308 

Joint communique and attached statement, 43 
Provisions of (Kennedy), 160 
National academy of foreign affairs, proposed : 
Address (Lee), 424, 425 
Panel recommendation, 47 



National academy of foreign affairs — Continued 
President's budget message, 228 
Proposed legislation : 

Memorandum (Rusk), 429 
President's letter of transmittal, 427 
Senate Committee hearings : Ball, 619 ; Orrick, 623 
National Academy of Sciences, Committee on Interna- 
tional Programs in Atmospheric Sciences and Hy- 
drology (Gardner), 742 
National Advisory Council on the Teaching of English 

as a Foreign Language, 96 
National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Sur- 
veyor project, proposed programs (Meeker), 746 
National Association of Foreign Student Advisers 

(Battle), 752 
National Coffee Association, 220 
National cultural center, proposed, 93 
National defense and security : 
Importance of (Gilpatric), 118 
Maintenance (Kennedy), 163 

Relationship of foreign aid programs to (Kennedy), 
National Defense Education Act (Bowles), 783 
National Meteorological Center (Gardner), 741 
National organizations, 13th annual conference of, 

greeting to delegates (Kennedy), 531 
Nationalism : 

Communism, incompatibility betv^een (Johnson), 277 
Newly independent nations: Johnson, 450; Steven- 
son, 523 
Nationalization of U.S. property in Ceylon, question of 

compensation, 240, 241, 328 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Natural resources, permanent sovereignty over 

(Stevenson), 150 
Naval communication center, agreement relating to 

establishment of, with Australia, 926 
Naval ships. See Ships 
Navigation, treaties concerning, with : Luxembourg, 

403, 418, 505 ; Netherlands, 418 
Nazi Persecution, Association of Victims of, 45 
Near and Middle East (see also individual covntries) : 
Arab refugee problem : Rowan and General As- 
sembly resolution, 99 ; Stevenson, 151 
Central Treaty Organization. See Central Treaty 

Great Powers disputes in, U.N. role (Meeker), 85 
Situation in (Rusk), 475 

U.N. peacekeeping operation in, financing: Gardner, 
536 ; General Assembly resolutions, 37 ; Klutz- 
nick, 30 
Nepal, treaties, agreements, etc., 266, 305, 504, 505, 585 
Netherlands : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 230, 342, 418, 462. 

849, 926 
West New Guinea, settlement of dispute with In- 
donesia : Meeker, 84 ; Rusk, 366 ; Stevenson, 148 
Neutrality and nonalined nations : 
African (Williams), 902 
Decrease in (Rusk) , 204 


Neutrality and nonalined nations — Continued 
Sino-Soviet views (Johnson), 279 
U.S. views (Kennedy), 161 
Nevis and Anguilla, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
New York State Power Authority, 717 
New Zealand : 

ANZUS Council meeting, 967 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 305, 926 
Newly independent nations (see also Less developed 
countries) : 
Africa (Williams), 541 
Communist threat (Williams), 877 
U.N. role and actions: Cleveland, 875; Stevenson, 

U.S. relations : Bowles, 817 ; Williams, 457, 901 
Newman, J. Wilson, 732, 734 

Niagara River, International Joint Commission's ap- 
proval requested by New York State for removal 
of shoal in, 717 
Nicaragua : 

International coffee agreement, 926 
San Jos6 meetings of Central American Presidents 
and Ministers. See San Jos6 meetings 
Niger, treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 110, 230, 764, 765, 

Nigeria : 

Economic development (Williams), 458 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 962 
Nimbus satellite, 27, 747 
Nkrumah, Kwame, cited, 544 
Nongovernmental organizations : 
Foreign policy conference, 935, 946 
Role in aid program ( Bowles ) , 944 
Non-self-governing territories : 

Nyasaland protectorate, attainment of self-govern- 
ment, 585 
Portuguese territories. See under Portugal 
South- West Africa, U.S. position (Williams), 605 
Trust Territory of Pacific Islands, 615, 946, 968 
NORAD. See North American Air Defense Command 
Norrell, Mrs. Catherine D., 153, 214 
North American Air Defense Command, 244, 936 
North Atlantic Council : 
Ministerial meetings : 

Ottawa (1963), text of communique, 895; U.S. 

delegation, 896 
Paris (1962), text of communique, 9; U.S. delega- 
tion, 11 
Multilateral nuclear force discussions, principal U.S. 

members, 197 
U.S. Supreme Allied Commander, Atlantic, appoint- 
ment (Smith), 521 
North Atlantic Ocean stations, 1954 agreement on: 
Current actions, Japan, 722 
Entry into force of amendment to, 462 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization : 
Armed forces : 

Canadian forces In Europe, question of U.S. supply- 
ing nuclear weapons to, 243 


North Atlantic Treaty Organization — Continued 
Armed forces— Continued 

Jupiter missiles, replaced with Polaris missiles, 

242, 247, 896 
Modernization program (Uusk),247 
NAC communiques, 10, 895 
Nuclear force. See infra 
Status of forces, agreements concerning: Belgium, 

888 ; Germany, 961 
U.K. and U.S. forces, discussions on assignment 
to, 368 
Atlantic Policy Advisory Group, 3d meeting, 721 
Consultations in: McGhee, 774; Rusk, 242, 646 
Council of. See North Atlantic Council 
Cuban crisis, unity during (Rusk), 135 
European unity, effect on (Tyler), 648 
Importance and success of : Kennedy, 197 ; Rusk, 205, 

246, 392, 442 ; Schaetzel, 325 
Missile bases, purpose of ( Rusk ) , 361 
Nuclear force, multilateral, proposed : 

French rejection, effect of (Rusk), 205, 206 
Italian-U.S. discussions, 164, 936 
Negotiations, U.S. representatives, 197 
Soviet position, 862, 896 
Support for (Rusk), 315 
U.K.-U.S. talks, 44, 932 

U.S. position and views : Ball, 372, 373, 414, 736, 
738; Beam, 491; Kennedy, 160; Manning, 141; 
McGhee, 775; Rostow, 5.52, 857; Rusk, 31.5, 385, 
389, 390, 392, 46S, 469, 759, 937 ; Schaetzel, 327 ; 
U.S. note, 860 
Western Europe-U.S. consultations (Rusk), 434 
Objectives and commitments : Bingham, 105 ; NAC 
communique, 896 ; Rusk, 384, 700 ; Schaetzel, 326 ; 
U.S. note, 861 
Secretary General, visit to U.S., 417 
U.S. participation and commitment to: Chayes, 319; 
Rusk, 314 
North Borneo, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 585, 962 
North Pacific fisheries. See under Fish and fisheries 
Norway, treaties, agreements, etc., 266, 305, 585, 764, 

810, 849, 926 
NS Savannah, agreements concerning : 
Belgium, visit to Belgian ports, 810 
Netherlands, public liability for damage, 342, 926 
Norway, use of ports and territorial waters, 585 
Nubian monuments, 957 
Nuclear defense or deterrent : 
NATO and Europe. See North Atlantic Treaty Or- 
ganization : Nuclear force, multilateral proposed 

Consultations on, 43, 368, 932 
Polaris missiles, agreement for sale, 673, 759 
Nuclear energy. See Atomic energy, NS Savannah, 

and Nuclear headings 
Nuclear test ban treaty, proposed : 

Provision re nonparticipating nations: Dean, 125; 

Rusk, 241 
U.S. views and efforts (Rusk), 2.39, 240, 241, 485, 


Nuclear training and research equipment, agreement 

granting to India, 342 
Nuclear weapons : 
Accidental war, measures for reducing danger of 

(Foster), 4, 118 
Canada, negotiations with, concerning : Department, 

243 ; Rusk, 235, 242, 435, 936 
China, Communist, capability (Rusk), 249 
Competitive situation (Rusk), 468 
Delivery vehicles, Soviet proposal for destruction 

(Foster), 133 
Dissemination of, problems of : ANZUS Council 
views, 968; Ball, 737; Beam, 490; Rusk, 486; 
Rostow, 552 
NATO nuclear force. See under North Atlantic 

Treaty Organization 
Security and disarmament, problem of (Fo-ster), 128 
Stockpiles of (Rusk), 486 
Tests. See Nuclear weapons tests 
U.K.-U.S. relationship re, 43, 368, 759, 857 
U.S. monopoly, problem of (Manning), 141 
Nuclear weapons tests : 

Atmospheric tests, Soviet position (Rusk), 931, 938 
Cessation of: 

ANZUS Council views, 968 
Inspection and control of : 

Soviet position : Dean, 122 ; Foster, 130, 399, 401 ; 
Khrushchev, 198, 201 ; Rusk, 202, 236, 238, 471 
U.S. proposal and position : Foster, 130, 399, 
400, 401; Kennedy, 200; Rusk, 203, 236, 238, 
241, 249, 250, 367, 432, 439 
Negotiations : 
Progress of ( Kennedy-MacMillan ) , 43 
Question of summit meeting (Rusk), 934 
Resumption at Geneva (Ball), 375 
U.K., U.S., U.S.S.R., announced, 127 ; exchanges 
and progress, 198 ; suspension of, 235, 236, 403 
U.S. efforts and position : ACDA, 403; Rusk, 367, 
485, 931 
Soviet position, 367, 433, 931, 938 
U.S. position and proposals : ACDA statement, 403 ; 
Beam, 489 ; Foster, 118, 130, 398 ; Gore, 23 ; Rusk, 
485 ; McGhee, 869 
Chinese and French tests (Rusk) , 241 
Detection of, Pugwash conference proposal, 199, 201 
U.S. underground tests in Nevada : 
Postponed (Kennedy), 238 

Resumption of, preparations for (Rusk), 237, 241, 
Nyasaland and Rhodesia, Federation of. See Rhodesia 
and Nyasaland, Federation of 

OAS. See Organization of American States 

O'Brien, Frank, 271, 281 

Obscene publications, agreement to repress circulation 
of: Madagascar, 849 

Observation posts, propo.sed as deterrent against in- 
advertent war (Foster), 6 

Observer corps, U.N., proposed, 795 

Oceanographic program, UNESCO (Battle), 956 



OECD. See Organization for Economic Cooperation 

and Development 

Pollution of sea by, convention (1954) for prevention 

of, with annexes : Jordan, 961 ; U.A.R., 888 
Soviet exports to Communist CliLna, 279 
Soviet supply to Cuba, 473 
Venezuela, position in world market, 447 
Okazaki, Katsuo, 55 
Olympic, Sylvanus, 170 
ONUC. See Congo, Republic of the: U.N. role and 

operation in 
Opium. See under Drugs, narcotic 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
Development Assistance Committee. See Develop- 
ment Assistance Committee 
Japan, U.S. supports membership for: Johnson, 609, 

610 ; Rusk, 572 
Less developed countries, aid to (Rusk), 315 
Negotiations for reduction of trade barriers, pro- 
posed (Herter), 298 
Progress of (Ball), 413, 414 

Secretary-General, Special Representative for Trade 
Negotiations proposed talks with, 180 
Organization for Trade Cooperation, agreement on: 

Brazil, 888 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
Organization of American States : 
Action and efforts against subversive activities : Cen- 
tral American declaration, 517 ; Martin, 407, 
712 ; Rusk, 440 
Cuban crisis, role and efforts: Martin, 405; Rusk, 

135 ; Stevenson, 704 
Dominican-Haitian dispute, role in (Yost), 958 
Soviet troops in Cuba, question of U.S. request for 

action (Ball), 371 
Support of, U.S.-Venezuela call for, 446 
U.S. warning of Cuban threat, 263 
Orlansky, Mrs. Jesse, 115, 123, 126 
Orlich, Francisco, 213 
Ormsby Gore, David, 198, 715 
Orrick, William H., Jr., 623 
ORT. See American Organization for Rehabilitation 

Through Training 
OTC. See Organization for Trade Cooperation 
Outer Mongolia. See Mongolia 
Outer space (see also Satellites, earth) : 
Committee on Space Research, 24, 924 
Law, proposals and discussions : Chayes, 835 ; Gen- 
eral Assembly resolution, 28 ; Gore, 22 ; Meeker, 
Meteorology, development of and U.S. objectives 

(Gardner), 740 
Observation in (Meeker), 746 

U.N. role and efforts: Gardner, 745; Gore, 21; Gen- 
eral Assembly resolution, 28 
U.S. programs and policy: Gardner, 740; Gore, 21; 

Rusk, 295, 387, 683 
UNESCO program (Battle), 956 

Outer space — Continued 
Vehicle tracking, agreements re : Australia, 377 ; 
Mexico, 926 
Outer Space, U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of: 
Legal Subcommittee, discussions : Chayes, 836 ; Gore, 

22; Meeker, 923 
Scientific and Technical Subcommittee, proposals 
(Gore), 22 

Pacific community (Cleveland), 613 
Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of the : 
ANZUS Council recommendation for economic and 

social development, 968 
U.S. administration of (Cleveland), 615 
U.S. Survey Mission, proposed visit to, 946 
Pacific settlement of disputes : 
Conventions for (1899 and 1907) (Permanent 
Court of Arbitration) : Byelorussian S.S.R., 
Cameroon, Congo (L^opoldville), Honduras, 
Israel (1907 convention), Ukrainian S.S.R., 
Upper Volta, 341 
Optional protocol of signature concerning : Portugal, 

Vienna convention on consular relations, optional 
protocol relating to. See Consular relations 
Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, 317 
Pakistan : 
Afghanistan, resumption of relations (Rusk), 931 
CENTO Ministerial Council meeting, 484 
Dispute with India, 43, 439 
IBRD aid to (Johnson), 456 
Loan of vessel from U.S., agreement on, 418 
Palestine refugees, U.S. position: Rowan, 99; Steven- 
son, 151 
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1963 : 
Proclamation, 317 
Statement (Stevenson), 704 
Pan-Africanism (Williams), 902 
Pan-Africanist Congress (Williams), 880 
Panama : 

San Jos6 meetings of Central American Presidents 

and Ministers. See San Jos^ meetings 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 306, 926 
Visit of President Chiari to U.S., 171 
Papaligouras, Panagiotis, 970 
Papua, New Guinea, international coffee agreement 

(1962), 926 
Paraguay, treaties, agreements, etc., 505, 673 
Pavicevie, Miso, 55 
Pazhwak, Abdul Rahman, 57 
PCC. See United Nations Palestine Conciliation 

Peace : 
Peacemaking role of U.N. (Kennedy), 163 
Prospects for (Rusk), 202, 203, 204 
Peace Corps : 
Appropriation request for FY 1964 (Kennedy), 226, 



Peace Corps — Continued 
Deputy Director, appointment and confirmation, 153, 

Importance (Kennedy), 162 
Programs : 

Africa (Kotschnig), 627 

Agreements concerning : Guatemala, 546 ; Guinea, 
77; ILO, 546; India, 77; Indonesia, 585; Niger, 
Peace Observation Commission, U.N., 795 
Peaceful coexistence : 

China, Communist, rejection, 273 
U.S.S.R. views (Schwebel), 788 
Pearcy, G. Etzel, 330 
Pearson, Lester B., 148, 815 
Pendell, Gerald, 164 
Pengel, Johan, 838 
Permanent Court of Arbitration, 341 
Personnel, Foreign Affairs, Committee on, 425, 429, 622 
Persons on leave, agreement with Germany on status 

of, 962 

Communist subversion (Martin), 355 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 764, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 376 
Petroleum. See Oil 
Philippines : 
Bataan Day, commemoration of (Kennedy), 647 
Economic and social development (Hilsman), 897 
Fulbright agreement, ceremonies on 15th anniversary 

of, 545 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 266, 378, 673, 764, 888, 926 
Pilotage services on Great Lakes and St. Lawrence 
River, coordination of, agreement amending agree- 
ment (1961) with Canada, 418 
Plimpton, Francis T. P., 796 
Poland : 

Agricultural commodities agreement, text of, 303, 

Laos situation, views on, 936, 938 
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, question of: 

Kennedy, 599 ; Rusk, 239 ; Tyler, 947 
Political situation in (Tyler), 950 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 303, 306, 377 
U.S. children's hospital in, 672 
Polaris missiles: 

French rejection of U.S. offer (Rusk), 205, 206 
Replacement for Jupiter missiles (Rusk), 242, 247, 

Role in NATO defense pattern: Ball, 738; Chayes, 

321 ; Kennedy, MacmlUan, 44 
U.S. sale to U.K. : 
Consultations, 44, 368 
Text of agreement, 673, 759 
Police Academy, Infer- American (Martin), 407 
Pollution of sea by oil, international convention (1954) 
with annexes, for prevention of : Jordan, 961 ; 
U.A.R., 888 
Popov, Lyubomir, 946 

Population growth, problems of: 
D.N. research and studies : Gardner, 14, 18, 906, 909 ; 

Martin, 919 
U.S. views and proposed program (Gardner), 912 
Port and harbor conference, 2d inter-American, U.S. 

delegation, 925 
Porter, William J., 505 
Portugal : 
African territories, U.S. views: Yates, 582; Williams, 

Arms diversion to Angola, refutation of by U.S. 

(Bingham), 104 
Goa, Indian takeover (Meeker), 85 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 306, 341, 418, 926 
U.N. representatives proposed visit to Angola and 
Mozambique, withdrawal of U.S. proposal for, 
Postage stamps. Canal Zone, U.S.-Panama discussions 

re usage of Panamanian stamps in, 172 
Postal convention (1959), universal, with final proto- 
col, annex, regulations of execution and provisions 
re airmail: Burundi, 810; Cuba, 765; Dominican 
Republic, Honduras, Nepal, 505 ; Rwanda, 810 ; 
Tanganyika, Upper Volta, 765 
Poultry, EEC import fees (Herter) , 996 
Prebiseh, Raul, 918 

Presidential advisory panel on the National academy 
of foreign affairs : Ball, 622 : Lee, 424, 426 ; Rusk. 
Press, the : 

Caribbean press secretaries meeting at Oaxaca, post- 
poned, 809 
Freedom of and management of news, question of: 
Ball, 370 : Manning, 500, 575 ; Rusk, 365, 366, 438 
Prince Jean of Luxembourg, 647, 776 
Prisoners : 

Bay of Pigs invasion, Cuba, return to U.S., 88 
Geneva conventions (1949) relative to treatment of 
prisoners of war : Cyprus, Ireland, Malaya, 
Mauritania, 230 
U.S. prisoners in Cuba, visit by Swiss representa- 
tives, 137 
Proclamations by the President : 
Churchill, Winston, honorary citizen of U.S. (3525), 

Law Day, 1963 (3515), 297 

National Freedom-from-Hunger Week (3514), 255 
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1963 

(3519), 317 
United Nations Day, 1963 (3533), 806 
World Trade Week, 1963 (3532), 758 
Procurement, direct, agreement with Germany on set- 
tlement of disputes from, 962 
Project Mercury, tracking facilities for, agreement 

with Australia, 377 
Project Vela, 125, 491 

Propaganda (see also Communism: Aggression and 
subversive activities) : 
Africa : Manning, 141 ; Williams, 877 



Propaganda — Continued 
Cuban. See Cuba : Aggressive and subversive ac- 
Latin America : Martin, 347, 404, 711 ; Rusk, 386, 472 ; 
U.S. note, 263 
Property : 
Bulgaria, U.S. owners to file tax forms on, 905 
Excess, agreement vrith Korea veaiving restrictions 

for disposal of, 418 
Expropriated. See Expropriation 
Industrial, convention (1883) for protection of: 
Cuba, 266 ; Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 998 ; Switz- 
erland, 266 ; Tanganyika, 998 
Publications : 

Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 

lists, 229, 329, 376, 579, 717, 883, 917, 951 
Obscene publications, agreement on repression of 

circulation of, Madagascar, 849 
State Department : 
Department of State 1963, published, 849 
Documents on, German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945, 
Series (1933-1937), The Third Reich: First 
Phase, Volume IV, April 1, 1935-March J,, 1936, 
released, 77 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 19^2, Vol- 
ume VI, The American Republics, released, 883 
Foreign Relations series. Advisory Committee rec- 
ommendation for (Rusk), 586 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: Analy- 
sis of United States Negotiations, vol. IV, pub- 
lished, 889 
Lists of recent releases, 78, 190, 378, 506, 586, 673, 

766, 850, 889, 962 
StaflBng International Organizations, report, 809 
U.S. Advisory Commission on International Educa- 
tional and Cultural Affairs, Report of Survey of 
Cultural Presentations Program, 46 
United Nations : 

Housing, Building and Planning in the Develop- 
ment Decade, report, 262 
Lists of current documents, 107, 340, 462, 528, 584, 
809, 925, 960 
Pugwash conference, 10th, at London, "black box" pro- 
posal for detecting nuclear tests, 122, 199, 201 
Punta del Este, charter of, 411, 706, 884 

Quezon City (Bagobantay), agreement with Philip- 
pines re relinquishment of U.S. naval transmitting 
facility, 266 

Racial discrimination : 

Apartheid (Williams), 604 
Effect on foreign relations (Rusk), 934, 935 
Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli, 883, 969 

Regulations (1959), annexed to 1959 international 
telecommunication convention. See tinder Tele- 
communication convention (19.59) 

Radio — Continued 

U.S. agreements with : 

Dominican Republic, communications between 

amateur stations on behalf of 3d parties, 998 
Philippines : 
Broadcasting facilities, agreement and protocol, 

U.S. naval transmitting facility, relinquishment, 
Radioactive fallout, problem of (Eusk),487 
Rana, Jagdish S., 57 
Randall, Clarence B., 296, 540 
Ranger, tuna boat, 976n 
Read, Benjamin H., 672 
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, program under 

(Weiss), 653 
Red Cross, American, 137 

Refugee Assistance Act (1962), designation of func- 
tions, Executive order, 255 
Refugees and displaced persons : 

Arab refugee problems, need for solution and U.S. 

views : Rowan, 99 ; Stevenson, 151 
Copyright convention (1952), universal, protocol 1 
on application to works of : Finland, 546 ; 
Greece, 997 
Cuban. See under Cuba 
Korean, UNCURK report, 73 
Laos, problem in, 567 
Vietnamese (Rusk), 728 
Relay satellite, 25, 171 

Relief supplies and packages, duty-free entry and de- 
frayment of inland transportation charges on, 
agreement amending 1955 agreement with Korea, 
Research equipment, nuclear, agreement with India 

granting, 342 
Retails, John D., 59 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of : 

Nyasaland protectorate, acquires self-government, 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 888, 998 
U.S. position (Williams), 604 
Ribeiro, Miguel Augustus, 751 
Rio Treaty, 384 
Rivera, Julio A., 213 
Rivkin, William R., 506 
Road traflBc, convention (1949) on, with annexes: 

Bulgaria, 585 ; Mali, 77 
Road vehicles, customs convention (1954) on tempo- 
rary importation : Tanganyika, 377 
Robbins, Allan J., 296 

Rome Treaty (see also European Economic Commu- 
nity), 414 
Rossel, Mrs. Agda, 54 
Rossides, Zenon, 59 
Rostow, Walt W.. 551, 824, 840, 855 
Rowan, Carl T., 74, 99, 505 
Royall, Kenneth, 732 



Rusk, Dean : 

Addresses, remarks, and statements : 

Afghanistan and Pakistan, resumption of relations 

between, 931 
Arab states, situation in, 435 
Armed forces, U.S., purpose of, 383 
Arms control and disarmament, U.S. policy on, 

115, 127 
Atlantic community, grand design for and De 

Gaulle's position re, 246, 248 
Atomic radiation, problem of, 487 
Berlin situation, 135, 700 
"Books USA" campaign, 806 
Brazil : 

Finance Minister, proposed visit to U.S., 434 

U.S. economic aid, review of, 934 
Canada, nuclear weapons negotiations, 235, 435, 936 
Caribbean area, surveillance of traffic in, 684 
Central America, common market in, 437 
Central Treaty Organization, 11th ministerial 

meeting, 841 
Ceylon, negotiations for compensation of expro- 
priated property, 240, 241 
China, Communist : 

Nuclear weapon development, problem of, 249 

Recognition, question of, 702 

Trade, U.S. position, 645 

U.S. policy toward, 271, 283 
Communism, threat of aggression of, 842 
Communist meetings at Moscow, effect of, 933 
Congo, U.N. forces in, 437, 442 
Cuba. See Cuba and Cuban crisis 
Ecuador, tuna fishing problem with, 976 
EEC, U.S. relationships with, 701 
18-nation committee on disarmament, conference 

of, 389, 703 
Foreign aid program : 

Administration, problems of, 363, 366, 684 

Appropriations request for FY 1964, 664 

Effect on balance of payments, 734 

Swearing-in of new Administrator, 65 
Foreign policy, U.S. : 

Conduct of, 367 

Congressional support re, 363 

Effect of race discrimination on, 935 

Objectives, 282, 679 

Problems and developments, 311 

Status of, 203 
Foreign trade, promotion of, 734 
France, U.S. policy toward, 368 
Free-world struggle for security and freedom, 383 
GATT tariff negotiations, prospects of, 937 
German-French proposed treaty, 242 
Haiti, question of diplomatic break with, 936 
India, U.S. aid to, 249, 439, 664 
Investment of private capital abroad, object of, 

Japan, U.S. supports membership in OECD, 572 
Laos, situation in, 687, 936, 938 

Rusk, Dean — Continued 
Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued 
Latin America : 

Communist activities, efforts to prevent, 440, 472 

Population increase, problem of, 687 
Malaysia, Federation of, proposed, 366 
Middle East, situation in, 475 
Monroe Doctrine, 732 

Commitments of, 700 

Consultations in, 242 

Importance of, 205, 442 

Multilateral nuclear force, 361, 390, 434, 469, 
932, 936 
Neutralism, decrease in, 204 
News, question of management of, 365, 366 
Nuclear test ban : 

Control of, 249 

Soviet position, 931, 938 

Western position, 931 
Nuclear test ban treaty : 

French and Chinese participation, question of, 

Negotiations for, 367, 934 

Purpose and effects of, 239, 240 

Soviet position on, 433 

U.S. efforts, 485 
Nuclear weapons : 

Dangers in spread of, 486 

National nuclear forces, 932, 937 

Stockpiles of, 486 
Nuclear weapons tests : 

Detection equipment for, question of, 241 

Soviet position on, 202, 238 

U.S. su.spension, 250 
Peace, prospects for, 202, 203, 204 
Polaris missiles, 391 

Presidents' conference in Costa Rica, 699 
Roosevelt, Eleanor, memorial service, 51 
Satellite Relay, inauguration of broadcasts to Latin 

America, 171 
Science and technology conference, U.N., 188 
Shipping, U.S., protection of, 389 
Sino-Soviet dispute, 204, 365, 644, 702 
Southeast Asia, foreign aid program in, 702 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, 8th meeting 

of Council of Ministers, 641 
Soviet Union: 

Military forces and equipment in Cuba. See 
under Cuba. 

Nuclear test ban, position on, 235, 239, 242, 367, 

U.S. cooperation with and policy toward, 271, 
283, 471 
Space science, international cooperation in, 294 
Special Fund, project in Cuba, 357 
State Department, volume of business in, 367 
Travel between Mexico and Cuba, problem of, 474 
U.K., EEC membership question, 236, 366 



Rusk, Dean — Continued 
Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued 
Financing peacekeeping operations, 436 
U.S. commitment to, 394 
Viet-Nam : 

Situation in, 238, 391, 435, 680, 687, 727 
U.S. aid to and policy in, 364, 701 
U.S. armed forces in, 364 
Venezuela, U.S. support to resist Cuban subversive 

activities in, 440 
Western Europe-U.S. relations, 391 
Yemen : 

Egyptian troops in, problem of, 936 
U.S. policy toward, 475 
West New Guinea, Indonesia and Netherlands dis- 
pute over, 366 
Yugoslavia, question of aid, 239 
Correspondence : 
Foreign aid shipments, allegations on, 685 
Foreign Relations series, recommendation en- 
dorsed for, 586 
National academy of foreign affairs, proposed, 429 
U.S.-U.K. Polaris sales agreement, 759 
Meetings : 

Argentine Foreign Minister, 170, 211 
CENTO, 11th Ministerial meeting, head of U.S. ob- 
server delegation, 484 
NATO Ministerial Council meeting, U.S. represent- 
ative to, 896 
SEATO, Council of Ministers, 8th meeting at Paris, 
News conferences, transcripts of, 235, 361, 388, 432, 

684, 931 
Participation in briefing conference at Los Angeles, 

Radio and TV interviews, transcripts of, 115, 135, 

202, 244, 271, 283, 361, 388, 440, 644, 698 
Visit to CENTO countries, 739 
Rumania, treaties, agreements, etc., 661, 673 
Rwanda : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 317 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 306, 341, 810, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 505 
Ryukyu Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 378, 888 

Safety of life at sea, convention (1960) on: Greece, 

673 ; Japan, 673, 849 ; Spain, 462 
St. Christopher, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
St. Helena, international wheat agreement (1962), 189 
St. Lawrence River, agreement with Canada re pilot- 
age services on, 418 
St. Lucia, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 306 
St. Vincent, international telecommunication conven- 
tion (1959), 306 
Salazar, Alfonso, 809 

Samoa, Western, international wheat agreement 
(1962), 962 

San Jos6 meetings : 
Meeting of Presidents of Central America, Panama, 
and U.S. : 
Announcement of, 213 

Arrival and opening statements (Kennedy) , 512 
Preparations for, U.S. Ambassadors meeting, 213 
Statement upon departure (Kennedy), 520 
Statement upon return (Kennedy), 511 
Text of Declaration, 515 
U.S. views (Rusk), 699 
Meeting of Ministers of Central America, Panama, 
and U.S., resolutions of, 719 
San Salvador, U.S. Ambassadors meeting, 213 
Sana'a Treaty, 12 
Sdnchez de Lozada, Enrique, 751 
Santiago Dantas, Francisco Clementino, 435, 557 
Sarawak, treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 962 
Satellites, earth : 
Communications satellites. See Communications 

Meteorological satellites. See Meteorological satel- 
Tracking stations, cooperation re (Rusk), 294 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Meteorological satellite system, agreement with 

Canada, 154 
Tracking stations, agreements with: Australia, 
377 ; Mexico, 926 
Saudi Arabia : 
U.S. policy: Department, 90; Kennedy, 114 
Visit of Ellsworth T. Bunker (Rusk), 437 
Savang Vatthna, 447 
Scali, John, 369 
Scandinavia (Pearcy),334 
Schaetzel, J. Robert, 322 
Schaufele, William E., Jr., 765 

School feeding program, agreement with Israel, 849 
Schurmann, C. W. A., 56 
Schwebel, Stephen M., 785 

Science (see also Atomic energy. Nuclear weapons, 
Outer space, and Satellites) : 
Free- world superiority (Kennedy), 160 
U.N. conference on application to less developed 
countries: Bingham, 461; Kennedy, 302; Rusk 
and U.S. delegation, 188 
U.S. science attach^, appointment (Clark), 506 
UNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Scientific, Educational and Cultural Organization. 
See Education, Scientific and Cultural Organiza- 
SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Organization 
Seaton, George, 448 

Secretary of State (see also Rusk, Dean), emergency 
preparedness functions assigned to. Executive 
order, 629 
Secretary-General of the United Nations. See under 
United Nations 



Security Council, U.N. : 

Cuban crisis, consideration of : Sisco, 531 ; Stevenson, 

Documents, lists of, 107, 462, 528, 809, 960 
Haitian-Dominican dispute, consideration of (Yost), 

Maintenance of law and order in the Congo, author- 
ity for (Gardner), 478 
Veto power, Soviet use of (Stevenson), 527 
Seif, Ahmad Abdel-Hamid, 223 
Seismic stations, automatic, 122, 199, 201 
Selassie, Haile, 938 
Self-determination : 
Africa : Gardner, 479 ; Williams, 252, 604 
Pacific Islands (Cleveland), 616 
Portuguese African territories (Yates), 582 
U.S. position and support ( Bingham ) , 459 
Senegal, treaties, agreements, etc., 961, 997, 998 
Sherman, Saul, 146 
Ships and shipping: 
Cuban crisis and Caribbean area : 

Attacks on U.S. ships: Ala, 356; Florldian, 573, 

Blockade and embargo : Department, 283 ; Rusk, 

207, 470, 473 
Exiles, attacks on Soviet ships, 520, 599, 986 
Reduction in Cuban trade, 240 
Surveillance of (Rusk), 684 

U.S. shipping on ships used in Cuban trade, ban 
on, 283 
Protection of American ships in international waters 

(Rusk), 389 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Double taxation on earnings from operation of, 

agreement with Iceland for relief, 77 
IMCO, convention on : Brazil, 629 ; Syrian Arab 

Republic, 505 
NS Savannah, agreements re : Belgium, 810 ; 

Netherlands, 342, 926 ; Norway, 585 
Pilotage services on Great Lakes and St. Law- 
rence River, coordination of, agreement amend- 
ing agreement (1961) with Canada, 418 
Safety of life at sea, convention (1960) on: 

Greece, 673 ; Japan, 673, 849 ; Spain, 462 
U.S. vessels, agreements re loan of: Korea, 418; 

Norway, 266 ; Pakistan, 418 
U.S. vessels, agreement with Australia re furnish- 
ing .supplies and services, 765 
Sierra Leone, treaties, agreements, etc., 504, 585, 926 
Silla, Albert, 56 

Singapore, radio regulations (1959), 961, 962 
Sino-Soviet dispute, U.S. views : Harriman, 273, 274, 
279, 280, 281, 693, 694; Hilsman, 272, 280, 281; 
Johnson, 276, 279, 280, 455; Kennedy, 162; Man- 
ning, 143; Martin, 352; Rusk, 204, 283, 365, 390, 
644, 646, 702 
Si-sco, Joseph J., ,529 
Skybolt missile. 43 

Slave trafiic, white, agreement (1904) for repression, 
Senegal, 998 

Slavery convention (1926), as amended: Belgium, 266; 
France, 546; Ghana, 961; Nepal, 305; Senegal, 
961 ; Tanganyika, 377 
Slim, Taieb, 54 
Smith, Benjamin A., 914 
Smith, Gerard C, 197 
Smith, Harold Page, 521 
Smith, Howard K., 500 
Snowdon, Henry T., 223, 297 

Social development. See Economic and social develop- 
Solomon, Anthony M., 946 
Somali Republic : 

Technical cooperation, agreement extending Italian- 

U.S. agreement (1954) re, 154 
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 110 ; confirmation, 
Somoza, Luis, 213 
South Africa : 

Communism, actions against (Williams), 880 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 305, 306, 810 
South and Southeast Asia. See Asia 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization : 
Clinical research center, Thai-U.S. agreement on 

establishment, 888 
Council of Ministers, 8th meeting : 

Communique and statement (Rusk), 641 
U.S. delegation, 584 
Purpose of (Johnson), 637 
South- West Africa, U.S. position (Williams), 605 
Soviet Union (see also Communism) : 
Aircraft, U.S. protests violation of Alaskan airspace, 

Albania, relations between (Hilsman), 273 
Armaments, position on control and reduction of 

(Foster), 117, 133 
"Association of Victims of Nazi Persecution," pro- 
test to U.S. at Berlin court action re, 4.j 
"Berlin Judges Law," reply to Soviet note re, 751 
Coffee agreement, support for U.S. position (BIu- 

menthal), 221 
Communication, direct, with U.S. proposed, 7, 600, 

Communist China, doctrinal dispute. See Sino- 
Soviet diispute 

Attacks on Soviet merchant vessels by exile groups, 

520, 599, 986, 987 
Broadcasts to troops in Russian language (Rusk), 

Cost of supporting Cuban economy (Rusk), 473 
Cuban crisis, U.S.-Soviet report to U.N., 153 
Dilemma confronting (Manning), 143 
Disarmament : 

Soviet position: Dean, 122; Foster, 117, 133; 

Gardner, 791 
U.S.-Soviet talks on, 127 
Foreign aid program, failures of (Cleveland), 64 



Soviet Uuiou- -Contiuxied 
Growth of (Bowles), 817 
India and Indonesia, aid to, 275, 276 
Industrial production, advances in (Harriman), 693 
Korean question, Soviet position (AUott), 73 
Laos neutrality, Soviet position, 775 
Meteorological projects with U.S. (Meeker), 748 
Military bases in Europe (Rusk), 361 
Military troops and equipment in Culia. See under 


Nuclear defense forces, views on, 862, 896 
German accession to, position on, 865 
New Year's greeting, exchanged with U.S., 137 
Nuclear weapons. See Nuclear weapons 
Population problem, position at U.N. debate on 

(Gardner), 911 
Soviet trawler, U.S. ships charged with firing on, 475 
Treaties, agreement, etc., 305, 926 
U.S. relations with : Meeker, 86 ; Rusk, 471 ; Steven- 
son, 150 
United Nations : 

Attitude toward ( Schwebel) , 477, 787 
Peacekeeping operations, position toward (Gard- 
ner), 793 
Security Council, use of veto power in (Steven- 
son), 527 
Special agencies, contributions to (Stevenson), 528 
War, inadvertent, reducing risk of, Soviet position 
(Foster), 5 
Space. See Outer space and Satellites 
Spain : 
GATT, notice of public hearings re accession to, 183 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 146, 154, 266, 462, 849, 926 
U.S. compensatory tariff concessions to, 182, 295 
Special Consultative Committee on Security, OAS 

(Martin), 407, 408, 712 
Special Fund, U.N. : 

Africa, aid to (Williams), 602 

Agricultural research station in Cuba, U.S. views: 

Gardner, 3.59, 480 ; Rusk, 357 
Role and progress (Bingham), 258 
U.S. position : Gardner, 480 ; Stevenson, 527 
Special Representative for Trade Negotiations : 
Confirmations (Gossett, Herter), 376 
Duties and functions, 180, 658 
Establishment of. Executive order, 859 
Notices inviting views on Spanish and U.A.R. acces- 
sions to GATT, 183 
Specialized agencies, U.N. : 
Executing agent for Special Fund projects (Bing- 
ham), 260 
Soviet Union contributions (Stevenson), 528 
State Department {see also Agency for International 
Development, Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency, Foreign Service, and Peace Corps) : 
Appointments and designations, 153, 190, 630, 672, 

848, 849, 889 
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs, con- 
firmation (Hilsman), 765 

State Department — Continued 
Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, con- 
firmation (Martin), 765 
Budget of, decrease in (Kennedy) , 226, 228 
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, reorga- 
nization of (Battle), 755 
Bureau of European Affairs, responsibilities of 

(Pearcy), 337 
Consular relations, U.N. conference on, U.S. repre- 
sentative to, 461 
Deputy Under Secretary of State, confii-mation 

(Crockett), 997 
Emergency preparedness functions, assigned to. Ex- 
ecutive order, 629 
Foreign policy briefing conferences. See under For- 
eign policy 
Information policies (Manning), 576 
Miami office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs, field 

established, 190 
Office of International Finance and Economic Analy- 
sis (OFE), established, 342 
Public support of, question of (Ball), 371 
Publications. See under Publications 
Refugee Assistance Act of 1962, designation of func- 
tions, 255 
Trade Negotiations, Ambassadors and Special Rep- 
resentatives for, confirmations (Gossett, Her- 
ter), 376 
Under Secretary of State, confirmation (Harriman), 

Visits, State and official, policy on length of, 90 
Volume of business (Rusk) , 367 
State of the Union (Kennedy) , 159 
State visits, policy on length of, 90 

Status of forces (NATO), agreements supplementing 
and implementing agreement on : Belgium, 888 ; 
Germany, Federal Republic of, 961 
Steele, John, 115, 271 
Stein, Herbert, 271, 280 

Stevenson, Adlai E., addresses, letter, and statements : 
Cuba, report to U.N. on U.S.-Soviet talks, 153 
General Assembly, 17th, accomplishments, 147 
Inter-American community, growth of, 704 
Roosevelt, Anna E., memorial tribute to, 48 
United Nations, U.S. views, 522 
Stevenson, Eric, 115, 126 
Stikker, Dirk U., 416 
Strong, Robert C, 997 

Subversive activities. See under Communism 
Sudan, agricultural commodities agreement with U.S., 

Suez crisis (1956), 85, 869 
Supporting assistance, appropriation request for FY 

1964 (Rusk), 672 
Surinam, Minister President-designate, visit to U.S., 

Sweden, treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 266, 306, 926 
Switzerland : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 360 



Switzerland — Continued 

Americans imprisoned in Cuba, Swiss representative 
visit to, 137 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 154, 230, 266, 377, 629, 
Syncom satellite (Gore) , 25 
Syrian Arab Republic : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 505, 997 

U.S. recognition, 476 
Szell, George, 840 

Takeuchi, Ryuji, 751 
Talbot, Phillips, 243 
Tanganyika, treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 230, 377, 

504, 722, 765, 926, 998 
Tariff Commission, U.S. : 
Duties under Trade Expansion Act (Weiss), 659 
Report of investigation on brooms made of broom- 
com. President's decision, 376 
Tariff policy, U.S. (see also Customs : Economic policy 
and relations; Tariffs and trade, general agree- 
ment on ; and Trade) : 
Agricultural products. See Agriculture: Trade 
Brooms, Presidential decision re duty on imports of, 

Compensatory concessions : 
Japan, schedule of, 108; effective date, 182; cur- 
rent action, 154 ; proclaimed, 295 
Spain, schedule of, 146 ; effective date, 182 
U.K., current action, 38 ; effective date, 145 
Escape-clause action on imports of cotton typewriter 
ribbon cloth, dried figs, and lead and zinc, de- 
cisions against reopening, 145 
Europe and EEC (see also European Economic Com- 
munity) : Ball, 691; MacArthur, 176; Trezise, 
973, 975 
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, Poland and 
Yugoslavia, question of: Kennedy, 237; Rusk, 
239 ; Tyler, 947, 948 
1964 tariff negotiations. See Tariffs and trade, gen- 
eral agreement on : International tariff negotia- 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962. See Trade Expansion 

Tropical products, duties and restrictions on 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on : 
Agreements, declarations, proc§s-verbal, and proto- 
Accessions to, current actions on : 

Argentina, provisional: Argentina, 266, 306; 
Austria, 306; Belgium, 306; Canada, 306; 
Chile, 306 ; Germany, 110 ; Ghana, 585 ; India, 
585 ; South Africa, 306 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 
377 ; U.K., 306 ; U.S., 38, 266 
Cambodia: Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 888; 

Sweden, 266 
Israel: Sweden, 266; Trinidad and Tobago, 

377 ; Turkey, 266 
Portugal : Sweden, 306 ; Turkey, 306 

Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued 
Agreements, declarations, etc. — Continued 
Accessions to, current actions on — Continued 
Switzerland, provisional : Italy, 673 ; Trinidad 

and Tobago, 377 
Tunisia, provisional: Australia, 38; India, 38; 

Switzerland, 38 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
United Arab Republic, provisional : 

Current actions : Canada, 629 ; Czechoslovakia, 
962; France, Ghana, India, 629; Italy, 849; 
Luxembourg, 629 ; Netherlands, Norway, 
849; Turkey, 962; U.A.R., U.K., 962; U.S., 
Notice of U.S. public hearings, 183 
Text of declaration, 184 
Annecy protocol of terms of accession to : Trinidad 

and Tobago, 546 
Article XIV, special protocol modifying : Trinidad 

and Tobago, 546 
Article XVI :4, declaration re provisions of, entry 

into force, 38 
Article XXIV, special protocol relating to : Trini- 
dad and Tobago, 546 
Australia, protocol replacing schedule I : Trinidad 

and Tobago, 546 
Brazil, new schedule III, protocol on establish- 
ment, current actions : Haiti, 38 ; Italy, 341 ; 
Trinidad and Tobago, 377; Turkey, 38 
Ceylon, protocol replacing schedule VI: Trinidad 

and Tobago, 546 
Cotton textiles, arrangements re international 

trade in : Australia, 189 ; Mexico, 153 
French text, protocol of rectification to, current 

actions : Chile, 110 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
Geneva tariff conference (1960-61) : 
Protocol embodying results of : 
Current actions : Belgium, 230 ; Denmark, 377 ; 
France, EEC, Germany, 230; India, 673; 
Italy, 230, 341; Luxembourg, 230; Nether- 
lands, 230 ; Norway, 810 ; Sweden, Switzer- 
land, 230 ; U.K., 673 
Part I of U.S. schedule annexed to: 

EEC, Japan, Switzerland, 154 
Rectifications to U.S. schedules proposed, 182 
Modifications of, 1st protocol : Trinidad and To- 
bago, 546 
Organization for Trade Cooperation with annex : 

Brazil, 888; Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
Organizational amendments to, protocol of: 

Brazil, 888; Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
Part I and articles XXIX and XXX, protocol and 
procfes-verbal re : Chile, 38 ; Trinidad and To- 
bago, 377, 546 
Poland, declaration on relations between Contract- 
ing Parties and Poland : Trinidad and Tobago, 
Preamble and parts II and III and article XXVI: 
Brazil, 888; Chile, 38; Trinidad and Tobago, 
377, 546 
Protocol modifying certain provisions of: Trinidad 
and Tobago, 546 



Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued 
Agreements, declarations, etc. — Continued 

Provisional application of, protocol of: Cayman 

Islands, 77; Turks and Caicos Islands, 77 
Rectification : 

Protocol of: Trinidad and Tobago, 546 
2d-5th protocols : Trinidad and Tobago, 546 
Rectifications and modifications to texts of 
schedules : 
Ist-Sth protocols: Trinidad and Tobago, 341, 

9tli protocol : Italy, 341 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 
Supplementary concessions to, 6th protocol of: 

Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
Torquay protocol : Trinidad and Tobago, 546 
Contracting Parties : 
Establishment of relationships with certain coun- 
tries, announcement re, 145 
Ministerial meeting : 

Announcement and U.S. delegation to, 419, 885 
Resolution on tariff negotiating procedures, 995 
U.S. views (Herter), 990 
Executive Secretary, Special Representative for 

Trade Negotiations, proposed talks with, 180 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: Analysis 
of United States Negotiations, vol. IV, pub- 
lished, 889 
International tariff negotiations, 1964 : 
Agricultural trade, consideration of problems on 

(Trezise), 974 
Latin America, importance to (Martin), 921 
Purpose of: Blumenthal, 847; Herter, 298; HUs- 
man, 900 ; Rusk, 937 ; Trezise, 498 
Japan, participation by (Johnson), 609 
Spain, negotiations and U.S. public hearings re ac- 
cession to, 146, 183 
U.S. position (Weiss), 655, 660 

Working Party on Procedures for Tariff Reductions, 
recommendations of (Herter), 922, 993 
Taxation : 
Double taxation, conventions for avoidance of. See 

Double taxation 
Foreign forces in Germany, agreement (1959) 
abrogating agreement on tax treatment of and 
finance convention (1952) : Germany, 961 
Legislation recommended re tax credit for invest- 
ments in developing countries (Kennedy), 596 
U.S. owners of Bulgarian property, extension of date 
for filing declaration, 905 
Technical assistance and cooperation. See Economic 

and technical assistance 
Tejera-Paris, Enrique, 317 

Telecommunication (see also Communications and 
Radio) convention (1952), telegraph regulations 
(Geneva revision, 1959) annexed to: Brazil, 153; 
Cyprus, 722 ; Dominican Republic, 153 ; Guate- 
mala, 722 ; Korea, 77 ; Kuwait, 505 ; Panama, 38 

Telecommunication convention (1959), international: 
Current actions : Algeria, 961 ; Anguilla, Antigua, 
Bahamas, Barbados, Bermuda, Br. Guiana, Br. 
Honduras, Br. Virgin Islands, 306; Burundi, 
418 ; Cayman Islands, 306 ; Ceylon, 961 ; Congo 
(Brazzaville), Cuba, Dominica, 306; Ethiopia, 
418; France, 153; Germany, 418; Ghana, 38; 
Grenada, 306 ; India, 38 ; Italy, Jamaica, Jordan, 
418 ; Kuwait, 504 ; Luxembourg, 77 ; Montserrat, 
Nevis and Anguilla, 306; Niger, 77; Panama, 
306 ; Portugal, 418 ; Rwanda, St. Christopher, St. 
Lucia, St. Vincent, 306 ; Spanish provinces, 849 ; 
Tanganyika, 38 ; Thailand, 77 ; Turks and Caicos 
Islands, 306; Uganda, 722 
Radio regulations (1959), annexed to: Brazil, 153; 
Brunei, 961; Cameroon, 505; Central African 
Republic, 77; Chad, 722; Congo (Brazzaville), 
418; Dahomey, 961; Ethiopia, France, 418; 
Guatemala, 722; Israel, 38; Ivory Coast, 505; 
Jordan, 77; Kuwait, 505; Laos, 77; Nether- 
lands, 38; Niger, 77; North Borneo, 961; Pan- 
ama, 38; Paraguay, 505; Sarawak, Singapore, 
961; Switzerland, 629; Viet-Nam, 585; Yugo- 
slavia, 961 
Telecommunication Union International. See Inter- 
national Telecommunication Union 
Telstar satellite (Gore), 25, 743 
Territorial sea and contiguous zone, convention 

(1958) on: Portugal, 341; South Africa, 810 
Terry, Luther L., 808 
Thailand : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 888, 945, 998 
U.S. aid (Johnson), 638, 833 
Thant, U, 30, 36, 148 
Thorp, Willard L., 417 

Tin, U.S. extension of interim disposal program, 182 
Tin Council, International, 182 
Tin Maung, U, 53 
Tiros satellites, 26, 740, 741, 747 
Togo, Republic of : 

Provisional government, U.S. recognition of, 969 
President Olympio's death (Kennedy), 170 
Tokaido Railway, Japan, ECAFE study of, 660 
Tonga, Kingdom of, international wheat agreement 

(1962), 189 
Torbert, Horace G., Jr., 110, 506 
Torres, Mrs. Lorraine B., 271, 280, 282 
Tour6, S6kou, cited, 544 
Tracking stations, satellite, agreements with : 

Australia, 377 ; Mexico, 926 
Trade {see also Agricultural surpluses. Customs, 
Economic policy, Exports, Imports, and Tariff 
policy) : 
Balance-of -payments problems. See Balance of pay- 
Barriers, reduction of : 
Negotiations proposed, 298, 886 
U.S. position (Herter), 991 



Trade, etc. — Continued 

China, Communist, U.S. position (Rusk), 645 
Commodities. See Commodity trade and individual 

Cuba. See Cuban crisis : U.S. action 
EEC. See European Economic Community 
Expansion of, efforts for : 
Africa (Kotschnig), 627 
ANZUS Council views, 968 

Special Representative for Trade Negotiations of 
the U.S. See Special Representative for Trade 
Negotiations of the U.S. 
U.K. nonmembership In EEC, effect of (Rusls), 439 
U.N. Trade and Development Conference: 
Preparatory committee for, 847, 848, 886 
Statements (Blumenthal), 847, 848 
U.S. delegation, 264 
U.S. position: Kennedy, 161; Trezise, 497; Rusk, 
Japan. See under Japan 
Philippines (Hilsman), 899 
Sino-Soviet (Hilsman), 274 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962. See Trade Expansion 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Bills of lading, international convention (1924) 

for unification of rules re, Tanganyika, 230 
Coffee. See Coffee 
Cotton textiles, arrangements re international 

trade in: Australia, 189; Mexico, 153 
Trade agreements. See Trade agreements 
Trademarks, declaration for protection of, termi- 
nation of agreement with Luxembourg, 673 
U.S. trade : 

Canada, negotiations with (Kennedy, Pearson), 

Euroiie, relations with (MacArthur), 174 
Policy (Weiss), 652 

Trade agreements. See Trade agreements 
World trade by U.S. firms, need for new outlook 
(MacArthur), 177, 178 
Trade agreements : 

Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, program under 

(Weiss), 653 
Termination of prior trade agreements proclama- 
tions, announcement re, 145 
U.S. program, administration of, Executive order, 

With : 

Japan, compensatory concessions, 108, 154, 182, 295 
Paraguay, termination of reciprocal agreement 

postponed until June 30, 1963, 673 
Spain, compensatory concessions, 146, 182 ; interim 

agreement under GATT art. XXXIII, 1,54 
Switzerland, modification of section A of schedule 

I of reciprocal trade agreement, 154 
U.K., compensatory concessions, 38, 145 
Trade Cooperation, Organization for, agreement on: 

Brazil, 888 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 377 
Trade Executive Committee (Weiss), 658 

Trade Expansion Act Advisory Committee (Weiss), 

Trade Expansion Act of 1962 : 

Administration of. Executive order, 180, 839 
Authority granted to President under (Weiss), 656, 

Export expansion program (Kennedy), 229 
Latin America, benefits for (Martin), 921 
Negotiations (, 315 
Objectives and importance of : Blumenthal, 219 ; 

Herter, 991; McGhee, 773; Trezise, 497 
Poland and Yugoslavia, provision for nondiscrimina- 
tory tariff treatment to : Kennedy, 599 ; Rusk 
239 ; Tyler, 947 
Trade Information Committee (Weiss), 659 
Trade Staff Committee (Weiss) , 658 
Trading with the Enemy Act, amendment of Executive 

order re administration of Section 32(H), 618 
Travel : 
Cuba : 
Between Cuba and Mexico, problem of (, 

U.S. limitations on, 719 
Haiti, U.S. citizens urged to avoid traveling to, 834 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Nepal, termination of regional agreement (1958) 
between India, Nepal, and U.S. re transportation 
facilities development, 585 
Road traffic, convention (1949) on, with annexes: 

Bulgaria, 585 ; Mall, 77 
Road vehicles, private, customs convention (1954) 
on temporary Importation : Tanganyika, 377 
Treaties, agreements, etc., international {for indi- 
vidual treaty, see subject), 38, 77, 110, 153, 189, 
230, 266, 305, 341, 377, 418, 462, 504, 546, 585, 629, 
673, 722, 764, 810, 849, 888, 926, 961, 997 
Trezise, Philip H., 497, 971 
Trinidad and Tobago, treaties, agreements, etc., 266, 

305, 306, 341, 377, 504, 546, 629 
Truman, Louis, 148 
Trust Territories, U.N. (see also Non-self-governing 

territories). Pacific Islands, 615, 946, 968 
Trusteeship Council, U.N., U.S. representative, con- 
firmation (Yates), 505 
Tsarapkin, Semen K., 198, 202 
Tuna fishing boats, U.S., Ecuadorean detention of 

(Rusk). 976 
Tunisia, treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 377, 629 
Turkey : 

Secretary Rusk to visit, 484 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 266, 306, 505, 765, 962 
Turks and Caicos Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 

77, 306 
Tyler, William R., 368, 648, 947 

Tyrol, South, Austrian-Italian dispute over (Meeker), 

U.A.R. See United Arab Republic 
U.S.S.R. See Soviet Union 
U Thant, 30, 36, 148 



Uganda : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 546, 629, 722, 926 
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 153 ; confirmation, 
Unna, Warren, 271, 280, 281 

Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, conventions 
(1899, 1907) for pacific settlement of international 
disputes, 341 
UNCURK. See United Nations Commission for the 

Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea 
UNEF. Bee United Nations Emergency Force 
UNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural 

Organization, U.N. 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. See Soviet Union 
United Arab Republic : 

Civil aviation tall^s with U.S.. 223, 297 

Egyptian pounds from sales of agricultural surpluses, 

authorized for sale to U.S. tourists, 173 
Farm land, ban on foreign ownership, 328 
GATT, notice of public hearings and declaration 

re provisional accession to, 183, 184, 849 
Incursions across Yemen border : Department, 12, 

90 ; Rusk 936 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 629, 722, 888, 962 
U.S. science attach^, appointment (Clark) 506 
United Kingdom : 
Atlantic Undersea Test and Evaluation Center, U.S.- 

U.K. establishment of, 866 
EEC, veto of U.K. membership : Ball, 412, 689, 692 ; 
Chayes, 320, 321; Department, 237; Kennedy- 
Alacmillan, 43 ; McGhee, 772 ; Rusk, 206, 236, 246, 
366 ; Tyler, 651 
German foreign policy documents (1935-36), volume 

released, 77 
Nassau meeting of Prime Minister Macmillan and 

President Kennedy, 43 
Nuclear weapons, U.S.-U.K. negotiations, 44, 368, 

759, 857 
Polaris missiles, U.S. supply, 44, 368, 673, 759, 760 
Restrictions on imports of U.S. fruits (Trezise), 499 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 38, 145, 266, 305, 306, 377, 
673, 759, 926, 962, 998 
United Nations : 
Accomplishments, problems, and role of : Chayes, 
562 ; Cleveland, 165, 874 ; Gardner, 477, 790 ; Ken- 
nedy, 163; Sisco, 529; Stevenson, 152, 522 
Africa, relationship with (Williams), 602 
Afro-Asian group in, 105, 798 
Charter. See United Nations Charter 
Conferences : 
Application of science and technology to less de- 
veloped areas. See under Science 
Consular relations. See Consular relations 
Trade and development. See Trade : U.N. con- 
Decade of Development. Sec Decade of Development 
Documents, lists of, 107, 340, 462, 528, 584, 809, 925, 

Economic commissions. See Economic Commission 

United Nations — Continued 
Financing of : 

Budget, U.S. share and contributions and delin- 
quent members : Cleveland, 875 ; Plimpton, 798 
Peacekeeping operations : 

General Assembly resolutions, 37 
U.S. concern and position : Cleveland, 875 ; Klutz- 
nick, 30 ; Gardner, 535 ; Rusk, 436 ; Sisco, 530 ; 
Stevenson, 149 ; U.S. Mission statement, 443 
General Assembly. See General Assembly 
Institute, proposed : Gardner, 795 ; Stevenson, 151 
International law in (Schwebel), 785 
Membership, admission to: 
ICJ opinion re (Klutznick),34 
Kuwait, admission, 884 
Memorial tribute to Mrs. Roosevelt, 48 
Oflice of Secretary-General : 

Election of U Thant (Stevenson), 149 
Role of : Chayes, 564 ; Kennedy, 207 ; Rowan, 74 
Representative on Hungary, abolition of position, 77 
Registry of space flights with (Chayes), 835, 837 
Security Council. See Security Council 
Soviet views. See under Soviet Union 
Specialized agencies. See Specialized agencies 
Technical assistance programs: 
Expanded program of Technical Assistance : 

Bingham, 259, 261 ; Williams, 602 
Special Fund. See Special Fund 
U.S. views and support: Cleveland, 872; Foster, 134; 

Rusk, 393, 394 ; Stevenson, 152, 522 
United Nations Day, 1963, proclamation, 806 
Voting patterns in (Plimpton), 796 
United Nations Charter: 
Collective security arrangements, basis for (Mc- 
Ghee), 869 
Congo operation, legal basis for (Cleveland), 167 
Outer Space, application to: Chayes, 838; Meeker, 

Statute of : Kuwait, 926 
United Nations Children's Fund (Williams), 603 
United Nations Commission for the Unification and 

Rehabilitation of Korea, 73 
United Nations Committee on Housing, Building, and 

Planning (Bingham), 262 
United Nations Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer 

Space. See Outer Space, U.N. Committee on 
United Nations Disarmament Commission, documents, 

United Nations Economic and Social Council. See 

Economic and Social Council 
United Nations Economic Commissions. See Economic 

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization. See Educational, Scientific and Cul- 
tural Organization, U.N. 
United Nations Emergency Force in the Middle East, 

financing, 30, 37, 536 
United Nations Palestine Conciliation Commission, 99 
United Nations Peace Observation Commission (Gard- 
ner), 705 



United Nations Population Commission (Gardner), 18, 

909, 910 
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Pales- 
tine Refugees in the Near East : 
Report, U.S. views (Rowan) , 101 
U.S. pledge (Jackson), 101 
United Nations Special Committee on Portuguese Ter- 
ritories, 105 
United Nations Special Fund. See Special Fund, U.N. 
United Nations Trusteeship Council, 505 
United States Advisory Commission on International 
Educational and Cultural Affairs, 46, 96, 215, 617, 
753, 755 
United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. 
See Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. 
United States citizens and nationals : 
Aid program, need for better understanding 

(Bowles), 945 
Churchill, Winston, honorary citizenship for (Ken- 
nedy), 715 
Protection of: 

Cuba, limitations on travel to, 719 
Haiti, avoid travel in and withdrawal of citizens 
from, 834 
Tasks confronting (Manning), 143 
United Arab Republic, decree banning ownership of 
agricultural lands in, 328 
United States Information Agency : 
African program, 69 
Appropriations for and expansion of (Kennedy), 

226, 228 
Latin America, efforts against Communist activities 

(Martin), 405 
Role of (NorreU),216 
Universal copyright convention (1952). See Copy- 
right convention 
Universal postal convention (1959). See Postal con- 
UNRWA. See United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East 
Upper Volta : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 170 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 341, 764, 810, 961 
Urquidi, Victor L., 288 
Uruguay, treaties, agreements, etc., 230, 764 
USIA. See United States Information Agency 
tjstiln, Giindogdu, 58 

Validation Board for German Dollar Bonds, 146 

Vance, Nina, 663 

Vatican City, Vienna convention on consular relations, 

Vela Project, 125, 491 

Venezuela : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials : 317 
Communist subversion In (Martin), 355 
Cuban crisis, proposal re (Rusk) , 440 
President Betancourt, visit to U.S., 445 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 77, 764, 926, 998 

Vessels. See Ships 

Vienna conventions on consular and diplomatic rela- 
tions. See under Consular relations and Diplo- 
matic relations 
Viet-Nam : 
Communist aggression and subversion : 
ANZUS views, 967 
Casualties inflicted (Johnson), 641 
Desire for freedom in (Hilsman) , 897 
Guerrilla warfare in (Johnson), 637 
Present status of situation (Rusk), 238, 311, 312, 

391, 435 
Press, availability of information to (Rusk), 642 
SEATO position, 643 
Stno-Soviet dispute, effect on : Harriman, 280 ; 

Hilsman, 282 
U.S. position and aid: Johnson, 637; Rusk, 364, 

680, 701, 727 
Violation of Geneva Accords (Rusk), 687 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 505, 585, 765 
Viet-Nam, north, aggression and subversion in Vlet- 

Nam. See Viet-Nam : Communist aggression 
ViUeda, Ram6n, 213 
Visas {see also Immigration) : 
Fees for performing artists, agreement with Poland 

re reciprocal waiver of, 306 
Fingerprint requirements for nonimmigrant appli- 
cants, agreement with Cyprus re waiver of, 341 
Multiple entry visas to diplomatic personnel, agree- 
ment with Czechoslovakia re issuance, 154 
Nonimmigrant visas, reciprocal, agreement with 

Ecuador, re, 230 
Treaty trader and treaty investor status, negotia- 
tions with Philippines, 900 
Visits, State and official, policy on length of, 90 
Vocational education, program in Africa (Williams), 

Voice of America, budget request FY 1964 (Kennedy), 

Von Hassel, Kai Uwe, 444 

Walrath, Laurence K., 660 
Inadvertent, measures to reduce (Foster), 3, 133 
Inevitability of, Communist views, 273 
Watt, James, 505 
Weather : 
Forecasting and research (Gardner), 740 
North Atlantic Ocean stations, agreement (1954) on: 
Japan, 722; amendment (1962) of annex II-A 
of, entry into force, 462 
Satellites. See Meteorological satellites 
World Meteorological Organization. See World 
Meteorological Organization 
Weaver, George L-P, 959 

Weights and measures, convention (1975) creating In- 
ternational office of, and convention (1921) amend- 
ing : U.A.R., 722 
Weiss, Leonard, 652 

West New Guinea, settlement of Indonesia-Netherlands 
dispute : Meeker, 84 ; Rusk, 366 ; Stevenson, 148 



Western alliance : 

Differences within (Rusli), 391, 392 
Foundation of (Rusk), 362 
Unity during Cuban crisis (Rusk) , 135 
Western Europe. See Europe: Western Europe 
Western Samoa, international wheat agreement (1962), 

Wheat agreement (1962), international, current ac- 
tions : Antigua, Bahama Islands, Barbados, Ber- 
muda, Br. Guiana, Br. Honduras, Br. Solomon Is- 
lands, Br. Virgin Islands, Dominica, Fiji, 189 ; 
Finland, 77; Gambia, Gibraltar, 1S9; Gilbert and 
Ellice Islands Colony, 306 ; Grenada, Bailiwick of 
Guernsey, Hong Kong, Isle of Man, 189 ; Liberia, 
888 ; Mauritius, 189 ; Mexico, 77 ; Montserrat, 189 ; 
Netherlands, 462; Nevis and Anguilla, North 
Borneo, Sarawak, St. Christopher, St. Helena, St. 
Lucia, 189; St. Vincent, 306; Kingdom of Tonga, 
189 ; Venezuela, 998 ; Western Samoa, 962 ; Zanzi- 
bar, 189 
Wheat agreement act (1949), international, delegation 

of authority. Executive order, 914 
White, Lincoln, 403 
White slave traffic, agreement (1904) for repression 

of : Senegal, 998 
White Star, tuna boat, 976m 
WHO. See World Health Organization 
Williams, G. Mennen : 
Addresses, remarks, and statements : 
Africa : 
Communist failures, 877 
Cultural exchange with, 67 
Democracy and emerging nations, 457, 541 
Developing human and natural resources, 208 
Germany's role in, 901 
U.N. relationships, 602 
U.S. policy, 251 
Message on Nyasaland independence, 253 
Visit to Africa, announcement, 250 
Withers, Charles D., 505 

WMO. See World Meteorological Organization 
Wolfe, Glenn G., 190 

Women, changing status and contribution of (Louch- 

heim ) , 801 
Women's organizations seminar, 716 
World Bank. See International Bank 
World Food Congress, 583, 663 
World Health Assembly, 16th, U.S. delegation, 808 
World Health Organization : 
Constitution of ; Jamaica, 673 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 

305 ; Uganda, 629 
U.S. representative on Executive Board, confirma- 
tion (Watt), 505 
World Meteorological Organization : 
Arrangements to advance atmospheric science and 

technology (Meeker), 748 
Convention of : Algeria, 722 ; Cyprus, 673 ; Jamaica, 
962 ; MongoUa, 629 ; Rwanda, 306 ; Trinidad and 
Tobago, 306 ; Uganda, 546 
Recommendations of (Gardner), 741 
Weather satellites. See Meteorological satellites 
World Population Conference, 20, 909, 910 
World Trade Week, 1963, proclamation, 758 
Wright, Jerauld, 848 

Yates, Sidney R., 505, 581 
Ydfgoras, Miguel, 213 
Yemen : 

Border incursions by U.A.R. forces ; Department, 12, 
90 ; Rusk, 936 

U.S. legation raised to Embassy, 250 

U.S. policy (Rusk), 475 

U.S. recognition, 11 

Visit of Ellsworth T. Bunker to Saudi Arabia to 
discuss situation in (Rusk), 437 
Yost, Charles W., 958 
Yugoslavia : 

Independent policies of (Tyler), 949 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 764, 962 

U.S. most-favored-nation tariff treatment, question 
of : Kennedy, 237 ; Rusk, 239 ; Tyler, 947 

Zehnder, Alfred, 360 

Zonta clubs (Louchheim), 801 

Zorin, Valerian A., 50 









Vol. XLVIII, No. 1228 

January 7, 1963 


Foster ** 


MEETING • Text of Communique 9 


ment by Albert Gore and Text of Resolution 21 


OPERATIONS • Statement by Philip M. Klutznick and 
Texts of Resolutions 30 


AND THE UNITED NATIONS • Statements by Richard 

N. Gardner and Text of Resolution 14 

For index see inside back cover 

Vol. XLVIII, No. 1228 • Publication 7476 
January 7, 1963 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 2fi, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Depaetmknt 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin Is Indexed in the 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government uiith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
spec'al articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Possibilities for Reducing tlie Risks of War Tlirougli 
Accident, Miscalculation, or Failure of Communication 

hy William C. Foster 

Director, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency ^ 

Ours is a world divided seriously by ideology 
and aspirations. It reposes uneasily in fragile 
peace. To lament the past serves no useful pur- 
pose, for we are, of course, destined to live in 
the future. I believe, however, that we are all 
convinced that the hands on the clock of time 
have not run so fast and so far that a world of 
free and independent peoples, living peacefully 
under institutions of their own choosing, is be- 
yond our grasp. The world has not yet become 
such a cauldron of conflicting systems, each pos- 
sessing the military power to destroy the other, 
that man's only recourse is to await his 

Rather, we are living with a curious paradox 
in that the horror of modern weapons helps to 
serve as a barrier against their use. In fact the 
so-called "balance of terror" has in a very real 
sense given mankind a reprieve in which new 
and intensified efforts can be made to outlaw 
mass extermination as an instrument of national 

We stand, therefore, at another of the cross- 
roads of human destiny. It is for us to deter- 
mine whether we have the resolve and the 
wisdom to assert our wills to survive in a stable 
and peacefully progressing world or, failing 
this, possibly to participate in its demise. 

We have the ingenuity to fashion a world free 
from the scourge of war; of this we have no 
doubt. Our confidence in this cause is certainly 
reflected in the basic position we have adopted 

' Address made before the Foreign Policy Association 
of Pittsburgh at Pittsburgh, Pa., on Dec. 20. 

at the 18-nation disarmament conference in 
Geneva. There we introduced a disarmament 
program^ which is at once far-reaching and 
detailed. It calls upon the nations of the world 
to stop the arms race at an agreed time, to freeze 
the military situation as it then appears, and 
then ultimately to shrink military establish- 
ments to zero. 

The eventual goal is a free, secure, and peace- 
ful world of independent states adliering to 
common standards of justice and international 
conduct and subjecting the use of force to the 
rule of law. But we are under no delusions. 
We recognize fully the magnitude of this task. 
And we expect no quick or simple solutions. 
Most important, we know that if this effort is to 
be brought to fruition there must be a common 
desire within the community of nations to effect 
such a world — a desire that is not yet apparent 
on all sides. 

Danger of Unpremeditated War 

Yet even as we undertake this wide-ranging 
offensive, there is an immediate danger which 
confronts us. Ironically, the nature of this 
threat is such that while we seek to move toward 
a disarmed world we could find ourselves un- 
wittingly engulfed by just the type of holo- 
caust we are striving to avoid. 

I refer, of course, to the very real threat of 
war by accident, miscalculation, or failure of 

" For text of an outline of a U.S. draft treaty on gen- 
eral and complete disarmament, see Bulletin of May 
7, 1962, p. 747. 

JANUARY 7, 1963 


communication. We need look only at the So- 
viet Union's recent adventurism in Cuba to 
conclude that this is a danger which is not only 
real and ever present but a danger which war- 
rants our immediate attention. 

The danger itself, of course, is not new. The 
factors which make unpremeditated war pos- 
sible — false alarm, misunderstanding, panic, or 
loss of control — have plagued mankind for cen- 
turies. But with the advent of nuclear weap- 
ons the consequences of such a war have assumed 
a new and teiTifying dimension. 

The technology and techniques of modem 
warfare are such that much reliance is inevita- 
bly placed on the ability to respond rapidly 
and effectively to hostile military action. 
Events whicli may occur in connection with the 
efforts of one state to maintain its readiness to 
respond to such action may, in varying degrees 
and with varying consequences, be misconstrued 
by another. The initiating state may have 
miderestimated the ambiguity of such events 
and may have miscalculated the response they 
would call forth. The observing state may mis- 
interpret them and feel compelled to act. 

Nonbelligerent steps of a precautionai-y 
character taken by one state may be viewed by 
another as being provocative at best and, at 
worst, as presaging or constituting the initia- 
tion of hostilities. Accidents can occur and may 
be considered deliberate acts. Unauthorized 
acts may appear to reveal hostile purpose, and 
fault may be incorrectly assigned. 

Particularly where such actions and events 
may occur against the background of an already 
existing crisis in the relations of the states con- 
cerned, erroneous assessments may dictate a 
rapid and disproportionate response. As a con- 
sequence, sudden and unexplained changes in 
the military situation may increase the risk of 
the outbreak of war. 

Administrative and Physical Safeguards 

Such efforts as have been taken thus far to 
avoid unintentional war have, for the most part, 
been taken independently by states. For some 
years now the United States has progressively 
instituted numerous unilateral steps to insure 
that control over our Military Establislmient 

would preclude the possibility of war by acci- 
dent. These safeguards could be described as of 
two types : "administrative" safeguards, which 
say "you may not" ; and "physical" safeguards, 
which create a situation so that "you cannot." 
Taken together they are such that it would re- 
quire more than a Houdini to circumvent them. 

On tlie administrative side, only the President 
may autliorize the use of atomic or hydrogen 
weapons, and the transference of tliis authority 
is carefully controlled. There is also the so- 
called two-man rule, which requires at least two 
responsible individuals to be present at every 
level of operation for handling of nuclear weap- 
ons. No one man is authorized to depart from 
this rule. There is also the so-called fail-safe 
procedure, which, in essence, precludes aircraft 
from proceeding beyond a predetermined point 
without an explicit "go" order. 

On the physical side thei'e are various devices 
built into the weapons themselves which prevent 
improper use. For example, there may be an 
aiming switch which can be tampered with only 
by disassembling the weapon and which can be 
activated only by remote control or by the inser- 
tion of a "key" held in careful custody. 

There is also the device of making the re- 
quired aiming actions too much for one man to 
handle. Bai-ricades provide additional safe- 
guards against unauthorized use. Other devices 
prevent the accidental explosion of a nuclear 
weapon. There are other devices of both admin- 
istrative and physical nature which place 
restraints on a nuclear firing by accident or 
violation of authority. 

On the political side similar unilateral actions 
have been instituted. Again, the Cuban situa- 
tion provides a recent and vivid demonstration 
of this. I refer, of course, to the President's 
advance notification of his decision to quaran- 
tine Cuba^ — an annomicement designed to in- 
sure that the intentions of the United States in 
that operation would not be misunderstood. 
Had advance notification of this action not been 
given, the events that followed might well have 
been different and, perliaps, even tragic. But 
so crucial is our concern that we have sought to 
pass beyond these unilateral efforts. 

^ Ibid., Nov. 12, 1962, p. 715. 


Negotiations at Geneva 

At the Geneva disarmament conference we 
li;ive expressed our desire to take joint steps to 
luomote reassurance against the danger of in- 
advertent war. We recognize that steps in this 
direction are no substitute for disarmament. 
But we do believe that international agreements 
on specific worldwide measures in this area can 
and should be undertaken now. Reducing the 
likelihood of war and increasing confidence can 
make an important difference until such time 
as a general disarmament treaty becomes a 
reality. However, to date, our endeavors in this 
direction have been something less than 
successful. Unfortunately the Soviet Union has 
displayed a notable lack of enthusiasm toward 
developing such measures. 

Early in the negotiations at Geneva there was 
a unanimous belief among those represented at 
the conference table that certain collateral 
measures should be agreed and executed in ad- 
vance of a general disarmament treaty. Yet the 
Soviet Union in its initial listing of such meas- 
ures did not include among these immediate 
measures directed toward the problem of inad- 
vertent war. Its other four partners in the 
negotiations — Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Po- 
land, and Rumania — to the surprise of no one 
adopted a similar position. Last summer the 
Soviets did respond to certain of our proposals 
in this area. But this was a halfhearted re- 
sponse at best. To date, they still have given 
no real indication of their willingness to come 
to grips with this problem. This stands as one 
of the most regrettable episodes of the negotia- 
tions thus far, for it is but a simple fact of 
international life that the task of abolishing all 
weapons will take time. In the interim the 
danger of accidental war will persist. 

Our Western colleagues — Canada, Italy, and 
the United Kingdom — have repeatedly ex- 
pressed concern over the risks of war being un- 
leashed by mistake. They too have urged that 
early action be taken on measures which could 
substantially reduce these risks. 

Many of the eight nations new to the dis- 
armament negotiations — Brazil, Burma, Ethio- 
pia, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Sweden, and the 

JANUARY 7, 1963 

United Arab Republic — seem also to share this 
concern. They know that creation of a dis- 
armed world will take time. In the meantime 
they recognize that the risk of accidental war is 
a liovering specter. Should it occur, they are 
fully aware that in today's compressed world 
a war touched off by accident could well engulf 
them — indeed, could engulf a multitude of 

At Geneva the Soviet Union has gone to some 
lengths to support its contention that steps di- 
rected toward minimizing the risks of war by 
accident can await agreement on a total pro- 
gram for disarmament. It takes the position 
that general measures which might be instituted 
to relieve the risk of war by accident would not 
provide any degree of insurance against such a 
possibility. It sees the execution of any early 
anti-accidental-war measures as ones that would 
serve only to increase such dangers as might 
now exist. At the same time it alleges that we 
seek such measures as a means by which the 
gathering of intelligence information could be 

Yet as early as 1958 the Soviet Union ex- 
hibited considerable anxiety over accidental 
war. At that time it publicly expressed concern 
over aircraft equipped with atomic and hydro- 
gen weapons conducting flights over the terri- 
tories of foreign states or the open seas. This, 
it said, was "a serious threat to world peace," 
and could "become the cause of a military con- 
flict as a result of miscalculation." 

More recently — actually 6 months prior to the 
beginning of the current Geneva disarmament 
negotiations — the Soviet Government, in a 
memorandum submitted to the United Nations 
General Assembly stated that "steps can and 
must be taken towards the adoption of a num- 
ber of simple decisions . . . which would lessen 
the danger of the outbreak of war and on which 
States might reach agreement in the immediate 

The Soviet attitude in the current negotia- 
tions seems strange indeed when viewed in the 
light of these past pronouncements. However, 
there have been instances in which the Soviets 
have faced about abruptly. With this and the 
lesson of Cuba in mind, last week in Geneva we 

again pressed for early action in this area.^ 
Although newspaper headlines may not so 
indicate, we intend to pursue the matter. 

One may ask where joint steps can be taken, 
above and beyond the individual measures a 
nation may itself prescribe, to reduce the risks 
of war by accident, miscalculation, or failure 
of communications. What are the principal 
areas of concern and what can be done about 

As I proceed to deal with these questions I 
ask that one point be kept in mind. The steps 
I shall outline are not inspection measures. 
They are steps designed to provide positive as- 
surance that some of the uncertainties that con- 
front military powers today can be dispelled. 
This assiirance would stem from two sources: 
the fact that there would be greater knowledge 
about what nations are doing and the fact that 
nations were willmg to undertake these 

I turn now to specific problems and recom- 
mended measures. 

Advance Notice of Military Movements 

One major problem concerns large military 
movements or maneuvers. Wlien undertaken 
by one nation, they may give rise to suspicion 
and fear on the part of others. You might re- 
call that some months ago the United States 
deployed its Marines to Thailand.^ In that 
instance, as in Cuba, we gave notice in advance 
of our then pi-oposed action. But suppose this 
action had been taken without providing such 
advance notification. Those nations distrustful 
of our motives might have viewed the operation 
as a gesture sufficiently threatening in nature as 
to require an immediate countermove — one of 
such proportions as to lead to an extremely dan- 
gerous buildup of forces — a situation in which 
anything could happen. But by making 
known in advance the intention to make such 
a movement, no baseless fears need arise. What 

* For text of a working paper presented to the 18- 
Natlon Committee on Disarmament at Geneva on Dec. 
12 by U.S. Representative Artliur H. Dean, see iMd., 
Dec. 31, 1062, p. 1019. 

° For background, see ihid., June 4, 1962, p. 904. 

has imfortunately been termed "the panic but- 
ton" would not be pushed in circumstances in 
which it was perfectly clear what was going on 
and why. 

To improve communications between nations 
in this respect, there would seem to be great ad- 
vantage in states giving advance notification of 
many of their military movements and maneu- 
vers. Such information, provided in the form 
of an official commimication and made known 
to all concerned at least a week prior to the ac- 
tual occurrence of the event, could act as a 
brake to rash action by a potential enemy who, 
had he been left in the dark, could well have 
read something ominous into such a move. 

Possible Use of Observation Posts 

Wliile this measure by itself would be help- 
ful, its value would be increased if additional 
arrangements could be agreed upon to assure the 
authenticity of the information transmitted. 
Some assistance in this direction could be 
achieved by the establishment of so-called ob- 
servation posts. Posts located at principal rail- 
way centers, highways, river crossings, and 
airbases would permit on-the-spot observation 
of movement and concentration of large forces. 
In the broadest sense such an arrangement 
would be useful whenever significant military 
activities take place. 

It is possible that if such an arrangement 
were carried out, particularly in countries or 
areas of the world where histories of suspicion 
and hostility have existed, increased confidence 
might quickly result. Being located in key 
areas, not only could these posts verify reports 
giving advance notification of troop movements, 
but they might in part also serve as a means of 
determining that no buildup of military forces 
for an attack by surprise was in preparation. 
In particularly tense or suspicious atmospheres 
such a scheme could provide welcome reassur- 
ance to those who might otherwise suspect the 

Additional types of observation could be de- 
veloped to supplement fixed observation posts. 
Aerial observation, mobile ground observation 
teams, or overlapping radars all could assist 
in lessening the possibility of an miexpected 


face-to-face of military power, thereby lessen- 
ing the risk of the outbreak of war. 

Particularly dangerous zones in terms of in- 
advertent war are those in which a military 
confrontation presently exists. We tend often 
to forget that such a situation is not unique to 
the European area — although certainly this is 
an area of primary concern. There are many 
places around the globe where a similar, if more 
dormant, type of confrontation exists. It is 
axiomatic that in these forward, exposed posi- 
tions suspicions and fears are quite readily nur- 
tured. In most cases this is not by design but 
is due largely to a pervading air of uncertainty. 
In such areas apprehension is a natural condi- 
tion of life. It cannot be entirely overcome, 
but it can be considerably tempered. Appre- 
hension thrives on the unknown. 

To minimize this psychological barrier we 
see merit in an exchange of military missions 
between states, or groups of states, where such 
confrontations are potentially dangerous. 
These missions, operating much in the same 
manner as military attaches (who are now some- 
thing on the order of permanent fixtures in the 
embassies of a large majority of nations), could 
contribute significantly to promoting improved 
communications and understanding. The pres- 
ence of such missions, each small in number and 
headed by an officer of high rank, could well 
generate confidence enough to offset measurably 
the present strong and unfortunate air of un- 
certainty that now exists in these areas. This 
was one proposal the Soviet Union last sunmier 
incorporated in its overall disarmament pro- 
gram. So here, perhaps, we have at least an 
agreement in principle. Wliether the Soviet 
Union and its allies consider it valuable enough 
to put into operation jsrior to agreement on a 
total disarmament program remains to be seen. 

Improvement of Communications 

A particularly distressing picture to contem- 
plate in the realm of accidental war is the pos- 
sible failure of communications between states 
in a time of crisis. I have already alluded to 
the numerous safeguards we have installed over 
our Military Establishment. Yet in this era of 
modern weapons it is quite possible that not all 
states possessing these weapons have invested 

enough in a policy to insure against their forces 
being "accident prone." 

The nature of modem weapons systems is 
such that the improvement of communications 
between states, particularly between states pos- 
sessing these modern weapons systems, could 
serve in time of crisis as a valuable link to pre- 
vent the occurrence of unintentional war. The 
establishment of rapid and reliable communi- 
cations among governments, and perhaps even 
with the United Nations, would be vital in a 
situation such as this. Here again, the Soviet 
Union has indicated an interest. Yet here, too, 
a question remains as to whether it is prepared 
to pursue this idea in advance of, or as part of, 
a total disarmament program. If the latter 
should prove to be the case, early and effective 
action to allay such a danger could not be 

A reference to the "purple telephone" must 
necessarily be included at this point. News 
reports periodically have mentioned that 
improved communications would mean the 
establishment of a direct telephone line between 
the Kremlin and the Wliite House. 

A direct connection between Washington and 
Moscow terminating in a purple receiver 
perched on the desks of President Kennedy and 
Chairman Khrushchev is a unique thought, in- 
ternational politics being what they are today. 
But such a dramatic arrangement overlooks the 
basic point. This is not that heads of govern- 
ment of the U.S. and U.S.S.R. or any other 
world leaders need necessarily be in instan- 
taneous personal contact. Rather it is that in 
time of tension a channel is readily available 
for responsible officials of governments — and, 
when required, heads of government — to reach 
one another as rapidly as today's science and 
technology will permit without the need to rely 
solely on normal channels of communication. 
For example, given our Government's structure 
it might be most effective to use a teletype sys- 
tem, as President Kennedy suggested recently, 
and to tie our end of such a contemplated com- 
munication link to our National Command Cen- 
ter — a command post which maintains contact 
with many government officials, including the 
President, wherever they may be. The desires 
of the other nations concerned would determine 

JANUAKY 7, 1963 

the terminal point in their governmental 

U.S. Ready To Take Initial Measures 

These are some of tlie means by which states 
in a cooperative mamier can take effective action 
toward reducing the real and present dangers 
of war by accident. For our part, we are pre- 
pared now to establisli the necessary working 
groups so tliat these measures can be put into 
effect without delay. But I must hastily add 
that these steps are not the be-all and end-all. 
Further discussions of this problem could well 
lead to additional measures to check the threat 
of inadvertent war. Certainly no one nation 
has a monopoly on ideas in this field, and it may 
well behoove all to consider the establishment 
of an international commission on reduction of 
the risk of war. Working in an atmosphere 
largely devoid of immediate political and nego- 
tiating overtones, such a commission could de- 
vote full time exclusively to the risks inherent 
in this problem and attempt to develop prac- 
tical means of coping with them. This would 
assure all concerned that deliberate wisdom and 
experience would be responsibly engaged in 
seeking to make the possibility of war by mis- 
hap even less likely. 

We in our Agency are actively studying 
means of putting into effect those measures to 
reduce the risks of war which we already have 
proposed in Geneva. And we are just as ac- 
tively studying other measures which could 
serve the same purpose. 

As has been pointed out, efforts to minimize 
war by accident cannot stand as a substitute for 
the more basic steps of armaments reduction 
and control that must be taken if the dangers 
posed by modern weapons are to be removed. 
Yet, while the time available for achieving suc- 
cess in this task is not unlimited, there is no 
reason why nations must await the day the full 
process of disarmament begins before taking 
action to forestall the r'sks of being involved 
unwittingly in a war. Initial measures of the 
type I have just enumerated can be readily im- 
dertaken. If put into effect, nations will be able 
to breathe a little easier. Moreover, further 
strides down the road to disarmament could be 
taken with greater confidence. 

I mentioned earlier that we stand at another 
of the crossroads of human destiny. We know 
the road the United States wishes to follow. 
Indeed we have already taken our first steps 
in that direction. But it is a long way to the 
end of that road. As we journey along it, we 
must provide assurance against the danger of 
unwanted war. We know that nations can take 
joint steps to provide such assurance, and we in- 
tend to do all we can to persuade them that they 
should — that they must — do so. Therefore^ 
when negotiations resume in Geneva next month 
this problem will receive our full and undi- 
vided attention. 

We have reached that time of year when the 
symbol of peace on earth to men of good will 
becomes very real and very meaningful. But 
this is ovr goal 12 months of the year. And I 
wish to emphasize that we welcome the com- 
ments, the criticisms, and the fresh suggestions 
that come from associations such as yours and 
from those individuals who take a deep interest 
in arms control and disarmament. 

Ours is a new agency, just entering the second 
year of its existence. To my knowledge this 
is the first time in history that a sovereign na- 
tion has established a sejiarate agency to work 
full time on the central problem, and all the re- 
lated problems, of arms control and disarma- 
ment. Because the duties are so paramount, 
we welcome and, indeed, we call upon individu- 
als, whoever they may be, to help us develop 
those proposals which may lead the way to the 
beginning of a turndown in the arms race and 
tlien to disarmament. 

Dominican Republic Elections 
Hailed by United States 

Department Statement 

Press release 740 dated December 19 

The Department of State today [December 
19] called attention to an event to take place 
tomorrow which is of great importance to the 
Western Hemisphere and wliich holds the in- 
terest and hopes of free men everywhere. For 
the first time in more than .30 years the people 
of the Dominican Republic by means of a gtin- 



eral election will freely choose from among their 
fellow citizens those who will constitute the new 
government of the Kepublic. The fact that the 
Dominican people, after three decades in which 
they were denied their most basic liberties by 
the Trujillo dictatorship, have reached this his- 
toric milestone in their progress toward repre- 
sentative democracy is a remarkable tribute to 
them and to their present leaders — President 
Rafael Bonnelly and the Coimcil of State — who 
have guided the nation through this difficult 
transition period marked by serious threats 
from both the extreme right and extreme left. 
The people and Government of the United 
States, who have followed the progress of the 
Dominican Republic in this past year with par- 
ticular sympathy and ready economic assistance, 
now await the outcome of this civic decision, 
confident that the winner of this election, who- 
ever he may be, will share the aspirations of 
the hemisphere as expressed in the goals of the 
Alliance for Progi'ess. The United States looks 
forward to working with him in order to help 
overcome the problems which will confront the 
new government in its efforts to build a better 
life for the Dominican people under a demo- 
cratic system. 

Tax Convention With Luxembourg 
Signed at Washington 

Press release 736 dated December 18 

Secretary Rusk and Georges Heisbourg, 
Luxembourg Ambassador, signed at Washing- 
ton on December 18 a convention between the 
United States and Luxembourg for the avoid- 
ance of double taxation of income, prevention 
of fiscal evasion, and promotion of trade and 

The provisions of the convention follow, in 
general, the pattern of income-tax conventions 
entered into by the United States with numer- 
ous other comitries. The convention is designed 
to remove an undesirable impediment to inter- 
national trade and economic development by 
doing away as far as possible with double taxa- 
tion on the same income. 

So far as the United States is concerned, 
the convention applies only with respect to 

JANUARY 7, 1963 
670598—63 2 

United States (that is. Federal) taxes. It does 
not apply to the imposition of taxes by the 
several States, or the District of Columbia, 
except that article XX (3) contains the na- 
tional-treatment provision that citizens of one 
of the countries shall not, while residents of 
the other country, be subject to other or more 
burdensome taxes (national, State, communal, 
or municipal) than are the citizens of such other 
country who are residents of its territory. 

Under the terms of the convention, it will be 
brought into force by the exchange of instru- 
ments of ratification. Upon entry into force, 
the convention will be effective for taxable years 
beginning on or after January 1 of the year in 
which the exchange takes place. 

Each country will take such action as is nec- 
essary in accordance with its own constitutional 
procedures with a view to ratification. The 
convention will be submitted to the United 
States Senate for advice and consent to 

North Atlantic Council Holds 
Ministerial IVieeting 

The North Atlantic Coimcil held its regidar 
ministerial meeting at Paris December 13-15} 
Folio-wing is the text of a communique issued 
on December 15, together xoith a list of the 
members of the U.S. delegation. 


Press release 734 dated December 18 

The regular Ministerial Session of the North 
Atlantic Council was held in Paris from 13th to 
15th December, 1962. 

The Ministers reviewed the international sit- 
uation. They noted that the Alliance is sound 
and vigorous, and that the dynamism of free 
societies continues to demonstrate its advan- 
tages in promoting world progress and well- 

The recent attem^Jt by the Soviet Union to 

'■ For text of a communique issued at the end of the 
spring session at Athens, see Bulletin of May 28, 1962, 
p. 862. 


tilt the balance of force against the West by 
secretly stationing nuclear missiles in Cuba 
brought the world to the verge of war.^ The 
peril was averted by the firmness and restraint 
of the United States, supported by the Alliance 
and other free nations. 

The Ministers also discussed the grave impli- 
cations of the recent Communist actions in Asia. 

The aim of the Atlantic Alliance remains 
what it has always been — peace, freedom, and 
security based on the rule of law. However, the 
Alliance is determined to respond appropri- 
ately to any hostile action affecting the security 
and freedom of covmtries of the Alliance sub- 
jected to threats and pressure. Regarding 
Berlin, the Council recalled and reaffirmed its 
determination, as expressed in its Declaration 
of the 16th December, 1958,^ to defend and 
maintain the freedom of West Berlin and its 

In the liglit of their discussions, the Ministers 
concluded tliat constant vigilance and unity of 
purpose in a spirit of intei'dependence, as well 
as readiness to examine any reasonable possi- 
bility of reducing international tension, must 
continue to guide the policies of the Alliance. 
It is a prerequisite of any progress towards 
equitable settlement of outstanding interna- 
tional issues that the Alliance should maintain 
its defensive strength. 

The Ministers emphasised the value of close 
political consultation in regard to the construc- 
tive tasks of the Alliance, as well as in prepar- 
ing to deal effectively with contingencies which 
may arise. They agreed that this consultation 
should be intensified. 

The Coimcil reaffirmed that general and com- 
plete disarmament, under effective international 
control, continued to be a question of major 
concern. It emphasised the importance of 
reaching an agreement which would step by 
step bring peace and security to the world. It 
expressed the hope that the Soviet attitude, 
which has so far frustrated concrete agreement 
on any of the key questions at issue, would 

The Ministers took careful stock of the 

' For background, see ihid., Nov. 12, 1962, pp. 715-741. 
" For text, see ibid., Jan. 5, 1959, p. 4. 

threats which face the Alliance and the re- 
sources available for defence against them as 
established in the course of the 1962 Triennial 
Review. They agreed that it was necessary to 
increase tlie effectiveness of conventional forces. 
They further agreed that adequate and bal- 
anced forces, both nuclear and conventional, 
were necessary to provide the Alliance with the 
widest possible range of response to whatever 
threat may be directed against its security. 

They recognised that a sustained effort will 
be required to provide and improve these forces. 
The Ministers invited the Permanent Council 
to review procedures in order to secure a closer 
alignment between NATO military require- 
ments and national force plans as well as an 
equitable sharing of the common defence 

Tlie Council also reviewed the work done 
over the past six months in the exchange of 
technical information on nuclear weapons and 
the study of various suggestions for the fur- 
ther development and co-ordination of NATO 
nuclear capabilities. They decided to pursue 
and intensify exchanges in this field to facili- 
tate the continuing review of NATO defence 

The Ministers also noted, in accordance with 
the resolution taken during the Athens meeting, 
that in a spirit of solidarity and interdepend- 
ence, measures had been decided on to assist 
Greece in solving the special defence problems 
with which she is at present confronted. 

At their separate meeting on 15th December, 
Defence Ministers reviewed the report of the 
High Level Group established to seek means of 
obtaining improved co-operation among mem- 
ber nations in Research, Development and Pro- 
duction of military equipment. In approving 
this report tlie Ministers reaffirmed their will to 
co-operate and their intention to translate it 
into positive action at all levels. 

The Ministers noted that tlie free world had 
continued to advance towards an ever greater 
degree of prosperity. Only on the basis of con- 
tinuing economic expansion can the Alliance 
foster the well-being of its peoples and provide 
a sound basis for a defence effort equitably 
shared among the Allies and commensurate 
with their economic potential. Furthermore, 



economic expansion in the West, by facilitating 
the provision of increased aid and stimulating 
world trade, is essential to steady economic 
progress and a rising standard of living in the 
developing countries. 

The IMinisters emphasised their determina- 
tion to intensify measures to sustain the efforts 
of those countries of the Alliance which, while 
making an important contribution to the com- 
mon defence, at the same time are faced with 
the urgent problem of speeding up their eco- 
nomic development. 

The IMinisters examined a report on national 
and international civil emergency plans, which 
are an essential complement to the defence 

The next Ministerial Meeting of the North 
Atlantic Council will be held, on the invitation 
of the Canadian Government, in Ottawa, 21st- 
23rd Slay, 1963. 


The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 7 (press release 717) that the following 
would be members of the U.S. delegation to the 
NATO ministerial meeting: 

U.S. Representatives 
Dean Rusk, chairman, Secretary of State 
Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury 
Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense 

U.S. Representative on the North Atlantic Council 

Thomas K, Finletter 


Willis C. Armstrong, Director, Office of British Com- 
monwealth and Northern European Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 

John W. Auchincloss, Political OfBcer, U.S. Mission to 
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Eu- 
ropean Regional Organizations, Paris 

Charles E. Bohlen, U.S. Ambassador to France 

Dixon Donnelley, Assistant to the Secretary of the 

Elbridge Durbrow, Deputy U.S. Representative on the 
North Atlantic Council 

Brig. Gen. Samuel K. Eaton, USA, Director, European 
Region, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense 
for International Security Affairs 

Philip J. Farley, Director, Office of Political Affairs, 
U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- 
tion and European Regional Organizations, Paris 

Maj. Gen. Andrew J. Goodpaster, Jr., USA, Special 
Assistant to the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff 

Martin J. Hillenbrand, Special Assistant to the Assist- 
ant Secretary of State for European Affairs 

Robert H. Kranich, Office of Atlantic Political and 
Military Affairs, Department of State 

Lawrence Levy, Defense Adviser and Defense Repre- 
sentative, U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization and European Regional Organizations, 

Edward S. Little, Deputy Executive Secretary, Execu- 
tive Secretariat, Department of State 

Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secretary of State for 
Public Affairs 

Paul H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of Defense for In- 
ternational Security Affairs 

David H. Popper, deputy coordinator, Director, Office 
of Atlantic Political and Military Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 

Arthur W. Robinson, Assistant Director of Research 
and Engineering, Department of Defense 

W. W. Rostow, Counselor and Chairman of the Policy 
Planning Council, Department of State 

Henry S. Rowen, Deputy Assistant Secretary of De- 
fease for International Security Affairs 

J. Robert Schaetzel, coordinator. Deputy Assistant Sec- 
retary of State for European Affairs 

Gen. Dean C. Strother, USAP, U.S. Representative to 
the NATO Military Committee and Standing Group 

Charles A. Sullivan, Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of the Treasury 

Emory C. Swank, Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of State 

Arthur Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
Public Affairs 

Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, USA, Chairman, Joint Chiefs 
of Staff 

Llewellyn B. Thompson, Ambassador at Large 

William N. Turpin, Assistant to the Secretary of the 

William R. Tyler, Assistant Secretary of State for 
European Affairs 

Christopher Van Hollen, Office of Atlantic Political and 
Military Affairs, Department of State 

Secretary of Delegation 

Francis Cunningham, Director, Office of International 
Conferences, Department of State 

U.S. Recognizes Government 
of Yemen Arab Republic 

Department Statement 

Press release 739 dated December 19 

In view of a number of confusing and con- 
tradictory statements which have cast doubt 
upon the intentions of the new regime in Yemen 
the United States Government welcomes the 

JANUARY 7, 1963 


reafRrmatioii by the Yemen Arab Republic Gov- 
ernment of its intention to honor its interna- 
tional obliaations, of its desire for normalization 
and establishment of friendly relations with its 
neighbors, and of its intention to concentrate 
on internal affairs to raise the living standards 
of the Yemeni people. 

Tlie United States Government also is grat- 
ified by the statesmanlike appeal of the Yemen 
Arab Republic to Yemenis in adjacent areas 
to be law-abiding citizens and notes its under- 
taking to honor all treaties concluded by pre- 
vious Yemeni governments. This, of course, in- 
cludes the Treaty of Sana'a concluded with the 
British Government in 1934, which provides 
reciprocal guarantees that neither party should 
intervene in the affairs of the other across the 
existing international frontier dividing the 
Yemen from territory imder British protection. 

Further the United States Government wel- 
comes the declaration of the United Arab Re- 
public signifying its willingness to undertake 
a reciprocal disengagement and expeditious 
phased removal of troops from Yemen as ex- 
ternal forces engaged in siipport of the Yemen 
royalists are removed from the frontier and as 
external support of the royalists is stopped. 

In believing that these declarations provide 
a basis for terminating the conflict over Yemen 
and in expressing the hope that all of the parties 
involved in the conflict will cooperate to the end 
that the Yemeni peoples themselves be permitted 
to decide their own future, the United States 
has today [December 19] decided to recogiiize 
the Government of the Yemen Arab Republic 
and to extend to that Government its best wishes 
for success and prosperity. Tlie United States 
has instructed its Charge d'Affaires in Yemen 
to confirm this decision in writing to the Min- 
istry of Foreign Affairs of the Yemen Arab 

Italy Announces Removal 
of Import Restrictions 

Press release 738 dated December 18 

At the 20th session of the Contracting Parties 
to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
held at Geneva from October 23 to November 16, 


1962,^ Italy stated it would relax its remain- 
ing restrictions on most products of export in- 
terest to the United States. This action also 
had the effect of virtually eliminating all dis- 
crimination against dollar-area goods. 

On December 3 the Government of Italy an- 
nounced the removal of residual restrictions on 
imports of the following products: natural 
honey, raisins in packages of less than 500 
grams, crude linseed oil, degras, macaroni, spa- 
ghetti and similar products, iodine, iodides, 
oxyiodides, iodates and periodates, turpeneless 
essential oils from citrus fruit, mixtures of two 
or moi-e odoriferous substances with a basis of 
citi-us essence, propellent powders excluding 
those used for hunting purposes, prepared ex- 
plosives, parts of projectiles and munitions. 

As of January 1, 1963, licenses will be granted 
without restriction for imports of the following : 
tulle and other net fabrics (but not including 
woven, Icnitted, or crocheted fabrics), plain; 
tulle, bobbin-net and knotted net fabrics, lace; 
articles of tulle, bobbin-net and other net fab- 
rics (but not including woven, knitted, or cro- 
cheted fabrics) , figured or of mechanically made 
lace; other printing machinery; machines for 
uses ancillary to printing; machinery for print- 
ing wallpaper and wrapping paper and parts 
of such machineiy except cutting cylinders for 
engraving wallpapers and wrapping paper; 
chassis fitted with engines, and bodies (includ- 
ing cabs) for the motor vehicles falling within 
heading Nos. 87.02 and 87.03; trucks for the 
transport of goods driven by electric motors or 
by internal combustion engines and fitted with 
a device for lifting their load-carrying plat- 
form ; motorcycles, sidecars, motor scooters, ex- 
cluding motorcycles weighing more than 170 
kgs. net each; sidecars for motorcycles; parts 
and accessories of motorcycles, sidecars, and 

Dollar import quotas which still exist for soy- 
bean oil, raisins, and antiknock pi-eparations and 
tetraethyl lead will be increased by 20 percent 
January 1, 1963. 

Bilateral discussions are continuing seeking 
the removal of the few remaining Italian import 
restrictions including the above restrictions 

' For a report, see Bulletin of Dec. 17, 1962, p. 939| 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings > 

Scheduled January Through March 1963 

IMCO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement London Jan. 7- 

U.N. Ad Hoc Committee of Experts on Prevention of Crime Geneva Jan. 7- 

and Treatment of Offenders. 

WHO Standing Committee on Administration and Finance . Geneva Jan. 8- 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: Ad Hoc Meeting Tanga, Tanganjdka Jan. 9- 

on Hard Fibers. 

U.N. ECAFE Committee for the Coordination of Investiga- Laos Jan. 9- 

tions of the Lower Mekong Basin: 19th Session (plenary). 

IMCO Assembly: Extraordinary Session London Jan. 10 (1 day) 

IMCO Council: Extraordinary Session London Jan. 10- 

ICAO Panel on Holding Procedures: 1st Meeting Montreal Jan. 14- 

U.N. Special Fund: 9th Session of Governing Council . . . . New York Jan. 14- 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 15th Session New York Jan. 14- 

of Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and 

Protection of Minorities. 

WHO Executive Board: 31st Session Geneva Jan. 15- 

ITU International Radio Consultative Committee (CCIR): Geneva Jan. 16- 

10th Plenary Assembly. 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: 22d Session . . . Geneva Jan. 21- 

U.N. Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radia- Geneva Jan. 21- 

tion: 12th Session. 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 6th Session London Jan. 22- 

OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris Jan. 23- 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 6th Session Bangkok Jan. 28- 

GATT Council of Representatives Geneva Jan. 29- 

OECD Committee for Scientific and Technical Personnel . . Paris Jan. 29- 

CENTO Economic Committee Karachi Jan. 29- 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II Paris Jan. 31- 

(Economic Growth). 

U.N. Cocoa Conference New York or Geneva .... January 

U.N. ECOSOC Preparatory Committee for the Conference on New York January 

Trade and Development. 

IAEA Board of Governors Vienna Feb. 3- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on the Transport of Dangerous Geneva Feb. 4- 


U.N. Conference on the Application of Science and Technol- Geneva Feb. 4- 

ogy for the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas. 

U.N. ECOSOC Population Commission: 12th Session . . . New York Feb. 4- 

IMCO Expert Working Group on FaciUtation of Travel and London Feb. 5- 


ITU CCIR Plan Subcommittee for Asia New Delhi Feb. 5- 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Re- Bangkok Feb. 8- 

souroes: 15th Session. 

IMCO Working Group on the Carriage of Dangerous Goods London Feb. 11- 

by Sea. 

ICAO Panel on Origin-and- Destination Statistics: 5th Meet- Montreal Feb. 11- 


OECD Maritime Transport Committee: Working Party . . Paris Feb. 15- 

lAEA Panel on Heavy Water Lattices Vienna Feb. 18- 

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa L^opoldville Feb. 18- 

IMCO Subcommittee on Code of Signals London Feb. 19- 

ILO Governing Body: 154th Session Geneva Feb. 19- 

' Prepared in the OfEce of International Conferences, Dec. 17, 1962. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCIR, 
Comit6 consultatif international des radio communications; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic 
and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; 
IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; IBE, International Bureau of Education; ICAO, International 
Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Con- 
sultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; OECD, Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Nations; WHO, World Health Organization. 

JANUARY 7, 1963 13 

ILO: 3d Session of the Board of the International Institute 
for Labor Studies. 

U.N. Olive Oil Conference 

OECD Economic Policy Committee 

IMCO Working Group on Financial Regulations 

IBE Executive Committee 

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: Meeting of the Party 
Governments Pursuant to Article XI. 

Universal Postal Union: 15th Congress 

U.N. Conference on Consular Privileges 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Nongovernmental Organiza- 

CENTO Ministerial Council: 11th Meeting 

IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability of Ships: 1st 

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 19th 

IMCO Working Group on Waterright Subdivision and 
Damage Stability of Passenger and Cargo Ships. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Status of Women: 17th 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 17th Session. 

OECD Manpower and Social Afi'airs Committee 

U.N. ECE Working Party on the Construction of Vehicles . 

ICAO Legal Subcommittee 

ITU Administrative Council: 18th Session 

IMCO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement: 3d Session. 

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Rap- 
porteurs on Comparisons of Systems of National Accounts 
in Use in Europe. 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Special Working 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 29th Session 

IAEA Board of Governors 

ITU Communications Division: Special Meeting To Prepare 
for ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference. 

Geneva Feb. 20- 

Geneva Feb. 26- 

Paris Feb. 27- 

London Feb. 28- 

Geneva February 

Tokyo February 

(undetermined) March 1- 

Vienna March 3- 

New York March 4- 

Karachi March 5- 

London March 5- 

Manila March 5- 

London March 11- 

New York March 11- 

Geneva March 1 1- 

Paris March 12- 

Geneva March 18- 

Berlin March 18- 

Geneva March 23- 

Londou March 25- 

Geneva March 26- 

Geneva March 25- 

Geneva March 28- 

Vienna March 

Montreal March or April 

Poputation Growth, Economic Development, and the United Nations 

Following are two statements made hy Rich- 
ard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Secretar-y for 
International Organization Affairs, in Com- 
inlttee II iyEcononvio and Financial) during 
debate on the item '''■ Population growth and 
economic development" together with the text 
of a resolution adopted in plenary session on 
December 18. 


U.S. delegation press release 4119 

The United States welcomes the initiative of 
the cosponsors of the resolution now before us ^ 
in drawing further attention to the subject of 
population growth and its relation to economic 

' U.N. doc. A/C.2AI.657 and L.709. 

development. This is a subject of transcendent 
importance for the United Nations and all its 

There are today some 3 billion people in the 
world. It required hundreds of thousands of 
years, from the beginning of life on earth to the 
beginning of this century, to reach 1^/^ billion. 
Within the last 60 years we have doubled that 
number. According to United Nations esti- 
mates we will double that number again to 6 
billion by the end of this centui-y. 

It is obvious from these statistics that the 
world's population is not merely growing in 
absolute nmniers. The rate of population 
growth has increased at an extraordinary pace. 
The annual growth rate has doubled from 1 
percent in 1945 — itself an unprecedented high 
in world history — to 2 percent today. It is ex- 



pected to go even liigher. But even if the pres- 
ent rate of growth of world population is main- 
tained at its present level, the numbers we have 
to contemplate are staggering. 

"Whether the growth of world population con- 
tinues at its present rate, whether a reduction 
in that rate is brought about by increases in the 
death rate or decreases in the birth rate, and 
wliether, to reduce the birth rate, measures are 
found which are consistent with the economic, 
cultural, ethical, and religious circumstances 
of the members of the United Nations — these 
are all questions of paramomit importance. 

The resolution before us is entitled "Popula- 
tion Growth and Economic Development." 
The United States agrees with the sponsors of 
this resolution that the impact of population 
growth on economic development and of eco- 
nomic development on population growth is a 
subject deserving of increased attention. Our 
governments are pledged under articles 55 and 
56 of the charter to take joint and separate 
action in cooperation with the United Nations 
for "the creation of conditions of stability and 
well-being which are necessary for peaceful and 
friendly relations among nations" — including 
higher standards of living, full employment, 
and conditions of economic and social progress 
and development; solutions of international 
economic, social, health, and related problems; 
and universal respect for, and observance of, 
human rights and f midamental freedoms for all. 

In the opinion of my Government progi-ess 
toward these high aims of the United Nations 
Charter cannot be measured merely by increases 
in gross national product. The object of eco- 
nomic development is the welfare and dignity 
of the individual human being. "We must con- 
cern ourselves, not with aggregate statistics, but 
with progress made in assuring each person a 
full and satisfactory life — adequate levels of 
personal consmnption, including food and hous- 
ing, health and education, and also satisfaction 
of those political, cultural, and spiritual needs 
that are fundamental to all men. 

If the condition of the individual, and not 
gross statistics, is to be the measure of our 
progress, then it is absolutely essential that v.e 
be concerned with population trends. Popula- 

tion changes are one of the most important 
single factors determining our progress or lack 
of progress toward the Iiigh aims of the United 
Nations Charter. So long as we are concerned 
with the quality of life we have no choice but 
to be concerned with the quantity of life. 

Experience of California 

"We believe tliese statements are true not just 
for some but for all nations. My own country, 
blessed though it is with abundant resources 
and high living standards, recognizes the fim- 
damental importance of the population factor 
in its efforts at economic and social develop- 

"Within the United States our local. State, 
and Federal governments are all devoting at- 
tention to population trends as part of tlieir 
planning for the improvement of individual 
welfare. This is true in areas of great wealth 
as well as in areas less fortunately endowed. 
For example, California, a region which has 
one of the highest living standards in the entire 
world, has been obliged to pay increasing atten- 
tion to population trends. Tlie total population 
of the State, now something over 17 million, 
is increasing at an average annual rate of about 
3.8 percent. It has approximately doubled its 
population every 20 years over the past cen- 
tury. About 60 percent of the present growth 
results from migrations; natural increase adds 
almost 250,000 new residents annually out of 
the total annual growth of about 600,000 

Three aspects of California's rapid popula- 
tion gi'owth are shared with other regions of 
the United States and with other countries of 
the world. First, it involves large-scale inter- 
nal migration — the movement of about a third 
of a million people annually from other parts 
of the Nation — rather than international migra- 
tion. Second, population gains are concentrated 
in the urban areas, which account for about 90 
percent of the growth, so that 86.4 percent of 
the State population was reported as urban in 
the 1960 census. Third, the high growth rate 
has posed many problems for government — the 
need for more schools, highways, and hospitals, 
for example, must be considered iii terms of the 
ability to finance construction and operation — 

JANUARY 7, 1963 


and there must be more jobs to provide em- 
ployment needed to support the new residents. 

Faced with these problems, the State govern- 
ment has turned to the analysis of its current 
population and projected gains as a basis for 
planning its programs for action. It is also 
examining the social and economic implications 
of rapid growth rates in order to employ its 
human and material resources most effectively 
in the future. Because an adequate water sup- 
ply is vital to continued growth, the State is 
engaged in a multibillion-dollar project of 
dams, reservoirs, and canals, the largest State- 
financed water project ever undertaken in the 
United States. A master plan for higher edu- 
cation has been prepared and accepted, and 
planning for highway needs over the next 2 
decades is well advanced. And a comprehen- 
sive study of the economic basis for future 
growth and development is now underway. 

Tlie California experience demonstrates the 
importance of continued study and analysis of 
population growth at every level of economic 
development. The population of the United 
States as a whole is growing at about 1.7 per- 
cent a year — somewhat below the world aver- 
age — with no foreseeable end in siglit. We have 
come to recognize that this growth has both 
advantages and disadvantages and that we can- 
not fail to take account of it in seeking a better 
life for our citizens, specifically in planning for 
such things as medical care, education, conser- 
vation of natural resources, recreation areas, 
public housing, and urban transportation. 

Population Problems of Developing Countries 

Population trends are clearly important for 
high-income countries in the advanced stages 
of economic development. As many speakers 
in this debate have already indicated, popula- 
tion questions may be even more significant 
for countries in an earlier stage of economic 

There are at least two reasons why this is so : 
In the -first place, the rate of population 
growth in a great many less developed countries 
is much higher tlian in developed countries — 
about 70 percent higher on tlie average. In 
many less developed countries the rate of popu- 
lation growth exceeds 3 percent a year. About 

80 percent of the one-half-billion growth in 
world population in the last decade took place 
in the less developed areas. In the years ahead 
the highest rates of growth will continue to be 
in these areas. It is estimated, for example, 
that, if present rates of growth were to continue, 
between now and the year 2000 the population 
of North America would grow from 200 to 300 
million, while the population of South and Mid- 
dle America would grow from some 200 to 600 

This extraordinary differential in the rates 
of growth between more developed and less 
developed countries reflects some important 
differences in historical experience. In the 
countries that are now more developed the effect 
of improved medical and public-health services 
came only gradually over many years, while 
in the case of the newly developing countries 
these services have recently developed very 
rapidly with decisive and overwhelming impact. 
Furthennore, the gradual effect of improved 
health services in the case of more developed 
countries came simultaneously with industriali- 
zation and rapidly rising living standards 
which tended to reduce the birth rate and slow 
the rate of population growth. However, in 
the case of the newly developing countries mod- 
ern medicine and public health have not only 
hit all at once; they have hit before industriali- 
zation and rising living standards have had the 
effect — as has been the case in many countries — 
of reducing the rate of population growth. 

Thus, while all countries are concerned with 
population trends, the population problems of 
the newly developing countries are of a new and 
different order from those encountered now or 
in the past by the more developed countries. 
For there is little immediate prospect that the 
factore which reduced the rate of population 
growth in developed regions such as Europe will 
take effect in the less developed countries in the 
immediate future. 

In the second place, rapid population growth 
is obviously of greater concern to countries in 
an earlier stage of economic development. The 
problem for developed countries is to increase 
already relatively high per capita income levels 
and to devote increasing jjortions of already 
large national savings to services such as medi- 



cal care, health, and housing. But less devel- 
oped countries whose economy is at the 
subsistence level may be able to save little or 
nothing at existing income levels for improve- 
ments in social infrastructure. 

It is all many of the developing countries 
can do to enlai'ge the total economic product 
as fast as the added people. Yet they have 
not merely to provide additional facilities for 
increased population but to create new and ade- 
quate facilities for the existmg population as 

For newly developing countries the problem 
of population growth is not, as some people 
think, the problem of avoiding starvation or 
finding standing room. It is the problem of 
finding sufficient savings after current consump- 
tion needs are met to assure a tolerable rate of 
progress toward modernization and higher 
standards of living based on self-sustaining eco- 
nomic growth. In some of the world's poorest 
areas population increase is outpacing the in- 
crease in gross national product. As a result 
there are no resources available for capital for- 
mation and no increases in living standards. 
The prospect is for more and more people to 
share less and less income. 

Just 1 year ago the General Assembly set as 
its goal for the United Nations Development 
Decade the attainment by 1970 of an annual 
growth rate of 5 percent a year in aggregate 
national income in each of the developing coun- 
tries. The achievement of this goal will re- 
quire enormous efi'orts. It has been estimated 
that in the decade of the 1950's the developing 
countries overall had a growth rate of 3 percent 
a year and a population growth of 2 percent a 
year, with annual per capita increases in income 
of 1 percent a year. Making the generally ac- 
cepted assumption of a capital-output ratio of 
three to one, these countries will have to in- 
crease their savings and investment from 9 to 
15 percent in order to achieve the goals of the 
Development Decade. This is obviously a 
formidable task at present levels of population 

Assuming that the goals of the Development 
Decade are acliieved, prospective increases in 
population will greatly dilute the impact of 
overall increases in income on individual levels 

JANUARY 7, 1963 
670598—6 8 - - 8 

of welfare. For example, gradual progress to- 
ward the 5 percent annual growth goal during 
the Development Decade would by the end of 
this decade increase a $100 per capita income to 
$123 in a country with a 2 percent rate of popu- 
lation growth and to $111 in a country with a 
3 percent rate of population growth. 

Obviously there is much that we do not know 
about the relationship of population trends to 
economic and social development. But from 
an examination of these and other facts one 
conclusion seems inescapable — that in certain 
less developed countries it may be virtually im- 
possible at the present time, even with maximum 
external assistance and maximum self-help, to 
bring about a rate of economic growth which 
will provide the rate of improvement in indi- 
vidual living standards which the counti-y seeks 
to attain and which, more fundamentally, is 
essential to the exercise of the individual's hu- 
man faculties. 

Summary of U.S. Policy 

These are facts which the members of the 
United Nations must take into account in con- 
sidering the subject now before us. Let me 
turn now from these facts to define the policies 
of my Government on this important question. 
I can summarize these policies as follows : 

1. The United States is concerned about the 
social conseqiiences of its own population trends 
and is devoting attention to them. 

2. The United States wants to know more, 
and help others to know more, about population 
trends in less developed countries where present 
levels of population growth may constitute a 
major obstacle to the realization of goals of 
human economic and social development. 

3. The United States would oppose any effort 
to dictate to any country the means to be em- 
ployed in dealing with its population problem. 
The population policy of any country must be 
determined by that country and that country 

4. WTiile the United States will not suggest 
to any other government what its attitudes or 
policies should be as they relate to population 
or the adoption of specific measures in its imple- 
mentation, the United States believes that ob- 
stacles should not be placed in the way of other 


governments which, in the light of their own 
economic needs and cultural and religious val- 
ues, seek solutions to their population problems. 
While we will not advocate any specific policy 
regarding population growth to another coun- 
try, we can help other countries, upon request, 
to find potential sources of information and 
assistance on ways and means of dealing with 
population problems. 

5. The United States believes that there is a 
great need for additional knowledge on popula- 
tion matters. There is a need for more infor- 
mation about the actual size and composition of 
existing populations and about future popula- 
tion trends — and botli private organizations and 
governments as well as international organiza- 
tions can help to provide it. Tliere is a need for 
more facts about alternative methods of family 
planning that are consistent with different eco- 
nomic, social, cultural, and religious circum- 
stances. There is a need for more facts about 
the impact of economic and social development 
on population trends and of population trends 
on economic and social development. 

6. The United States believes that the United 
Nations and its affiliated agencies can have a 
significant role to play in the population field. 
My Government has actively siipported the 
demographic work of the United Nations from 
the very early days of the organization and 
wishes to commend particularly the Popula- 
tion Commission, the Population Branch of the 
Bureau of Social Affairs, the Economic Com- 
mission for Asia and the Far East, the Eco- 
nomic Commission for Latin America, the Eco- 
nomic Commission for Africa, and the Kegional 
Demographic Research and Training Centers 
for their excellent work. It is the hope of the 
United States that these valuable efforts will be 
substantially expanded. 

Role of the United Nations 

Let me close with more specific observations 
about the role of the United Nations. The 
United States believes that member countries 
should be able to obtain from the United Na- 
tions and its agencies such assistance as they 
may need and request in connection with their 
efforts to deal with their population problems. 

We believe that the United Nations should 
focus its efforts on three areas : first, the encour- 
aging and assisting of member governments to 
obtain factual information on the demographic 
aspects of their economic and social develop- 
ment; second; the training of nationals of mem- 
bers for demographic work ; and third, the pro- 
motion of full and responsible discussion of 
population problems. 

In the area of demographic information there 
is much that remains to be done. The demo- 
graphic section of the Secretariat was down- 
graded from a division to a branch in the 
Secretary-General's 1955 reorganization and its 
staff substantially reduced. It is time to con- 
sider whether the resources being devoted to 
this subject in the Secretariat are adequate to 
the needs. We should also consider ways to 
sti-engthen the demographic staffs of the re- 
gional economic commissions. The commissions 
are in a particularly good position to extend 
effective assistance to member governments in 
the context of the problems of particular 

In the field of demographic training much 
more should be done to train nationals of mem- 
ber governments so that they may acquire the 
demographic information on which to base 
sound economic plans. This would include the 
training of people in census taking, in the mak- 
ing of population projections, and in analyzing 
the economic and social consequences of demo- 
graphic statistics. We welcome the establish- 
ment by the United Nations of Eegional Demo- 
graphic Research and Training Centers in 
Bombay, Santiago, and Cairo and would sup- 
port the establishment of further centers if 
they were desired by the countries concerned. 

In the field of discussion the United States 
will continue to play an active role in the work 
of the Population Commission and the regional 
commissions of the United Nations. Moreover 
we look forward with great interest to the Asian 
population conference scheduled for 1963 and 
the world population conference later on. 

With experience in these forms of collab- 
oration, the needs of individual countries and 
the present and potential resources of the 
United Nations would become better known and 
future collaboration more fruitful. 



These, in sum, are the views of the United 
States on popuhvtion growth and economic de- 
velopment. We consider tlie resokition now 
before the committee to be broadly consistent 
with these views. We are, accordingly, pre- 
pared to give it our support. 


U.S. delegation press release 4124 

The United States wishes to explain its af- 
firmative votes on the first and second amend- 
ments submitted by France, Gabon, Lebanon, 
Liberia, and Spain.^ In our view these amend- 
ments did not constitute significant changes in 
the substance of the resolution, and we have 
supported them in the interest of acconunodat- 
ing the views of the widest possible number of 

The United States also mshes to explain its 
abstaining vote on the tliird amendment sub- 
mitted by France, Gabon, Lebanon, Liberia, and 
Spain to delete operative paragraph 6 of the 
resolution on population growth and economic 

In the opinion of the United States, operative 
paragraph 6 does not add or subtract from the 
authority which the United Nations already 
possesses as a result of resolutions of the Gen- 
eral Assembly and of the Economic and Social 
Council concerning the gi'anting of teclmical 
assistance upon request to member nations. In 
our view, the paragraph is therefore super- 

"Wliile the United States believes that the 
authority to lend technical assistance in all as- 
pects of population problems already exists, we 
also believe, as I stated earlier in the general 
debate, that assistance by the United Nations 
should emphasize those three areas in which 
there appears to be broad agreement among 
members, namely, the encouraging and assisting 
of member governments to obtain factual infor- 
mation on the demographic aspects of their 
economic and social development ; the training 
of nationals of members for demographic work ; 
and the promotion of full and responsible dis- 
cussion of population problems. 

It was in the light of these considerations 
that the United States decided to abstain on the 
amendment to delete operative paragraph 6. 

The United States wishes to explain its votes 
on the various parts of operative paragraph 6 
of the resolution. The United States voted for 
the phrase "as well as other aspects" because 
it believes that the United Nations should as- 
sist members who wish help in obtaining basic 
data and carrying out essential studies in all 
aspects of their economic and social develop- 
ment. The United States abstained on the 
phrase "and that the United Nations give tech- 
nical assistance, as requested by governments, 
for national projects and programmes dealing 
with the problems of population" for the same 
reasons it abstained on the amendment to de- 
lete operative paragraph 6. 

The United States voted for the resolution 
as a whole because of the importance we attach 
to the relation between population growth and 
economic development and because we regard 
the resolution as broadly consistent with the 
views of the United States as put forward in 
our intervention during the general debate. 


The General Assemlily, 

Cemsidering that rapid economic and social progress 
in the developing countries is dependent, not the least, 
upon the ability of these countries to provide their 
peoples with education, a fair standard of living and 
the possibility for productive work. 

Considering further that economic and social de- 
velopment and population policies are closely interre- 
lated and may be carried out simultaneously to secure 
maximum benefits. 

Recognizing that the health and welfare of the 
family is of paramount importance, not only for obvi- 
ous humanitarian reasons, but also with regard to 
economic development and social progress, and that the 
health and welfare of the family require special atten- 
tion in areas with a relatively high rate of population 

Recognizing further that It is the responsibility of 

• U.N. doc. A/C.2/L.709/Rev. 2. 
JANXJAKT 7, 1963 

° U.N. doe. A/C.2/L.657, as revised ; adopted in ple- 
nary session on Dec. 18 by a vote of 69 (U.S.) to 0, 
with 27 abstentions. In a separate vote (34 to 34, with 
32 abstentions (U.S.)) the following phrase was de- 
leted at the end of operative paragraph 6: ". . . and 
that the United Nations give technical assistance, as 
requsted by Governments, for national projects and 
programmes dealing with the problems of population." 


each Government to decide Its own policies and devise 
its own programmes of action for dealing with the 
problems of population and economic and social 

Reminding States Members of the United Nations 
and of the specialized agencies that according to recent 
census results the effective population increase during 
the last decade has been particularly high in many 
low-income less developed countries, 

Reminding Member States that in formulating their 
economic and social policies it is useful to talie into 
account the latest relevant facts on the interrelation- 
ship of population growth and economic and social 
development and that the forthcoming World Popu- 
lation Conference and the Asian Population Confer- 
ence might throw new light on the importance of this 
problem, especially for the developing countries, 

Recalling General Assembly resolution 1217 (XII), 
which, inter alia, invites Member States, particularly 
the developing countries, to follow as closely as possi- 
ble the interrelationships existing between economic 
and population changes, and requests the Secretary- 
General to ensure the co-ordination of the activities of 
the United Nations in the demographic and economic 

Recalling Economic and Social Council resolution 
820 (XXXI) which contains provisions aiming at in- 
tensified efforts to ensure international co-operation 
in the evaluation, analysis and utilization of popula- 
tion census results and related data, particularly in the 
less developed countries, and which requests the Sec- 
retary-General to explore the possibilities of increasing 
the amounts of technical assistance funds which may 
be made available for these activities, 

Recognizing that further studies and research are 
necessary to fill the gaps in our knowledge about the 
causes and consequences of demographic trends, par- 
ticularly in the less developed countries. 

Recognizing that removals of large national groups 
to other countries may give rise to ethnical, political, 
emotional and economic difficulties, 

1. Notes with appreciation the report of the Acting 
Secretary-General, entitled "The United Nations De- 

velopment Decade, Proposals for Action" ' which, inter 
alia, refers to the interrelationship between population 
growth and economic and social development; 

2. Expresses its appreciation of the work on popula- 
tion problems which has up to now been carried out 
under the guidance of the Population Commission of 
the Economic and Social Council ; 

3. Requests the Secretary-General to conduct an in- 
quiry among the Governments of States Members of 
the United Nations and of the specialized agencies 
concerning the particular problems confronting them 
as a result of the reciprocal action of economic devel- 
opment and population changes ; 

4. Recommends that the Economic and Social Coun- 
cil in co-operation with the specialized agencies, the 
regional economic commissions and the Population 
Commission, and taking into account the results of the 
inquiry referred to in paragraph 3 above, intensify its 
studies and research on the interrelationship of popu- 
lation growth and economic and social development, 
with particular reference to the needs of the developing 
countries for investment in health and educational 
facilities within the framework of their general de- 
velopment programmes ; 

5. Further recommends that the Economic and So- 
cial Council report on its findings to the General Assem- 
bly not later than at its nineteenth session ; 

6. Endorses the view of the Population Commission' 
that the United Nations should encourage and assist 
the Governments, especially of the less developed coun- 
tries, in obtaining basic data and carrying out essential 
studies of the demographic aspects, as well as other 
aspects, of their economic and social development prob- 

7. Recommends that the second World Population 
Conference pay special attention to the interrelation- 
ships of population growth with economic and social 
development, particularly in countries that are less de- 
veloped, and that efforts be made to obtain the fullest 
possible participation in the Conference by experts 
from such countries. 

' U.N. doc. E/3613. 

' U.N. doc. E/3451, paragraph 15. 



United States Policy on Outer Space 

Following is a statement by Albert Gore, U.S. 
Representative to the General Assembly, regard- 
ing U.S. folicy on outer space, together with the 
text of a resolution adopted unanimously by the 
General Assembly on December H. 


This is Year Six of the Age of Space — the great- 
est era of exploration in the history of man, a 
period of breathtaking discovery with unforesee- 
able consequences for the future of peoples and 
of nations. 

A short 5 years ago it was not known that man 
could survive travel in space ; today we are confi- 
dent that he will arrive safely on the surface of the 
moon within this decade. Five years ago peo- 
ple wondered whether all the effort and cost of 
space exploration would turn out to be worth 
while; today, after nearly 150 successful satellite 
launchings and deep probes into the univei'se, ac- 
tivities in space already are providing practical, 
everyday benefits to mankind. 

Since the outer space item was debated in this 
committee during the 16th General Assembly, just 
1 year ago,^ scientists have made extensive prog- 
ress in the quest for knowledge of the universe : 

— The feasibility of telecommunications between 
continents by artificial satellite has been dramat- 
ically demonstrated. 

— Immediately useful meteorological satellites 
have been placed in space to provide early reports 
of hurricanes, typhoons, and other weather for- 

— There have been successes in orbiting man in 
space, demonstrating his ability to live in a strange 
and incredibly difficult environment. 

— Space probes have been launched toward Ve- 
nus and Mars, with the potential of giving the 
world its first closeup looks at these neighboring 

— New and definitive knowledge of the key 
mechanisms in the relationship of the sun to the 
earth have been obtained through the launching of 
the first orbiting solar observatory and inter- 
planetary probes. 

— The first two international satellites have been 
laimched, providing substantial new information 
on the behavior of the ionosphere, which is so 
critical to our earthly communications and to our 
understanding of the earth's immediate environ- 

Results of Actions of 16th General Assembly 

In the meantime several United Nations organi- 
zations have been engaged in trying to see to it 
that man's conduct in outer space is reasonably 
orderly, surely peaceful, and in the best interest of 
all nations and all peoples. Our actions at the 
16th General Assembly achieved these notable 
results : 

— The United Nations Committee on the Peace- 
ful Uses of Outer Space has been reconstituted 
and has held useful meetings in March ' and again 
in September; 

— The Outer Space Committee has adopted a 
number of recommendations for international co- 
operation in scientific and technical projects ; 

— Legal experts have met to consider legal prob- 
lems arising in the exploration and use of outer 
space ; * 

— The World Meteorological Organization has 

'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Dec. 
3 (U.S. delegation press release 4111). 
• Bulletin of Jan. 29, 1962, p. 180. 

' For a statement made by U.S. Representative Francis 
T. P. Plimpton before the opening session of the Commit- 
tee on Mar. 19, see iUd., May 14, 1962, p. 809. 

* For an address by Richard N. Gardner on "Extending 
Law Into Outer Space," see ihid., Apr. 9, 1962, p. 586. 

JANUAET 7, 1963 


submitted proposals to strengthen weather serv- 
ices and meteorological research in the light of the 
demonstrated value of weather satellites; 

— The International Telecommunication Union 
is preparing to consider aspects of space communi- 
cations which require international cooperation 
and will hold an important meeting on frequency 
allocation next fall ; and 

— These and other specialized agencies are con- 
sidering the implications for their work of the on- 
rushing science of space. 

In March tlie Committee established a Scientific 
and Technical Subcommittee and a Legal Sub- 
conmiittee, which met in Geneva in the early sum- 
mer. The Technical Subcommittee, with com- 
mendable dispatch, agreed on a number of 
specific proposals including one for sponsorship 
by the United Nations of international sounding 
rocket facilities, and the full Committee has en- 
dorsed its report to the General Assembly, which 
we shall consider a bit later on. The Legal Sub- 
committee, however, was unable to reach an agree- 
ment, although discussions revealed a consensus 
on several important questions. 

At the ]\farch meetings of the parent Commit- 
tee in New York, there had been a wide measure 
of agreement on the need for an international 
agreement covering liability for space-vehicle 
accidents and on the desirability of measures to 
facilitate rescue and return of astronauts and 
space vehicles. These questions were the subject 
of thorough discussion at Geneva. The main dif- 
ficulty in the Legal Subcommittee was that the 
Soviet Union was unwilling to consider these 
questions in the absence of agi-eement by the sub- 
conunittee to go forward with the Soviet draft 
declaration of general principles." 

The United States, for its part, recalled that the 
General Assembly had recently adopted an ex- 
tremely important statement of principles on the 
law of outer space and felt that the Legal Subcom- 
mittee would be well advised to move aliead on 
some specific legal problems already identified in 
man's new adventures into space. 

Let me underscore the fundamental and far- 
reaching nature of the declaration of principles 
which was voted unanimously by the General As- 
sembly in December 1961.® First, the Assembly 
confirmed that international law, including the 
Charter of the United Nations, governs the rela- 


tions of states in outer space. Thus the obliga- 
tion to "refrain . . . from the threat or use of 
force against the territorial integrity or political 
independence of any state, or in any other manner 
inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Na- 
tions" applies without any possible equivocation 
to conduct in outer space. 

The General Assembly went further. In the 
same resolution it proclaimed another guiding 
principle — that outer space and celestial bodies 
are not subject to national appropriation, that is, 
there will be no empire-building in outer space — 
and that outer space is free and open for explora- 
tion and use by all in accordance with interna- 
tional law. 

These principles adopted by the General As- 
sembly last year have seemed to us an excellent 
start on a working statement to guide man's ac- 
tivities and behavior in outer space. At the same 
time the United States has made clear, both at 
Geneva and at the September session of the full 
Outer Space Committee, our readiness and inter- 
est in working to develop further principles. We 
would hope that work could proceed and progress 
be recorded contemporaneously on general princi- 
ples and solutions to specific legal problems. 

We have been impressed by the thoughtful and 
constructive ideas set forth in the draft on general 
principles which was presented at the meeting of 
the full Committee in September by the United 
Arab Republic.'' In an effort to make a further 
contribution to the development of sound prin- 
ciples, the United States has also prepared a draft 
declaration * which my delegation will submit 
during the debate. 

Development of Law for Outer Space 

The development of law for outer space requires 
more than the formulation of general principles, 
and it requires more than the conclusion of agree- 
ments on specific problems, such as liability, and 
rescue and return. It requires the constructing 
of adequate assurance that the exploration and use 
of outer space will be for peaceful purposes. I 

"For text, see U.N. doc. A/5181(annex III, A). 
'For text of Resolution 1721 (XVI), see Bulletin of 
Jan. 29, 1962, p. 185. 
' U.N. doc. A/5181 (annex III, E). 
' U.N. doc. A/C.1/8S1. 




should like to state quite explicitly the views of 
my Government on the most pressing aspects of 
this problem. 

It is the view of the United States that outer 
space should only be used for peaceful — that is, 
nonaggressive and beneficial — purposes. The 
question of military activities in space cannot be 
divorced from the question of military activities 
on earth. To banish these activities in both en- 
vironments we must continue our efforts for gen- 
eral and complete disarmament. Until this is 
achieved the test of any space activity must not 
be whether it is military or nonmilitary but 
whether or not it is consistent with the United 
Nations Charter and other obligations of inter- 
national law. 

There is, in any event, no workable dividing line 
between military and nonmilitary uses of space. 
American and Russian astronauts are members of 
the Armed Forces, but this is no reason to chal- 
lenge their activities. A navigational satellite in 
•outer space can guide a submarine as well as a 
merchant ship. The instruments which guide a 
space vehicle on a scientific mission may also guide 
a space vehicle on a military mission. 

One of the consequences of these facts is that 
any nation may use space satellites for such pur- 
poses as observation and information gathering. 
Observation from space is consistent with inter- 
national law, just as is observation from the high 
seas. Moreover, it serves many useful purposes. 
Observation satellites can measure solar and stel- 
lar radiation and observe the atmosphere and sur- 
faces of other planets. They can observe cloud 
formations and weather conditions. They can 
observe the earth and add to the science of geodesy. 

Observation satellites obviously have military as 
well as scientific and commercial applications. 
But this can provide no basis for objection to 
observation satellites. With malice toward none, 
science has decreed that we are to live in an in- 
creasingly open world, like it or not, and openness 
can only serve the cause of peace. The United 
States, like every other nation represented here, 
is determined to pursue every nonaggressive step 
which it considers necessary to protect its national 
security and the security of its friends and allies, 
until that day arrives when such precautions are 
no longer necessary. 

As I have said, we cannot banish all military 

activities in space until we banish them on earth. 
This does not mean, however, that no measures of 
arms control and disarmament in space can be 
undertaken now. On the contrary, the United 
States believes that certain things can be done 
immediately to prevent an expansion of the arms 
race into space. 

In the first place, it is the policy of the United 
States to bring to a halt the testing of nuclear 
weapons in outer space. In addition to proposing 
a comprehensive treaty banning all nuclear 
weapons tests in all environments with only that 
amount of international inspection necessary to 
insure compliance, the United States has also of- 
fered a treaty banning testing under water, in 
the atmosphere, and in outer space with no inter- 
national inspection." Thus the testing of nuclear 
devices in space can be banned at any hour the 
Soviet Union agrees to do so. 

In the second place, even though it is now feasi- 
ble the United States has no mtention of placing 
weapons of mass destruction in orbit unless com- 
pelled to do so by actions of the Soviet Union. 
The draft treaty for general and complete dis- 
armament,i° proposed by the United States and 
now before the conference in Geneva, includes a 
provision against the placing of weapons of mass 
destruction into orbit during the first stage of the 
disarmament process. Nonetheless, while the dif- 
ficult negotiations continue for the actual elimina- 
tion of nuclear weapons and the means of deliver- 
ing them, it is especially important that we do 
everything now that can be done to avoid an arms 
race in outer space — for certainly it should be eas- 
ier to agree not to arm a part of the environment 
that has never been armed than to disarm parts 
that have been armed. We earnestly hope that 
the Soviet Union will likewise refrain from taking 
steps which will extend the arms race into outer 

Outer space is not a new subject; it is just a 
new place in which all the old subjects come up. 
The things that go on in space are intimately re- 
lated to the things that go on here on earth. It 
would be naive to suppose that we can insulate 

° For texts of draft treaties, see Bulletin of Sept. 17, 
1962, p. 411. 

"" For test of a U.S. outline of basic provisions of a 
treaty on general and complete disarmament, see iMd., 
May 7, 1962, p. 747. 

JAKTJART 7, 1963 


outer space from other aspects of human existence. 
Some limited measures of arms control, as I 
noted earlier, may be achieved. But the key to 
the survival of manlvind lies in the progress which 
we make toward disarmament on earth as well 
as in space. It is with this fact in mind that the 
United States has advanced three proposals for 
reducing world armaments: a draft outline of 
basic provisions of a treaty for general and com- 
plete disannament; a draft treaty to ban all nu- 
clear testing in all environments with a minimal 
amoimt of international inspection; and a draft 
treaty to ban all testing under water, in the atmos- 
phere, and in outer space withoiit any inspection 
at all. Progress on these proposals would provide 
the greatest single contribution we could make to 
law and order in outer space. 

Policy Regarding Space Experiments 

Permit me, Mr. Chairman, to turn now to some 
other aspects of United States policy which are 
particularly relevant to our work in tliis com- 

The United States believes that nations which 
conduct activities in outer space should take all 
I'easonable steps to avoid experiments or other ac- 
tivities which seriously threaten to deny or to 
limit the use of outer space to other nations. This 
is consistent witli well-established principles of in- 
ternational law. We encourage prior international 
discussion concerning experimental activities in 
space wliich may liave undesirable effects, and we 
are prepared in tlie future, as in the past, to con- 
sult with scientists of other coiuitries as well as 
United States scientists wherever practicable and 
consistent with our national security. 

The problems of possible harmful effects of 
space experiments are difficult at best. They must 
be studied by competent and objective scientific 
bodies. To this end we welcome the creation of a 
consultative group for this purpose by the 
international Committee on Space Research, 
COSPAR. The United States will continue to 
conduct its space program with a high sense of 
responsibility in tliis respect, making available to 
the world scientific community, both before and 
after the experiments wliich it conducts, as much 
scientific data as is possible. We trust that other 
nations will do the same. 


Cooperative Aspects of U.S. Space Program 

It is a keystone of United States policy that its 
space program should be as open and cooperative 
as possible. We report all launchings to the 
United Nations. We make an extensive and fac- 
tual repoi-t on our si^ace program and plans to 
COSPAR every year. Tliis past September we 
submitted an additional report on our national 
space program to the United Nations Committee 
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, which has 
since been circulated in a U.N. document.^^ Early 
this year we invited members of that Committee 
to visit our launching site at Cape Canaveral, and 
nearly all of them accepted. Major Titov came 
here and inspected Colonel Glenn's spaceship. So 
much for the openness with which my country 
conducts our space program — open so that, in the 
words of General Assembly Resolution 1721 
(XVI). the exploration and use of outer space 
shall be "to the benefit of States irrespective of the 
stage of their economic or scientific development.'' 

As for the cooperative aspect, it was at the 12th 
General Assembly in 1957 — the opening year of 
the Space Age — that the United States first pro- 
posed a United Nations role in cooperative and 
peaceful development of outer space. Ever since, 
the United States has initiated or supported with- 
in this Assembly and other United Nations bodies 
all proposals for international cooperation in outer 
space and for making the United Nations the 
focal point for encouragement of such common 

Meanwhile our national progi-am has been de- 
veloped with as great a degree of international 
cooperation as other nations have been in a posi- 
tion to undertake. It has been forthcoming to a 
striking degree. Five years ago the Soviet Union 
and the United States were virtually alone in the 
fields of space research and development. Todaj' 
more than 50 nations are associated with the 
United States on one or another aspect of this 
work. There are over two dozen space-tracking 
and data-acquisition stations in 19 separate polit- 
ical areas in support of United States scientific 
programs, the majority operated wholly or in part 
by technicians of the host countries. Scientists of 
44 nations are working with NASA [National 
Aeronautics and Space Administration] in 

" U.N. doc. A/AC. 105/7. 


ground-based research projects in meteorology, 
communications, and otlier space sciences, directly 
utilizing United States satellites. Thirteen na- 

Itions are engaged with us in actual flight projects 
in which experiments, jointly determined by the 
scientists of both countries, are sent into space 

[either on vertical sovmding rockets or in earth 
satellites. The recently launched Canadian Alou- 
ette satellite and the United Kingdom's Ariel are 
conspicuous examples of such cooperation. These 
have all been truly cooperative experiments, the 
results of which are open to all. Finally, fellow- 
ships have been established to assist those newly 
and seriously interested in the theoretical and ex- 
perimental aspects of space research. 

Mr. Chairman, it is the firm policy of my Gov- 
ernment to cooperate with all nations of good will 
on all problems and opportunities. This is a nor- 
mal consequence of our kind of society ; and it is, 
of course, as much to our advantage as it is to the 
advantage of nations willing and able to cooper- 
ate with us. But the problems and opportunities 
of outer space are such as almost to compel inter- 
national cooperation. Outer space is not only be- 
yond the reach of sovereign claims by our 
decisions; it is universal in nature. It is an in- 
triguing thought that we may be on the threshold 
of an epoch in which science will batter down the 
political obstacles to international cooperation; 
that it will force us to cooperate increasingly for 
the down-to-earth reason that this is the only way 
to live sanely, or perhaps to live at all, in the Age 

I of Space. 

Global Communication Satellite System 

There are two uses of outer space where inter- 
dependence calls for early cooperation and where 
cooperation can yield practical dividends to all. 

The United States wishes to take part in a truly 
universal system of space commimications and a 
truly universal system of weather reporting and 
forecasting — both using satellites in outer space. 
Both of these exciting prospects are close at hand. 
Many of the problems already have been solved. 
Teclinology in these fields is advancing rapidly. 
The need for international agreements and inter- 
national action is pressing in upon us. 

Just 6 months ago the world's first active com- 

jmunications satellite was launched from Cape 

Canaveral. Early in July of this year transatlan- 

tic television was ushered in, when cooperating 
ground stations in Brittany and in Cornwall 
picked up telecasts originating in the United 
States. Telstar, an experimental satellite, was 
given an extraordinary range of assignments. In 
some 400 demonstrations it transmitted telephone 
calls, telegrams, radiophotographs, radiofacsimi- 
les, and 47 transatlantic telecasts originating in 
Europe and the United States. These latter, 
among other things, have permitted viewers in 
Europe to see and hear, simultaneously with their 
occurrence, special-event programs at the United 
Nations. The world has glimpsed some of the 
excitement and wonder of tliis, and we can all 
imagine the potential benefits for education, for 
the free exchange of ideas among people of the 
world, and for international understanding. 

Within the next month the United States will 
launch Kelay, a second type of repeater communi- 
cations satellite, which will bring Latin America 
as well as Europe into the constellation of space- 
linked continents ; and very soon we will laimch a 
third — Syncom — which will, in effect, remain fixed 
above a given point on earth. Syncom will orbit 
22,300 miles above the earth, and at that distance 
its speed will be synchronized with the turning of 
the earth. 

Although much research and development re- 
main to be done, the United States intends to press 
forward as rapidly as possible toward the estab- 
lishment of an operational system of global satel- 
lite communications. The United States has 
authorized by legislation the establishment of a 
communication satellite corporation, private in 
character, but subject to governmental regula- 
tion.^- It is intended that this corporation be the 
United States participant in an international sys- 
tem. The United States, of course, will be respon- 
sible for the close supervision of the broad policies 
of the corporation in its international activities. 

We hope to see established a single international 
system for commercial use based on the principle 
of nondiscriminatory access. There are impres- 
sive reasons — economic, political, and technical — 
why a single system is to be preferred to several 
competing systems. A single system would avoid 
wasteful duplication of scarce resources and also 

" For a statement made by President Kennedy upon the 
signing of the Communications Satellite Act of 1962, see 
Bui-LETiN of Sept. 24, 1962, p. 467. 

JANUARY 7, 1963 


avoid destructive political competition. It would 
facilitate technical compatibility between satellites 
and ground terminals and would maximize opera- 
tional efficiency. It would assure the best use of 
the frequency spectrum. 

If we are to achieve the objectives of a single 
commercial system, it should be a truly interna- 
tional venture open to all countries. In view of 
the importance of communications to all states, 
many will want to own and operate their own 
ground stations. Some may want to participate in 
ownership of the satellites themselves. 

What we propose, then, is a single global satel- 
lite communications system for commercial pur- 
poses, with wide participation in ownership and 
management, and operated so as to realize eco- 
nomic and political benefits to all nations. 

We realize there are many problems which must 
be solved and many obstacles overcome before such 
a system can be made operational. Even so we are 
confident that success is possible. This confidence 
is encouraged by the example of Eurovision, in 
which 18 Western European nations joined forces 
to erase communication barriers and thus to enable 
some 100 million Europeans to receive telecasts 
originating in any of these 18 nations. Eurovision 
was no mean accomplishment, and the United 
States pays tribute to those who solved the difficult 
problems of language, varied technical standards, 
and political differences. 

In moving forward toward a global communi- 
cation satellite system, we can learn from this 
European experience and from the experiences in 
international cooperation in earthbound communi- 
cations. Communicating from space, however, 
will pose new problems toward the solution of 
which there is little experience to draw upon. We 
must cut through the underbrush of technical 
problems, and we must reach agreement on the 
political plane. Decisions will have to be made as 
to the type of satellite, or combination of satellites, 
to be used — that is, the choice of satellite system — 
on participation in, and ownership of, the satellites 
and ground terminals, on the allocation of radio 
channels between uses and users, on technical 
standardization, and on assistance to less developed 
countries so that they too may be able to take ad- 
vantage of this new medium of international 

Clearly, Mr. Chairman, the Extraordinary Ad- 

ministrative Radio Conference, to be convened in 
October of next year by the International Tele- 
communication Union, now takes on added im- 
portance. This conference will make allocations 
of radio frequencies for space communications. 
Unless ample space in the precious frequency spec- 
trum is made available, there can be no fully 
global space commimication system. 

The allocation of radio frequencies is but one of 
many problems which will have to be solved 
through international agreement to clear the way 
for communications satellites. In recognition of 
this fact the General Assembly in Resolution 1721 
invited the ITU to consider at the 1963 conference 
other aspects of space communications in which 
international cooperation will be required. 

To prepare for the 1963 conference the ITU has 
asked members by the end of 1962 to submit infor- 
mation on three matters : their present programs 
with respect to the development of space conrniU' 
nications; the subjects they regard as appropriate" 
for international cooperation in order to achieves 
global space communications ; and which of those 
subjects, if any, they believe should be included 
on the conference agenda. The Secretary General 
of the ITU will prepare a report for the guidance 
of member states on the basis of these repliesi 

Meteorological Satellites 

The report of the U.N. Outer Space Commit- 
tee ^^ recommends, inter alia, that member statea 
and the specialized agencies concerned support 
improvement of the worldwide system for the dis* 
tribution of meteorological information in antici- 
pation of the availability of meteorological data 
from satellites. The United States warmly en- 
dorses this recommendation. The United States 
weather satellite program, as you know, has been 
operational for some time. In fact six satellites ol 
the Tiros family have been orbited since early 1960 
and they have sent back highly useful data or 
atmospheric phenomena. Two of them are doing 
this today. These data have been made available: 
to the entire world in radioteletype and radiofac- 
simile broadcasts. Special advisory bulletins have! 
been radioed to alert countries likely to be affected 
by special meteorological events, including tropi-, 
cal storms. Upward of 170,000 photographs ol; 

' U.N. doc. A/5181. 




cloud conditions have assisted substantially in im- 
proving weather reporting and forecasting. Con- 
ventional meteorological observation can supply 
weather uiformation covering less than one-fifth 
of the earth's surface. Meteorological satellites 
ix'ive promise in time of being able to supply such 
data on all of the earth's regions. 

Year in and year out, tropical storms of hurri- 
I cane intensity have devastated the coasts of many 
comitries, including Australia, Japan, India, Pak- 
istan, and the Americas, often v^ith little or no 
advance warning. Few nations can afford the cost 
of maintaining weather stations on the high seas. 
The Tiros satellites have already helped to fill this 
gap. In 1961 Tiros III iihotographed 20 tropical 
storms and gave the first warning of hurricane 
Esther, sighted in the South Atlantic. In 1962 
Tiros V and VI have photographed at least 16 
tropical storms. In the case of 10 of these storms 
tlie information relayed from the satellite was re- 
ceived prior to any information received by the 
U.S. National Meteorological Center through con- 
ventional weather observation services. This is, 
we believe, a striking example of the value of 
meteorological satellites. Their utility would be 
materially enhanced by improvements in facilities 
for disseminating the data which they are able to 

General Assembly Eesolution 1721 requested the 
World Meteorological Organization to prepare a 
report on appropriate organizational and financial 
arrangements to advance the state of meteorolog- 
ical science and technology and to expand existing 
weather forecasting capabilities in the light of 
developments in outer space. The WMO invited 
an American and a Soviet national to help in the 
preparation of the report. Tlie late Dr. Harry 
Wexler, then Director of Meteorological Eesearch 
of the United States Weather Bureau, and Dr. V. 
A. Bugaev, Director of the Central Weather Fore- 
casting Institute of the Soviet Union, produced a 
draft which, after consultation with experts from 
other countries, was approved by the "WlIO Ex- 
ecutive Committee in June. Here is an example 
of cooperation by representatives of the two lead- 
ing space powers in a field of prime interest to all 
the world. The "WMO report," a comprehensive 
document, makes recommendations for the devel- 
opment of an internationally coordinated plan for 

' U.N. doc. E/.Sfifi2. 

the use of meteorological satellites, for the estab- 
lisloment of a World Weather Watch as an inter- 
national weather observation and prediction 
system, for the expansion of weather observation 
facilities particularly in the equatorial zone, and 
for the improvement of telecommunication net- 
works for the rapid exchange of meteorological 
data obtained both from satellites and by conven- 
tional means. 

The WMO will hold a Congress in April of next 
year to consider these and other proposals in the 
report. The United States does not believe that 
we in the General Assembly should at this time 
attempt to pass on the merits of these proposals. 
However, it is clear that meteorological services 
should be strengthened so that they may be tech- 
nically capable of processing weather data from 
satellites. It is also clear that research in atmos- 
pheric sciences should be expanded to extend our 
knowledge of the physical processes that determine 
day-to-day weather conditions and influence long- 
tenn climate trends. The WMO should be en- 
couraged to continue its work in both these fields. 
The United States hopes that member states wish- 
ing to take advantage of meteorological data from 
satellites will strengthen their internal weather ob- 
servation and forecasting services. In this con- 
nection U.N. agencies in the technical and financial 
assistance field can be helpful by giving sympa- 
thetic consideration to requests from member 
states to supplement their resources for strength- 
ening their networks of meteorological observation. 

In the coming year the United States expects 
to launch an advanced type of meteorological sat- 
ellite which we call Nimbus. As with Tiros, the 
data from this satellite will be received by a pair 
of complex and expensive receiving stations on 
the North American Continent, and the results 
will be transmitted over the entire globe. In ad- 
dition, research and development now underway 
gives us reason to hope that, with relatively inex- 
pensive radio receivers, readout of weather data 
directly from this satellite for local regions will 
be possible. Thus any nation with this inexpensive 
equipment would have direct access to regional 
meteorological information developed by the satel- 
lite — information which would materially im- 
prove its iimnediate weather forecasting capabil- 
ities. Limited experimental testing of this system 
may be initiated next year. 


So, Mr. Chairman, United States policy on 
outer space is : 

— to be guided by the general principles already 
laid down by the United Nations for the establish- 
ment of a regime of law in outer space and to 
negotiate an extension of those principles by inter- 
national agreement ; 

— to conclude a treaty banning immediately the 
testing of any more nuclear weapons in outer 
space ; 

— to preclude the f)lacing in orbit of weapons 
of mass destruction ; 

— to take all reasonable and practicable steps, 
including consultation with the world scientific 
community, to avoid space experiments with 
harmful effects; 

— to conduct a program which is as open as our 
security needs will permit and as cooperative as 
others are willing to make it ; 

— to press forward with the establishment of 
an integrated global satellite communication sys- 
tem for commercial needs and a cooperative 
weather satellite system, both with broad interna- 
tional participation. 

In more general terms. United States policy 
and United States programs for outer space are 
peaceful in intent, cooperative in practice, and 
beneficial in action. In this hopeful but danger- 
ous world we must and we shall continue to look 
to our own security in outer space as elsewhere; 
but we shall strive earnestly and hopefully in 
outer space as elsewhere to lessen the dangers, to 
achieve order vmder law, and to secure the peace 
and welfare of all. Yes, Mr. Chairman, we shall 
work to make this great Age of Space — in its 6th, 
its 16th, or its 60th year — the age in which man at 
last escaped from his sectarian earthly quarrels 
and went forth to create his universal destiny — 
an open and cooperative system of world order. 


The General Assemhh/, 

RecalUng resolution 1721 (XVI) on international co- 
operation in the peaceful uses of outer space, 

Believing that the activities of States in the explora- 
tion and use of outer space should be carried out in con- 
formity with international law including the Charter of 

the United Nations, in the interest of friendly relations 
among nations, 

Stressing the necessity of the progressive development 
of international law pertaining to the further elaboration 
of basic legal principles governing the activities of States 
in the exploration and use of outer space and to liability 
for space vehicle accidents and to assistance to and re- 
turn of astronauts and space vehicles and to other legal 

Bearing in mind that the application of scientific and 
technological advances in outer space, particularly in the 
fields of meteorology and communications, can bring great 
advantages to mankind and contribute to the economic 
and social progress of the developing countries as en- 
visaged in the United Nations Development Decade, 

Earing considered the report of the Committee on the 
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space made in response to resolu- 
tion 1721 (XVI), 


1. Notes with regret that the United Nations Com- 
mittee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space has not yet 
made recommendations on legal questions connected with 
the peaceful uses of outer space ; 

2. Calls upon all Member States to co-operate In the 
further development of law for outer space ; 

3. Requests the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space to continue urgently its work on the fur- 
ther elaboration of basic legal principles governing the 
activities of States in the exploration and use of outer 
space and on liability for space vehicle accidents and on 
assistance to and return of astronauts and space vehicles 
and on other legal problems ; 

4. Refers to the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space as a basis for this work all proposals which 
have been made thus far, including the Draft declara- 
tion of the basic principles governing the activities of 
States pertaining to the exploration and use of outer 
space," submitted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics ; the Draft international agreement on the rescue 
of astronauts and spaceships making emergency land- 
ings," submitted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub- 
lics ; the Draft proposal on assistance to and return of 
space vehicles and personnel." submitted by the United' 
States of America ; the Draft proposal on liability for 
space vehicle accidents," submitted by the United States 
of America : the Draft code for international co-operation 
in the peaceful uses of outer space," submitted by the 
United Arab Republic : the Draft declaration of basic 
principles governing the activities of States pertaining 
to the exploration and use of outer space," submitted by 
the United Kingdom ; the Draft declaration of principles 
relating to the exploration and use of outer space," sub- 
mitted by the United States of America ; and all other 
proposals and documents presented to the General As- 
sembly during its debates on this agenda item and the 
records of those debates. 

"U.N. doc. A/C.l/L..320/Rev.l; adopted unanimously 
in plenary session on Dec. 14. 


"For texts, see U.N. doc. A/5181 (annex III, A-E). 
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/879. 
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/881. 


1. Eitdorsc-'i the recommendations set forth in the report 
couceriiing the exchange of information : 

L'. Notes with appreciation that a number of Member 
States have already, on a voluntary basis, provided in- 
forniation on their national space programmes, and urges 
other States and regional and international organizations 
to do so ; 

3. Urges all Member States and appropriate specialized 
agencies to give wholehearted and effective support to 
the international programmes mentioned in the report, 
and already under way, including the International Year 
of the Quiet Sun and the World Magnetic Survey: 

4. Notes that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space considers that the creation and use of sound- 
ing rocket launching facilities under United Nations 
spiinsorship would contribute to the achievement of the 
objectives of General Assembly resolution 1721 (XVI) 
by furthering international collaboration in space research 
and the advancement of human knowledge, and by pro- 
viding opixirtunity for valuable practical training for 
interested users : 

5. Notes the recommendation that Member States con- 
sider the establishment under United Nations sponsorship 
of a sounding rocket facility, or facilities, on the geomag- 
netic equator in time for the International Year of the 
Quiet Sun ; 

6. Endorses the basic principles suggested by the Com- 
mittee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space for the oper- 
ation of such facilities under United Nations sponsorship ; 

7. Affirms that such facilities when established and 
operated in accordance with these principles shall, upon 
request of the host Member State, be eligible for United 
Nations sponsorship. 


1. Notes with appreciation the prompt initial response 
of the World Meteorological Organization to the request 
of the General Assembly, as embodied in resolution 1721 
(XVI), that it report on a programme to advance atmos- 
pheric science research and to develop improved weather 
forecasting capabilities in the light of developments in 
outer space ; 

2. Calls on Member States to strengthen weather fore- 
casting services and to encourage their scientific com- 
munities to co-operate in the expansion of atmospheric 
science research ; 

3. Recommends that the World Meteorological Organ- 
ization, in consultation with other United Nations agencies 
and governmental and non-governmental organizations, 
develop in greater detail its plan for an expanded pro- 
gramme to strengthen meteorological services and re- 
search, placing particular emphasis upon the use of me- 
teorological satellites and the expansion of training and 
educational opportunities in these fields ; 

4. Inriles the International Council of Scientific Unions 
through its member unions and national academies to 
develop an expanded programme of atmospheric science 
researcli which will complement the programmes fostered 
by the World Meteorological Organization ; 

5. Invites United Nations agencies concerned with the 
granting of technical and financial assistance, in consulta- 
tion with the World Meteorological Organization, to give 
sympathetic consideration to requests from Member States 
for technical and financial assistance to supplement their 
own resources for these activities including the improve- 
ment of meteorological networks ; 

6. Bequests the World Meteorological Organization, fol- 
lowing its Congress in April 1963, to reiwrt to the Com- 
mittee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space and to the 
Economic and Social Council at its thirty-sixth session 
on steps taken relating to these activities. 


1. Notes with appreciation the prompt initial response 
of the International Telecommunication Union to the re- 
quest of the General Assembly, as embodied in resolution 
1721 (XVI), that it report on those aspects of space com- 
munications in which international co-operation will be 
required ; 

2. Believes that communication by satellite offers great 
benefits to mankind as it will permit the expansion of 
radio, telephone and television transmissions, including 
the broadcast of United Nations activities, thus facilitat- 
ing contact among the peoples of the world ; 

3. Emphasizes the importance of international co-opera- 
tion to achieve effective satellite communications which 
will be available on a world-wide basis ; 

4. Observes that the Secretary-General of the Inter- 
national Telecommunication Union has invited Member 
States to submit information on: (a) technical progress 
and developments in .space telecommunications: (b) sub- 
jects which they regard as appropriate for international 
co-operation in order to achieve the objectives set forth 
in General Assembly resolution 1721 (XVI) Part D: and 
(c) which of those subjects, if any, should be included on 
the agenda of the Extraordinary Administrative Radio 
Conference to be held in October 1963 : 

5. Notes that the Secretary-General of the Interna- 
tional Telecommunication Union in the light of the re- 
plies will report on questions to the next meeting of 
its Administrative Council in March 1963 in order that 
the Council may complete the agenda for this Conference ; 

6. Considers it of utmost importance that this Confer- 
ence make allocations of radio frequency bands sufficient 
to meet expected outer space needs ; 

7. Requests the International Telecommunication Union 
to report to the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful 
Uses of Outer Space and to the Economic and Social 
Council at its thirty-sixth session on progress made relat- 
ing to its outer space activities. 

JANUARY 7, 19 63 


U.N. General Assembly Adopts Two Resolutions 
on Financing of Peacekeeping Operations 

Following is a statement hy Philip M. Klutz- 
nick, U.S. Representative to the General Assem- 
bly., made in Committee V {Administrative and 
Budgetary) on December 3, together with the text 
of two resolutions adopted on December 19. 


U.S. delegation press release 4112 

On November 30th, in a simple, but moving, 
ceremony, U Thant was unanimously elected Sec- 
retary-Genei'al.^ In an acceptance statement 
which reflected the qualities of humility, sincer- 
ity, and serenity which have been the hallmarks 
of his service, the Secretai-y-General referred to 
the problem of the Congo in these words : 

The problem remains unsolved in spite of the best ef- 
forts of all concerned. As a consequence, the financial 
problem of the Organization also remains unsolved. Both 
these problems must, however, be solved, and soon, if 
the usefulness of the Organization for the future is not to 
be seriously affected. And today I appeal anew to all 
Member Governments, who have come to value the use- 
fulness of the Organization, to assist in solving these 
long-standing issues. 

It is in direct response to this earnest appeal, 
and in the same spirit, that we approach the con- 
sideration of the item to which we address our- 
selves this day. Elsewhere and in other hands 
rest the political and military aspects of this mat- 
ter; but only here, in this committee, can steps be 
taken in response to the urgent challenge of the 
financial problem of the organization which has 
grown out of the events in the Congo. This is a 
weighty responsibility which has a difficult and 
contentious history; yet, with deliberation and 
statesmanship, we have, in the light of experience, 
the opportunity to make significant progress. My 

^ For a statement by Adlai E. Stevenson in plenary ses- 
sion on Nov. 30, see Bulletin of Dec. 17, 1962, p. 929. 


delegation realizes that even now there are differ- 
ences of opinion as to means and methods. But 
we approach the current situation with the hope 
that we can find in this arena a unanimous willing- 
ness to forgo the polemics that so frequently char- 
acterized the discussions of the past and together 
help mold a program which will give the Secre- 
tary-General the measure of support and assurance 
that he so richly merits and rightly requests. 

When the Legal Adviser of the Department of 
State [Abram Chayes] was privileged to address 
the International Court of Justice on the case of I 
Certain Expenses of the United Nations^ he de- j 
clared that: "In the view of the Government of 
the United States, no more important question has 
ever been before the International Court." Cor- 
respondingly, few more important questions have 
ever been before this committee. The issue before 
us raises questions of a fundamental character: 
the role and the rule of international law; the 
standing of the International Court of Justice and 
the relation of this Assembly to that Court; the 
ability of the United Nations to keep the peace; 
and the financial integrity of this organization — 
with all it implies for the continued existence and 
effectiveness of the United Nations. 

The obligations of members, under the Charter 
of the United Nations, in respect of the expenses of 
UNEF [United Nations Emergency Force] and 
ONUC [United Nations Operation in the Congo] 
has in the past given rise to dispute in this com- 
mittee. The character of these obligations like- 
wise gave rise to dispute in the Working Group f)f 
Fifteen. That group wisely decided that, before 
the question of financing could be defined, the 
prior question of legal obligation — a question of 
law — needed to be settled through legal proceed- 
ings. It recommended that the General Assemblv 

' IMd., July 2, 1962, p. 30. 



H't>k an advisory opinion from the International 
\mrt of Justice. That this Assembly decided to 

That decision was equally wise. "Where there 
s a legitimate question about the obligations of 
lunnbers of the United Nations, and about the 
ililigations of the United Nations to its members, 
md where that question has led to controversy 
imong us, it is highly desirable and highly im- 
wrtant that that doubt be dealt with through 
judicial means. The charter provides that "the 
n-incipal judicial organ of the United Nations" 
s the International Court of Justice. It further 
uovides tliat the General Assembly may request 
he International Court of Justice "to give an ad- 
■isorj' opinion on any legal question." This As- 
sembly did request an opinion ; and it is that opin- 
nn that is before us today.'' 

My delegation is pleased that there is before us 
m opinion of the Court. We are no less pleased 
hat this vital question was presented to the Court 
ictively and with deep conviction by those liold- 
ug differing views. This was not a p7'o forma 
)roceeding. A score of governments presented 
vritten statements to the Court. Nine member 
tates participated in the Court's oral argument, 
imong them a distinguished representative of the 
soviet Union. This marked the first time tliat 
ho Soviet Union has participated in oral argu- 
nent in a case before the World Court in its 40- 
,'ear history. 

The number of members participating by way 
)f written or oral argument in this advisory pro- 
ceeding was tlie largest that has participated in 
Any advisory proceeding. This is eloquent testi- 
mony to the importance of this opinion. 

My delegation does not approach this opinion 
retrospectively, in a spirit of who was right and 
who was wrong about yesterday's debates on the 
aature of obligations concerning certain United 
Nations expenses. Rather we do so in the hope 
we may all call a page of history closed while we 
examine calmly, deliberatively, and constructively 
the course opened to us by the light shed through 
the judicial process. We have asked the Court for 
its advice. The Court has given it. The law is 
now clear. Wliat remains is for us to act. 

■ U.N. doc. A/RES/1731 (XVI) . 

' For a Department statement on the Court's decision, 
•see Bm-LETiN of Aug. 13, 1962, p. 246. 

I JANUARY 7, 1963 

To do otherwise must in the end surely mean 
that by failure to act positively we start to aban- 
don the first, and primary, purpose of tlie charter, 
paragraph 1 of article 1 of which states: 

To maintain international peace and security, and to 
that end : to talje efifective collective measures for the 
prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for 
the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of 
the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in 
conformity with the principles of justice and international 
law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes 
or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace ; 

Wliat we now do must be guided by only one con- 
sideration — preserving and nurturing this institu- 
tion of which we are members. 

We submit that it is not in the interest, nor do 
we believe it is the intention, of any member to 
bankrupt the United Nations. As the unanimous 
election of our distinguished Secretary-General a 
few days ago demonstrated, whatever our differ- 
ences we all share a deep-rooted determination to 
keep life in the United Nations. How do we 
translate the good will and the good faith that all 
of us share into action which will conform to these 
profound sentiments? That is the challenge and 
the opportunity of this hour. 

My delegation is privileged to cosponsor two 
resolutions. The first, reproduced in A/C.5/L.760, 
provides in its sole operative paragraph that this 
Assembly "accepts the opinion of the Court on 
the question submitted to it." 

The second resolution is reproduced in A/C.5/- 
L.761. In essence it reestablishes the Working 
Grouj:) of Fifteen to consider methods of financ- 
ing, in the future, peacekeeping operations of the 
United Nations involving heavy expenditures. In 
a sense one resolution deals with the past, the 
other with the future. One is not dependent on 
the other. Permit me initially to speak to the first 

Draft Resolution on Court Opinion 

The draft resolution submitted in Document 
L.760 refers to the action taken last year request- 
ing the Court's opinion, which set forth this As- 
sembly's "need for authoritative legal guidance as 
to obligations of Member States under the Charter 
of the United Nations in the matter of financing 
the United Nations operations in the Congo and 
in tlie Middle East." It recalls the question sub- 


mitted to tlie Court and summarizes the Court's 
holding. Finally, in its operative paragraph, this 
Assembly would accept the opinion of the Court. 
The operative paragraph is phrased so as to spec- 
ify that the Assembly would accept the Court's 
opinion only on the specific question submitted 
to it. 

By adopting the draft resolution the Assembly 
would not pass upon the reasoning of the Court. 
In the view of my delegation the Court, in its 
opinion of 20 July 1962, has measured up to the 
highest standards of judicial service. Yet we 
should make it clear that my Government sees no 
need for this Assembly to pass upon, or even to 
go into, the reasoning of the Court. 

Acceptance of Court's Opinion 

In accepting the Court's opinion on the question 
submitted to it, this Assembly would not neces- 
sarily accept any particular argument or implica- 
tion of the Court's opinion. It would neither 
commend nor criticize the Court on its reasoning. 
This is no more our function than to commend or 
criticize those member states who in the past 
have contended for their varying views on the 
question before this committee or before the 
Court. We would merely accept the precise an- 
swer of the Court on the precise question the As- 
sembly put to it. 

The draft resolution anticipates the General 
Assembly performing a function which is proper 
to it. The General Assembly is not a court. It is 
not a judicial organ of the United Nations, and 
still less is it "the principal judicial organ of the 
United Nations," as article 92 of the charter de- 
scribes the International Court of Justice. It is 
not the function of this Assembly — and certainly 
not of this committee — to act as a court to review 
the International Court of Justice. To do so 
would be to depart from the charter's clear inten- 
tion. Wlien the Court's opinion is asked, estab- 
lishment and interpretation of the law, in the 
design of the charter, is the fimction of the Court; 
action to implement the law is, as the case may be, 
the function of other organs of the United Nations. 

In both advisory and contentious cases the Court 
has declared the law. The dilference between a 
judgment in a contentious case and an advisory 
opinion relates not to the validity of the Court's 



statement of the law but to the obligations ths 
flow from that statement. While an advisoi 
opinion does not have binding force, it does n< 
follow that it is not an authoritative statement ( 
the law. As the Court has pointed out, "Tl 
Court, being a Court of Justice, cannot, even 
giving advisory opinions, depart from the essei 
tial rules guiding their activity as a Court." ° 

The advisory opinion has no binding force b( 
cause in advisory proceedings there are no parti* 
on whom the obligation of compliance can be 
posed. But this fact, as a leading authority o 
the Court has said, "does not affect the quality c 
the opinion as an authoritative pronouncement ( 
what the law is." ® As Judge Azevedo has pointe 
out, while in League of Nations practice the ord 
nary advisory opinion did not produce the eff& 
of res adjudieata, that fact "is not sufficient i 
deprive an advisory opinion of all the moral coi 
sequences which are inherent in the dignity of th 
organ delivering the opinion, or even of its legs 
consequences." ' 

Indeed, in a report of a committee composed o 
Judges Loder, Moore, and Anzilotti, which accom 
panies a clause in the Kules of the Court, it Wi 
concluded in 1927 that: "In reality, where then 
are in fact contending parties, the diffei-ence ba 
tween contentious cases and advisory cases is onlj 
nominal ... so that the view that advisory opin 
ions are not binding is more theoretical than real." 
The distinguished Polish jurist, Judge Winiarski 
who is now President of the Court and who reai 
in open court the opinion before us, in anothe 
opinion has declared that the Court "must in vieM 
of its high mission, attribute" to advisory opini 
ions "great legal value and a moral authority." 
His Yugoslav colleague, Judge Zoricic, noted thai 
"the Court's advisory opinions enjoy the same am 
thority as its judgments, and are cited by jurisb 
who attribute the same importance to them as t< 
judgments. The Court itself refers to its previoui 

° P.C.I. J., Series B, No. 5, p. 29, quoted in Certain Ex 
penses of the United Nations, I.G.J. Reports 1962, pp 
151, 1.5.5. 

"Rosenne, The International Court of Justice (1957)i 
pp. 492-193. 

' Interpretation of Peace Treaties, I.C.J. Reports 195i 
pp. 65, 80. 

" P.C.I..T., Series E, No. 4, 1927, p. 76. 

' Interpretation of Peace Treaties, I.C.J. Reports 1950 
pp. 65, 91. 






■ :ivisory opinions in the same way as to its judg- 
*jients." He concludes : ". . . an advisory opinion 
■'hich is concerned with a dispute between States 
. -cm a legal point of view amounts to a definitive 

■lision upon the existence or nonexistence of the 
gal relations, which is the subject of tlie dis- 

■ ute.""' 

It would profit little to delve further into the 
)mplex jurisprudential question of the precise 
)rce of advisory opinions. My delegation holds 

" le view that an advisory opinion of the Interna- 
onal Court of Justice — this organization's "prin- 
pal judicial organ" — is authoritative. This is 
le view which this Assembly has adopted in the 
List. The Sixth Committee in its report to the 

' eneral Assembly in connection with the Repara- 
on case noted: "the authoritative nature of the 
Ivisoiy opinion should be taken for granted." " 
In this connection permit me to advert to the 
osition taken by the distinguished delegate of 
ranee in considering the Assembly's response to 
le Court's opinion in the Reparation case. Ma- 
une Bastid described the Court as "the highest 
u-idical and constitutional authority that exists 
I the world today." She stated that, while an 
jinion of the Court is not binding upon states, 

I'.t is authoritative. . . ." She said: "Jurists in 

,■ lis General Assembly and delegates in this As- 
•mbly have appealed to the Court on a problem 
pen which they could not take a decision. They 
lereby recognized that there should be an opin- 
>n of the highest judicial authority that exists." 
"Now," she asked, "before taking action, should 
e refer this advisory opinion once again to the 
ates and have it filtered and screened by the 
.ssembly ? We do not believe that this is neces- 
iry. The role of the General Assembly, of the 
olitical body, is to take a decision for action 
ither by following, or by failing to follow, or 
oUowing in part the opinion of the Court." ^^ We 
gree with this view. 

May we burden the committee with one more 
uotation, both because of the eminence of its 
uthor and its pertinence to the point before us. 
)ir Gerald Fitzmaurice, now a Judge of the Court, 
leclared in this Assembly : ^^ 

Advisory opinions were not binding in the sense that 
adgments of the Court were, because in the ease of ad- 
isory opinions the General Assembly was not bound to 

fANTJART 7, 1963 

act in accordance with the opinion. The Assembly could 
take other factors into consideration ; it was also free to 
accept or reject that opinion. It could not be said, how- 
ever, that the opinion of the Court was wrong from the 
legal standpoint or that the Assembly did not agree with 
the Court in its findings, because the Assembly had no 
competence in a legal matter to agree or disagree with the 
Court on a point of law. The Court was the highest au- 
thority on matters of international law and its findings 
were necessarily authoritative. 

U.S. Position on Acceptance 

Now it has been the uniform practice of this 
Assembly in the past to accept or act upon the 
Court's advisory opinions. My Government has 
consistently favored this practice, even where it 
disagreed with the opinion of the Court. Thus 
in 1954 the Fifth Committee debated acceptance 
of the Court's advisory opinion in the case of 
Effects of Awards of Compensation Made hy the 
United Nations Administrative Tribunal. Sen- 
ator Fulbright, speaking for the United States, 
stated: ". . . while the United States delegation 
did not share the Court's opinion ... it would 
maintain its consistent policy and continue to re- 
spect the Court's authority and competence." 

The response to Senator Fulbright's declaration 
was instructive. The distinguished delegate of 
India declared that his delegation "was pleased 
to hear . . . that the United States delegation 
accepted the Court's opinion, in accordance with 
that true democratic tradition which demanded 
respect for the decisions of judicial bodies. . . ." 
And the distinguished delegate of France, Mr. 
Ganem, whose wisdom and experience continue 
to grace this committee, declared that France "had 
no difficulty whatever in accepting the Court's 
opinion. ... in that connection, the French dele- 
gation noted with satisfaction that the United 
States, in accordance with its finest tradition, 
bowed before the decision of a judicial 
body. . . ."" 

'° lua., pp. 101-102. 

" U.N. doc. A/1101, para. 7. 

'= U.N. doc. A/PV.262, pp. 66-70. 

" Offlcial Records of the Fourth Sessioti of the V.N. 
General AssemMy, Sixth Committee, 184th meeting, para. 

"Official Records of the Ninth Session of the U.N. 
General AssemUy, Fifth Committee. 474th meeting, paras. 
50-52 ; 475th meeting, paras. 23, 25. 


We do not recall these facts to imply special 
merit but to suggest that there is no sound path 
open to us but to act in accordance with the law 
as the competent body finds the law to be. This 
is the essence of our relationsliip to one another. 
If we leave the moorings of the law we can only 
lose ourselves in the swift currents where power 
alone dominates. 

General Assembly and Advisory Opinions 

Now let us return to the practice of tliis Assem- 
bly with respect to advisory opinions. There have 
been nine advisory opinions requested by the Gen- 
eral Assembly of the International Court of Jus- 
tice, apart from the one that now concerns us. In 
all of these cases — with one exception, of which we 
shall speak in a moment — the General Assembly 
adopted a resolution at the conclusion of its dis- 
cussion of the opinion. The form of the resolution 
adopted has varied somewhat according to the 
circumstances of each case. 

In the operative paragraphs of these resolutions 
the Assembly has given effect to the opinions of 
the Court. On occasion it has authorized or di- 
rected the Secretary-General or called on member 
states to act in accordance with the Court's opin- 
ion. On other occasions the Assembly has ex- 
plicitly accepted or accepted and endorsed the 
Court's opinion. The resolution contained in Doc- 
imient L. 760 wholly conforms to the Assembly's 
traditional terminology. 

In every instance the General Assembly has fol- 
lowed the Court's opinion, either expressly or 
tacitly. The one case in which it did not adopt a 
resolution enunciating its decision to follow the 
Court's opinion was on the Competence of the 
General Assemhly for the Admission of a State to 
the United Nations. There the Court was asked 
whether the admission of a state to membership 
pursuant to article 4 of the charter can be ef- 
fected by a decision of the General Assembly when 
the Security Council has made no recommenda- 
tion for admission, either by reason of the candi- 
date failing to obtain the requisite majority or 
because of the negative vote of a permanent 
member upon a resolution recommending admis- 
sion. The Court replied that a positive recom- 
mendation of the Security Council was necessary 
for the General Assembly to admit a member. The 
Assembly acted in accordance with this opinion 


by abandoning any consideration of admittmj 
new members where the Security Council had no- 
given a positive recommendation. 

Actually, the record is even more persuasive 
While 9 advisory opinions have been put to th( 
Court, 17 questions have been embraced in answer 
to the 9 requests. The General Assembly has ac 
cepted or acted upon the replies of the Court ii 
all 17 instances. The Assembly's response, uni 
form as it has been, has not varied with the ma 
jority by which the Court rendered its opinion 
But some may raise the question of the majorit;; 
by which this decision was adopted. That ma 
jority is of no relevance, for when the Court ren 
ders an opinion, it is the opinion of the Court 
whatever its majority. 

But it may be of interest to note that tlie ma 
jorities in the prior 9 cases sometimes have beei 
larger and sometimes smaller than that in th 
opinion before us. The first advisory opinion ren 
dered by the Court, on 17 November 1947, re 
sponded to each of the two questions put to th 
Court by a vote of 9 to 6; the second opinion, o 
11 April 1949, answered the first part of the firs 
question put to it unanimously and the second par 
by 11 votes to 4. A second question was answere< 
by 10 votes to 5. In some subsequent cases th 
majority votes were larger and in others smallei 
Speaking for a country whose Supreme Court ha 
decided great cases by a single vote, the majorit 
in this instance of 9 to 5 is impressive. 

Now, while the Court's opinion sets forth th 
law of the matter, this Assembly can choose not t 
follow the Court's authoritative holding. Th 
effect of any such decision — considering it, for 
moment, from simply a legal point of view — coul 
not be underestimated. Since an opinion of th 
World Court has never before been rejected in al 
the history of the League of Nations and th 
United Nations, to reject this opinion would be t 
strike a massive blow against the Court itseh 
Since the Court's advisory opinions are general! 
acknowledged to be authoritative statements o 
the law, to reject the Court's opinion would sap th 
vitality of international law and its role in th 
United Nations. To reject the Court's opinion 
whether directly or indirectly, would hardly pre 
mote that high purpose whicli the preamble of th 
charter proclaims: "to establish conditions unde 
which justice and respect for the obligations aris 




ing from treaties and other sources of international 
law can be maintained. . . ." 

Financial and Political Aspects of Question 

But, for the sake of argument, let us put the 
credit of the Court and the credibility of inter- 
national law aside. Let us look at the United 
Nations finance and politics of the question. 

If this opinion is not accepted and acted upon 
by the General Assembly, what are the financial 
prospects of tlie United Nations? Are we not say- 
ing to those states that in the past have contested 
their legal obligation to pay assessments for the 
expenses of UNEF and ONUC, "You may relax 
about the problem"? We know only too well the 
political difficulties and, in some cases, the financial 
hardship facing states that have not kept cur- 
rent in the payment of assessments. None of us 
seeks false victories. Acceptance of the opinion 
would provide all siich states with a dignified op- 
portunity to reexamine their positions. A failure 
to accept would leave us at best where we were a 
year ago, exposed to argument, debate, and con- 
fusion while the organization sinks deeper and 
deeper into the quicksand of financial disaster. 
It would malfe a mockery of the breathing spell 
afforded the organization by those states who have 
purchased bonds. 

Many states bought bonds on the assumption 
that tliere would be a day of clarification and an 
hour when first concrete steps could be taken to 
restore the financial integrity of the United Na- 
tions. Wliat hope is there that the organization's 
financial credit could survive a failure to accept 
the Court's opinion? Wliat government, what 
third party, could rely with confidence upon the 
financial commitments of this organization ? What 
possibility would there be of sustaining, still less 
strengthening, the organization's activities in fields 
which are directly related to UNEF and ONUC 
only in their common requirement for funds? 
How could it be expected that the parliaments of 
those members of the organization which have ful- 
filled their financial obligations — and some who 
have surpassed them by way of voluntary contribu- 
tions — not only in the sphere of peacekeeping but 
in humanitarian and economic and social pro- 
grams will respond in the future as they have in 
the past ? 

These are questions we need not pursue. It is 
clear that the alternative to acceptance of the 
Court's opinion is financial irresponsibility of a 
kind tliat would mark the beginning of the end 
of the hope symbolized by tliis organization. We 
confront these prospects only to express the con- 
fidence that the overwhelming majority of our 
membersliip will reject the darloiess and look to- 
ward the light when we solve this troublesome 
problem in accordance with the rule of law. 

Now what of the politics of the matter? Were 
we not to accept the Court's opinion, we would 
stifle the organization's appropriate role in keep- 
ing the peace. The Court's opinion concerns only 
past assessments. But the possibility of the or- 
ganization having the capacity collectively, by 
whatever kind of assessment, to finance opera- 
tions that preserve the peace is indispensable to 
its purpose of saving "succeeding generations 
from the scourge of war." The possibility of the 
organization paying for peacekeeping — its pri- 
mary purpose — is too important to belabor. If it 
had lacked this capacity in the past, it can be 
fairly said that the organization might not have 
seen this day or else would have existed as a dis- 
credited vehicle of vehement debate alone. Its 
future would be impromising indeed. 

Draft Resolution on Financing Peacekeeping 

Mr. Chairman, we come now to the second res- 
olution [L. 761]. It is concerned with this very 
question of the future — of how the United Na- 
tions will finance peacekeeping operations that in- 
volve heavy expenditures. We do not purport 
to have the answers today to this troubled ques- 

While the balance sheet of the United Nations 
remains in an awkward state of imbalance, a 
combination of events seem to my delegation to 
permit a few months in which to negotiate, re- 
view, and prepare a program for the future that 
can meet with general acceptance. We would 
suggest that the Secretary-General be authorized 
by appropriate resolution to continue the Congo 
and Middle East operations without assessing or 
appropriating any additional funds now. If the 
total of the bond issue, which was previously au- 
thorized and the terms of which are settled, can 
be fully subscribed, and if members will accelerate 
the payment of arrearages, then, even at the pres- 

JANUART 7, 1963 


ent rate of expenditures, the organization should 
manage with those funds for at least 5 or 6 

This is especially desirable since we are in the 
last days of this session. There is neither the time 
nor tlie atmosphere for deliberate consultation and 
thinking together that should precede planning 
and decisions on additional assessments or contri- 
butions for the operations in the Congo and the 
Middle East. These months for which the funds 
I have mentioned will last must be used to the full- 
est advantage to rethink the problem and to try 
to accommodate as many views of members as 
may be feasible and constructive. We have the 
many suggestions made in the i^ast. We would 
also hope that members will use this time to 
present such further views on methods and for- 
mulas as they deem appropriate. Given this addi- 
tional time, members will be able to submit their 
views in writing so that the working gi-oup con- 
templated by the second resolution can liave at its 
disposal material helpful to it in dispatching its 

The draft resolution fomid in document L. 761 
accordingly proposes that, in the liglit of the 
Court's clarification of the law, this Assembly con- 
stitute a committee that can marry the organiza- 
tion's legal capacity with what is practical and 
equitable so as to arrive at a method or methods 
of future financing of peacekeeping operations. 
This resolution by no means suggests that future 
financing of such operations must be done through 
mandatory assessments upon the membership. 
Nor does it suggest the contrary. It does not sug- 
gest that the scale of assessment, if any, be that of 
the regular budget. For that matter it should be 
noted that the Court's opinion itself expressly 
states that it does not pass on the scale of assess- 
ment. All this would be left open. Only the Gen- 
eral Assembly can and should determine this. 
"Wliat we seek is time to prepare for the future in 
a fashion that will be fair to us all. The commit- 
tee that this resolution would establish is free to 
consider any method of financing peacekeeping 
activities, whether by way of assessment or by 
voluntary contributions, or by some combination 
of the two. In short, the second resolution looks 
toward the future in an open spirit of conciliation. 
It seeks solutions. 

We are fully aware that some delegations would 


like a solution now. So would my delegation, if 
we felt that time and circumstances permitted a 
soimd solution which would be workable. We 
know how heavily the pressure of even reduced 
assessments weighs on developing states when the 
total budget for operations assumes large propor- 
tions. My Government has frequently expressed 
this awareness in something more than words. 
But time has come when hastily contracted for- 
mulas produced imder urgent pressure must yield 
to a more studied approach. If we were required 
to seek a new assessment now, there would be in- 
escapable merit in examining and approving some 
basic principles now; but, since the day can and 
should be deferred, it is our view that acceptance 
of principles before an opportunity is given to a 
working group to explore and evaluate all ideas 
could do more harm than good. What we need 
above all is a chance to digest all ideas, to discuss 
and negotiate in an atmosphere of calm delibera- 
tion. In our judgment the few days left to us 
here will not provide that atmosphere. Therefore, 
while we have every sympathy for those who view 
with concern the costs of continuing large-scale 
operations without having settled upon a set of 
principles for their payment, it is only the ques- 
tion of timing that really separates some of us. 
We Ijelieve that debate on principles must follow 
the efforts of a working group, not precede it. 

We beeran this intervention with some words 
from U Thant's acceptance statement. It may be 
appropriate to conclude by quoting the Secretary- 
General further: "On this occasion," he said, "I 
would recall the words of my distinguished pred- 
ecessor on his re-election to a second term. He 
said, and I quote : 'Nolx)dy, I think, can accept the 
position of Secretary-General of tlie ITnited Na- 
tions, knowing what it means, except from a sense 
of duty.' He had over four years' experience in 
that office when he made that statement. My ex- 
perience has been shorter, but I believe that I do 
know what that office means, and I accept my ex- 
tended mandate with humility and out of a sense 
of duty." 

Mr. Chairman, having witnessed the demands 
on tlie Secretary-General and having sensed the 
loneliness of some of his most trying moments, 
one could not have questioned his riglit to reject 
the Ijurden. Only a sense of duty would compel 
a modest and devoted man to accept the unanimous 


call to this oiEce of complex pressures in a world 
of uncertain and chaotic movement. It would 
constitute a denial of our duty if we failed to find 
at least a path toward the solution of the organ- 
ization's oppressive financial problems. Toj^ether 
we can and we must move forward to put an end 
to the specter of bankruptcy and to uphold the 
integrity of the charter and the organization that 
brings us together. By the acceptance of the 
Court's opinion and the establishment of the work- 
ing group to seek fundamental solutions in the 
liglit of the law, we give our eai'uest commitment 
that we shall not fail the hopes and prayers of 
mankind that the United Nations shall continue 
its consecration to the building of a better world." 


Accepting World Court Opinion >« 

The General AssemMxj, 

Having regard to resolution 1731 (XVI) of 20 De- 
cember 1961, in whicli it recoguized "its need for au- 
thoritative legal guidance as to obligations of Member 
States under the Charter of the United Nations in the 
matter of financing the United Nations operations in the 
Congo and in the Middle East", 

Recalling the question submitted to the International 
Court of Justice in that resolution. 

Having received, the Court's advisory opinion of 20 
July 1962, transmitted to the General Assembly by the 
Secretary-General under document A/5161, declaring that 
the expenditures authorized in the General Assembly reso- 
lutions designated in resolution 1731 (XVI) constitute 
"expenses of the Organization" within the meaning of 
Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter, 

Accepts the opinion of the Court on the question sub- 
mitted to it. 

Financing Peacekeeping Operations" 

The General Assemtly. 

Recognizing that peace-keeping operations of the United 
Nations, such as those in the Congo and in the Middle 
East, impose a heavy financial burden upon Member 
States, and in particular on those having a limited ca- 
pacity to contribute financially. 

" On Dec. 11 the cosponsors of L. 761 withdrew their 
draft resolution and joined the sponsors of L. 763 in 
submitting a new draft resolution, L. 767. 

" U.N. doc. A/C.5/L. 760 ; adopted in plenary session 
on Dee. 19 by a vote of 76 (U.S.) -17, with 8 abstentions. 

" U.N. doc. A/C. 5/L. 767 ; adopted in plenary session on 
Dec. 19 by a vote of 78 (U.S.) -14, with 4 abstentions. 

Recognizing that in order to meet the expenditures 
caused by such operations a procedure is required differ- 
ent from that applied to the regular budget of the United 

Taking into account the advisory opinion of the Inter- 
national Court of Justice of 20 July 1(K>2 in answer to the 
question contained in resolution 1731 (XVI), 

ComHnccd of the necessity to establish at the earliest 
possible opportunity financing methods different from the 
regular budget to cover in the future peace-keeping oper- 
ations of the United Nations involving heavy expenditures, 
such as those for the Congo and the Middle East, 

1. Decides to re-establish the Working Group of Fifteen 
with the same membership as that established in resolu- 
tion 1C20 (XV) and to increase its membership to twenty- 
one by the addition of six Member States to be appointed 
by the President of the General A.ssembly with due regard 
to geographical distribution as provided for in resolution 
1620 (XV), to study, in consultation as appropriate with 
the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary 
Questions and the Committee on Contributions, special 
methods for financing peace-keeping operations of the 
United Nations involving heavy expenditures such as those 
for the Congo and the Middle East, including a possible 
special scale of assessments ; 

2. Reciiicsts the Working Group of Twenty-One to take 
into account in its study the criteria for the sharing of 
the costs of peace-keeping operations mentioned in past 
resolutions of the General Assembly, giving particular at- 
tention to the following : 

(a) The references to a special financial responsibility 
of members of the Security Council as mentioned in res- 
olutions 1619 (XV) and 1732 (XVI) ; 

(b) Such special factors relating to a particular peace- 
keeping operation as might be relevant to a variation in 
the sharing of the costs of the operation ; 

(c) The degree of economic development of each Mem- 
ber State and whether or not a developing State is in 
receipt of technical assistance from the United Nations; 

(d) The collective financial responsibility of the Mem- 
bers of the United Nations ; 

3. Requests further the Working Group of Twenty-One 
to take into account any criteria proposed by Member 
States at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly 
or submitted by them directly to the Working Group ; 

4. Requests the Working Group of Twenty-One to study 
also the situation arising from the arrears of some Mem- 
ber States in their payment of contributions for financing 
peace-keeping operations and to recommend, within the 
letter and the spirit of the Charter, arrangements designed 
to bring up to date such payments, having in mind the 
relative economic positions of such Member States ; 

5. Requests the Working Group of Twenty-One to meet 
as soon as possible in 1963 and to submit its report with 
the least possible delay and in any ease not later than 
31 March 1963; 

6. Requests the Secretary-General to distribute the re- 
port of the Working Group of Twenty-One to Member 
States as soon as possible with a view to its consideration 
when appropriate by the General Assembly. 

JANUARY 7, 1963 



Current Actions 



Convention for unification of certain rules relating to 
International transportation by air and additional 
protocol. Done at Warsaw October 12, 1929. En- 
tered into force February 13, 1933. 49 Stat. 3000. 
Notification received that it coiisiders itself bound: 
Congo (L^opoldville), July 27, 1962. 

Protocol to amend the convention for unification of 
certain rules relating to international carriage by 
air signed at Warsaw October 12, 1929 (49 Stat. 
3000). Done at The Hague September 2.S, 19.55.^ 
Ratification deposited: Switzerland, October 19, 1962. 


International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En- 
tered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United 
States October 23, 1961. TIAS 4892. 
Ratifications deposited: Ghana, October 31, 1962; 

India, November 1, 1962. 
Accession deposited: Tanganyika, October 31, 1962. 

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the 
international telecommunication convention, 1959. 
Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into 
force May 1, 1961. TIAS 4893. 

Notifications of approval: Israel, October 11, 1962; 
Netherlands, October 19, 1962 ; Panama, October 
18, 1962. 

Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) annexed 
to the international telecommunication convention 
of December 22, 1952 (TIAS 3266), with appendixes 
and final protocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 
1958. Entered into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 
Notification of approval: Panama, October 18, 1962. 


Proc^s-verbal of rectification concerning protocol 
amending part 1 and articles XXIX and XXX, proto- 
col amending the preamble and parts II and III, 
and protocol of organizational amendments to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva December 3, 1955. Section B entered into 
force October 7, 1957. 
Siynature: Chile, November 21, 1962. 

Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force May 

' Not in force. 

21, 1960 ; for the United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 

Signatures: Australia, September 5, 1962 ; Switzer- 
land, February 14, 1962. 

Protocol relating to negotiations of new schedule III — 
Brazil — to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva, December 31, 1958.' 
Signatures: Haiti, November 6, 1962; Turkey, Au- 
gust 13, 1962. 

Declaration giving effect to provisions of article XVI :4 
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 
Done at Geneva November 19, 1960. 
Entered into force: November 14, 1962. 

Proc^s-verbal extending declaration of November 12, 
1959 (TIAS 4498), on provisional accession of Tu- 
nisia to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 
Done at Geneva December 9, 1961. Entered into 
force for the United States January 9, 1962. 
Signatures: Australia, September 5, 1962; India, 
November 15, 1962. 

Proc^s-verbal extending the period of validity of the 
declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of No- 
vember 18, 1960. Done at Geneva November 7, 
Signature: United States, December 18, 1962. 



Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreements of April 25, 1955, as amended (TIAS 
3l.'47 and 4032), and December 21, 1955 (TIAS 
3459). Effected by exchange of notes at Buenos 
Aires September 19 and November 26, 1962. En- 
tered into force November 26, 1962. 

Congo (Leopoidville) 

Agreement relating to investment guaranties with re- 
lated notes. Effected by exchange of notes at Leo- 
poidville October 25 and November 17, 1962. En- 
tered into force November 17, 1962. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of February 19, 1962, as amended (TIAS 
4952, 5054, and 5118) . Effected by exchange of notes 
at Djakarta December 10, 1962. Entered into force 
December 10, 1962. 


Agreement relating to the commitment by the United 
States to Tunisia's three-year plan. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Tunis September 28 and Oc- 
tober 29, 1962. Entered into force October 29, 1962. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement providing compensatory concessions for in- 
creases in import duties on certain carpets and glass. 
Signed at Geneva December 10, 1962. Entered into 
force December 10, 1962. 



January 7, 1963 I n d 

Congo (Leopoldville). U.N. General Assembly 
Adopts Two Resolutions on Financing of 
Peacekeeping Operations (Klutznick, texts 
of resolutions) 30 

Disarmament. Possibilities for Reducing the 
Risks of War Through Accident, Miscalcula- 
tion, or Failure of Communication (Foster) . 3 

Dominican Republic. Dominican Republic Elec- 
tions Hailed by United States 8 

Economic Affairs 

Italy Announces Removal of Import Restric- 
tions 12 

Population Growth, Economic Development, and 
the United Nations (Gardner, text of resolu- 
tion) 14 

Tax Convention With Luxembourg Signed at 
Washington 9 

International Law. U.N. General Assembly 
Adopts Two Resolutions on Financing of 
Peacekeeping Operations (Klutznick, texts 
of resolutions) 30 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Calendar of International Conferences and 
Meetings 13 

Italy. Italy Announces Removal of Import Re- 
strictions 12 

Luxembourg. Tax Convention With Luxem- 
bourg Signed at Washington 9 

Middle East. U.N. General Assembly Adopts 
Two Resolutions on Financing of Peacekeep- 
ing Ojierations (Klutznick, texts of resolu- 
tions) 30 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. North 
Atlantic Council Holds Ministerial Meeting 
(text of communique, U.S. delegation) ... 9 

Recognition. U.S. Recognizes Government of 
Yemen Arab Republic 11 

Science. United States Policy on Outer Space 

(Gore text of resolution) 21 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 38 

Tax Convention With Luxembourg Signed at 
Washington 9 

LTnited Nations 

Population Growth, Economic Development, and 
the United Nations (Gardner, text of resolu- 
tion) 14 

e X Vol. XLVIII, No. 1228 

U.N. General Assembly Adopts Two Resolutions 
on Financing of Peacekeeping Oiwrations 
(Klutznick, texts of resolutions) 30 

United States Policy on Outer Space (Gore, 
text of resolution) 21 

Yemen. U.S. Recognizes Government of Yemen 
Arab Republic 11 

Name Index 

Foster, William O 3 

Gardner, Richard N 14 

Gore, Albert 21 

Klutznick, Philip M 30 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 17-23 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, 

Release issued prior to December 17 which 
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 717 
of December 7. 


Note to U.S.S.R. on Nazi persecutee 

NATO communique. 

U.S. participation in international 

Tax convention with Luxembourg. 

Williams : "The Cultural Exchange 
Program in Africa : A Path to 

Italy removes import restrictions. 

Recognition of Yemen Arab Repub- 

Dominican elections. 

Torbert sworn in as Ambassador 
to Somalia (biographic details). 

Documents on Oerman Foreign 

Ferguson sworn in as Ambassador 
to Malagasy Republic (bio- 
graphic details). 

Report on cultural presentations 
program (revised). 

Rusk : swearing-in of Bell as AID 

* Not printed. 

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Vol. XLVIII, No. 1229 January 14, 1963 


Joint Communique and Statement on Nuclear Defense 
Systems 43 


Secretary Cleveland 60 


A PATH TO PEACE • by Assistant Secretary Williams . 67 



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Vol. XLVIII, No. 1229 • Publication 747 
January 14, 1963 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
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special articles on various phases of 
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'resident Kennedy Holds Talks at Nassau 
Vith Prime Minister IVIacmillan 

FoU owing are the texts of a joint communi- 
le and an attached statement on nuclear de- 
'.nse systems issued on December 21 hy 
resident Kennedy and Prime Minister Harold 
'acmillan of the United Kingdom at the close 
f discussions held at Nassau, the Bahamas, 
'ecejnher 18-21. 

ihite House press release (Nassau) dated December 21 

The President and the Prime Minister met in 

assau from December 18th to December 21st. 
Ihey were accompanied by the Secretary of 
•efense, Mr. [Robert S.] McNamara, and the 

nder Secretary of State, Mr. [George W.] 

all, and by the Foreign Secretary, Lord Home, 
le Minister of Defense, Mr. [Peter] Thoniey- 

oft and the Secretary of State for Common- 
«ealth Relations and Colonies, Mr. [Duncan] 

The President and the Prime Minister dis- 
iissed a wide range of tollies. They reviewed 
He state of East-West relations in the after- 
math of the October crisis in Cuba, and joined 
I the hope that a satisfactory resolution of this 
•isis might open the way to the settlement of 
;her problems outstanding between the West 
id the Soviet Union. 

In particular, they reviewed the present state 
[ the negotiations for a treaty ending nuclear 
:sts, and reaffirmed their intent to seek agree- 
lent on this issue with the U.S.S.R. in the hope 
lat this agreement would lead on to successful 
egotiations on wider issues of disarmament. 

As regards Berlin, they reaffirmed their in- 
»rest m arriving at a solid and enduring set- 
lement which would insure that Berlin remains 
:ee and viable. 

The Chinese Communist attack on India was 

discussed with special consideration being given 
to the way in which the two governments might 
assist the Government of India to counter this 
aggression. Defense problems of the subconti- 
nent were reviewed. The Prime Minister and 
the President are hopeful that the common in- 
terests of Pakistan and India in the security of 
the subcontinent would lead to a reconciliation 
of India-Pakistan differences. To this end, 
they expressed their gratification at the states- 
manship shown by President Ayub and Prime 
Minister Nehru in agreeing to renew their ef- 
forts to resolve their differences at this crucial 

The two leaders discussed the current state of 
affairs in the Congo, and agreed to continue 
their efforts for an equitable integration of this 
troubled country. They expressed support for 
Mr. [Paul-Henri] Spaak's proposal for a fair 
division of revenues and noted with concern the 
dangers of further discord in the Congo. 

The Prime Minister informed the President 
of the present state of negotiations for U.K. 
membership in the Common Market. The Pres- 
ident reaffirmed the interest of the United 
States in an early and successful outcome. 

The President and the Prime Minister also 
discussed in considerable detail policy on ad- 
vanced nuclear weapons systems and considered 
a variety of approaches. The result of this 
discussion is set out in the attached statement. 


Statement on Nuclear Defense Systems 
December U, 1962 

(1) The President and the Prime Minister 
reviewed the development program for the Sky- 
bolt missile. The President explamed that it 
was no longer expected that this very complex 

ANUARY 14, 1963 


weapons system would be completed within the 
cost estimate or the time scale which were pro- 
jected when the program was begun. 

(2) The President informed the Prime Min- 
ister that for this reason and because of the 
availability to the United States of alternative 
weapons systems, he had decided to cancel plans 
for the production of Skybolt for use by the 
United States. Nevertheless, recognizing the 
importance of the Skybolt program for the 
United Kingdom, and recalling that the pur- 
pose of the offer of Skybolt to the United King- 
dom in 1960 had been to assist in improving 
and extending the effective life of the British 
V-bombers, tlie President expressed his readi- 
ness to continue the development of the missile 
as a joint enterprise between the United States 
and the United Kingdom, with each coimtry 
bearing equal shares of the future cost of com- 
pleting development, after which the United 
Kingdom would be able to place a production 
order to meet its requirements. 

(3) Wliile recognizing the value of this offer, 
the Prime Minister decided, after full consider- 
ation, not to avail himself of it because of 
doubts that had been expressed about the pros- 
pects of success for tliis weapons system and 
because of uncertainty regarding date of com- 
pletion and final cost of the program. 

(4) As a possible alternative the President 
suggested that the Royal Air Force might use 
the Hound Dog missile. The Prime Minister 
responded that in the light of the technical dif- 
ficulties he was unable to accept this suggestion. 

(5) The Prime Minister then turned to the 
possibility of provision of the Polaris missile 
to the United Kingdom by the United States. 
After careful review, the President and the 
Prime Minister agreed that a decision on Po- 
laris must be considered in the widest context 
both of the future defense of the Atlantic Al- 
liance and of the safety of the whole Free 
World. They reached the conclusion that this 
issue created an opportunity for the develop- 
ment of new and closer arrangements for the 
organization and control of strategic Western 
defense and that such arrangements in turn 
could make a major contribution to political 
cohesion among the nations of the Alliance. 

(6) The Prime Minister suggested and the 

President agreed, that for the immediate fu 
ture a start could be made by subscribing b 
NATO some part of the forces already in ex 
istence. This could include allocations fron 
United States Strategic Forces, from Uniti 
Kingdom Bomber Command, and from tactica' 
nuclear forces now held in Europe. Sucli 
forces would be assigned as part of a NATCJ 
nuclear force and targeted in accordance witl 
NATO plans. 

(7) Returning to Polaris the President am 
the Prime Minister agreed that the purpose o 
their two governments with respect to the pro 
vision of the Polaris missiles must be the de 
velopment of a multilateral NATO nuclea 
force in the closest consultation with othe 
NATO allies. They will use their best en 
deavors to this end. 

(8) Accordingly, the President and th 
Prime Minister agreed that the U.S. will mak 
available on a continuing basis Polaris missile 
(less warheads) for British submarines. Th 
U.S. will also study the feasibility of makini 
available certain support facilities for such sub 
marines. The U.K. Government will construe 
the submarines in which these weapons will b 
placed and they will also provide the nuclea 
warheads for the Polaris missiles. Brit is 
forces developed under this plan will be a( 
signed and targeted in the same way as tb 
forces described in paragraph 6. 

These forces, and at least equal U.S. force 
would be made available for inclusion in 
NATO multilateral nuclear force. The Prin: 
Minister made it clear that except where Ha 
Majesty's Government may decide that su 
preme national interests are at stake, thes 
British forces will be used for the purposes o 
intei-national defense of the Western Alliana 
in all circumstances. 

(9) The President and the Prime Ministe 
are convinced that this new plan wi 
strengthen tlie nuclear defense of the Weste; 
Alliance. In strategic terms this defense is in 
divisible, and it is their conviction that in a' 
ordinary circumstances of crisis or danger, i 
is this very unity which is the best protectio) 
of the West. 

(10) The President and the Prime Ministe 
agreed that in addition to liaving a nuclea 



\ield it is important to have a non-midear 
,yonl. For this purpose they agreed on the 
uportance of increasing the effectiveness of 
leir conventional forces on a worldwide basis. 

i.S. Rejects Soviet Allegations 
n Court Action in Berlin 

FoUoic'mg is an exchange of notes between 
( United States and the Soviet Union re- 
I riling the opening in Berlin of court action 
'iir-crning an organization entitled the "^s- 
ciiftion of Victims of Nazi Persecution.'''' 


The Soviet Government in its note of Novem- 
■r '29, 1962, has protested against the opening 

Berlin of a court action concerning an or- 
inization entitled "Association of Victims of 
:\zi Persecution (VVN)." In connection 
erewith, the United States Government 
ishes to state the following : 
The Soviet Government's note contains in- 
eurate and unacceptable allegations concern- 
g l)oth the nature and the judicial propriety 
these proceedings. 

The Federal Administrative Court has been 
ked by the Federal Government to give a rul- 
g whether in the Federal Republic of Ger- 
nny the Association of Victims of Nazi 
Msecution is a prohibited organization under 
rticle 9, paragraph 2 of the basic law. In 
is matter the Federal Goveniment is acting 

full accordance with the provisions of the 
sic law and with regular legal procedures 
liich assure to persons or organizations in- 
ilved the extensive guarantees always avail- 
ile in a democratic society for the maintenance 

civil liberty. The Court is properly and 
gaily seized of this question and the United 
ates Government has no intention of inter- 
Tlie location of the Court in Berlin is equally 

' Delivered to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the 
S.S.R. on Dec. 17 by the U.S. Embassy at Moscow 
iress release 733 dated Dec. 17) . 

unimpeachable, and the Soviet Government can 
hardly be unfamiliar with the procedure by 
which it came about. The Federal Administra- 
tive Court was established in the British Sector 
of Berlin in 1952 with the agreement of the 
Allied Kommandatura. Its presence in no way 
affects the legal status of the city, which has 
remained unchanged since 1945. 

The United States Government must, there- 
fore, reject in toto the allegations contained in 
the Soviet note of November 29. 


Unofficial translation 
No. 59/DSA 

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Union of So- 
viet Socialist Republics presents Its compliments to the 
Embassy of the United States of America and, on the 
Instructions of the Soviet Government, states the 

On November 29, 1962, in the so-called Federal Ad- 
ministrative Court, illegally located in Berlin, 
the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany 
intend to institute legal action to ban the West German 
"Union of Persecutees of Nazism". People entered this 
Union, which sprang up after the end of the Second 
World War, who, risking their lives and regardless of 
very brutal repressions and Gestapo terror, fought in 
Germany against Fascist barbarism. As is known, 
these were people of different ideologies and diverse 
social status, but united in their striving to end German 
militarism and NazLsm, to secure a peaceful future 
for the German people. The "Union of Persecutees of 
Nazism" belongs to those organizations whose ix>litical 
program has an anti-Fascist character and fully con- 
forms to the principles of the Potsdam Agreement and 
other allied decisions on Germany. The Allied Pow- 
ers, including the United States of America, at one 
time directly supported the formation of such organi- 
zations, which strove for the democratic renewal of 

The reprisal being prepared by the authorities of the 
Federal Republic of Germany against the "Union of 
Persecutees of Nazism" is politically an open defiance 
of all those who fought on the side of the United Na- 
tions against Hitlerite Germany, who even today con- 
tinue to oppose the rebirth of revanchism and mili- 
tarism in West Germany. This directly contradicts 
the Declaration on the defeat of Germany adopted 
jointly by the Allied Powers.^ The trial of the Union 
of German anti-Fasclsts is one of a series of other 
shameful anti-democratic actions of the Government 
of the Federal Republic of Germany, which is attempt- 

- For text, see Bulletin of June 10, 1945, p. 1051. 

VNDARY 14, 1963 


ing to crush all dissidents, as Is shown, for example, 
by the scandalous affair of the Hamburg magazine 

Actions of this kind cannot but recall Germany's 
recent past and alarm all sincere advocates of the 
strengthening of peace in Europe. Today the same 
people are being persecuted in the Federal Republic 
of Germany who were driven into concentration camps 
and destroyed under Hitler. They are being perse- 
cuted again because they are defending the ideas of 
peace and are raising their voices against the prepara- 
tions for a new war which are being made in the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany. Who is persecuting them? 
The militarists, revanchists, and Hitlerite epigones, 
who not infrequently occupy official positions there. 

The situation which is developing harbors a threat 
to peace in Europe. 

The governments of the United States of America, 
Britain, and France more than once have declared that 
West Berlin is not a part of the Federal Republic of 
Germany. However, the authorities of the FRG, under 
cover of the occupation of that city by the troops of 
the three powers, are more and more actively using 
West Berlin, transformed into a NATO military base, 
in their interests, contrary to the cause of peace and 
the goals which were established by agreements among 
the powers of the anti-Hitlerite coalition. The trial 
which has been planned in West Berlin shows that the 
occupation forces of the Western powers are becoming 
in fact participants in the persecution of those who 
fought against Hitlerite fascism. 

Everything talving place in West Berlin graphically 
confirms the degree to which the necessity of a German 
peace settlement and normalization of the situation in 
West Berlin on its basis has become urgent. 

The Soviet Government assumes that the Govern- 
ment of the United States of America will draw the 
necessary conclusions from the present appeal and will 
take steps to prevent the use of West Berlin by the 
ruling circles of the FRG for the purpose of a judicial- 
police reprisal against the "Union of Persecutees of 

Moscow, November 29. 1962 

Advisory Group Subrsiits Report 
on Cultural Presentations 

The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 21 (press release 744, revised) that four 
major recommendations to improve the U.S. 
program of overseas cultural presentations are 
contained in a report submitted on that day to 
the Department of State.^ 

The report was based on a survey conducted 

at the request of Lucius D. Battle, Assistant 
Secretary for Educational and Cultural Af- 
fairs. Mr. Battle said he accepted the conclu- 
sions and recommendations of the report in 
general, noting that some points would require 
further study before being acted upon. 

The 30-page report of the United States Ad 
visory Commission on International Educa 
tional and Cultural Affairs was turned over to 
Mr. Battle by Dr. John AV. Gardner, Commis- 
sion chairman and president of the Carnegie 
Corporation of New York. 

In laying the foundation for its recommenda- 
tions, the Commission stressed three points 
artistic excellence as the preeminent criterion, 
of the creative and performing arts program ;j 
the strong roles played by both professionals! 
and amateurs; and the importance of "offstage'' 
activities, such as clinics and student work- 
shops, in gaining appreciation of America's 
cultural strength. To achicA^e these and othei 
aims, the report recommended: 

1. The role of the Advisory Committee on 
the Arts be revitalized and expanded to in- 
clude selection of program attractions. 

2. The State Department reassume full r&i 
sponsibility for direct management of al] 
phases of the program, which consists of tha 
sending abroad of American performers in 
music, drama, the dance, and sports. 

3. Long-range planning to meet objectives 
in various areas of the world be adopted aa 
formal policy and practice. 

4. Increased recognition be given those whc 
participate in the program. 

Mr. Battle said he concurred in early ap- 
pointment of members of the Advisory Comi 
mittee on the Arts, with whom he woulo 
discuss implementation of the report. 

The Commission's 9-week survey was con- 
ducted by Roy E. Larsen, vice chairman of the 
Advisory Commission and chairman of the 
executive committee of Time, Inc., and Glenn 
G. Wolfe, a Foreign Service officer. 

' A limited number of copies of the Report of Sur' 
vey of Cultural Presentations Program are available 
upon request from the Office of Media Services, De* 
partment of State, Washington 25, D.C. 



Panel Recommends National 
\cademy of Foreign Affairs 

(Vhlte House press release dated December 17 

A presidential advisory panel on December 
1" strongly recommended the establislunent of 
I National Academy of Foreign Affairs. In a 
statement accepting the recommendation, Presi- 
:lent Kennedy said he would submit legislation 
3n this subject to the next session of Congress. 

The advisory panel was chaired by James A. 
Perkins, vice president of the Carnegie Corpo- 
ration of New York. Its report recommends: 
•A new institution should be formed to provide 
lew orientations and leadership required for 
he training, education, and research needs of 
3ur foreign operations." 

]\Ir. Perkins presented the report to the Presi- 
dent in his ofRce in the presence of Secretary of 
State Dean Rusk, former Secretary of State 
Christian A. Herter, Deputy Secretary of De- 
fense Eoswell L. Gilpatric, and other high 
Grovernment officials. The President told Mr. 
Perkms, "I share your belief that our training 
uid educational programs have not kept pace 
with the profound changes that have taken 
place in the conduct of foreigii affairs and your 
conclusion that ... a new institution [is 
needed] . I also share your belief that such an 
institution should be interdepartmental in 
character. . . ." 

The President went on to say that these con- 
clusions and the similar conclusions reached in 
the report submitted December 8 by former 
Secretaiy of State Christian A. Herter's Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs Personnel "support 
my conviction that we must move forward with 
this basic idea as soon as possible. I have, there- 
fore, decided to make appropriate recommenda- 
tions to the next session of Congress concerning 
this subject." 

The President concluded by asking the 
Secretary of State to take the lead for the 
administration in formulating legislation. He 
also noted that "considerable interest" has been 
expressed by Congress in this area and that 
congressional views would be taken into con- 
sideration in the development of the legislative 
The report of the panel states that the pro- 

posed National Academy "should concentrate 
on interdepartmental programs and leave 
purely departmental concerns to the individual 
agencies." In the panel's view, it should absorb 
some of the functions of the present Foi-eign 
Service Institute. It would not take over the 
responsibilities of the military war colleges, 
although military and civilian personnel of the 
Department of Defense would participate along 
witli personnel of the Agency for International 
Development, the U.S. Information Agency, the 
Central Intelligence Agency, and other agencies 
with foreign affairs responsibilities in programs 
offered by the Academy. 

The panel recommends that the National 
Academy be autonomous with its own organic 
statute. It would be governed by a 10-member 
board of regents, chaired by the Secretary of 
State, and would be headed by a full-time chan- 
cellor, "a man of outstanding qualifications." 
The regents and the chancellor would be ap- 
pointed by the President and con finned by the 
Senate. The chancellor's "salary and perquisites 
should equal those of tlie heads of our outstand- 
ing educational institutions," according to the 

In the panel's view, the proposed National 
Academy "must be oriented towards political 
and operational requirements and it must be 
prepared to deal with the delicate dynamite of 
democratic strategy. It must be so constituted 
that it can contribute to deeper understanding 
of the nature of the problems in international 
affairs facing the nation." "Thus, like our great 
universities, it should be engaged in research 
and other means of extending knowledge, as 
well as transmitting this knowledge to career 
officers," the report states. 

In addition to Mr. Perkins, other members of 
the advisory panel, appointed last April by the 
President to examine the adequacy of training 
and research facilities in the area of national 
security and foreign affairs, are Col. George A. 
Lincoln, professor of social sciences, U.S. Mili- 
tary Academy; John W. Masland, provost, 
Dartmouth College ; Max F. Millikan, director, 
Center for International Studies, Massachusetts 
Institute of Technology; and Don K. Price, 
dean, Graduate School of Public Administra- 
tion, Harvard University. 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


United Nations Pays Tribute to Memory of IVIrs. Roosevelt 

Following is a series of statements made in 
the United Nations General Assembly on No- 
vember 9 in f/inbute to tJie memory of Mrs. 
Franklin D. Roosevelt., who died at Neiv York 
on Novemher 7. 

Muhammad Zafrulla Khan > 

Since our last meeting we have learned with 
deep sorrow of the death of ]\Irs. Eleanor 
Roosevelt. The news came to all of ns witli a 
sense of profomid shock. 

I need not review in detail Mrs. Roosevelt's 
outstandins contribution to the United Nations 
ever since the inception of the organization. 
She served as a member of successive United 
States delegations, and in pai'ticular as a mem- 
ber of tlie United Nations Commission on 
Human Rights and of the Comjnission on the 
Status of Women. Her contribution is en- 
shrined in the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights, in the Covenants on Human Rights, 
and in the many related conventions and decla- 
rations which have been adopted by the United 
Nations during the past years. All her many 
activities reflected her own personal devotion to 
the cause of enriching the life of all jjeoples 
everywhere without distinction as to race, sex, 
language, or religion. Through her work, her 
personal example, her generous support of 
many humanitarian causes, especially those 
sponsored by tlie United Nations, Mrs. Roose- 
velt lias left us a deepened imderstanding of the 
words "the dignity and worth of the human 

Many of us knew Mrs. Roosevelt personally 
as a warm friend and an eloquent and thouglit- 
ful interpreter of the finest traditions of Ameri- 
can life. We shall cherish tlie memory of her 

' President of the 17th ses.sion of the General As- 

To the members of Sirs. Roosevelt's family 
and to her fellow citizens in the United 
States — and, may I add, throughout the 
world — we extend our deep sympathy. 

May I invite the members of the General As- 
sembly to stand and observe a minute of silence 
in memory of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. 

The refresentatives stood in silence. 

Adiai E. Stevenson (United States) 

I come here for the second time in little more 
than a year sad in lieart and in spirit. The 
United States, tlie United Nations — the 
world — has lost one of its great citizens. Mrs. 
Eleanor Roosevelt is dead; a cherished friend 
of all mankind is gone. 

Yesterday I said I had lost more tlian a 
friend. I had lost an inspiration. She would 
rather light candles than curse the darkness, 
and her glow had warmed the world. 

My country mourns lier, and I know that all 
in this Assembly mourn witlt us. But even as 
we do, the sadness we share is enlivened l\v the 
faith in her fellow man and his future which 
filled the heart of this strong and gentle woman. 

She imparted this faith not only to those who 
shared the privilege of knowing her and of 
working by her side but to countless men, 
women, and children in every part of the world 
who loved her even as she loved them. For she 
embodied the vision and tlie will to achieve a 
world in which all men can walk in peace and 
dignity. And to this goal — a better life — she 
dedicated her tireless energy and the strange 
strength of her extraordinary personality. 

I don't think it amiss to suggest that the 
United Nations is, in no small way, a memorial 
to her and to her aspirations. To it she gave 
the last 15 years of her restless spirit. She 
breathed life into this organization. Tlie 



1884-19 62 

670933 — 63 2 

United Nations has meaning and hope for mil- 
lions, thanks to her labors, her love, no less than 
to her ideals — ideals that made her, only weeks 
after Franklin Roosevelt's death, put aside all 
thoughts of i^eace and quiet after the tumult of 
their lives, to serve as one of this nation's dele- 
gates to the first regular session of the General 
Assembly. Her duty then — as always — was to 
the living, to the world, to peace. 

Some of you in this hall were present at that 
first historic Assembly in London 17 years ago. 
More of you were witnesses to her work in sub- 
sequent Assemblies in the years that followed. 
The members of the Third Committee — the 
committee on social, humanitarian, and cultural 
questions — and the Commission on Human 
Rights, which she served so long as chairman — 
you, in particular, will remember the warmth, 
the intelligence and infectious buoyancy which 
she brought to her tasks. You know better than 
any of us the unceasing crusade that helped to 
give the world, after years of painstaking, 
patient travail, one of the noblest documents of 
mankind : the Universal Declaration of Human 

This is not the time to recount the infinite 
services of this glorious and gracious lady ; the 
list is as inexhaustible as her energies! But 
devotion to the world of the charter, to the 
principles of the United Nations, to a world 
without war, to the brotherhood of man, 
underscored them all. And, happily for us all, 
she could communicate her devotion, her enthu- 
siasm, to others. She saw clearly; she spoke 
simply. The power of her words came from 
the depth of her conviction. 

"We must be will ing," she said, "to learn the 
lesson that cooperation may imply compromise, 
but if it brings a world advance it is a gain for 
each individual nation. There will be those 
who doubt their ability to rise to these new 
heights, but the alternative is not possible to 
contemplate. We must build faith in the hearts 
of those who doubt, we must rekindle faith in 
ourselves when it grows dim, and find some 
kind of divine courage within us to keep on till 
on earth we have peace and good will among 


While she lived, Mrs. Roosevelt rekindled 
that faith in ourselves. Now that she is gone. 


the legacy of her lifetime will do no less. 
bert Schweitzer wrote : 


No ray of sunlight is ever lost, but the green which 
it wakes . . . needs time to sprout, and it is not always 
granted to the sower to live to see the harvest. All 
work that is worth anything is done in faith. 

Mr. President, I trust you and the members 
of the Assembly will forgive me for having 
taken your time with these very personal 
thoughts. The issues we debate in this hall are 
many and grave. But I do not think that we 
are divided in our grief at the passing of this 
great and gallant human being — who was called 
the "First Lady of the World." 



Valerian A. Zorin (U.S.S.R.) ^ 

It is with feelings of deep sorrow that the 
Soviet delegation learned of the demise of Mrs. 
Eleanor Roosevelt. She was doubtless among 
those to whom death comes much too early. 
Some say that each person leaving this world 
takes a part of it with him ; but the death of Mrs. 
Eleanor Roosevelt has removed something from 
the lives of each one of us. Those who are con- 
nected with the work of this organization feel 
this loss all the more since Mrs. Eleanor Roose- 
velt, for many years, worked with this 
organization and spent much efi'ort in it. She 
was deeply alive to developments in interna- 
tional affairs, and in her heart we could always i 
find warm feelings for all people and good will ' 
for the interests of peace throughout the world. 

In expressing deep sympathy to the family of 

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, the Chairman of the 

Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. 

Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev, wrote: 

The Soviet Government and all the Soviet peoples' 

knew Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt as an outstanding Amer- 
ican i)ublic figure, the closest friend of that greatest of 
all Americans, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, with whose 
name so many good pages in the history of Soviet- 
American relations are connected, both in times of 
peace as well as during the common struggle against 
Hitlerite Germany. Following upon the death of 
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt 
remained true to his conviction of the need to 
strengthen peace throughout the world. 

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt embodied many of 

' Interpreted from the Russian. 


Eleanor Roosevelt Memorial Service 
Held at Washington Cathedral 

RcDKirks hij Secretary Rusk ' 

For 7 days, hundreds of millious all over the 
earth have expressed their affection for Eleanor 
Roosevelt and their sadness over her passing. PjIo- 
quence in high places has been given its true mean- 
ing by simple remarks at family hearthsides in 
every land, by those of every race and color and 
creed and political or social condition. Once again 
the gap between feeling and words has been appar- 
ent ; once again men try to express the unexpress- 

We are not diminished as a nation by the fact 
that one whom we loved and called a great Ameri- 
can has belonged as much to all the rest as to our 
own country ; for nations are neither as venerable 
nor as enduring as that company of men and 
women, to which Eleanor Roosevelt belonged, whose 
members, as Abou Ben Adhem's tribe, have been 
blessed with a love of God in consequence of a love 
of their fellow men. 

She was a woman who had no caisacity for hate 
but much for indignation. Her compassion was 
nothing passive ; it led her to passionate words and 
deeds against poverty, disease, exploitation, pre.iu- 
dice, fear, and oppression — and against such viola- 
tions of human rights as a smashed printing press, 
the sale of a child in the marliet, a desecrated 
shrine, or a people robbed of their human dignity. 

The United Nations Universal Declaration of 
Human Rights will be an enduring memorial to 
Eleanor Roosevelt. To her these central ideas Vi'ere 
neither vague nor unreal but were at the heart of 
man himself — the distant stars by which he must 
set his course. Shortly before that declaration was 
adopted she said : ' 

"We must not be confused about what freedom 
is. Basic human rights are simple and easily un- 
derstood : freedom of speech and a free press ; free- 
dom of religion and worship ; freedom of assembly 

^Made at the Washington Cathedral, Washing- 
ton, D.C., on Nov. 15 (press release 677). 

' For the text of an address made by Mrs. Roose- 
velt at Paris on Sept. 28, 1948, see Bulletin of 
Oct. 10, 1948, p. 457. 

and the right of petition ; the right of men to be 
secure in their homes and free from unreasonable 
search and seizure and from arbitrary arrest and 

"We must not be deluded by the efforts of the 
forces of reaction to prostitute the great words of 
our free tradition and thereby to confuse the 
struggle. Democracy, freedom, human rights have 
come to have a definite meaning to the people of 
the world which we must not allow any nation to 
so change that they are made synonymous with 
suppression and dictatorship." 

One also thinks of her courage ; for she had her 
full share of the legendary courage of Franklin 
Delano Roosevelt. She asked, with Dante, "O race 
of men, born to soar aloft, why do you let a little 
wind upset you?" She knew that man has lived 
through appalling events, has committed great 
crimes, has skirted the edge of the abyss. But she 
also knew that man has accomplished miracles and 
that the peaks ahead are to be climbed despite the 
dangers of the slippery and treacherous slopes. 

Her colleagues stood in awe of her boundless 
energy. For many years it was customary to assign 
a staff officer to each delegate to the United Na- 
tions. To Eleanor Roosevelt it was necessary to 
assign two, for one alone could not match the pace 
she set from breakfast to midnight as she went 
about her tasks. For her there was no place for 
discouragement, no thought of failure, no chance 
that man would not come out as man at his best. 

Some years ago a friend of mine was sitting next 
to a woman from the Soviet Union listening to a 
debate at the United Nations. The friend asked 
her what she thought of the proceedings. She said 
quietly, "These men are playing such childish and 
dangerous games." Eleanor Roosevelt had that in- 
stinctive caution about illusion, pride, irrational 
fear, senseless posturing. She kept her eyes on the 
enduring aspirations which are both our highest 
aims and our protection against destruction. 

Her life was one with the great story of man, 
and her memory will enrich those chapters which 
we in our day are privileged to write. 

ANUARY 14, 1963 


the best qualities of the American people, and 
we believe that her attitude toward the Soviet 
Union and the peoples of the Soviet Union is 
shared by millions of Americans. 

The Soviet delegation expresses its sincere 
sympathy and condolences to the United States 
delegation and the American people in connec- 
tion witli this sad, irretrievable loss. 

J. B. Godber (United Kingdom) 

I would like to add my words of sympathy 
and my expressions of appreciation of the life 
of Eleanor Roosevelt, on behalf of the delega- 
tion of the United Kingdom. This is not an 
occasion for long speeches; it is an occasion to 
let our hearts speak and to say how much we 
all lament the passing of one who was not only 
for many years the First Lady of the United 
States but who was a leader and an inspiration 
to humanity throughout the world. 

The name of Roosevelt bulks large m our 
I'ecent memories: Eleanor Roosevelt supported 
her husband during many anxious years, and 
after the war efforts were over, and when she 
herself came here to the United Nations, she 
was, I know, an inspiration to many people of 
all nationalities; she was a frequent and hon- 
ored visitor to my own country, and she always 
displayed that warm interest and that deep 
humanity which characterized her nature in 
everything that she did. She embodied all the 
best that the United Nations stands for, and 
that, I think, is why we all, particularly in this 
organization, mourn her here today. Her 
death is indeed a tragic loss, but it must not 
only be considered in that light, for what she 
stands for, what she did, and what she sought 
to perpetuate is something that I am sure will 
long live in our hearts, and our memory of her 
will be one of constant gratitude. I hope that 
it will inspire us, despite many difficulties, to 
go forward even more strongly with all the 
things in which she believed, and if we do that 
then we shall be keeping faitli with what she 
stood for. 

To those of my delegation who had the privi- 
lege of meeting her and working with her, to- 
day is a very sad day. But I know that we will 
gain strength from our memories of what she 

it Si 





did, and I think that, probably, is what s 
would have wished more than anything el 
that we remember her gratefully and that 
go forward in our determination to carry 
the work for which she labored so unceasinj 
and which has left her in our hearts for 

On behalf of the United Kingdom delegati 
I add my deep appreciation for the life of Ele 
nor Roosevelt and for the honor of havh 
worked with her. 


IVIanfred Lachs (Poland) [^-ii 

It is with great sorrow that I speak toda *" 
not only on behalf of Poland but of other cou 
tries of people's democracy of Eastern Europ 
Humanity has suffered a great loss. No mo 
will we see this noble figure; no more will v 
hear her words and appeals, whenever the cau 
of man was at stake. For she was not only 
great and worthy companion of a great Pres 
dent of the United States; she was a grei 
human being in her own right. By her passin 
the world has become poorer — not only the coui: 
ti-y she so ably represented in many fields h\\ n' 
the United Nations as a whole. We who ha 
the privilege to work with her in the counci 
of the United Nations will never forget he 
enthusiasm and devotion to humanity, to a 
mankind, irrespective of race and creed, to tY 
great family of man. 

Greatness has many dimensions but, if then 
was a person who combined exceptional qual 
ties of intellect and heart, selflessness and devc 
tion, it was Eleanor Roosevelt. Only 2 yeai 
ago we welcomed her in Poland at the Confer 
ence of the World Federation of United Nation 
Associations. Disregarding her frail he.altl 
and the hardships of a distant journey, sh' 
came to us to make her voice heard on behal 
of the cause of peace and the friendly coopera 
tion of nations; to these causes she has devotee 
lier whole life. 

We wish to express words of deep sympathj 
to the family of Eleanor Roosevelt, to tht 
American nation, and to the delegation of the 
United States to the ITnited Nations. Eleanor 
Roosevelt made a lasting contribution to the 
great causes which are so dear to all of us, andl 




lat s tieref ore we are all united in mourning her 

'^Tloger Seydoux (France) ' 

*^ I -wish to associate myself, on behalf of the 
' ©legation of France and of many delegations 
f West European comitries which have asked 
or me to do so, with the tribute paid to the 
lemory of Madame Koosevelt. Her death- 


irop ': 

in i 



or her country, for the entire world, and for 
lie United Nations — is a cruel loss, and I would 
ddress to the President of the General Assem- 
ly — in this Assembly where she served so well 
,Ja -to the head of the American delegation, and 
the chairman of the Third Committee, ex- 
Tessions of our deepest sympathy and om- most 
loving expression of condolence. This feeling 
shared by all in my country, where Madame 
loosevelt, among all, by her example of fight- 
ig for the most noble and just ideals, evoked 
(le warmest and deepest sympathy and con- 
•ratulations. Together with other eminent 
personalities, she, during the Assembly of 1948, 
rew up and had approved the Universal Dec- 
iration of Himian Rights, which, by its veiy 
itle and by its contents, is so dear to the hearts 
f the French people. She was a great lady 
lijjdio carried a great name and who played a 
;reat role in world affairs. 

She is no more, but the work she has done, 
he ideals she embodied, remain with us, and 
am convinced that we will draw inspiration 
lali rom them in our task of establishing trust and 
?f« leace among people, which is the supreme pur- 
" )Ose of our organization, just as it was the ideal 

'f >f Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt's life. 



X lathan Barnes (Liberia) 

Today we mourn the tragic loss of a great 
vorld personality, a great lady, whose life was 
me of dedication, usefulness, and service. I 
jpeak of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, whose un- 
timely death has cast a pall not only over her 
own country but over the entire world. Mrs. 
IRoosevelt served the cause of humanity well, 
and the world will indeed be poorer by her ab- 

' Interpreted from the French. 

JANUARY 14, 1963 

sence from this scene of mankind's quest for a 
just, peaceful, and orderly world, a world in 
which all men despite their creed, their race, 
and their color can seek, in brotherhood, enrich- 
ment of their souls and the abundance of life. 

Her useful life is enshrined in the Universal 
Declaration of Human Rights, a monumental 
and historic document which proclaims the dig- 
nity of the human person. Thus she has left 
with us an everlasting testament, so badly 
needed in this world, torn asimder by man's in- 
humanity to man. Her memory will long be 
cherished by all who, like her, dipped into the 
future as far as human eye could see, saw the 
vision of the world and all the wonders that 
could be, till the war drums talked no longer 
and the battle flags were furled, in what we 
hope the United Nations will be — a parliament 
of man and the federation of the world. 

On behalf of the delegation of Liberia, I ex- 
tend deepest sympathy to the delegation of the 
United States, her family, and the people of 
this great country. 

Michael S. Comay (Israel) 

My delegation, and the whole people of 
Israel, fully shares the sense of deep loss and 
sadness at the passing of Mrs. Roosevelt. 

She made three visits to our country and left 
an indelible impression on the many men, 
women, and children she met in every walk of 
life. Her friendship toward our people, her 
faith in the future of our state, was to us a 
source of unfailing inspiration and courage. 
The world is a poorer plac« without her but a 
richer place for her sojourn in it. 

Our heartfelt sympathy goes out to her fam- 
ily and her nation, to the United Nations she 
served so nobly, and to all of us who had the 
privilege of knowing her personally. 

U Tin Maung (Burma) 

With a deep feeling of sadness we learn of 
the demise of Mrs. Roosevelt. We knew and 
recognized her as a great American humani- 
tarian and as a citizen of the world. We knew 
her also as the tireless champion of the poor, 
the underprivileged, and the downtrodden. 
Her great dedication to and her deep faith in 


tlie principles and purposes of the charter and 
her constructive contribution to progress in the 
field of human rights and social justice mark 
her as one of the outstanding world figures. 
Her devotion to the cause of peace and her mon- 
umental work will continue to inspire all of us. 
On behalf of the delegation of Buraia, I wish 
to request the delegation of the United States 
to convey our condolences to all the members 
of her family in their recent bereavement. 

Taieb Slim (Tunisia) 

It is with a feeling of great sorrow and sad- 
ness that we speak today about the passing 
away of Mrs. Roosevelt, one of the greatest fig- 
ures in our world. 

Mrs. Eoosevelt had devoted her whole life to 
the service of mankind and was connected with 
the work of our organization. She had, during 
her life, shown a sense of humanity, under- 
standing, and sympathy to all the people of the 
world and, in particular, to those who are fight- 
ing for their rights and their dignity. There 
is hardly any universal organization dealing 
with human rights which did not enjoy the 
sympathy and the valuable help and contribu- 
tion of that great citizen of the world. 

The world today mourns her passing away — 
the passing away of a great citizen — and we in 
Africa have lost a great friend who inspired our 
lives and our struggle. It is on behalf of the 
African delegations, wliich asked me to speak, 
that I wish to express through you to the family 
of that great lady and to the delegation of the 
United States our sincere condolences. We 
wish to express to them all the sympathy of the 
African Continent. 

Aureliano Aguirre (Uruguay) * 

The Uruguayan delegation cannot remain si- 
lent during this solemn tribute. We are not 
only moved by our solidarity and friendship 
with the people of the United States, who are 
shocked today by this great loss, but also by the 
affection and appreciation of the personal char- 
acteristics of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. We shall 

* Interpreted from the Spanish. 

not dwell on an enumeration of each and everj 
one of her qualities, first as the inspirer anc 
great support of Franklin Delano Rooseveh 
and in her own capacity in following up th( 
pursuit of tliat man's great ideals. We shal 
only evoke her in what for us was the most val 
uable aspect of her personality. We refer tc 
her eminently humanitarian sentiments, hei 
friendship and spontaneous kindness to al 
peoples, her interest in peoples throughout th( 
world, in friendship and in brotherhood. 

We would say that very few people incar 
nated the most noble and inspired ideals of oui tigi: 
organization as she did. Reason tells us that jla 
this would not be a true homage or tribute to 
Mrs. Roosevelt. Quite to the contrary, gentle- 
men, our best tribute will be to devote ourselves 
more fully to our task for the cause of mankind 
peace and progress in order to fulfill tlie mes 
sage that she left us. 




3! in 




Mrs. Agda Rossei (Sweden) 

May I, on behalf of the Governments and the 
delegations of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, and 
Sweden, convey our condolences to the United 
States mission and to the family of Mrs. Roose- 
velt. Our sorrow is deep, and I do not think 
we can yet imderstand how deep our loss is, 

At the same time we cannot forget and wei 
should remember that we are enriched by alll 
that she gave us, the representatives of thei 
United Nations, to the United Nations and alll Sle 
its organs and to the world as a whole. May 
I be allowed to say that especially the women 
of the world have a special gratitude to her for 
all that she taught us, for all the encouragement 
she gave to women all over the world in their 
endeavors. She belonged and belongs to 

We are all in some way her heirs, and upon 
us is laid the duty to be the trustees of the 
wealth of constructive thoughts and ideas of 
realistic idealism and of all her endeavors. It 
is up to us to carry on what she did in such a 
noble manner and in a way which has raised 
an eternally living monument over her. I hope 
that we will be worthy of the trust and belief 
she had in the United Nations and in mankind. 




iatsuo Okazaki CJapan) 

Mi Words are scarcely adequate to express the 
*^' 'eeling of sadness which overtook the delega- 
P ' ion of Japan when we learned of the death of 
klrs. Eleanor Eoosevelt. 

We in the United Nations honor her today 
lot only because she was a great American 
lady but also because she was a great lady of 
;he United Nations. Her outstanding contri- 
butions and devoted service to our organization 
luring its early formative years will be a last- 
ng inspiration to all of us. But most of all 
(ve grieve because the entire Japanese people 
lad come to know and love Mrs. Roosevelt as 
I great champion of human rights and of all 
hat is good and true and noble in human na- 
ture and in human relations regardless of race 
""iDr color or nationality, regardless of creed or 
, of poverty or richness. 
Mrs. Roosevelt belonged not alone to the 
United States, or to the United Nations; she 
oelonged to Inunanity. A woman, she loved all 
mankind and all mankind will cherish forever 
fier memory. 

Carlet Auguste (Haiti) ^ 

The world has learned with the deepest con- 
sternation of the demise of Mrs. Eleanor Roose- 
velt, one of the greatest feminine figures in our 
century, particularly in the North American 
!ontinent. She passed away after devoting her 
(life to work in all the spheres that honor man 
lin order to advance our world to a better under- 
itanding of its great social problems. 

On this American soil and more especially 
un each capital of Latin America and in Haiti, 
Ithis tragic loss, which draws so many tears, 
tis felt more than anywhere else, because it is 
ipossible to speak of the great virtues of this il- 
llustrious person but we cannot do so without 
lassociating with her the name of that great hu- 
manitarian figure President Franklin Delano 
Roosevelt. She was a great collaborator of this 
great man, who gave her name and her devo- 
tion and aid to all those tasks that helped to 
a better understanding of the world. 

' Interpreted from the French. 
JANUARY 14, 1963 

She was a great lady, great because she 
treated so well the cause of our century and, 
more especially, the cause of Latin America. It 
is therefore a jjious duty, dictated by apprecia- 
tion and recognition, to come liere on behalf of 
all these Latin American people and bow be- 
fore the mortal remains of Mrs. Franklin Dela- 
no Roosevelt and extend to her family and her 
country our most heartfelt condolences. 

Miss Helen Marsh (Canada) 

It is fitting that we should take this hour 
from our labors to pay tribute in this hall to 
a vei-y great lady, a lady whose name will re- 
main in our liearts and memories as one of the 
builders of the United Nations. 

We in Canada have particular cause to mourn 
her death. The tributes from all countries of 
the world testify to her remarkable ability to 
inspire all whom she met. As a neighboring 
country our ties were especially close and we 
benefited the more from them. She also spent 
many happy days in our country in the Roose- 
velt family home on Campobello Island. 

She achieved the unique distinction of be- 
coming during her lifetime a symbol of the dig- 
nity of the individual and of the profound 
impact that a warm and generous personality 
can have on our destinies. Our task now is to 
dedicate ourselves to the achievement of the 
goals which have guided her numerous activi- 
ties, the benefit of humanity and respect for 
the fundamental rights of the individual. In 
her own person she became a living embodiment 
of the ideals of the Charter of the United Na- 
tions and the Universal Declaration of Human 

On behalf of the Government and the peo- 
ple of Canada I wish to record how deep is our 
regret and our sense of loss at the death of Anna 
Eleanor Roosevelt. 

Miso Pavicevic (Yugoslavia) 

The Yugoslav delegation wishes to join in 
the expressions of condolence and deep sym- 
pathy on the passing away of Mrs. Eleanor 
Roosevelt expressed here and in all parts of the 
world to her family, to the American people, 


and to the United States delegation at the 
United Nations. 

By the death of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt the 
American people suffers a great loss of one of 
the outstanding personalities of its new history, 
and the world and our organization particu- 
larly have lost a great humanitarian and an 
imtiring champion of the cause of peace and 
friendship among nations. 

When, today, all her great merits in many 
fields are being recalled, the Yugoslav delega- 
tion feels in duty bound to recall that it was 
Mrs. Roosevelt who was among the first to 
understand and support the struggle of the 
Yugoslav people for freedom and independ- 
ence. Thereby Mrs. Roosevelt gi-eatly contrib- 
uted to the building of friendship and mutual 
understanding between the United States and 

For all these reasons the people of Yugo- 
slavia will cherish a warm and lasting memory 
of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. 

C. W. A. Schurmann (Netherlands) 

Yesterday a distinguished member of our 
delegation gave expression in the Third Com- 
mittee to our feelings of deep sorrow on the 
passing of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. I do not 
wish to repeat here what he said, but having 
had the honor and the privilege of knowing 
this great lady I would simply say, here in this 
Assembly TTall as well, that the people of the 
Netherlands mourn her profoundly because 
they know that she was one of those rare human 
beings — and wonderful human beings — whose 
dedication, whose understanding, and whose 
charity are universal. 

Let me add that Mrs. Roosevelt was a per- 
sonal and intimate friend of our Queen and 
that I know that Her Majesty is as moved by 
this loss as are all of us. On behalf of the 
people of the Netherlands as well as of my dele- 
gation I would convey our condolences to Mrs. 
Roosevelt's family, to her country, and to her 

Albert Silla (Madagascar) ' 

The 12 Republics of the Alalagasy and Afri- 
can Union — Senegal, Mauritania, Upper Volta, 

' Interpreted from the French. 

Nigeria, the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Congo 
(Brazzaville), Gabon, the Central African Re- 
public, Chad, Cameroon, and Madagascar — 
wish to associate their voices with all those 
which were raised in paying tribute to the 
memory of Airs. Roosevelt. 

Tliis loss will be felt not only by the Ameri- 
can people but also by all the peoples of the 
world who remember in this day of mourning 
how great was this noble figure and the part 
which she played in the drafting of the T^niver- 
sal Declaration of Human Rights. In the 
farthermost corners of Africa and Madagascar 
her memory will be remembered with emotion, 
just like the memory of all those who have 
fought for the dignity of the human person, for 
his freedom and liberty. 

To her family and to the American people 
the 12 Republics of the Malagasy and African 
Union send expressions of their deep sympathy. 
"\^niereas so many paasing glories are lost in 
oblivion, her memory will remain with us and 
be a beacon for all mankind. 

B. N. Chakravarty (India) 

We were deeply shocked and grieved to learn 
of the passing away of Mrs. Eleanor Roose- 
velt. I have been asked to speak by my Indo- 
nesian colleague on his behalf as well. On be- 
half of the delegations of India and Indonesia 
I beg to associate myself with others in paying 
homage and tribute to the memory of this great 

She was a tireless champion of the poor and 
the downtrodden. Her devotion to the cause 
of peace, her contributions toward the estab- 
lislmient of human rights and social justice, 
will always be cherished in history. She is not 
merely a former Fii-st Lady in this country but 
was a great world citizen in her own right. She 
had always taken a leading part in the activi- 
ties of the United Nations, which she served so 
well. The world is all the poorer today by the 
death of this great humanitarian lady. 

Mrs. Roosevelt had visited my country and 
taken a great deal of interest and shown sym- 
pathetic imderstanding of our people. We 
mouni her loss profoundlj^ 

On behalf of the Government and people of 
India and of Indonesia, we would like to offer 



our sincerest sympathy and deep condolences 
to Mrs. Roosevelt's family, to the United States 
delegation, and to the American people. 

Abdul Rahman Pazhwak (Afghanistan) 

On behalf of the delegation of Afghanistan, 
and also the delegation of Iran, allow me to 
join my voice with those who have paid homage 
and tribute to the memory of the late Mrs. 
Roosevelt. I do this with a mind full of respect 
and a heart full of profound sorrow, and we 
share the sad feelings of the mission of the 
United States of America and also other mem- 
bers of this organization, the people of the 
United States, and the family and friends of 
Mrs. Roosevelt wherever they may be on this 
sad occasion. The death of Mrs. Roosevelt is a 
great loss not only for the American people but 
for humanity as a whole. 

Mr. President, in your statement you have 
spoken of the great contributions of Mrs. Roose- 
velt to the United Nations and the promotion 
of human rights everywhere. And no one can 
find better words than those spoken by Mr. 
Stevenson. Therefore, I request you, Mr. Pres- 
ident, and also Mr. Stevenson, to allow me to 
wholeheartedly associate myself with every 
word spoken by him and by you. I assure Mr. 
Stevenson that, in speaking today here and in 
the words that he chose for it, he has not spoken 
as an American only, or only as a friend of Mrs. 
Roosevelt, but he has spoken for all human 
'' beings who have respect and a sense of appre- 

I request the mission of the United States to 
accept our most sincere condolences on this sad 
occasion and to convey our feelings to the 
family of Mrs. Roosevelt and the great Ameri- 
can people. 

Mrs. Roosevelt had the greatest love for man- 
kind and for hiunanity, and she will always live 
in the heart, of humanity as a great inspiration. 
Tliis flame of love, in the words of an Afghan 
poet, does not die. This candle is removed 
from one room only to glow in another. If all 
Mrs. Roosevelt wanted for humanity is 
achieved, Mr. President and fellow delegates, 
we will have a much better world in which 
death will be a much sadder event indeed. Her 
spirit will be happy if those she has left behind, 

JANUARY 14, 1963 
670933—63 3 

particularly in this organization, will complete 
the noble mission to which she had dedicated 
her life. Tliis we should do as a tribute to Mrs. 

For us, and for me personally because I had 
the privilege of working with Mrs. Roosevelt, 
the greatest thing to remember always is the 
memory of the expression of the greatness of 
her own mind by understanding the minds of 

Jens Haugland (Norway) 

The death of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt has 
caused deep sorrow in Norway. The Norwe- 
gian people were proud and happy to be able 
to regard her as a very close friend. Like her 
husband, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 
she took a personal and warm interest in Nor- 
way's fate during the Second World War, as 
she was always sincerely and fervently devoted 
to the cause of all peoples and individuals fight- 
ing for life and freedom and dignity. 

When the late Crown Princess Martha of 
Norway and her children were forced into exile 
with King Haakon and the Crown Prince, Pres- 
ident Roosevelt and Mrs. Roosevelt extended 
their ever-present hospitality and friendship to 
them and gave them a wartime home in the 
United States, for a long time even in the Pres- 
ident's own residence at Hyde Park. 

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt visited Norway af t«r 
the war and was received by the Norwegian 
Royal Family, the people, and its Government 
as a longstanding friend. In Oslo she un- 
veiled a statue of President Roosevelt raised 
by Norwegians in memory of his inspiring lead- 
ership. Today this statue will also remind us 
of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt's own achievements 
in the cause of freedom and democracy. 

In honoring the memory of Mrs. Eleanor 
Roosevelt in the United Nations, we will in par- 
ticular remember her work in the field of human 
rights. In this way she contributed conclu- 
sively toward the fulfilment of a vital part of 
the ideals of her husband when he conceived 
the United Nations. 

The sorrow of the American people and its 
Government over the death of Mrs. Eleanor 
Roosevelt is shared by all Norwegians. 


Jagdish S. Rana (Nepal) 

On behalf of my delegation I take the floor 
of this Assembly to mourn the passing of a great 
lady and to share the loss and sorrow of those 
present here. The death of Mrs. Eleanor 
Koosevelt has not only deprived the world of 
a person whose tireless efforts were always di- 
rected toward the good of humanity but also 
a person who has been long considered as a 
citizen of the world. 

Today all the nations of the world feel this 
loss and mourn with the United States of 
America, which gave the world this great lady. 

May I, on behalf of the delegation of Nepal, 
pay homage to the departed soul and extend 
deep condolences to the representatives of the 
United States and, through them, to the peo- 
ple of the United States and to the bereaved 

Jacinto Castel Borja (Philippines) 

I speak on behalf of the delegation of the 
Federation of Malaya and my own delegation 
of the Republic of the Philippines. My country 
and our neighbor, Malaya, are especially sad- 
dened to hear that Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, that 
great lady who has helped soften the heart of 
the world toward the underprivileged and the 
disinherited of the goods of this earth, is no 

As countries which have had close relations 
with the United States, we had an opportunity 
to witness her work and to benefit from the 
warmth of her personality. The other delega- 
tions paid tribute to her humanitarian ideals 
and her activities which she gave to the world, 
to her country, and to the United Nations. We 
join the whole world in extending to the United 
States delegation and to her family our sin- 
cerest condolences. Her figure will be an in- 
spiration for us at the United Nations and to 
the world for all time. I am sure that with the 
years we shall all cherish her memory as an 
institution of himianitarian faith. 

Gundogdu Ustiin (Turkey) 

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt's death came as a 
great shock to the people of Turkey. Mrs. 
Roosevelt's contribution to the work of the 

United Nations in humanitarian and social ; 
fields is so well known that it is hardly neces- 
sary for me to repeat it. I only wish to asso- 
ciate myself with the other speakers who 
preceded me on this rostrum to pay tribute to 
the memory of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. 

I wish also, on behalf of the Turkish delega- 
tion, to present to the Government and people .] 
of the United States our deepest sympathy and 
our most sincere condolences. 

F. H. Comer (New Zealand) 

Mrs. Roosevelt's natural instincts were on the 
side of truth and justice. These good instincts, 
though infused with passion, never led her to 
be overbearing: her compassion for her fellow 
creatures was too great, her lack of pride too 
absolute. She was truly a gentle woman, with- 
out guile, her good manners reflecting her good 
nature. She was a beautiful woman: for the 
transparent beauty and purity of her soul shone 
in her every expression. Many of the best 
achievements of the United Nations owe some- 
thing of their quality to her. 

This is a political institution. As in all such 
institutions, we are in daily danger that our 
preoccupation with means may blind us to our 
ends. To the extent that the memory of Mrs. 
Roosevelt remains alive in us — and which of us 
who knew her can ever forget her? — the more 
likely we are to remain true to the noble prin- 
ciples of our charter. What better legacy could 
anyone leave us ? 

We New Zealanders share with her family, 
with the people of the United States, and with 
people throughout the world a sense of irrepa- 
rable loss. But we give thanks for her life. 

Somcliai Anuman Rajadhon (Thailand) 

I wish to add my voice, on behalf of the Gov- 
ernment and people of Thailand, to those of the 
representatives who have spoken before me, in 
paying our tribute to the memory of a great 
personality, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. 

It is with deep sorrow and sadness that we 
learned of this tragic loss. We in Thailand 
remember very well the contribution which she 
made to her nation in particular and to the 
world in general, especially in the field of 



I humanity. We have lost her, but the contribu- 
Ition she has made to mankind will always re- 
main and be cherished, and her name will be 
long remembered. On behalf of my delegation 
I wish to ask the United States delegation to 
convey to her family our heartfelt and sincere 

[Ellis Clarke CTrinidad and Tobago) 

Wliile we deeply mourn the passing of Mrs. 
Eleanor Roosevelt, we feel that this sad event 
is the culmination of the dedicated labor of this 
great lady. For we must today of necessity 
turn our thoughts to the ideals for which Mrs. 
Roosevelt continually strove. In doing so, we 
have no alternative but to pay Mrs. Roosevelt 
the deserved tribute of msuring that we bring 
to reality those ideals for which she would will- 
ingly have given her life. 

On behalf of tlie delegations of Jamaica and 
Trinidad and Tobago, I extend our sincere con- 
dolences to her family, her country, and the 
delegation which she once adorned. 

Zenon Rossides (Cyprus) 

On behalf of my delegation, the Government 
and people of Cyprus, I come to this rostrum to 
pay tribute and homage to the memory of 
Eleanor Roosevelt, who has been truly ac- 
claimed the "First Lady of the World." As rep- 
resentative of a small and newly independent 
country, I have added reasons to express my 
great sorrow for the passing of Mrs. Roosevelt, 
a great friend and supporter of the cause of 
freedom and independence. 

Through her dedication and earnest work for 
social justice and human rights, Mrs. Roosevelt 
won the hearts of all peoples everywhere. 
Eleanor Roosevelt's service to humanity paral- 
lels that of her great husband, Franklin Delano 
Roosevelt, whose imaginative policy and great 
work in building peace and founding the 

United Nations will be remembered throughout 
the ages as a monumental contribution to the 
progress of mankind. 

It is perhaps one of the rarest occasions when 
a husband and wife, each individually, by their 
own intrinsic worth and dedicated service to 
mankind, separately earn the very first position 
as citizens of the world and the respect and love 
of the whole world community. The best me- 
morial that could be erected to them would be 
to work toward the construction of the edifice 
of peace in a world of law and order, to which 
their lives were dedicated. Especially would 
it be a fitting memorial for Eleanor Roosevelt 
to promote tlie effective application of human 
rights tlirough a sense of urgency in the adop- 
tion of the Human Rights Covenant. 

In paying our last respects to this great lady, 
my delegation would like to express its deepest 
sympathy to the family of Mrs. Eleanor Roose- 
velt as well as to the United States delegation 
and the Government and people of the United 

John D. Retails (Greece) 

I would like to associate myself with the pre- 
vious speakers and express, on behalf of my 
delegation and the Government and people of 
Greece, the deepest condolences on the tragic 
loss of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. My country 
will never forget the personality of the First 
Lady, who is no longer among us. Her great 
effort for the creation of a better international 
atmosphere for peace and understanding and 
her fight for the promotion of the highest hu- 
man ideals will not be forgotten by the peoples 
of the whole world. 

I wish to extend to the United States delega- 
tion, the people of the United States, and the 
members of the family of Mrs. Roosevelt the 
sincere expression of the profound sorrow and 
heartfelt condolences of my Government. 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


The Caricature of Foreign Aid 

hy Harlan Cleveland 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs' 


The New Yeai- is almost here. Once again — 
sooner, it seems, each time around — we face the 
time to make resolutions and the time to take 
stock and to foretell our own destiny. 

Having just helped nurse another United 
Nations General Assembly to bed, I already 
have my fill of resolutions. But I would like 
this evening to make and defend a prediction. 
I predict that the United States foreign aid 
program — the effort, to help the world's less de- 
veloped areas build new institutions as a basis 
for a new prosperity in increasingly open so- 
cieties — will be a success. I predict further, 
and with even greater temerity, that our for- 
eign aid program will in time be popular in 
this country. 

This business of looking into the future is 
one of the perils that goes with public office. 
The public expects predictions, and we who 
work for the people are expected to be as 
obliging as the yomig businessman who went to 
the Beaux Arts Ball in Paris dressed as a pay- 
roll so his Bohemian friends could thereafter 
claim they had met one. 

It is not enough, of course, for public officials 
to use the guide to crystal-ball gazing that some 
of our favorite pundits and pooh-bahs seem to 
have tacked up on the walls near their desks. 
Syndicated wisdom requires close attention to 
the rules of the forecasting game: 

First. Look way ahead, far into the future. 
Wlien the time comes to check your prediction, 
almost everybody will have forgotten about it. 

Second. Take the broad view ; wrap your pre- 


'Address made before the Modern Language Asso- 
ciation of America at Washington, D.C., on Dec. 28 
(press release 746). 

dictions in the warm mist of generality. Above 
all, don't use numbers in your forecasts. They 
can too easily be compared with reality later 

Third. Be pessimistic — it's better for circula-i 
tion. Keep your head in the old kit bag of 
troubles. The boy who cried wolf, the Bibli- 
cal Jeremiah, and the Trojan seeress Cassandra 
set the pattern long ago. Few people will 
really believe pessimistic predictions, and even 
fewer will act on them. These three were 
quite imable to avert the disasters they foretold 
— but look what a reputation they made for 

A government official does not get off so 
easily. His professional preoccupation is the 
near future. He has to deal in specifics. And 
he is bound to think well of the future — and 
try to make it come out that way. 

Progress in Language Learning 

It was, for example, this commandment of 
confidence that made it imperative for public 
officials to reject, as the Modern Language As- 
sociation has long ago rejected, the dismal 
image of the tonguetied American abroad — 
tonguetied, that is, in any language but his own. 
A generation ago a distmguished writer was 
contending in a personal history that he was 
the only American from the Midwest who 
learned to speak French. Five years ago the 
public was being told, in a bestselling political 
tract disguised as a novel, that the overseas 
Americans were a queer lot, babbling to each 
other in bad English and shouting at the na- 
tives of a hundred foreign countries in the same. 

The peculiar notion that Americans neither 



3uld nor would leai'n foreign languages is as 
Id and as silly as the idea that we never won 
peace. Language training was in fact a cr}'- 
iig need, and standards for government serv- 
■0 were not what tliey should have been. But 

10 need was not for recrimination or ridicule ; 
lie need was for more training and higher 

andards. Prodded bj' your spur, the United 
rates Government has gotten down in earnest 
) the business of language training. 
It was notoriously true that in 1958 half of 

11 Foreign Service officers could not speak any 
oreign language. Today nearly 90 percent 
ave at least a working knowledge of a foreign 
inguage and 6i percent have a professional 
■roficiency. Not only are more officers learn- 
ag languages; they are also learning more 
uiguages and harder ones. A total of 56 differ- 
nt languages is now being taught in Washing- 
3n and in the field. Moreover, a special 
inguage program for Foreign Service wives 
.as begmi this year and is already full to over- 

This progress in language learning has not 
een confined to the Department of State. The 
National Defense Act of 1958 has proved that, 
f we understand and accept the purposes and 
imitations of language training, we can pro- 
uce a program that will be successful and will 
le handsomely supported by the American pub- 
ic. Today a quarter of a million students are 
ising teaching materials developed under the 
esearch program this act made possible. 

In time we will have an adequate number of 
jroperly trained linguists. This will be no 
piarantee that we know what to say : Remem- 
ler poor Jenny, "who in seventeen languages 
:ouldn't say 'no'." But it will be proof, once 
igain, that for Americans the "impossible" is 
lot really out of reach; it just takes a little 

Complexities of Foreign Aid 

My twin prediction tonight — success and 
support for foreign aid — runs counter to cur- 
rent mythology on the subject, of course. It 
will have rough going with these professional 
stargazers, entrails sorters, numerologists, and 
other usually unreliable sources who are busy 
greeting the new Administrator [David E. 

Bell] of the AID [Agency for International 
Development] prograna with jeremiads replete 
with blunders, cutbacks, retreats, punched 
pillows, ratholes, deadbeats, and deadends. 

Indeed, the net impression from recent discus- 
sion of the foreign aid program seems to be 
that the task is hopeless, the program is an 
uncharted swamp, and the honor of being its 
Administrator is akin to the conjugal joys of 
being Bluebeard's bride. 

Certainly the management of the foreign aid 
program is no bed of roses — unless you count the 
thorns. It is immensely complex, enormously 
difficult, and more than a little fi-ustrating. 

Albert Einstein used to say that every propo- 
sition should be as simple as possible — but not 
one bit simpler. Foreign aid cannot be made 
simple. If you hear anybody say he's going 
to make it simple for you, put him down as 
simple minded. 

International development is an intricate role 
of international complexity, and our foreign 
aid, as part of it, is a multipurpose tool. 

This is, of course, why purposes and limita- 
tions of AID are so widely misunderstood. 
Everybody's favorite modern language teacher. 
Professor Henry Higgins, had a similar prob- 
lem with grasping the varied purposes and mo- 
tivations of one Eliza Doolittle. If you think 
it's hard to understand the "why" of foreign 
aid, stop a moment and think whether you 
really know why any one person of your ac- 
quaintance acts just the way he does. Then 
multiply your uncertainty by 180 million givers 
and a billion recipients of aid. This exercise 
won't help you understand U.S. foreign eco- 
nomic policy any better, but it's designed to 
make you feel better. 

Economic aid is like water coming from a 
hose. The water can be used for many pur- 
poses — to put out leaf fires, to wash the car, to 
cool off the children in summer, to break up a 
dog fight, or even to water the lawn. To ask, 
"Is the water successful?" is to ask another, 
preconditioning question, "What was it being 
used for?" 

Thus aid is used to relieve victims of disaster, 
to get a strategic base, to help allies build their 
armed strength, to stave off economic collapse. 
It is used to promote international develop- 

JANTTART 14, 1963 


ment — that is, to help build free institutions 
inside other people's countries and help the 
people there to make those free institutions 
work. We should not be disappointed if aid 
given to build a military liighway fails to raise 
more rice or reduce the death rate from malaria. 
We should be disappointed only if aid designed 
to build free institutions fails to build free insti- 

False Impressions of Aid Program 

The current impression of the foreign aid 
program as a hapless, hopeless chore strikes me 
as a badly distorted caricature, compounded of 
five illusions : 

Fh'st, that the task of helping other countries 
is a lonely burden, borne quite unfairly by long- 
suffering Uncle Sam. 

Second, that the very process of economic 
growth — what starts it, what keeps it going, 
and how an outsider can help — is an unfathom- 
able mystery. 

Third, that foreign aid is an endless task at a 
growing cost to the American taxpayer. 

Fourth, that the Communists do this sort of 
thing better than we do. 

Fifth, that there is no public support for 
foreign aid. 

These impressions are false. Let us look at 
them with the fishy eye they deserve. 

U.S. Not Alone in Foreign Aid 

Many people still have the impression that 
Uncle Sam is carrying the whole load of help- 
ing others modernize their institutions because 
we were the first to get into the business. That 
was way back in the dim past — a decade and a 
half ago — when General Marshall, as Secretary 
of State, helped start an era of history first 
called European recovery, more recently the 
Common Market, and soon to be called Atlantic 

It is still a fact that the burden sharing is 
still somewhat uneven. But certainly we are 
not alone in the business. We have never been 
all alone, yet. Until recently, talk of getting 
others to set up foreign aid programs of their 
own was met with innocent unconcern, like the 


young lady (returning from language stud; 
abroad, I suppose) who was asked by the c 
toms inspector if she was carrying any pomoi 
raphy and replied, "Why, sir, I don't even o 
a pomograph !" 

Today ours is not the only government witll 
an overseas aid agency. There are foreign aiil 
agencies now in London and Paris and Bom 
and Tokyo and Brussels and Tel Aviv an( 
Stockliolm and Copenhagen as well. 

And this refers only to national aid pro 
grams. As you well know, we also worl 
through big international organizations — -thi 
World Bank, the International Developmen 
Association, the International Monetary Fund 
and all the specialized agencies of the Unite( 
Nations. We are typically the largest stock 
holder in these enterprises, as we should be an( 
want to be. But hundreds of millions of dollar 
are put in by other countries, totaling far raon 
than we contribute. Indeed, one of the gooc 
things about working at economic developmeni 
through international agencies is that it helpi 
make sure that others are doing their part, too. 

No, we are not in this thing by ourselves 
Only if we were out of it would we be al 

What We Know About Economic Growth 

The second component of the caricature ii 
that the whole business of starting and helpinj: 
economic growth is a total mystery. There ia 
indeed, much that we do not yet know about iK 
What is the role of political leadership in creafe 
ing a national "will to grow"? How does oni 
go about rooting out corruption in societie 
where it has become part of the national fabric 
How and at what pace can one change, withou 
producing social tramna, customs which frus 
trate growth ? There are many tough questioni 
like these; and to all of them must be added thi 
even tougher question: How, in each country 
can outsiders help the insiders build theii 
own free institutions — without making thing; 
worse ? 

I sometimes tliink that stimulating and man- 
aging the modernization process is the mosl 
complex and delicate task of social engineering 
ever consciously undertaken by the mind 01 



lan. It is full of pitfalls, and those who are 
.oikiiig at it will surely tumble into some of 
liem. But, as our own pioneers learned on the 
unerican prairie, it was no good to have the 
■ nirage to begin without the strength to con- 

We have not been long at this task, but we 
lave learned much — from mistakes, needless to 

Our first mistake was to set out breezily to 
ransfer wholesale the institutions and ideas of 
he economically dynamic to the static societies. 
Vlien it turned out that you couldn't dig a hole 
nd plant there a replica of some European or 
American institution, many Americans suffered 
, sentimental revolution and swung the other 
w&y: The developed countries, we were told, 
Ihould simply do for the less developed what 
he "people themselves" wanted done. 

But there were problems in transf onning this 
dea into action too. One was that the leaders 
if the less developed countries tended to make 
he same mistake that we did in the earliest 
)eriod : that is, they tended to think that what 
hey wanted was what we already had. An- 
)ther was the difficulty of being sure, from the 
)utside, who the "people themselves" were. It 
s not easy to analyze the rapid mutation of 
political power in somebody else's country. 

In the end it was necessary to learn how to 
nake a creative blend of our technology and 
idministrative skills and their folkways and 
fforkways — building modern-style institutions 
3ut of local cultural raw materials. 

Our understanding is still primitive. The 
state of our theory about how to do this — how 
to transfer and adapt the growth-inducing ele- 
ments from one society to another — is still woe- 
fully short of the practitioners' needs. But at 
least we know enough about it to check some old 
ideas. For example: 

We know that a few miles of road in the 
wilderness, an isolated health center, a country 
schoolhouse, or a cleanup campaign in one vil- 
lage do not add up to a development process. 

We know that it is much harder to grow peo- 
ple than it is to grow anything else — and much 
more important too. 
We know that we are living in an era of 

deep mutual involvement in each other's inter- 
nal affairs, and we know that this raises some 
interesting policy questions about the role of 
the outsider and the principle of noninterven- 
tion by a nation in the affairs of other nations. 

We know now that the most useful measur- 
ing rods in development are those which meas- 
ure the building of institutions rather than 
those which measure only production, trade, or 
national income. 

We know that technicians who leave insti- 
tutions behind are good technicians, and tech- 
nicians who just leave teclaniques are bad 
technicians — even if everybody loves them and 
they are fairly dripping with cultural empathy. 

We know that the vigorous effort by almost 
all technical specialists to exclude politics from 
their calculations is doomed to failure. 

We know, in short, that development is 

If this much knowledge does not provide 
answers to all the problems, it at least helps 
to define them. And it is quite a lot to leam 
about so complex a subject in so short a time 
as 15 years. If we can apply these lessons as- 
tutely these next 15 years, the foreign aid pro- 
gram will be a success — measured by the 
number and quality of free institutions other 
peoples have created with our help. 

Task Is Finite in Cost and Duration 

The third component of the foreign aid car- 
icature is the impression that the need for aid 
is a bottomless pit, that the development road 
runs through a long curving tunnel with no 
light at the end, that the cost of the thing is be- 
yond measure and the task is without limit. 

Of course worldwide development is expen- 
sive. And unfortunately we cannot today put 
a price tag on the job of setting the whole world 
on the road to self-sustaining growth. But that 
is not because the cost is so astronomical as to be 
inmieasurable ; it is simply that we do not yet 
know enough to measure it with any real ac- 

Of course this will be a long-term job. And 
unfortunately we cannot today establish a ter- 
minal date for the whole affair, as we were able 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


to do with the Marshall Plan. But we do know 
that it will be shorter if we think of it as long- 
range. It is guaranteed to last forever only if 
we make the most costly mistake of all — of tack- 
ling 20-year problems with 5-year plans using 
2-year personnel and 1-year money. 

The point is that there will be a peak after 
which the load will begin to taper off. Tliere 
are more than 100 countries and territories in 
the so-called less developed world. Yet 40 per- 
cent of the total population of that world lives 
in just two countries. Is it beyond the realm of 
reason that India and Brazil could, with maxi- 
mum efforts now, reach a stage of growth dur- 
ing this Decade of Development where massive 
inputs of govemment-to-government aid no 
longer will be required ? Or, to put it another 
way : India and Pakistan, sharing a single sub- 
continent, have more people than all of Latin 
America and Africa put together. Some 40 
percent of our e<?onomic aid goes to those two 
countries. Is it beyond reason that they can, in 
a decade of hard work, be earning a consider- 
ably larger share of their own way toward self- 
sustaining growth? 

In the meantime there is a limit to the levels 
of external assistance, especially capital assist- 
ance, which can be absorbed effectively by the 
developing institutions in the developing coim- 
ties. We do not loiow just what the global level 
is, but probably it is not very much higher than 
the present rate of flow. So the demand is not 
unlimited, whatever that limit is. 

Also, in the meantime, the aid-exporting 
nations will be sharing the so-called burden on, 
we hope, an increasingly equitable basis. And 
as the leading countries now in the "less de- 
veloped" category move toward modernization, 
they too can begin to share in the common en- 
terprise as Chile, India, Egypt, and others are 
already beginning to do. 

In my view, we should work harder than we 
have before at the job of establishing at least 
tentative target dates for self-sustaining 
growth and of estimating the price tag for 
reasonably well defined stages. But, whether 
we can do this or not with any degree of ac- 
curacy in the period immediately ahead, the 
fact remains that the task is finite in cost and 
finite in duration. 


Mistakes in Soviet Foreign Aid Program 

The fourth face of the caricature is that tl; 
Commmiists are better at the foreign aid bus.^ 
ness tlian we are. They are not. 

Perhaps we should get a graduate student il 
a language-and-area study program to trace tl 
mistakes the Soviets have made in their foreig 
aid program. They started by making 
slavish copy of ours. Then they failed to lear 
from our trials and errors. They insisted 
making all the same mistakes we made i| 
roughly the same order in which we mad 
them — with a time lag of 4 or 5 years, of coursd 

They built large concrete "monuments" an^ 
put bronze plaques on them. 

They sent "ugly Russians" who lived 
haughty compounds. 

They made technical errors. The Sovie 
engineers who sent cement made for dr 
climates had to watch in despair as it hardene(| 
in the humidity of Rangoon. 

They reached out into the less developetj 
nations to grasp the levers of power, not realiz 
ing those levers had first to be created befor 
anybody could manipulate them, for good oil 
for ill. 

They overplayed their hand repeatedly- 
the Middle East, then in Africa, then in CubaJ 

They thought, as some Americans still some [ 
times do, that aid was a road to popularity- 
not remembering the lesson in the famous storj 
about the rich Bengali who was told a frieno 
of his really hated him and replied, "Wh]] 
should that man hate me ? I never helped hinj 
in my life?" Power and popularity don't mixi 
for them or for us. 

Above all, the Communists could never hide 
their ambition to make every nation beholden to 
one doctrine and one totalitarian system oJ 
power. And that is an insuperable handicap in 
a world which likes variety, a world peopled bjl 
men and women who can easily tell who wants 
to see them free and who wants to see them 
enslaved. ' 

Maybe I don't need to labor the point. 
Maybe the prostitution of Cuba and the inva- 
sion of India have settled, for the moment at 
least, the question of Communist solicitude for 
the less developed areas of the world. 



insistent Public Support of Program 

The riiial illusion in tlic foreign aid carica- 

n-e is that nobody reall}- likes it. 

The foreign aid program will, of course, re- 

ain under attack — and therebj' prove it is im- 

ortant enough to be worth attacking. You 

ill surely remember, as I vividly do, that when 

it> Marshall Plan was first proposed loud 

aices were raised to proclaim that it would 

inkrupt the United States, that it would build 

icialism in Europe, and that, if it worked at all, 

would only add to the strength of the Com- 

lunist world when the Soviet Union took over 

Europe. I also remember that, when it began 

1 become clear that the Marshall Plan was to be 

l)rilliant success, everybody and his brother 

ere for it and it turned out that a remarkable 

umber of people had suggested it first. "Seven 

ities vied for Homer dead, where Homer living 

cirged his bread." 

In any case the fact of the matter is that 
ublic opinion polls — whenever the questions 
ere not loaded — have shown consistent major- 
y public supi^ort for sharing our prosperity to 
elp other countries develop the economic base 
ithout which there can be no political stability, 
'very year the leaders of an impressive cross 
eetion of the major private organizations of 
his country parade to Capitol Hill to testify in 
iipport of one or another aspect of the biparti- 
an foreign aid legislation. Every President 
nd every presidential candidate since the Sec- 
lul "World War ha\'e come out publicly and 
epeatedly for continuing foreign aid. 

You may have observed that the supporters 
if aid stress the economics of the poor countries, 
vhile the opponents of aid talk mostly about the 
jolitics of the jioor countries. Thus foreign 
■conomic aid is the special target of those who 
ire dissatisfied about the way the recipients of 
lid talk and act politically. 

The foreign aid director can and should con- 
rol the administration of his own program. He 
:annot control what this or that political leader, 
talking for home consumption, may say at Ban- 
dung or Belgrade. Surely the antidote to their 
loose talk is not to justify it by loose talk of our 
own about other people's aifairs, but rather to 
help national leaders in every free country to 
concentrate on spurring internal growth and 

building free institutions in their own back- 

Meanwhile we Americans will just have to get 
used to the brickbats that go with power. The 
purpose of American foreign policy is never 
popularity or gratitude, but respect and results. 

David E. Betl Becomes 
Administrator of AID 

FoUowlng are statements by Secretary Riosk 
and David E. Bell inade on December 21 at 
Washington, D.C., on tlie occasion of Mr. BelVs 
swearing-in as Administrator of the Agency 
for Intemational Development, 


Press release 745 dated December 21 

It is with great pleasure that I welcome 
David E. Bell to his new duties as Administra- 
tor of the Agency for International Develop- 
ment. This position carries with it some of the 
most complex and difficult responsibilities in 
our Government. I am delighted that David 
Bell has accepted the position because of his 
high qualifications to meet the challenge of 
leadership demanded of the man who directs 
our foreign assistance program. 

I am mindful of his special background of 
practical experience. He served in the Budget 
Bureau and elsewhere in the Government imder 
two previous Presidents before becoming Presi- 
dent Kennedy's Director of the Bureau of the 
Budget. He is both an economist and an ad- 
ministrator. For more than 2 years he grap- 
pled with pi'oblems of economic development 
in the field as an adviser to the Govermnent of 
Pakistan's Planning Board and as a project 
field superintendent. 

In the worldwide struggle between coercion 
and freedom our AID program has a crucially 
important role. It is the principal instrument 
by which we assist the less developed parts of 
the free world to make economic and social 
progress, thus to achieve and preserve political 
stability in freedom. And unless the hungry 
half of the world makes progress, the outlook 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


for freedom will be dim. Our foreign aid pro- 
gram is as indispensable as our military 

President Kennedy has faced the fact that 
this crucially important task of helping the less 
developed peoples to move into the modem 
world cannot be accomplished in 2 or 3 or 4 
years. We must think, and are thinking, in 
terms of a decade of development. 

This task of building the strength of the free 
world, of working toward a peaceful world com- 
munity of free and independent states, is a com- 
pelling one. But it is hard and requires hard- 
headed, practical judgments at every turn. We 
who have been watching this global struggle 
day by day, month by month, and year by year 
know that our foreign aid has accomplished 
great things already. We know that it is in no 
small part responsible for the fact that not one 
of the newly independent nations of the world 
has as yet slipped behind the Iron Curtain. In 
this hemisphere it has helped to forge the 
solidarity of purpose and resolution demon- 
strated in the recent Cuban crisis. We look 
forward with confidence in the potentialities 
of our foreign aid program. 

During the past year, imder Mr. Fowler 
Hamilton, the Agency for International De- 
velopment has been extensively reorganized 
and reoriented. Mr. Hamilton has left good 
foundations for new accomplishments under 
Mr. Bell's direction. 

It is a mark of the importance that President 
Kennedy attaches to this area of foreign affairs 
that he saw fit to nominate as AID Administra- 
tor one in whom he has the utmost confidence 
and trust. We in the Department of State look 
forward to our association with Mr. Bell and 
will give him our full support. 


I am highly honored by your presence here 
today, which recognizes the importance of the 
work of the Agency I am joining. I am very 
pleased to join this organization. I share tlie 
President's strong conviction that the work of 
the Agency for International Development is 
essential to the security of our country because 
it contributes to the development of a commu- 


nity of free and self-sustaining countries, whicl 
is the kind of world m which our own nation's 
freedom can survive and flourish. 

This is not the time or occasion for a speech 
about our various programs of economic and 
military assistance and how they can be best 
organized and planned to accomplish maximum 
results at minimum cost. I do think it appro 
IDriate to make one or two brief comments. 

First, I take it we are all agreed that thd 
principal effort to develop any country's eco 
nomic, political, and military strength must be; 
made by the people of that country. Any as-j 
sistance from outside lias meaning and signifi-i 
cance and can achieve results only if the people! 
of the country and its leaders have the desirej 
and the willingness to commit themselves and 
their energies and to make, in many cases, thei 
sacrifices necessary to reach their goals. We 
can and want to help people who are prepared 
to help themselves. 

Second, I am delighted to join the Depart- 
ment of State in this critical and all-important 
undertaking. I am equally delighted to see here 
today the representatives of many Federal 
agencies in addition to the Department of State 
itself. This is appropriate recognition of the 
fact that, in order to conduct effective programs 
of United States assistance to the growing 
strength and security of other free countries, 
we must engage the wisdom, resources, and the 
talents of agencies throughout the Federal Gov- 
ernment and of institutions throughout our 
country. We are engaged in the delicate and 
difficidt business of working to achieve institu- 
tional change in foreign coiuitries, and this re- 
quires the highest caliber of skill and wisdom 
that we can obtain throughout American 

Third, if I may say so without sounding 
parochial, I bring with me from the Bureau of 
the Budget a very strong feeling that any enter- 
prise of the Federal Government involving the 
use of public funds ought to be managed with 
the highest prudence and frugality. The en- 
deavors in which we are engaged are necessarily 
so expensive that there is no excuse for the 
slightest waste. I expect to take as my model 
in this regard the extraordinarily successful 
pattern which has been set by Secretary [Robert 


\] JMcNamara in the Defense Department, 
iiuler which he is achievin<j very hirge increases 
n tlie efiiciencj' with which public resources 
re being used in support of our national de- 
eiise eil'ort. I think that we, in these interna- 
ioiial muUial security eti'orts, can and should 
et the same higli standards of increasing effi- 
iency in using resources. 
3Ir. Secretary, in closing may I say that I 
iin very pleased indeed to join the thousands 
if Americans in posts all around the world who 
mve committed their time and talents to the 

effort to assist other free coimtries in achieving 
increasing strength and stability. My wife and 
children and I were fortunate enough some 
years ago to spend several years in Asia. That 
experience was a very happy one for us in a 
personal sense, and we came away from it with 
the strong belief in the importance of working 
to achieve a strong and secure community of 
free nations as the framework for progress in 
the world. In a sense our return here now 
brings us back to direct participation again in 
the effort, and we are glad to be here. 

The Cultural Exchange Program In Africa: A Path to Peace 

bi/ G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretm'y for African Affairs ^ 

For all practical purposes we are the first gen- 
fsration of Americans able to discuss culture 
ind cultural affairs without some feeling of 
self-consciousness. Indeed we have almost 
paade a national pastime out of such discussion. 
iind yet why should we not be absorbed by the 
unique set of values which comprise Ajnerican 
culture ? 

No less a scholar than Max Lerner ranks 
America with Greece and Rome as "one of the 
distinctive civilizations of histoi-y." And Pres- 
ident Kennedy has declared that centuries hence 
America will be known not as much "for vic- 
tories or defeats in battles or in politics but for 
our contributions to the human spirit." ^ 

Out of this vast melting pot we call the 
United States, a clearly discernible American 
culture has emerged — a culture that distin- 

' Address made at the Jewish Community Center of 
Greater Washington, Washington, D.C., on Dec. 18 
(press release 737). 

' For the text of President Kennedy's remarks on 
Nov. 29 at Washington, D.C., on a closed-circuit tele- 
vision broadcast on behalf of the National Cultural 
Center, see White House press release dated Nov. 29. 

guishes us readily from any other people. 
While recognizing the imperfections and 
shortcomings that exist in our society, we can 
nevertheless take great pride in the ideals and 
accomplishments of American civilization. 
These are widely known and greatly respected, 
even in remote corners of the world. 

Cultural Exchange and U.S. African Policy 

But why, some people may ask, does the As- 
sistant Secretary of State for African Affairs 
have to be involved with culture? What pur- 
pose does cultural exchange serve in our African 
policy ? Can Africa give us anything that we 
don't already have ? 

Questions such as these would never occur to 
Americans familiar with modern Africa. But 
they do occur and are asked by many other 
Americans, and I shall try to answer them 

Let me point out first that the converse of 
these questions might just as readily be asked in 
Africa. There are many Africans, knowledge- 
able and proud of Africa's cultural achieve- 
ments, who wonder if there is equal value to 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


Africa in cultural exchange with the United 

In evaluating that question it should be 
pointed out that Africa already has enriched 
this country's cultural potential through the 
nearly 20 million Negro-^Vjiierican citizens of 
African descent in this country. 

Furthermore there is considerable evidence 
that one of our outstanding cultural contribu- 
tions to the world — American jazz music— owes 
a substantial part of its origin to the music of 

Another aspect of our cultural debt to Africa 
can be found in Africa's rich and varied paint- 
ing and sculpture, which has left a mark on 
cubist and impressionist art in this country. A 
Nigerian bronze, a Malian wood carving, or a 
Congolese ceremonial mask can stand pi'oudly 
with the art of any of the other peoples of the 

Increasingly Africans are becoming aware 
that mankind may have had its origin in Africa. 
This is a possibility raised by the Tanganyikan 
archeological treasures unearthed by the dis- 
tinguished scholar L. S. B. T^eakey. Africans 
also are aware that the Egyptian civilization 
which flowed through many parts of the conti- 
nent places Africa in the earliest pages of 
recorded history. They are aware that flourish- 
ing national states existed in West Africa 
centuries before the white man set foot in Amer- 
ica. They are aware that outstanding African 
universities were founded before comparable 
institutions existed in Italy, France, or Eng- 
land. And they are aware that the introduc- 
tion of Western culture in Africa put Africans 
in bondage until the 20th century. 

To bridge this gap between us, therefore — to 
make available to Africa the best in American 
culture and to receive from Africa the best in 
African culture — is a major purpose of our ex- 
change program. We know relatively little of 
each other in this age when ignorance is dan- 
gerous, and through cultural exchange comes, 
first, knowledge and then understanding and 

This is why cultural affairs play an important 
role in our African policy and why the Assist- 
ant Secretary of State for African Affairs must 
be deeply concerned with culture. If we are 

ever going to attain our long-range goal of il, f 
stable and peaceful world for future genera^ 
tions to enjoy, we must work at building such a !fl 
world with every tool in our possession. And il^ 
not the least of these tools is cultural exchange, u, 

Scope of U.S. Program ( 

Our total exchange program embraces many 
types of acti\aties in such varied fields as educa- 1" 
tion, health, labor, public administration, jouiv In 
nalism, agriculture, social welfare, and the arts. 
Many of these activities are conducted by the 
Department of State in cooperation with a num- 
ber of Government agencies. There are also a 
great many private organizations very muc 
involved with African programs — foundations,* 
corporations, colleges and universities, religious 
groups, labor unions and farm organizations, 
professional, technical, social, and scholarly 
associations, and local community organizations 
with a variety of interests. The impact of these 
combined efforts is producing a rich harvest ofl 
beneficial African-American relationships. 

Perhaps our deepest involvement in cultural' 
relations with Africa is in education. It is in 
this field that Africa's needs are the most press- 
ing, and fortunately we are in a position to be of 
genuine assistance in meeting those needs. 

Today there are nearly 5,000 African students 
in 49 of our States, the District of Columbia, 
and Puerto Eico. Many of them are here under 
governmental or private organization auspices, 
but a significant number of them have come with 
their own funds. About 10 percent of these 
African students are here on governmental edu- 
cational exchange programs under the Ful- 
bright and Smith-Mundt Acts. Public and 
private efforts also are combined to meet emer- 
gency needs of African students and to help 
them adjust to American university life. 

In the private field I am pleased to pay 
tribute to the pioneering efforts of the Phelps- 
Stokes Fund, to which President Kennedy sent 
greetings last Friday night on the occasion of 
its 50th anniversary.'' Under the Phelps-Stokes 
Fund's auspices the first international commis- 
sions to study Africa's educational needs were 


^ For an address by Chester Bowles at the fund's 
.50th-anniversary dinner on Dec. 14, see Bulletin of 
Dee. 31, 19<52, p. 1002. 



rganized in flic early li)20"s, and the reports of 
aose commissions are now classics in African 
rUicational history. 

Also in the private field the Ford Founda- 

lon, the Carnegie Corporation, and the Rocke- 

eller Fonndation, as well as a host of smaller 

hilanthropical organizations, are making ini- 

ortant contributions to African education both 

t liome and abroad. 

In Africa the bulk of American assistance is 

hanneled into secondary school and teacher 

raining projects, new classrooms, and agricul- 

ural, technical, and vocational training. For 

xample, in cooperation with Columbia Univer- 

ity the Agency for International Development 

Mit 250 teachere to East Africa to help alleviate 

iK't area's shortage of secondary school 

?achers. In another type of activity the Peace 

'orps will have 1,427 volunteers in Africa by 

he end of the year, more than 1,000 of them 


Still another project is the State Depart- 

lent's university-to-university project. An 

xample of this activity is the arrangement be- 

ween Northwestern University and the Uni- 

ersity of Khartoum to develop the latter's 

ngineering faculty through an exchange of 

isiting lecturers and faculty members. 

The second major category of the State De- 

)artment's cultural program is the exchange 

if leaders and specialists. Under this progi'am 

American specialists in professional, educa- 

ional, and cultural fields visit Africa for spec- 

fied periods as teachers or lecturers. Similarly 

Vfrican leaders and specialists in many fields 

.'isit the United States for discussions with their 

American colleagues and to observe American 


A number of Congolese parliamentarians, for 
fexample, visited Washington under this pro- 
gram to see Congress in operation in early 
iiutumn, and a Nigerian parliamentai-y delega- 
tion came here earlier in the year. Other ex- 
changes involved a group of Young Pioneers 
from Ghana, a Mali youth group, and a student 
group from the University of Dakar. Sixteen 
Nigerian women leaders studied homemaking 
and social p.sychology at Columbia University 
during the summer and, on a stage at the State 
Department in September, presented an amus- 

ing dramatic account of their experiences in 
New York, which included a shopping expedi- 
tion at Macy's and riding on New York 

Tlie third major aspect of the Department's 
cultural relations with Africa is called cultural 
presentations. This activity, conducted by the 
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, 
is primarily concerned with the performing arts 
and sends prominent American performers and 
athletes to Africa. Among the varied groups 
and individuals which have made African trips 
imder this program are singers "William War- 
field and Leontyne Price, the Boston Celtics 
basketball team, the San Francisco Ballet, the 
Westminster Singers, track champions Parry 
O'Brien and Don Bragg, and the Golden Gate 
Quartet. American jazz is a very popular cul- 
tural presentation in Africa, and such groups as 
those of Louis Armstrong, Herbie Mann, and, 
currently. Cozy Cole enjoy great popularity in 
all sections of Africa. 

"\^niile we have no program to bring African 
artists to this country, we do encourage Ameri- 
can impresarios to bring them here, and we as- 
sist however we can during their visits. I'm 
sure many of you remember the highly success- 
ful tours of "Les Ballets Africaines" in 1959 
and 1961. I was privileged to see members of 
that troupe perform in Guinea earlier this year, 
and once again I was impressed with the beauty 
and exuberance of African dancing. 

African artists who have visited the United 
States recently include the Ghanaian painter 
and sculptor, Kofi Antubam, and the Nigerian 
composer, Fela Sowande, whose "African Sym- 
l^hony'' was presented at Carnegie Hall on June 
1 of this year. 

Beyond these activities are our day-to-day 
cultural contacts with Africans at U.S. Foreign 
Service posts in Africa. We now have 22 full- 
time cultural affairs officers throughout Africa 
and have American information and cultural 
centers at almost all of our posts. 

Emphasis on People and Personal Contacts 

In conclusion I want to point out that in ev- 
ery phase of our educational and cultural rela- 
tions with Africa the emphasis is on people and 
personal contacts. Tlie people we are dealing 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


with in our programs are the leaders of Africa, 
today and tomorrow. We want to learn about 
them and their cultures, and we want them to 
learn about us and our culture. In this way 
we can hope to develop those long-term friendly 
relations needed among peoples to achieve the 
understanding fundamental to stability and 
lasting peace. 

The interest exhibited by your presence here 
tonight is a good sign, and I hope you will de- 
velop ever-larger interests in this vital part of 
our foi'eign policy in Africa. There will al- 
ways be a need for groups such as yours to assist 
your Government in this field, and this chal- 
lenge offers scope for unlimited initiative and 
imagination on a continuing basis. 

U.N. Invites Republic of Korea 
To Take Part in Debate 

Folloioing is a statetnent hy Gordon A. Al- 
lott, U.S. Representative to the General Assem- 
bly, made in Committee I {Political and Secu- 
rity) on December 11 regarding the question of 
inviting Korean representatives to participate in 
the discussion of the item on Korea, together 
with the text of a resolution adopted hy the 
committee on that date. 


U.S. delegation press release 4121 

Today we begin our annual discussion of the 
Korean question. This issue has been on the 
agenda of the General Assembly every year 
since 1947. The United Nations is deeply em- 
bedded in the recent history of Korea. And 
the reverse is also true. The Korean question 
has deeply affected the history of the develop- 
ment of the United Nations. 

It was ill Korea that members of tlie United 
Nations first acted collectively with military 
force to fulfill the purposes of the charter. For 
nations wliich look to the United Nations for 
support and security, tlie United Nations action 
in Korea is a promise and a sign. It is difficult 
to find any similar example in history in which 
nations from far away undertook with courage 

and generosity an enormous investment in lives i 
and money to defend a small state, victim of 
aggression. This deep emotional and historical 
significance of the Korean question forms the' 
background of our annual debate. 

The immediate issue before this committee isi 
to invite Korean representatives to participate • 
in our debate. We hope this question can be 
settled promptly and that we can move on to 
discussion of the Korean question itself. But 
we all know that this question of Korean par- 
ticipation goes deep to the heart of the Korean 
question. It reflects the fundamental positions 
of all of us on the nature and the facts of the 
issue. The Soviet representative has tried to 
force a quick debate, which he has called merely 
procedural. Maybe he believed through such 
tactics he could lead this committee to take an 
ill-considered decision which it would not take 
following a thorough consideration of the is- 
sues. Koi'ean participation is not a simple 
matter of procedure to be decided in a political 

The first question of course is whether Ko- 
reans should participate in our debate at all. 
Here there appears to be no disagreement. The 
Republic of Korea has been heard in our debates 
for many years, and both the United States and 
the Soviet resolutions assume that at least some 
participation is desirable. 

The second question is which Koreans should 
be heard. All of us who participated in the 



; debates on the Korean question at the 15th and 
IGth sessions of the General Assembly will re- 
member the answer given by overwhelming ma- 
jorities representing nearly all parts of the 
General Assembly. Only Korean spokesmen 
who accept the competence and authorit}^ of the 
Fnited Nations to act on the Korean question 
should be heard. Any other position would 
defy all reason. It would be absurd to invite 
as pai'ticipants in our debate those who reject in 
advance our right to make whatever decisions 
may result. 

For the past 2 years the United Nations has 
issued invitations to the Republic of Korea and 
the North Korean regime, provided that the 
competence and authority of the United Nations 
to act on the Korean question be accepted un- 
equivocally by the North Koreans. On both 
occasions the results have been the same. The 
Eepublic of Korea has done everything possible 
to cooperate with tlie United Nations, has ac- 
cepted its decisions faithfully, has supported its 
work attentively. In contrast, up to the present 
time, the North Korean regime has used every 
occasion to reject United Nations competence, 
authority, and past decisions. In these circum- 
stances, to paraphrase our decision of last J^ear,^ 
there is no basis for participation by representa- 
tives of the North Korean regime. What use- 
ful purpose could possibly be sei-ved by asking 
once again the position of a regime which con- 
tinues to defy our right to discuss the question? 

Perhaps the North Korean regime may some 
day change its attitude and demonstrate its will- 
ingness to accept the competence and authority 
of the United Nations. If representatives of 
the North Korean regime should change their 
policy and be willing to cooperate constnictively 
with this committee and the United Nations, 
then we could consider the question of participa- 
tion in a very different light. 

There is a clear continuity of jDolicy on the 
part of the North Koreans in their attitudes 
toward the United Nations. The attitude of the 
North Korean authorities is not significantly 
diiferent from what it was when the North 
Koreans were participating in aggression 
against South Korea and against the United 

' For background, see Bulletin of May 15, 1961, p. 

Nations. If we pretended we did not know this, 
we would be putting our heads in tlie sands; 
we would suggest that the United Nations, and 
that we as delegates, are ignorant of what is 
going on in Korea and are not aware of the offi- 
cial North Korean policy. Communist frustra- 
tion of United Nations efforts to assist in a solu- 
tion of tlie Korea question dates from 1047, and 
nothing has happened in the last year which 
changes that in the slightest. 

Record of North Korean Rejection of U.N. 

Let me review the record of North Korean re- 
jection of the United Nations, a record which 
extends right up to the present time. The 
United States presented the question of Korean 
independence to the United Nations in Septem- 
ber 1947, having been thwarted in direct nego- 
tiations with the Soviet Union to bring about 
the unification of Korea on the basis of the Yalta 
discussions and the Potsdam declaration. After 
a full debate, the General Assembly adopted a 
resolution on November 14, 1947, which set forth 
a fair and reasonable program for solution of 
the Korean problem — a program based upon 
f I'ee elections under United Nations observation, 
proportional representation, and the formation 
of a national government by the freely elected 
representatives to a National Assembly. It was 
a program for real self-determmation following 
a long period of colonial rule. 

That program for reunification has been reg- 
ularly reaffimied by the United Nations in its 
resolutions on the Korean question. The Soviet 
occupation forces refused, however, to permit 
the United Nations Commission even to enter 
North Korea, and they exercised a complete 
boycott of the United Nations program. Never- 
theless, a lawful government of Korea at Seoul 
was established in accordance with the United 
Nations program. 

Then the Pyongyang regime was established 
in North Korea. That regime has consistently 
opposed all United Nations efforts to deal with 
the Korean question. It has opposed not only 
particular United Nations proposals to deal with 
the substance of the Korean question; it has 
challenged the right of the United Nations to 
deal with the Korean question on any tenns 
except the terms of the North Korean authori- 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


ties. It has challenged not only the solutions 
proposed by the United Nations but the com- 
petence and authority of the United Nations to 
propose such solutions. It has for 15 years 
rejected the competence and authority of the 
United Nations to act on the Korean question. 
From 19i7 to the present day it has refused to 
permit the United Nations Commission to enter 
its territories. We wonder what it has to hide. 

On June 25, 1950, this regime launched fla- 
grant military aggression against the Republic 
of Korea, defied tlie call of the United Nations 
to cease this aggression, and fought against 
United Nations forces which sought to repel 
them and restore the peace. 

On May 3, 1954, at the Korean Political Con- 
ference in Geneva following the armistice, 
North Korean representatives rejected even a 
reference to United Nations discussions on the 
Korean question which had taken place up to 
that time. I would add, it remains the position 
of the North Korean authorities to reject any 
reference to United Nations decisions or dis- 
cussions of tlie Korean problem which have 
taken place during the past 15 years. 

On at least nine different occasions since 1959, 
through its controlled press and radio, or in 
public statements by spokesmen for the regime, 
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has 
denied tlie right of the United Nations to deal 
with the Korean question. 

On October 23, 1962, Premier Kim Il-song 
made his regime's position unmistakably clear 
in a speech before tlie Third Supreme People's 
Assembly, saying "AVe consider that the United 
Nations has no right to discuss the Korean 
question and it has no riglit to interfere in the 
domestic affairs of our country." 

As recently as November 24 of this year 
North Korea issued a memorandum stating 
flatly and categorically : "The United Nations 
must no longer interfere in the Korean question. 
It must take its hands off Korea." 

And now on December 8 the North Koreans 
have issued a new declaration.^ Its meaning is 
the same as that contained in the North Korean 
letter of December 19, 1961, in which the North 
Koreans replied to the qualified invitation of 

this committee. That reply was declared b 
this committee to provide no basis for Nort 
Korean participation. This year, before th 
committee could even discuss whether to rene^ 
its qualified invitation, the North Koreans hav 
sent a similar reply. Again it provides no basi 
for North Korean partici2:)ation. It asserts one 
again that "The United Nations has no righ 
... to discuss the 'Korean Question.' " 

This position of the North Korean regime i 
no recent or equivocal position. It is not some 
tiling tactical or sudden. We have not takei 
texts out of context in a way which changes th 
position of the North Korean regime. Th 
North Korean regime has shouted its reject ioi 
of the United Nations action in Korea fror 
the housetops right up to the present time. I 
has missed no opportunity to define, clarify, an( 
emphasize its rejection and abuse of the Unite( 
Nations and the United Nations efforts for 1 ] 
years to deal with tlie problem of Koreai 

Position of Republic of Korea 

The position of the Republic of Korea standi 
in stark contrast with the defiance and rejectio] 
of the Communist regime in the north. Pursui 
ant to the General Assembly's resolution O' 
November 14, 1947, the Republic of Korea sue 
cessfully held elections on May 10, 1948, despit 
Communist efforts to oppose them by violence 
The procedures and conduct of these election 
were fi'eely observed by the United Nation 
Commission. That Commission made a findinj, 
on June 25, 1948, "that the results of the l)allo 
of May 10, 1948 are a valid expression of th 
free will of the electorate in those parts o 
Korea which were accessible to the Commissioi 
and in whicli the inhabitants constituted ap 
proximately two-tliirds of the people of Korea.' ' 
The General Assembly concurred in this findin< 
in its declaration of December 12, 1948,' whicl 
said that "there has been established a lawfu 
government (tiie Government of the Republic 
of Korea) . . . and that this is the only sucl 
Government in Korea." In passing, it is wort] 
noting that the General Assembly recommendec 
in its resolution of December 12, 1948, thai 

'■ D.N. doe. A/C. 1/883. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 19, 1S«8, p. 760. 



lomber states should take this mto considera- 
uui in establishing their relations with the 
lovernment of the Kepublic of Korea. 

riie Republic of Korea's cooperation with 
lie United Nations has continued to the present 
line. As consistently' revealed by reports of the 
'nited Nations Commission for the Unification 
lul Reliabilitation of Korea— UNCURK— the 
onnnission has been permitted to travel and 
bserve freel j' throughout South Korea in carry- 
liX out its mandate from the General Assembly. 
I lias agreed to the United Nations program 
~ ;i basis for unification of the country, and it 
;is consistently accepted the competence and 
uthority of the United Nations to take action 
n the question. This particularly is the posi- 
mn of the present government. On June 24, 
!m;1. Foreign Minister Kim Hong-il said that 
le Government rejected unification by force 
lul supported past United Nations resolutions 
n the Korean question, by adhering to the 
'nited Nations Charter and by respecting the 
onipetence and authority of the United Nations 
J take action on the Korean question. 

As set forth in the addendum of the 
JNCURK report * of December 1961, Chair- 
lan Park, following talks with Presideiit Ken- 
edy on November 14, 1961,° "reaffirmed his 
aith in the United Nations, and his determina- 
lon to seek the unification of Korea in freedom 
hrough peaceful means under the principles 
lid down and reaffirmed by the United Nations 
reneral Assembly." 

The latest report " of UNCURK dated Sep- 
jmber 1, 1962, notes in paragraph 21 that lead- 
ig figures of the Government have reiterated 
he Republic of Korea's adherence to the Char- 
3r of the United Nations and its respect of the 
ompetence and authority of the organization. 

In a fundamental way the Republic of Korea 
3 a child of the United Nations, which the 
Jnited Nations for 15 years has been trying to 
ssist. Our efl'orts to solve the greatest handi- 

* U.N. doc. A/4900/ Add. 1. 

'For text of a joint communiriue released at the 
onclu.sion of meetings between President Kennedy and 
"Jen. Chung Hee Parli, chairman of the Supreme Coun- 
il for National Recon.«truction of the Republic of 
forea. see Bulletin of Dec. 4, 1961, p. 928. 
r.N. doe. A/.521.3 and Add. 1. 

cap wliirli the Korean people face — their sepa- 
ration into two parts — has not yet succeeded; 
but those efl'orts go on, and the great hope of 
the Korean people is that the United Nations 
will succeed. In spite of its enormous handicaps 
of military attack, subversion from outside, and 
constant political and propaganda harassment, 
South Korean governments since independence 
have gradually broadened relations with other 
countries and developed constructive participa- 
tion in international affairs. Although de- 
prived of membership in the United Nations 
itself by Soviet veto, the Republic of Korea has 
been admitted to, and is active in, many of the 
United Nations specialized agencies. It was 
admitted to the Colombo Plan on November 16, 
1962. Fifty-one members of the United Nations 
have established, or agreed to establish, diplo- 
matic relations with this Government. 

Mr. Chairman, the contrasting records and 
attitudes of the Republic of Korea and of the 
Communist regime speak eloquently for them- 
selves. Yet despite the great differences be- 
tween the two, the U.S.S.R. resolution seeks to 
place on the same plane the two governments 
and to allow each to come before this body to 
discuss the Korean question — a question which, 
I emphasize, the Communists deny the right of 
this committee and the General Assembly to 

The Soviet resolution ^ asks us to act as if we 
thought the North Korean regime and the Re- 
public of Korea would participate in the same 
manner and to the same ends. It assumes there 
are no differences in the policies and history of 
the two. The draft reads as if this committee 
had not twice stated the conditions for partici- 
pation in our debate. It ignores the rejection 
given in advance in the December 8 declaration 
of the North Korean regime. 

The United States has also submitted a resolu- 
tion.^ It reaffirms in its preambular paragraphs 
the principles for participation which this com- 
mittee has twice before set specifically, that the 
North Korean regime may participate if it is 
prepared to accept unequivocally the compe- 
tence and authority of the United Nations to 

■ U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 318 ; rejected by the committee 
on Dec. 11 by a vote of 29-,56-14. 
'U.N. doo. A/C.l/L. 321. 

lAXUARY 14, 1963 


take action on the Korean question. The 
United States resolution in its first operative 
paragraph notes in moderate language — which 
if adopted would emphasize the dignified posi- 
tion of the United Nations in the face of North 
Korean slander — that the North Korean regime 
has twice rejected the competence and authority 
of the United Nations and maintains such a 
position at the present time. In such circum- 
stances we believe it would be undignified and 
■certainly unnecessary to go through the for- 
mality of a further invitation to the North Ko- 
reans to be followed by a new formal rejection. 

Finally, the United States resolution extends 
an invitation to the Government of Korea to 
participate in our debate. I believe there will 
be virtually no objection to such a paragraph. 
It would be inconceivable for the United Na- 
tions not to invite participation by the Republic 
of Korea. 

In fact, from the full record of North Korean 
statements there cannot be the slightest doubt 
that the regime there does reject the authority 
and competence of the United Nations. This 
is so clear that it is not a question or an issue. 
But we should ask why the North Korean re- 
gime takes that position. The answer, regret- 
tably, lies in its determination, with outside 
guidance and assistance, to force its own solu- 
tion to the problem of Korean unity even against 
the will of the Korean people. To that end it 
even instigated one of modern history's most 
flagrant acts of aggression to unify the country 
by force. This design, however, has been 
thwarted by the United Nations. That is why 
the North Koreans abuse and reject the United 
Nations eiforts to assist in solving the Korean 
problem. Thus the question of participation 
by the North Korean regime is not a procedural 
issue in this debate. It goes to the very heart 
of the purposes of the United Nations and its 
effectiveness as an instrument for security and 


The First Committee, 

Reaffirming its view set forth in resolutions adopted 
at the 1146th and 1217th meetings that a representa- 



tive of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea ma; 
participate in the discussions of the Korean questio: 
provided that it first unequivocally accepts the comp€ 
tence and authority of the United Nations within th 
terms of the Charter to take action on the Korea: 
question as the Republic of Korea has already done, 

1. Notes that the Democratic People's Republic o 
Korea in messages of 17 April 1061 and 19 Decembe 

1961 responding to the Committee's resolutions rt 
jected the competence and authority of the Unit© 
Nations to take action on the Korean question, tha 
Premier Kim II Song declared in a speech on 23 Octobe 

1962 "we consider that the United Nations has no righ 
to discuss the Korean question", and that in a memo 
randum dated 24 November 1962 the Democratic Pec 
pie's Republic of Korea regime has again rejected th 
right of the United Nations to take action on th 
Korean question ; 

2. Decides to invite a representative of the Republi 
of Korea to take part in the discussion of the Koreai 
question without right of vote. 

U.N. Asks Secretary-General To Taki 
Initiative on Hungary 


FolJoio'ing is a stateTnent made in the Specia 
Political Committee on December 18 hy Car 
T. Rowan, U.S. Representative to the Generca 
Asseinbly, together with the text of a ?'esolm 
tion adopted in plenary session on Decemhei 


U.S. delegation press release 4129 

Mr. Chairman, once again this committee i 
called upon to deal with the question of Hum 
gary. No delegation here wishes more thaiJ 
mine that such a debate were not necessary 
None wishes more than mine that the peoples 
of Hungary were enjoying the blessings of lib- 
erty and j^ersonal freedom to such an extern 
that we could wipe from our minds memories 
of those ugly, sorrowful days of 1956. Tl« 
United Nations' undying concern for these peo- 
ples of Hungary is what brings this item uf 
again, Mr. Chairman. 

Many of us were here during those fateful 
autumn days of 1956, when the Security Coim 
cil met^ to deal with a situation whose portent 

' U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 321 ; adopted by Committee I on 
Dec. 11 by a vote of 65-»-26. 

' For background, see Bxtlletin of Nov. 12, 1956, p/ 



as foreboding, to say the least. We remem- 
er still how the Soviet representative, Mr. 
Arkady A.] Sobolev, assured the Security 
|jOuncil that the U.S.S.R. was about to enter 
to discussions with the then-existing Hungar- 
,n government — negotiations tliat would in- 
isi lude the question of withdrawal of Soviet 
liii roops from Hungary. But within hours of 
* Hr. Sobolev's assurance, Soviet troops and ar- 
'5* acred columns launched their attack upon the 
■lungarian patriots; Soviet personnel seized 
P, lungarian government officials and set up a 
m government of the Soviet Union's choice. 

I know that many here will not remember 
he debates, the speeches of compassion and in- 
lignation, that resounded in these chambers in 
.956. Some who are here today were only 
Ireaming of independence in 1956 — dreaming, I 
night add, with much more hope than Hun- 
gary's harassed masses. 

As for me, Mr. Chairman, I shall never for- 
get those dramatic debates during which dele- 
gates from every race and every continent took 
.he rostrum to articulate man's determination 
o be free. I remember particularly that tense 
noment when an Asian delegate announced 
hat he was voting to formally condemn the 
Soviet Union because the people of his tiny 
;ountry looked toward the ravaged peoples of 
:iny Hungary and said, "There, but for the 
Trace of God, go we." 

Here were a speech and a resolution about 
•ssues that transcended the cold war. Involved 
were such f uiidamental principles as independ- 
3nce, self-determination, freedom of worship — 
all those principles that man has clung to in his 
march from barbarity to civilization. 

My purpose, INIr. Chairman, is not to recount 
all of this sad chapter in human affairs. I wish 
merely to emphasize the fact that, in the yeai-s 
since 1956, scores of delegates here have ex- 
pressed eloquently their ]5ro found indignation 
and the General Assembly has been moved to 
adopt by overwhelming majorities a dozen or 
more resolutions. But always the result was 
defiance or noncompliance. 

In addition the U.N. has appointed a siiecial 
committee and two special representatives to 
investigate and report on the situation in 
Hungary. Their reports are well known to all 

of us. Equally well known is the fact that 
Soviet and Hungarian authorities have refused 
to cooperate with eitlier the U.N., its appointed 
representatives, or anyone else seeking to im- 
prove the situation in Hungary. 

"We have before us now, Mr. Chairman, the 
latest report ' of the U.N. Representative on the 
question of Hungary, Sir I^slie Munro. Sir 
Leslie has served in this position with ability 
and devotion. He has made a substantial con- 
tribution to keeping the members of this body 
and the M'orld at large informed about condi- 
tions under which the Hungarian people live. 
It is through no lack of dedication and effort on 
his part that the Hungarian problem remains 
unresolved. On behalf of my Government, I 
want to express appreciation for the work that 
he has done. 

It is clear from Sir Leslie's latest report that, 
while conditions in Hungary have undergone 
some improvement, the situation of the Hun- 
garian people, including the plight of those 
who remain in prison because of their partici- 
pation in the 1956 national uprising, is not yet 
such as to pei-mit the U.N. to abandon its con- 
cern or terminate its considerations of the 
Hungarian question. 

The people of Hungary know painfully well 
that time does not heal all wounds; and we here 
know all too well that time tends to mute the 
forces of indignation. But my Government 
urged that this item be continued on the 
agenda,' Mr. Chairman, because we did not be- 
lieve that the spirit of liberty had grown so 
weak with time as to require this body to say 
to the Hungarian people : "We have ceased to 

At the same time, Mr. Chairman, we feel the 
need for a fresh approach to this problem. But 
we want a new approach that maintains U.N. 
responsibility and U.N. concern for those fun- 
damental principles that have always guided 
consideration of this question. With this in 
mind, my Government has submitted the fol- 
lowing draft resolution : 

[Here Mr. Rowan read the text of a draft resolution, 

A/SPC/L. 92.] 

' U.N. doc. A/5236. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 10, 1962, p. 
394, and Nov. 5, 1962, p. 709. 

JANUAKY 14, 1963 



Oiu- purpose in submitting this resolution, 
Mr. Chairman, is to seek to improve the situ- 
ation of the Hungarian people by the most ef- 
fective, practical, and honorable means avail- 
able to us within the framework of the United 
Nations. We want to sustain the just hopes of 
the Hungarian people. By requesting the Sec- 
retary-General himself to take any initiative 
that he deems helpful in relation to this prob- 
lem, we are asking him to discharge functions 
for which he bears the necessary responsibility 
in regard to any question of which the orga- 
nization is seized and to reflect the legitimate 
concern of the organization for the welfare of 
the Hungarian people and for the reaffirmation 
of the principles and objectives of the charter. 
We are confident that he will assume this re- 
sponsibility conscientiously and will do what, 
in his judgment, will best serve the interests of 
the Hungarian people. 

At the same time, however, we continue to 
assert our view that the Hungarian government 
and the Soviet Union bear responsibility for 
the continued presence of the question of Hun- 
gary on the General Assembly agenda. My 
Government firmly maintains that until this 
Assembly and the world are convinced that the 
situation of the Hungarian people has suffi- 
ciently improved no decision should be taken on 
the credentials of the Hungarian delegation. 
Since 1956 the General Assembly has decided 
that no decision be taken on the credentials of 
the Hungarian delegation. This procedure was 
designed to express the Assembly's dissatisfac- 
tion with, and disapproval of, the actions and 
attitudes of the Hungarian government. 
Nothing has changed in Hungary to the extent 
that this Assembly should reverse the actions of 
the last six. But we intend to urge the Assem- 
bly to withhold a decision on Hungarian cre- 
dentials until an acceptable basis has bee)i 
establislied for final disposition of tliis item. 

In concluding, Mr. Chaimian, there is one 
point that I wish this connnittee to understand 
clearly : No matter what allegations you may 
hear to the contrary, the United States is not 
pursuing this question out of any cold-war mo- 
tivation. Indeed, it is difficult for us to under- 
stand how efforts to improve the situation of 
the Hmigarian people — to show real concern 


and respect for fundamental human free 
doms — and in so doing to maintain the integrity 
of the United Nations commitment to this end 
can in any way be characterized as "cold war.'" 
These freedoms are the basic right of every 
people everywhere. The denial of hiunar 
rights to peoples in one part of the world must r; 
be a matter of great concern to us in this As- 
sembly, no matter where these principles are 
violated. In introducing this resolution we 
are motivated by one purpose only, i.e. to re- 
affirm the concern and responsibility of thefl 
United Nations with the situation in Hmigaryi 
and to suggest a constructive course whicl 
could lead to an improvement of the lot of thi 
Hungarian people. 

Mr. Chairman, my delegation earnestly hop 
that the new approach we have proposed will 
be endorsed by an overwhelming majority of 
those present. Let us make it clear with our 
votes that, after 6 years or 60, there are prin- 
ciples of human dignity that we do not forget. 


The General Assembly, 

Having eonsidered the reimrt of the United Nationsi 
Representative on Hungary, Sir Leslie Munro, who was* 
appointed by General Assembly resolution 1312 (XIII) 
of 12 December 19,58 " for the purpose of reporting to 
Member States or to the General Assembly on signifi- 
cant developments relating to the implementation off 
the resolution.? of the General Assembly on Hungary, 
and noting with concern the fact that the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics and Hungary have not given, 
to the United Nations Representative for Hungary the> 
co-operation necessary for the full discharge of hisi 

Reaffirm in;/ the objectives of General Assembly reso- 
lution 1004 (ES-II) of 4 November 1956, 1005 (ES-II) 
of 9 November 19.56, 1127 (XI) of 21 November 1956, 
1131 (XI) of 12 December 1956, 1132 (XI) of 
10 January 1957 and 1133 (XI) of 14 September 

1. rtei/Kents the Secretary-General to take any ini- 


'U.N. doe. A/SPC/77 (A/SPC/L.92) ; adopted in 
plenary .session on Dec. 20 by a vote of 50 (U.S.) -13, 
with 43 abstentions. 

° For background and text of resolution, see Bulle- 
tin of .Tan. 12, 1959, p. 55. 

' For texts of re.'Jolutions, see ibid., Nov. 19, 1956, pp. 
803 and 806 ; Dec. 3, 1956, p. 870 ; Dec. 24 and 31. 19.56, 
p. 979 : Jan. 28, 1957, p. 140 ; and Sept. 30, 1957, p. 524. 



rttive that lie deems helpful in relatiou to the Him- 
iriau question; 

2. Cou.iidcr.'i that under the circumstances the posi- 
(Ui of the United Nations Representative ou Hungary 
^ed no longer he continued and expresses its appre- 
ation to the United Nations Representative on Hun- 
iry. Sir Leslie Munro. for the efforts he has made in 
ischarging his responsibilities relating to the imple- 
eutation of the Assembly resolutions on Hungary. 



Current Actions 


utomotive Traffic 

onvention on road traffic and annexes. Done at Ge- 
neva September 19, 1949. Entered into force March 
2(5. 1952. TIAS 2487. 

Xotification received that it considers itself bound: 
Mali, November 19, 1962. 


'elegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) an- 
nexed to the international telecommunication con- 
vention of December 22, 19.52 (TIAS 3266), with 
appendixes and final protocol. Done at Geneva No- 
vember 29, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 1960. 
TIAS 4390. 
y<itification of approval: Korea, October 8, 1962. 

uternational telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. 
Entered into force January 1. 1961 ; for the United 
States October 23. 1961. TIAS 4892. 
Ratifications deposited: Luxembourg, November 9, 

1962 : Thailand, November 15, 1962. 
Accession deposited: Niger, November 2, 1962. 

tadlo regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the 
international telecommunication convention, 19.59. 
Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into 
force May 1, 1961; for the United States October 
23, 1961. TIAS 4893. 

Notifications of approval: Central African Republic, 
October 30. 1962 ; Jordan. November 5, 1962 ; Laos, 
October 30, 1962 ; Niger, October 15, 1962. 


:'r(>tocol of provisional application of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
October 30. 1947. Entered into force January 1, 
1948. TIAS 1700. 

Extension to: Turks and Caicos Islands and Cay- 
man Islands, December 20, 1962. 


[nternational wheat agreement, 1962. Open for signa- 
ture at Washington April 19, through May 15, 1962. 
Entered into force July 16, 1962, for part I and parts 
III to VII, and August 1, 1962, for part II. TIAS 

Accepta)ice deposited: Mexico, December 27, 1962. 
Accession deposited: Finland, December 27, 1962. 



Agreement relating to the estiiblishment of a Peac-e 
Corps program. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Conakry December 11 and 14, 1962. Entered into 
force December 14, 1962. 


Agreement for relief from double taxation on earnings 
from operation of ships and aircraft. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Washington December 21, and 
27, 1962. Entered into force December 27, 1962. 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace 
Corps program. Effected by exchange of notes at 
New Delhi November 13 and 21, 1962. Entered into 
force November 21, 1962. 


Agreement to continue in force insofar as applicable 
to Jamaica agreement of November 22, 1961 (TIAS 
4955), with the United Kingdom providing air routes 
between the West Indies and the United States. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Kingston October 
25 and November 29, 1962. Entered into force No- 
vember 29, 1962. 


Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Caracas November 26 
and 29, 1962. Entered into force November 29, 1962. 


German Foreign Office Documents, 193&-36, 
Released by Department 

The Department of State announced on December 27 
(press release 742 dated December 21) the release of 
Documents on German Foreign Policy, 191S-1945, 
Series C (1933-1937), The Third Reich: First Phase, 
Volume IV, April 1, 1933-March J,, 1936. Together 
with the 12 volumes of series D already issued, the 
present volume represents the 16th to be prepared and 
published by the cooperative project of the United 
States, Great Britain, and Prance for the publication 
of documents from the captured archives of the former 
German Foreign Office. 

This volume opens on April 1, 193.5, immediately 
after the conversations held in Berlin by Sir John 
Simon, the British Foreign Minister, and Anthony 
Eden. It ends with March 4, 1936, on the eve of 
Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland. 

Copies of the volume (Department of State publica- 
tion 74.39) may be obtained from the Superintendent 
of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington 25, D.C., for $4.75 each. 

JANUARY 14, 1963 


Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printinfj Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free publications, which may be ob- 
tained from the Department of State. 

Defense— Additional Pumping Stations on the Haines- 
Fairbanks Pipeline. Agreement with Canada — relating 
to the agreement of June 30, 1953, as amended by the 
agreement of March 31, 1960. Exchange of notes— Signed 
at Ottawa April 19, 1962. Entered into force April 19, 
1962. TIAS 5039. 3 pp. 5^. 

Defense— Furnishing of Articles and Services. Agree- 
ment with El Salvador. Exchange of notes — Signed at 
San Salvador April 10 and 13, 1902. Entered into force 
April 13, 1962. TIAS 5040. 5 pp. 5(*. 

Agricultural Trade. Agreement with El Salvador — 
Signed at Washington May 15, 1962. Entered into force 
May 15, 1962. TIAS 5041. 5 pp. 5^. 

Defense— Loan of Additional Vessels. Agreement with 
Greece — relating to the agreement of December 15, 1958, 
and January 15, 1959. Exchange of notes — Signed at 
Athens April 4 and 14, 1962. Entered into force April 14, 
1962. TIAS 5042. 2 pp. 5^. 

Telecommunication— Assignment of Television Channels 
Along United States-Mexican Border. Agreement with 
Mexico effected by exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico 
April 18, 1962. Entered into force April 18, 1962. TIAS 
5043. 21 pp. 35(f. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Uruguay- 
Signed at Montevideo April 27, 1962. With exchanges of 
notes. Entered into force April 27, 1962. TIAS 5044. 
15 pp. 20«}. 

Education— Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree- 
ment with Peru — amending the agreement of May 3, 1956, 
as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Lima Janu- 
ary 20 and February 1, 1962. Entered into force Febru- 
ary 1, 1962. TIAS 5045. 4 pp. 50. 

Trade. Interim agreement with Haiti — relating to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at 
Washington June 6, 1962. Entered into force June 6, 1962. 
TIAS 5046. 5 pp. 5<f. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Bolivia — 
Signed at La Paz February 12, 1962. Entered into force 
February 12, 1962. With exchange of notes — and amend- 
ing agreement. Exchange of notes — Signed at La Paz 
March 27, 1962. Entered into force March 27, 1962. TIAS 
5047. 16 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Vlet-Nam — 
amending the agreement of December 27, 1961. Exchange 
of notes— Signed at Saigon May 3, 1962. Entered into 
force May 3, 1962. TIAS 5048. 3 pp. 50. 

Technical Cooperation, Special Technical, Services. 

Agreement with Brazil — Signe<l at Rio de Janeiro May 
30, 1953 and extending agreement effected by exchange 
of notes— Signed at Rio de Janeiro December 31, 1960. 
Entered into force provisionally December 31, 1960. TIAS 
5049. 15 pp. 100. 

Technical Cooperation— Extension of Cooperative Pro- 
gram Agreements for Vocational Education, Agriculture 
and Natural Resources, and Special Technical Services, 
as Amended and Extended. Agreement with Brazil ef- 
fected by exchange of notes — Signed at Rio de Janeiro 
December 29, 1961, and January 11, 1962. Entered into 
force January 11, 1962. TIAS 5050. 4 pp. 50. 



Agricultural Commodities. Agreement, with exch!>(|jj 
notes, with India — Signed at New Delhi May 1, 196:;/ 
amending agreement effected by exchange of :;( 
Signed at New Delhi May 17, 1962. Entered intcfo) 
May 17, 1962. TIAS 5051. 11 pp. 100. 

Guaranty of Private Investments. Agreement 
Guinea. Exchange of notes — Signed at Wasl 
May 9, 1962. Entered into force May 9, 1902. TIAt 
6 pp. 5«(. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

ment with Yugoslavia — amending the agreement o: 
21, 1962. Exchange of notes — Signed at Belgrad 
IS, 1962. Entered into force May IS, 1962. TIA! 
3 pp. 50. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Indot^ 
amending the agreement of February 19, 1962. Es i 
of notes — Signed at Djakarta May 15, 1962. Eeii 
into force May 15, 1962. TIAS 50.54. 2 pp. 50 

Postal Matters — Money Orders. Agreement wit 
rocco — Signed at Rabat October 31, 1961, and at Wi fi] 
ton November 30, 1961. Entered into force April ' 
TIAS 5055. 7 pp. 10(f. 

Agricultural Trade. Agreement with Guatemala — pui 
at Washington May 21, 1962. Entered into force R 7% 
1962. TIAS 5056. 5 pp. 50. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Gt ;a- 
amending the agreement of February 2, 1962. Ex up 
of notes — Signed at Wa.shington May 3, 1962. E 3r4 
into force May 3, 1962. TIAS 5057. 4 pp. 50. 

Liquidation of German Property in Switzerland. :( 

with France, the United Kingdom, and Switzerla , 
fected by exchange of notes — Dated at Washingto )l 
25, 1946. Entered into force June 27, 1946. TIA! « 
13 pp. 100. 

Liquidation of German Property in Switzerland. 

ment with France, the United Kingdom, and S 
land— Signed at Bern August 28, 1952. Entered int ! 
March 19, 1953. With related letters. TIAS 50i 
pp. 150. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 24-30 

Press releases may be obtained upon request fi 1 
the Office of News, Department of State, Washi ■ 
ton 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to December 24 which • 
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 677 '■ 
November 15 ; 733 of December 17 ; 737 of Deci • 
ber IS ; and 742, 744, and 745 of December 21. 

No. Date Subject 

746 12/28 Cleveland: "The Caricature of F- 

eign Aid." 
*747 12/26 U.S. participation in intematio I 

t748 12/28 Meeker: Association of Amerid 

Law Schools. 
t749 12/29 Battle : "New Dimensions in Cultu 


*Not printed. 

fHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 


nuarv 14, 1963 


Vol. XLVllI, No. 1229' 

rica. The Cultural Exchange Program in 
Africa: A Path to Peace (Williams) ... 67 

■partment and Foreign Service 

ivid E. Bell Becomes Administrator of AID 

iBell. Rusk) 65 

) uel Recommends National Academy of For- 
eign Affairs 47 

lucational and Cultural Affairs 

Ivisory Group Submits Report on Cultural 

rreseutations 46 

■ le Cultural Exchange Program in Africa : A 
Path to Peace (Williams) 67 

ireign .\id 

ivid E. Bell Becomes Administrator of AID 

I Bell, Rusk) 65 

le Caricature of Foreign Aid (Cleveland) . . 60 


■rmau Foreign Office Documents, 1935-36, Re- 
leased by Department 77 

S. Rejects Soviet Allegations on Court Action 

in Berlin (exchange of notes) 45 

I jman Rights 

eanor Roosevelt Memorial Service Held at 

Washington Cathedral (Rusk) 51 

lited Nations Pays Tribute to Memory of Mrs. 
Roosevelt 48 

ingary. U.N. Asks Secretary-General To Take 
Initiative on Hungary (Rowan, text of resolu- 
tion) 74 

jrea. U.N. In\ates Republic of Korea To Take 

Part in Debate (AUott, text of resolution) . 70 

ilitary Affairs. President Kennedy Holds 
Talks at Nassau With Prime Minister Mac- 
millan (texts of joint communique and at- 
tached statement) 43 


jrman Foreign Office Documents, 1935-36, Re- 
leased by Department 77 

ecent Releases 77 

reaty Information. Current Actions .... 77 

.S.S.R. U.S. Rejects Soviet Allegations on 
Court Action in Berlin (exchange of notes) . 45 

nited Kingdom. President Kennedy Holds 
Talks at Nassau With Prime Minister Mac- 
millan (texts of joint communique and at- 
tached statement) 43 

United Nations 

Eleanor Roosevelt Memorial Service Held at 

Washington Cathedral (Rusk) 51 

U.N. Asks Secretary-General To Take Initiative 

on Hungary (Rowan, text of resolution) . . 74 
U.N. Invites Republic of Korea To Take Part in 

Debate (AUott, text of resolution) .... 70 
United Nations Pays Tribute to Memory of Mrs. 

Roosevelt 4S 

Name Index 

Aguirre, Aureliano 54 

AUott, Gordon A 70 

Aiiuman Rajadhon, Somchai 58 

Auguste, Carlet 5.5. 

Barnes, Nathan 53. 

Bell, David E 65 

Borja, Jacinto Castel 58 

Chakravarty, B. N .56 

Clarke, ElUs 59 

Cleveland, Harlan 60 

Comay, Michael S 53. 

Corner, F. H 58 

Godber, J. B 52: 

Haugland, Jens 57 

Kennedy, President 43 

Khan, Muhammad Zafrulla 48; 

Lachs, Manfred 52' 

Macmillan, Harold 43 

Marsh, Helen 55. 

Okazaki, Katsuo 55 

Pavicevic, Miso 55. 

Pazhwak, Abdul Rahman 57 

Rana, Jagdish S 58; 

Retails, John D 59' 

Rossel, Mrs. Agda 54 

Rossides, Zenon 59 

Rowan, Carl T 74, Secretary 51, 65- 

Schurmann, C. W. A 56 

Seydoux, Roger 53. 

Silla, Albert 56 

Slim, Taieb 54 

Stevenson, Adlai E 48 

tjstiin, Giindogdu 58 

U Tin Maung 5a 

WiUiams, G. Mennen 67 

Zorin, Valerian A 50 







United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





Documents on German Foreign Policy 

1918-1945, Series C (1933-1937) 

The Third Reich: First Phase 

Volume IV, April 1, 1935-March 4, 1936 

Volume IV of Series C of Documents on German Foreign Policy 
includes documents from the captured archives of the former German 
Foreign Office. It opens on April 1, 1935, immediately aft«r the 
conversation held in Berlin by Sir Jolm Simon, the British Foreign 
Minister, and Anthony Eden. It ends with March 4, 1936, on the eve 
of Hitler "s reoccupation of the Khineland. 

The 605 dociunents selected for this vohune are arranged in chrono- 
logical order but the analytical list presents them by topic, enabling 
the reader easily to follow any main subject. 

Copies of the volume may be obtained from the Superintendent of 
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. 

Publication 7439 


OrAer Form Publication 7439 $4.75 

To: Siipt. of Documents Please send me copies of Documents on German Foreign Policy, 

Govt. Pnnting Office 1918-1945, Series C (1933-1937) The Third Reich: First Phase, Volume IV. 

Washington 25. D.C. ^p^,., j jgs5_March 4, 1936. 

Enclosed find: Name: 

5^_ Street Address: 

icashtcheck, or money „. „ , „. . 

order payable to City, Zone, and State: 

8upt. of Docs.) 


J^^ ^ 

'T^O^^ )A^C) 

Vol. XLVIII, No. 1230 

January 21, 1963 


AFFAIRS • by Leonard C. Meeker 83 



TION • by Assistant Secretary Battle 92 


Statements by Carl T. Rowan and Text of Resolution ... 99 

For index see inside back cover 


For sale by tbe Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.26 
Single copy, 26 cents 

Use of funds t or printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of tbe Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Depaetmknt 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bdllbtin is Indexed In the 
Readers' Qulde to Periodical Literature 

Vol. XLVIII, No. 1230 • Publication ?■ 
January 21, 1963 

The Department of State BULLETIN i 
u tceekly publication issued by thu II 
Office of Media Services, Bureau oj K 
Public Affairs, provides the public lii 
artd interested agencies of thu || 
Government with information ov \\ 
developments in the field of foreigr^ 
relations and on the work of thtf 
Department of State and the Foreign^ 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Role of Law in Political Aspects of World Affairs 

by Leonard C. Meeker 
Deputy Legal Adviser ^ 

At the start of our discussion on the role of 
law in the political aspects of world affairs I 
should like to note two phenomena which 
were not present on the world scene a hundred 
years ago and were at most incipient possibili- 
ties at the beginning of the 20th century. 

One of these phenomena is a climate, atmos- 
phere, or state of mind. There is abroad and 
at work today a widely held idea that the na- 
tions of this planet need to organize themselves 
into a community able to formulate and operate 
under laws consciously and deliberately arrived 
at, a community in which collective decision- 
making replaces the unilateral pursuit of na- 
tional ambitions. This is a relatively new 
attitude. It was not present in the 18th cen- 
tury, and it did not mark the thinking of the 
19th. It is an attitude powered by the shrink- 
ing of the globe through scientific and techno- 
logical developments. The attitude is enforced 
on contemporary man by the facts of thermo- 
nuclear weapons and the prospect of general 
destruction if a major conflict breaks out. 

The notion of world conmiunity under law 
remains in the realm of the ideal — what men 
would like to see, while they realize it does not 
exist today. The notion is voiced in the state- 
ments of government leaders. It runs through 
the writings of legal scholars and political scien- 
tists. It makes its appearance commonly 
enough in the daily press of many countries. 
The fact that the notion of world community 
under law is not immediately translated into 
effective action reflects the cultural lag between 

^ Address made before the Association of American 
Law Schools at Chicago, 111., on Dec. 29 (press release 
748 dated Dec. 28). 

ideas on the one hand and institutions and 
events on the other. 

The significance of law as an ideal for the 
conduct of world affairs consists in this ideal 
having become a part of the background and 
matrix of thought from wliich the actions of 
the future will emerge. This backgromid to- 
day is a far cry from that of 1863. A hundred 
years ago the world was conceived of as being 
made up of states quite separately sovereign 
and free to protect and advance their interests 
by force if they chose. International law was 
then thought of as a set of rules found in prec- 
edents and authorities rather than as an or- 
ganic process made to fulfill the requirements 
of the time. While international law prescribed 
certain rules and consequences if a state chose 
the path of war, it did not impose real limita- 
tions on this choice of policy or offer alterna- 
tives to it. 

There is another phenomenon of the current 
scene which makes it impressively different 
from the time of the American Civil War and 
which demonstrates in dramatic fashion the 
progress the world has made. That is the ex- 
istence today of a whole panoply of interna- 
tional political institutions in which states, 
represented by their governments, are the 

There are worldwide institutions, of which 
the United Nations is the foremost. There are 
regional institutions, like the European com- 
munities and the Organization of American 
States. Mr. [Oscar] Schachter [Office of Legal 
Affairs, United Nations] will be talking about 
the role of international organizations ; so at this 
stage I would express only one general thought 

JANUARY 21, 19 63 


about the phenomenon of international political 
institutions. The existence of international in- 
stitutions today, to which states bring their de- 
mands and their problems, signifies the avail- 
ability of a practical alternative to unilateral 

It is often pointed out that there is no world 
legislature with general power to enact binding 
laws, that there is no international executive to 
execute the laws, and that there are neither 
courts of general compulsory jurisdiction nor 
police to enforce compliance. All this is true. 
To deduce from this, however, that there is no 
international legal order is to misunderstand 
tlie international political institutions we have 
and the roles fulfilled by them. They may not 
look quite like the legislatures, executives, and 
courts that are familiar on the national scene. 
Yet these institutions perform similar tasks and 
should be recognized as an ongoing develop- 
ment of the greatest importance to law in the 
modern world. 

Scholars of the common law have made the 
point that its early history was marked not by 
the emergence of a highly developed body of 
substantive law. Instead the growth was of 
institutions and processes for dealing with con- 
flicts and controversies. Increasing resort to 
the procedures which were fashioned led, in 
time, to the accretion of the substantive rules 
which in the aggregate have made the common 

I wonder if there is not a similar growth un- 
derway in world law. The fact that some of the 
new international institutions — such as the 
councils of ministers of the European commu- 
nities and the General Assembly of the United 
Nations — do not particularly resemble the 
United States Congress, or a State legislature, 
should not put us off. The first court of equity 
must have seemed thoroughly strange and un- 
predictable to the lawyers of early modem 

Today the public process of international in- 
stitutions may appear to be predominantly 
political in character. If and when it has be- 
come more standardized and more predictable, 
and as it is resorted to more consistently, it may 
come to be more positively identified as a legal 


Practical Issues of International Politics 

Suppose we look now at some of the practical 
issues of international politics which have oc- 
cupied the world stage in the last 15 years. 
These have varied widely — in their nature, in 
the pressures brought to bear by third parties |, 
for a settlement without resort to force, and in 
the steps actually taken and the outcome 
reached. Yet there has, I think, been one per- 
vading factor common to all the cases and sit- 
uations: that is the background presence of 
notions about legal rules and about the need to 
have recourse to the procedures of pacific settle- 
ment that were available. I am suggesting this 
as the minimum role that law has played in the 
disputes between nations. 

Not infrequently law has played a larger 
role. The examples which spring to mind most 
readily are those where disputes were resolved 
by international adjudication. Honduras and 
Nicaragua did this with a Central American 
bomidary dispute. Thailand and Cambodia 
did so in order to resolve conflicting claims to 
an area occupied by a temple. Unlike some of 
the territorial claims cases which have been 
decided by the International Court of Justice 
since World War II, these disputes involved 
substantial political stakes. Despite this, and 
despite the strength of feeling in the countries 
involved, the disputes were voluntarily sub- 
mitted to the Court and the decisions of the 
Court were accepted and given effect. 

It sometimes comes as a surprise to domestic 
lawyers that international adjudication can be 
successful at all in the absence of either com- 
pulsory jurisdiction or an ultimate sanction to 
insure compliance. The absence of these does 
limit the usefulness of international adjudica- 
tion. That usefulness depends upon the value 
of adjudication to the disputants in particular 
cases as an acceptable alternative to imilateral 

If resort to international adjudication is one 
way in which international law offers an ac- 
ceptable alternative to unilateral action, it is by 
no means the only way. Resort to the processes 
and procedures of nonjudicial international in- 
stitutions is another way. 

In the last year a dispute between Indonesia 


and the Netherlands over West New Guinea, 
which threatened to erupt into large-scale vio- 
lence between tlie two countries, has been 
settled. The settlement was negotiated with 
the assistance of the United Nations Secretary- 
General and of a mediator named by him. 
Moreover, the settlement is being effectuated 
with the participation of United Nations 
machineiy. This machinery takes the form of 
a temporary United Nations administration of 
West New Guinea and is providing the legal 
means of transition from Dutch administration 
to Indonesian administration. 

Of course, there have been other cases where 
DO settlement through recourse to law has been 
ronched. For example, in the South Tyrol dis- 
pute between Austria and Italy, proposals for 
adjudication and for a negotiated settlement 
liave not borne fruit. Still the irredentist 
claims of Austria have not been prosecuted by 
resort to force. Is it not likely that the pres- 
ence of a background framework of legal rules 
and procedures has operated as a restraint? 

Even last year's annexation by India of the 
Portuguese territories on the Indian subconti- 
nent is not an uncomplicated instance of a 
stronger military force overpowering a weaker 
one. For years a dispute over the territories 
had dragged on between India and Portugal. 
One phase of it had been carried to the Court at 
Tlie Hague and adjudicated. Only after 14 
years, and when India perhaps felt protected by 
the strong anticolonial tide signified by declara- 
tory resolutions of the United Nations General 
Assembly in 2 successive years, did India pro- 
ceed with the invasion of Goa. 

Disputes Involving Great Powers 

I have spoken so far of disputes which were 
largely of concern to middle and smaller 
powers and which did not engage the great 
powers in any important way. There has been 
another series of political problems on the 
world scene since World War II in which the 
great powers have been deeply interested, al- 
though they have not been the primary parties. 
In the Middle East the Arab-Israeli war of 1948 
was brought to an end on the call of the United 
Nations Security Council and with the active 

participation of United Nations mediators. 
The resulting armistice arrangements, and the 
machinery which they established for dealing 
with complaints of violation, have formed a 
legal system whicli has been generally success- 
ful in keeping the peace of the area. 

Both in the Suez crisis of 1956 and in the 
Congo since 1960 the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. 
chose not to exert directly their power in pur- 
suit of rival national objectives. Instead they 
chose the path of the law and elected to let the 
law take its course. 

In the case of Suez this meant that both the 
United States and the Soviet Union opposed 
the Israeli, French, and British invasions of 
Egypt as contrary to obligations under the 
United Nations Charter, and they supported a 
cease-fire and withdrawal of forces. This was 
ultimately accomplished with the aid of the 
parliamentary process of the United Nations 
and with the aid of a United Nations Emer- 
gency Force to be stationed in the Middle East 
between the forces of Israel and Egypt. 

In the Congo, general breakdown accom- 
panied by serious disorders occurred in July 
1960. The Security Council and the General 
Assembly thereupon proceeded to legislate, in 
effect, a series of international remedies over the 
next 2 years. These have been applied under the 
aegis of the United Nations and through the in- 
strumentality of a very substantial United Na- 
tions operation in the Congo. A new kind of 
international law has been fashioned to deal 
with this situation, replacing unilateral inter- 
vention with collective action taken on the in- 
vitation of the Government of the Republic of 
the Congo. 

Wlien, for various political reasons, it is 
sometimes considered impractical to refer 
troublesome situations to existing institutions, 
ad hoc machinery can serve a similar function. 
A case in point is Laos, which has been sorely 
troubled since the summer of 1960. This situa- 
tion has not been considered in depth through 
the processes of the United Nations. However, 
in 1961 and 1962 the U.S. and U.S.S.R. chose 
not to continue, increase, and intensify their 
respective national programs in Laos, which 
were already in collision. They chose instead. 

JANTJART 21, 1963 


through the medium of a ll-nation conference 
in Geneva and through protracted and com- 
plicated negotiations in a number of world cap- 
itals, to develop an agreed solution for the 
future of Laos involving a coalition govern- 
ment and neutralization of the country.^ We 
have yet to see whether tliis settlement can be 
made to work. It remains the policy of the 
United States to see to it the obligations of the 
Geneva accords on Laos are faithfully carried 

In all of these cases the international legal 
order is effective when and because it offers an 
acceptable alternative to unilateral action. 
Specifically, it offers, in addition to impartial 
procedures and objective criteria for settling 
disputes, an institutional framework for nego- 
tiations and a forum for registering the con- 
sensus of other nations. 

So far we have been talking about disputes 
which either did not involve the great powers 
at all, as with the border disputes, or involved 
them only indirectly, as with the Congo and 
Laos. The most prominent dispute involving 
at least one of the great powers directly was 
the Korean conflict of 1950 to 1953. A surprise 
invasion by the Communist North Korean army 
in the early morning of June 25, 1950, was 
identified and reported to the United Nations 
by the U.N. Commission on Korea. For the 
first time large-scale military forces were mo- 
bilized under a United Nations Command to 
repel aggression. First the Security Council, 
and later the General Assembly imder the 
"Uniting for Peace" resolution, provided a 
framework for collective response to armed 

If there are fewer examples of international 
law playing a prominent role in the solution of 
problems involving a direct confrontation be- 
tween the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., neither side 
has regarded this law as irrelevant. 

The first direct confrontation between the 
United States and the Soviet Union since World 
War II was caused by the Soviet blockade of 
Berlin in 1948. Various factors — some practi- 
cal, some political — were brought to bear in the 

' For texts of a declaration on the neutrality of Lacs 
and an accompanying protocol, see Botxetin of Aug. 
13, 1962, p. 259. 


search for a solution of that crisis. The air- 
lift, successful even beyond expectation, surely 
played its part. The debates in the Security 
Council and tiie discussions held by the non- 
permanent members of the Council also con- 
tributed. In the spring of 1949, after patient 
negotiations in New York conducted by Am- 
bassador [Philip C] Jessup for the United 
States, an agreement was reached lifting the 
blockade and confirming the legal rights of 
access to West Berlin. 

In the last 4 years there has been another 
confi'ontation over Berlin. In November 1958 
the Soviet Government, in a note to the Ameri- 
can Embassy in Moscow, informed the United 
States that the U.S.S.R. regarded as null and 
void the Four Power agreements on Germany 
and on Berlin.^ The Soviet note referred to the 
Western presence as "the illegal occupation of 
West Berlin." 

The note was delivered on November 27, 1958. 
On Decemlier 19 the United States Department 
of State circulated vei"y widely to a number of 
governments a detailed statement of its legal 
position on Berlin.^ That statement set forth 
energetically the case sustaining our right to be 
in Berlin. By the time of the foreign min- 
isters meeting in May and June 1959, Mr. 
[Andrei A.] Gromyko had substantially altered 
the Soviet position. On June 2 he said : 

The representatives of the Western Powers fre- 
quently interpret the Soviet Government's proposal to 
give West Berlin the status of a Free City as meaning 
that the Soviet Union does not take into consideration 
the rights of the United States of America, Britain and 
France which derive from the fact of the capitulation 
of Hitler's Germany. But this is an incorrect inter- 
pretation. We do not think that the American, British 
and French troops vpere in Berlin in any sense 

And on June 19 Chairman Khrushchev had the 
following to say in a speech given in Moscow : 

What right have the Western Powers to keep their | 
occupation troops in West Berlin, to maintain an occu- 
pation regime there? This right of the three Western 
Powers stems from the capitulation of Hitlerite Ger- 
many in the last war and is founded on appropriate 

" For texts of the Soviet note of Nov. 27 and a U.S. 
note of Dec. 31, 1958, in reply, see ihid., Jan. 19, 19.^0, 
p. 79. 

'For text of a memorandum, see ihid., Jan. 5, 19.'>9,J1 
p. 5. 



.icmuents drawn up during the war aud signed after 
he war. And we not only recognize these rights of the 
ictorious powers but we ourselves have taken advan- 
;iso of them. 

It was not necessary for the U.S.S.K. to 
liange its position so completely on the ques- 
ion of legal rights with respect to Berlin. If 
he Soviets had merely chosen to exhibit an atti- 
ude of greater accommodation in the spring of 
959, they could have done so in a political con- 
est and without altering their legal position, 
t is interesting that the Soviet Union consid- 
red it appropriate, on reflection and reconsid- 
ration, to revise its legal position so strikingly. 
t is certainly apparent that both the United 
States and Soviet Governments gave much at- 
ention to the question of legal basis for their 
espective positions. Here it might be added, 
s a footnote, that in July 1961 President Ken- 
edy proposed that the question of legal rights 
1 Berlin be submitted to the International 
'ourt of Justice for adjudication.'* 

In October of this year the United States 
nd the Soviet Union were engaged in another 
onfrontation, over the stationing of offensive 
weapons systems in Cuba, which is still fresh 
ti the minds of all of us. It was an important 
oncern of the United States that our action in 
he face of the secret Soviet missile buildup in 
]uba should have a sound legal basis. If it did, 
nd if the Soviets and the rest of the world 
ecognized tliis, the risk of an outbreak of 
rmed conflict would be minimized. 

The quarantine interdictuag the buildup of 
ffensive weapons in Cuba was developed as a 
leasure which would be lawful for the United 
States to take.° It rested on the following 
)oints : 

1. The Organ of Consultation under the In- 
er-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance 
the Rio Treaty)^ coidd recommend, under ar- 
icles 6 and 8 of the treaty, the use of armed 
orce to deal with a situation endangering the 
)eace of the hemisphere. Although the Castro 
egime had been excluded from participation in 

° For text of President Kennedy's report to the Na- 
ion on the Berlin crisis, see ibid., Aug. 14, 1961, p. 267. 
^ ' For text of the proclamation, see ibid., Nov. 12, 
962, p. 717. 
' For text, see ibid., Sept. 21, 1947, p. 565. 

the organs of the inter- American system, Cuba 
neither denounced nor withdrew from the Rio 
Treaty. On October 23 the Organ of Consulta- 
tion in fact recommended the taking of all nec- 
essary measures, including the use of armed 
force, to deal with the offensive missiles in 

2. Since the defensive quarantine was au- 
thorized by a regional organization qualifying 
under chapter VIII of the United Nations 
Charter, it did not contravene the restraints on 
threat or use of force contained in paragraph 
4, article 2, of the United Nations Charter. The 
quarantine, though involving ultimately a re- 
sort to force if siich should be necessai-y to stop 
ships that might be carrying offensive weapons, 
was a limited measure, carefully proportioned 
to the needs of the situation. Moreover, the 
United States affirmatively sought a Security 
Council debate on the grave threat to peace 
which we considered the U.S.S.R. had posed in 

It should be noted here that the legal ra- 
tionale in support of the defensive quarantine 
was not devised after the f act.^ The planning 
for United States action, when construction of 
the Soviet missile bases in Cuba had been dis- 
covered, was conducted with continuing refer- 
ence to the legal position and rights of the 
United States and to the view which the world 
would take of our action. The course followed 
and the sequence of actions taken were framed 
in relation to just these considerations. 

There was political risk in seeking an au- 
thorization from the Organ of Consultation un- 
der the Rio Treaty. There was also risk that 
the membership of the United Nations Security 
Council or General Assembly would appraise 
our position and rights differently from our 
view of them. In fact the American action 
drew wide support from the world commimity. 

The U.S.S.R. decided at the end of October 
to withdraw the offensive weapons from Cuba. 
That it did so, I believe, was not unconnected 
with the unanimous vote given by the Organ of 

" For text of a resolution, see ibid., Nov. 12, 1962, p. 

" For an address by Abram Chayes, Legal Adviser, 
on the legal case for U.S. action on Cuba, see ibid., 
Nov. 19, 1962, p. 763. 


Consultation under the Eio Treaty. The Soviet 
action was also taken in the light of a clear un- 
derstanding of the wide support which the 
United States had for its action. 

Some Tentative Conclusions 

In looking back over the events of the last 
15 years, some very tentative conclusions 

For example, we notice at once an effort on 
the part of states to establish positions with 
reference to international law whenever they 
become involved in disputes or situations in- 
volving significant national interests. They 
may do so both in order to acquire some de- 
fensive protection against adversary claims and 
in order to forward and advance their own 
political case. Such conduct on the part of 
governments attributes some degree of efficacy 
to international law. 

We have also seen that incipient legal proc- 
esses, in the form of international institutions, 
can serve as a catalyst in arriving at settlements 
of international differences when there is a 
disposition on the part of governments to settle, 
or when there is at least not a firm policy to 
refuse settlement. And we have seen how inter- 
national institutions — in the form of a United 
Nations force or presence or an international 
control commission — can be instrumental in op- 
erating the provisions of a settlement. 

Finally, I would suggest that considerations 
of international law play a role in decisions by 
governments on their policy. Particularly if 
the power factors of a given situation — eco- 
nomic, political, and military power — are at all 
closely balanced, governments find it necessary 
to give added weight to intangibles, such as 
considerations of international law. Indeed 
such intangibles may assume a very pragmatic 
importance. Many if not most governments, 
including those of the great powers, exercise 
care not to resort to force in delicately balanced 
international situations if such resort would be 
contrary to generally understood notions of 
international law. 

The role of law in political aspects of inter- 
national relations is clearly subject to fluctua- 
tions of time, place, and circumstance. Equally 
clearly, it seems to me, world law has grown 

in the past 20 years. That law must continue 
to grow in the use made of its processes; its 
rules must become more definite and certain in 
common understanding; and law must have in- 
creasing influence on the actions of governments 
if the 20th-century world is to negotiate suc- 
cessfully the perils of the thermonuclear age. 

President Kennedy Accepts Custody 
of Flag of Cuban Brigade 

Following are remarks noade by President 
Kennedy and Mrs. Kennedy in the Orange Bowl 
at Miami, Fla., on December 29 before the 
2506tli Cuban Invasion Brigade during cere- 
monies making the United States custodian 
of the brigade^s flag. Mrs. Kennedy spoke in 

White House press release (Miami, Fla.) dated December 29 

I want to express my great appreciation to the 
brigade for making the United States the cus- 
todian of this flag. I can assure you that this 
flag will be returned to this brigade in a free 

I wonder if Seiior [Secundo] Miranda, 
who preserved this flag through the last 20 
months, would come forward so we can meet 
him. I wanted to know whom I should give it 
back to. 

I always had the impression — I hope the mem- 
bers of the brigade will sit down again — I al- 
ways had the impression that the brigade was 
made up of mostly young men, but standing over 
there is a Cuban patriot 57, one 59, one 61. I 
wonder if those three could stand so that the 
people of the United States could realize that 
they represent the spirit of the Cuban revolution 
in its best sense. 

All of you members of the brigade, and mem- 
bers of their families, are following an historic 
road, one which has been followed by other 
Cubans in other days and, indeed, by other pa- 
triots of our hemisphere in other years — Juarez, 
San Martin, Bolivar, O'Higgins — all of whom 
fought for liberty, many of whom were de- 
feated, many of whom went in exile, and all of 
whom came home. 



Seventy years ago Jose Marti, the guiding 
spirit of the first Cuban struggle for inde- 
pendence, lived on these shores. At that time 
in 1889 the first international American confer- 
ence was held, and Cuba was not present. Then, 
as now, Cuba was the only state in the hemi- 
sphere still controlled by a foreign monarch. 
Then, as now, Cuba was excluded from the so- 
ciety of free nations. And then, as now, brave 
men in Florida and New York dedicated their 
lives and their energies to the freedom of their 

The brigade comes from behind prison walls, 
but you leave behind you more than 6 million of 
our fellow countrymen who are also in a very 
real sense in prison, for Cuba is today, as Marti 
described it many years ago, as beautiful as 
Greece and stretched out in chains — a prison 
moated by water. 

On behalf of my Government and my coun- 
try I welcome you to the United States. I bring 
you my nation's respect for your courage and 
for your cause. Our primary gratitude for your 
liberation must go to the heroic efforts of the 
Cuban Families Committee, Mr. [Alvaro] San- 
chez and others, and their able and skilled nego- 
tiator, Mr. James Donovan, and those many 
private American citizens who gave so richly of 
their time and their energies in order to save 
free men of Cuba from Castro's dungeons and 
to reunite you with your families and friends. 

Their efforts had a significance beyond the 
important desire to salvage individual human 
beings. For your small brigade is a tangible 
reaffirmation that the human desire for freedom 
and independence is essentially unconquerable. 
Your conduct and valor are proof that, al- 
though Castro and his fellow dictators may rule 
nations, they do not rule people ; that they may 
imprison bodies, but they do not imprison spir- 
its; that they may destroy the exercise of lib- 
erty, but they cannot eliminate the determina- 
tion to be free. And by helping to free you 
the United States has been given the oppor- 
tunity to demonstrate once again that all men 
wlio fight for freedom are our brothers and 
sliall be until your country and others are free. 

The Cuban people were promised by the rev- 
olution political liberty, social justice, intellec- 
tual freedom, land for the campesinos, and an 

end to economic exploitation. They have re- 
ceived a police state, the elimination of the 
dignity of land ownership, the destruction of 
free speech and of free press, and the complete 
subjugation of individual human welfare to the 
service of the state and of foreign states. 

Under the Alianza para el Progreso we sup- 
port for Cuba and for all the countries of this 
hemisphere the right of free elections and the 
free exercise of basic human freedoms. We sup- 
port land reform and the right of every campe- 
sino to own the land he tills. We support the 
effort of every free nation to pursue programs 
of economic progress. We support the right 
of every free people to freely transform the 
economic and political institutions of society so 
that they may serve the welfare of all. 

These are the principles of the Alianza para 
el Progreso. They are the principles we sup- 
port for Cuba. These are the principles for 
which men have died and fought, and they are 
the principles for which you fought and for 
which some died in your brigade. And I be- 
lieve these are the principles of the great ma- 
jority of the Cuban people today, and I am con- 
fident that all over the island of Cuba, in the 
government itself, in the army, and in the mi- 
litia, there are many who hold to this freedom 
faith, who have viewed with dismay the de- 
struction of freedom on their island and who 
are determined to restore that freedom so that 
the Cuban people may once more govern them- 

I know that exile is a difficult life for any 
free man. But I am confident that you recog- 
nize that you hold a position of responsibility 
to the day when Cuba is once again free. To 
this end it is important that you submerge mon- 
etary differences in a common united front; 
that the brigade — those who serve in the bri- 
gade — will work together to keep alive the 
spirit of the brigade so that some day the peo- 
ple of Cuba will have a free chance to make a 
free choice. So I think it incumbent upon all 
of you who are here today to work together, to 
submerge those differences which now may dis- 
turb you, to the united end that Cuba is free, 
and then make a free choice as to what kind of 
a government and what kind of a country you 
freely wish to build. 

JAirUART 21, 1963 

The brigade is the point of the spear, the ar- 
row's head. I hope they and the members of 
their families will take every opportunity to 
educate your children, yourselves, in the many 
skills and disciplines which will be necessary 
when Cuba is once more free. 

Finally, I can offer no better advice than 
that given by Jose, Marti to his fellow exiles in 
1895, when the hour of Cuban independence 
was then at hand. "Let the tenor of our words 
be," Marti said, "especially in public mattere, 
not the useless clamor of fear's vengeance which 
does not enter our hearts, but the honest weari- 
ness of an oppressed people who hope through 
their emancipation from a government con- 
victed of uselessness and malevolence, for a gov- 
ernment of their own which is capable and 
worthy. Let them see in us," Marti said, "con- 
structive Americans and not empty bitterness." 

Gentlemen of the brigade, I need not tell you 
how happy I am to welcome you here to the 
United States and what a profound impression 
your conduct during some of the most difficult 
"days and montlis that any free people have ex- 
perienced—what a profound impression your 
conduct made upon not only the people of this 
country but all the people of this hemisphere. 
Even in prison you served in the strongest pos- 
sible way the cause of freedom, as you do today. 

I can assure you that it is the strongest wish 
of the people of this country, as well as the peo- 
ple of this hemisphere, that Cuba shall one day 
be free again, and when it is, this brigade will 
deserve to march at the head of the free column. 


It is an honor for me to be today with a group 
of the bravest men in the world and to share 
in the joy that is felt by their families, who, for 
so long, lived hoping, praying, and waiting. 

I feel proud that my son has known the offi- 
cers. He is still too young to realize what has 
happened here, but I will make it my business to 
tell him the story of your courage as he grows 
up. It is my wish and my hope that some day 
he may be a man at least half as brave as the 
members of Brigade 2506. Good luck. 

Policy Announced on Length 
of State and Official Visits 

Press release 1 dated January 2 

The Department of State, consistent with 
President Kennedy's desire to continue to see 
and talk to as many world figures as his heavy 
schedule in 1963 permits, annoimced on January 
2 that effective January 1, 1963, future state 
and official visits may last up to 10 days— 2 days 
at Wasliington, D.C., and up to 8 days elsewhere 
in the United States. 

The Department of State will continue to an- 
nounce itineraries in the scheduling of the of- 
ficial state and Presidential guest visits as th( 
scheduling of visits becomes firm. 

U.S. Urges Disengagement of Foreigr 
Forces in Yemen Conflict 

Department Statement ^ 

The Department has been informed that ii 
pursuit of operations in the north of Yemen, oi 
behalf of the Yemen Arab Republic, aircraf 
operated by pilots of the United Arab Republic 
bombed and strafed the Oasis of Najran, ii 
Saudi Arabia, between December 30 and Janu 

ary 1. 

In deploring these incidents, which threatei 
to expand the Yemen conflict, the United State 
Government has expressed its concern to th 
Government of the United Arab Republic. Th 
United Arab Republic has given its assurance 
that it does not order incursions across the Yem 
en border and that it will do its best to avoic 
a repetition of these attacks across the border. 

The United States enjoys cordial and clos 
relations with the Government of Saudi Arabi: 
and has made known its interest in the preser 
vation of its integrity, as well as that of othe 
states of the area. 

In noting these incidents and other measure' 

^Read by Lincoln WTiite, Director of the Office o 
News, to news correspondents on Jan. 3. For a Dc 
partment statement of Dec. 19 announcing U.S. recog 
nitlon of the Yemen Government, see Bui-letin of Jai 
7, 1963, p. 11. 



representing external support for military ac- 
tion within Yemen, the United States, as an 
impartial friend of all governments involved, 
remains convinced that the best interests of the 
Yemeni people will be served by disengagement 
Df foi-eign military forces and termination of 
bhis external intervention. 

United States Calls for Prompt Congo 
Reunification Under U.N. Plan 

T>, partinent Statement 

Press release 2 dated January 4 

As a result of hostilities which broke out on 
December 26 on the initiative of the Katangan 
cjendarmerie, the United Nations forces in the 
Ivatanga now occupy most key populated areas 
ind mining centers. 

As the Secretary-General [U Tliant] stated 
jDn December 31, however, the United Nations 
'is seeking no victory and no surrender in Ka- 
'tanga, for the United Nations is not waging 
war against anyone in that Province," and the 
lU.N. does not intend to use its force for po- 
llitical ends nor intervene in the political affairs 
of the Province of Katanga or any other Prov- 
ince. At the same time, the Secretary-General 
treaffirmed that the Central Government of the 
Congo, itself a member of the United Nations, 
is the only legitimate government of the Con- 
go and the United Nations therefore would not 
recognize any claims to secession or deal with 
Katanga except as a Province of the Congo. 

On January 1, in a speech. Prime Minister 
[Cyrille] Adoula reaffirmed the amnesty de- 
clared by President [Joseph] Kasavubu and as- 
sured the people of Katanga that reintegration 
of South Katanga will mean full enjoyment of 
civil rights throughout the Congolese Republic. 

The United States reaffii-ms its support for 

the policies enunciated in the Secretary- 
General's reconciliation plan,^ his public state- 
ment of December 31, and Prime Minister 
Adoula's speech of January 1. We understand 
the object of the U.N. to be a peaceful Katanga, 
reintegrated into the Congolese state and econ- 
omy. There is no desire to deny Mr. Tshombe 
[iloise Tshombe, President of Katanga Prov- 
ince] a place in the future political life of the 
Congo, but this will depend on the Congolese 
people and on Mr. Tshombe himself. There lies 
on Mr. Tshombe at this moment a heavy re- 
sponsibility not to persist in actions which he 
has threatened — a scorched earth and a fight to 
the finish which would result in disruption of 
economic life and the sowing of seeds of bitter- 
ness which would make extremely difficult the 
peaceful reintegration of the Katanga into the 
Congo, which he himself has accepted. Mr. 
Tshombe should act at this vital moment in the 
interests of all of the Congolese people. 

We expect Mr. Tshombe to end promptly the 
Katanga secession by recognizing the U.N.'s 
full freedom of movement throughout the Ka- 
tanga, advising foreign mercenaries to disband 
and leave the country, and by exerting his in- 
fluence with Katangese military personnel and 
the civilian population to prevent sabotage and 
damage to important installations and property 
and cooperating in maintaining law and order. 
Mr. Tshombe should also make himself avail- 
able hnmediately to cooperate with the U.N. in 
the above measures and to put into effect other 
practical arrangements required to carry out 
swiftly the clear provisions of the U Thant 

This is the road to peaceful reintegration of 
the Katanga. Tlais is the road not of destruc- 
tion but of constructive building of a new and 
more vigorous Congolese nation. 

'U.N. doc. S/5053/Add. 13 (annex I) and Corr. 1. 

JANUARY 21, 19C3 


New Dimensions in Cultural Communication 

hy Lucius D. Battle 

Assistant Secretary for Educational and Cultural Afairs ^ 

It would be difficult to place alongside each 
other two words that have more vague and 
varied meanings, to most people, than the last 
two words in the title I have given to these 
remarks. The words are "cultural" and 

This is not the place — or at any rate I am 
not the "professor" — for a seminar in semantics. 
But I cannot let this opportunity pass without 
pointing out the problems of nomenclature — 
of language — with which we must contend. 

The phrase "educational and cultural affairs" 
is clearly a case in point. The actual activities 
covered by this phrase are concrete and specific. 
But this phrase itself and others like it — 
"cross-cultural relations," "cultural inter- 
change," and the like — are imprecise and there- 
fore largely meaningless to many people. 

I relate this to you partly in the hope that 
among you may be a phrasemaker who can help 
us with this problem. Because it is a problem — 
especially with groups less favorably oriented 
toward our activities than yours is — to discuss 
this field in terms that have hardness and real- 
ity. (Any interested phrasemakers are invited 
to step forward after the session or by letter; 
their suggestions will be most welcome.) 

"Cultural" and "communication" are, how- 
ever, well-established prestige woi'ds, in easy 
and frequent and common use. We hear much 
of "cultural centers," of the "cultural explo- 
sion" — or the "cultural epidemic" as it is now, 
happily, becoming — and of the "communica- 

' Address made before the Modern Language Associ- 
ation of America at Washington, D.C., on Dec. 29 
(press release 749). 

tions revolution." We all know what the terms 
mean, we think. But do we? 

Can we really grasp the degree of change 
that the "communications revolution" repre- 
sents unless we occasionally update our frame 
of comparison? Can we really know the fidl 
meaning of "cultural exchanges" today unless 
we see them in their full scope and impact, and 
against the background of their beginning, on 
any extensive basis, only a few short years ago? 
Or do we continue to use such phrases glibly, 
without thinking of the changing content that 
lies behind them ? 

Perhaps it would be useful, therefore, to focus 
anew on the underlying realities behind such 
phrases, which may be worn thin by overuse or 
overextension, or because we have lost a sense 
of their historical development. This exercise, 
which I would like to try out briefly with you 
here, can also have meaning for us in terms of 
our present opportunities and what we decide 
we can do about them. 

A Frame of Comparison 

Let's begin by setting up, in terms of the 
"communications revolution," a present-day 
frame of comparison centering about a great 
historical event: tlie discovery of America by 
Christopher Columbus, now being reenacted in 
the Bahamas by a reproduction of the original 
Nina. In Admiral of the Ocean Sea, Samuel 
Eliot Morison tells how slowly the news of the 
successful voyage seeped through Europe. 
Five months after Nina I had weathered a 
stormy return crossing and put in safely at 
Lisbon the news had apparently not yet reached 



lorthern Europe. For the great Nuremberg 
'Jhronlde was printed on July 21, 1493, without 
my mention of the discovery of America. And 
S'uremberg was the center of geographical stud- 
es in northern Europe. 

"What would happen today if an event in 
Surope comparable to the Nina's return, with 
Jolumbus in command, were to take place? 
\ Telstar could be there, Eurovision could be 
here, and, by various means, other television 
ystems in other countries and continents. All 
he apparatus of print, film, radio, and tele- 
nsion could be there. You could be there. 
The world could be there — for instant, immedi- 
ite, simultaneous confrontation of the great 
vent as it unfolded. 

A "communications revolution"? In today's 
erms, this is understatement. 

Do we likewise use "cultural" too glibly, 
vithout fully realizing the increasingly solid 
ontent that lies behind this word ? There are 
. iiany ways to indicate this changing content, 
nd we must of course turn to varieties of evi- 
lence rather than to any single citation. 

"We can shorten our frame for comparison if 
re think of cultural communication only in 
erms of the organized effort our Government 
Las made. This short span alone affords dra- 
matic comparison. Our effort is only a relatively 
ew years old; next year, as a matter of fact, 
rill be the 25th anniversary of the founding, 
ust prior to "World War II, of a Division of 
Cultural Relations in the Department of State. 

In such a short time the evidences are 
mpressive that cultural relations have taken on 
lew reality and importance. Last month 
'resident Kennedy said, on behalf of the pro- 
)0sed National Cultural Center in "Washington : 

Behind the storm of daily conflict and crisis, the 
ramatic confrontations, the tumult of political 

- truggle, the poet, the artist, the musician, continues 
he quiet work of centuries, building bridges of ex- 
lerience between peoples, reminding man of the univer- 

■ ality of his feelings and desires and despairs, and 
eminding him that the forces that unite are deeper 
ban those that divide. 

In the early fall Secretary Rusk told a Senate 
:ommittee that educational and cultural ex- 
hange is "one of our important and powerful 
ools in the conduct of foreign relations in 

today's world of revolution and change." And 
he added : 

It is through this program, as perhaps in no other 
way, that we can take a certain leadership in the 
change that is taking place in the world. 

Tills fall, for the first time, "Cultural Affairs 
and Foreign Relations" became a subject for 
discussion by the American Assembly of Colum- 
bia University meeting at Arden House and 
later through regional sessions in various parts 
of the country. 

At the end of November the United States 
and the Federal Republic of Germany, observ- 
ing the 10th anniversary of the Fulbright 
Agreement between them, signed a new agree- 
ment which utilizes a significant new authoriza- 
tion provided by the Fulbright -Hays Act of 
1961.^ This authorization permits joint financ- 
ing of exchanges, and the Federal Republic of 
Germany became the first nation to commit 
itself to a share of the cost. "Were the ex- 
changes without substance and reality to the 
Federal Republic of Germany, it is doubtful 
that it would have agreed to provide $4 million 
in deutsche marks from 1964 to 1969 to continue 
this program. 

These, then, are some representative evidences 
of the solid place educational and cultural ex- 
change has made for itself in a relatively short 
time-frame — evidences that these activities are 
more than good things to do in today's world 
but are now seen as necessary things to do. By 
updating our frame of comparison on exchanges 
we see more clearly how far we have come and, 
I hope, what we should do now, with advanced 
knowledge and skiUs, to meet the opportunities 
of today and tomorrow. 

Basic Conditions for Period of Enlightenment 

It may be instructive to take one more look 
to the past and again to the time of Columbus. 
This is to see basic conditions that gave rise to 
the great period of enlightenment then emerg- 
ing. For one, a great communications revolu- 
tion — the invention and spread of printing 
from movable type — was underway. 

' For background, see Buixetin of Dec. 17, 1962, p. 

lANUARY 21, 1963 


But the communications revolution of the 
15th century was a slow affair by today's 
standards. A specimen still preserved came 
from the city of Mainz before 1450, from Guten- 
berg soon after. By 1465 the press had reached 
Italy, by 1470 Paris; then London by 1480, 
Lisbon by 1490, Spain by 1499. By 1500 there 
were at least 9 million books in Europe and 
some 30,000 titles. There were perhaps a thou- 
sand printers. 

I cite these numbers to show a basic condition 
for the spread of knowledge and beliefs : the 
availability of mass commmiication. 

"The consequences for intellectual life were 
momentous," Jolin Herman Randall, Jr., wrote 
in The Making of the Modern Mind. He 
continued : 

. . . the circle of the educated, formerly confined 
largely to the clergy, broadened immeasurably ; that 
rapid spread of knowledge and beliefs we call a period 
of enlightenment was made possible. 

The period of enlightenment was made pos- 
sible too, of course, by other conditions that 
made men ready to seek new knowledge, new 
bases of belief, new social institutions. It was 
on such f ovindations that the whole cultural and 
intellectual revolution known as the Renaissance 
came into being. 

I do not want to try to strain the parallelism, 
but there are several similarities in that time 
and ours. In both periods we see enthusiastic 
and vigorous activity along literary, artistic, and 
cultural lines, an increasing pursuit of learn- 
ing, and an imaginative response to broader 
horizons generally. We in our time can cite as 
specific evidences, at least in large parts of the 
world, the newly born hunger for knowledge 
of so many millions and the urgent desire among 
so many new nations for "development." 

Let me mention just a few more specifics : more 
foreign students seeking higher education ; more 
nations participating, through multilateral 
organizations such as UNESCO [United 
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization] and OECD [Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development], in 
efforts to assist "hirnian resource development" 
in their own and other nations ; more recogni- 
tion in our Government of the role of educa- 


tional and cultural exchanges in foreign rela- 
tions; more colleges and universities offering 
courses related to world affairs, including for- 
eign language and area study centers; more 
business firms supporting overseas educational 
efforts relating to their overseas operations; 
more students and teachers going out to other 
countries, via the Peace Corps and other pro- 
grams, to help develop greater educational op- 
portunities ; more realization that the arts speak 
across national lines and across the gulfs that 
separate political systems — in brief, more recog- 
nition that a worldwide "common market" of 
knowledge, ideas, aspirations, and beliefs does 
exist and is expanding. 

And, as we need hardly emphasize, we have 
new extensions of communications techniques, 
all the way from learning equipment for the 
classroom to satellites sending back their sig- 
nals from outer space. Today's communica- 
tions techniques are far beyond anything con- 
ceived even a few short years ago. 

So the two great preconditions for a period oft 
enlightenment — desire to know and the means 
to know — come together in our time. They can] 
lead now to a new period of cultural and intel- 
lectual advance, just as parallel conditions did 
by the 16th century, if we meet our opportu- 
nities as fully as we can and should. 

American Books Abroad 

Wliat are some of the ways in which we are 
trying, through the office I represent and 
through other governmental and nongovern- 
mental offices, to meet these opportunities? 

One prime field of opportunity is books. 

Once again we are at a jjoint in time when 
books can play a crucial role in the enlighten- 
ment of men's minds. We have the opportunity 
to make the heritage and insights of the past, as 
contained in American books, more widely avail- 
able throughout the world. 

I have made the subject of American books 
abroad one of my first concerns since taking 
office last June. The needs and opportunitiesi 
have been well pointed out to us by surveys' 
and studies, including one reported by Dan 
Lacy of the American Book Publishers Council 
more than a year ago and, within the year, one 


)n "Books in Latin America" and one on "Books 
for Ghana and Nigeria" by American pub- 
isliers wlio visited those areas. 

An address by Attorney General Robert 
[vonnedy last June before the American Book- 
;ellers Association significantly supplemented 
lieso basic background papers. The Attorney 
xeneral reported his observations of book- 
ielline abroad. His recommendation was that 
•a committee of leaders of the book industry 
n this country be formed to consider how we 
■an get more and better American books read by 
nore people — particularly students — in the un- 
■ommitted nations of the world." The Attor- 
ley General spoke of American books as reflect- 
ng "our conunon heritage with many other 
lations and their influence upon our culture." 
The influences of books are endless, he said; 
>ooks can be good ambassadors for us. 

Secretary of State Rusk has now appointed 
iuch an advisory committee.^ It is called the 
Government Advisory Committee on Interna- 
ional Book Programs and chaired by Curtis G. 
Benjamin, chairman of the board of McGraw- 
HiW Book Company. Twelve members repre- 
sent the book publishing field; in addition Dr. 
Leona Baumgartner, Assistant Administrator 
for Human Resources and Social Development 
)f the Agency for International Development ; 
Donald M. Wilson, Deputy Director, U.S. In- 
formation Agency ; and I serve as Government 
•epresentatives. The committee is meeting 
ipproximately monthly. Three ad hoc panels 
lave been appointed: on Latin America; on 
nedical, scientific, and engineering books ; and 
Dn investment guarantees and credit insurance. 

The committee has passed a resolution, which 
:ias been distributed to the book industry, rec- 
Dmmending a formula for the sale to USIA or 
Dther Government agencies of Spanish and 
Portuguese translation rights for Latin Amer- 
ica. It has also passed a resolution recom- 
mending to the Secretary of State that every 
effort be made by the Department to push 
implementing legislation for the Florence 
Agreement so that such legislation might be 
passed during the next session of Congress. 

•/6i(f., Oct. 29, 1962, p. 666. 

The Florence Agreement, in effect in 39 
countries, provides for the exemption from 
customs duties of books and other educational, 
scientific, and cultural materials. 

We now have in this committee a powerful 
mechanism for helping to relate the resources 
and enterprise of private publishers to business 
opportunities abroad and, at the same time, to 
the Nation's needs. The Executive order imple- 
menting the Fulbright-Hays Act ^ lays on my 
office, by delegation from the Secretary of 
State, the responsibility for "policy guidance" 
to the various agencies of the Government con- 
cerned with international educational and cul- 
tural affairs. I intend to encourage in evei-y 
way possible the fullest cooperation of Govern- 
ment agencies in this book program. We want 
to see American books, both in English and in 
translation, realize their great inherent capa- 
bility as ambassadors for us. To do this we 
must help find ways to widen markets abroad. 
There are real problems — the relation of wider 
markets to lower costs, for example — which 
will tax the ingenuity of even the excellent 
advisory committee we have. But I am confi- 
dent this dimension of cultural communication 
can, and will, be more fully developed. 

English-Language Program 

Another dimension of cultural communica- 
tion is, of course, English as a second language — 
as a foreign language in other countries of the 
world. English, as we all know, is now the 
most sought-after language in the world. I say 
this without a trace of chauvinism but merely as 
a matter of simple fact. Even meetings of na- 
tions whose national language is not English, 
such as the Bandung Conference of 1955, are 
almost always carried on in the English lan- 

The desire to learn English is worldwide; it 
is a demand we are not, however, organized to 
meet at all adequately. Cultural cooperation as 
well as national self-interest both dictate that 
we make the greater effort now required. 

This effort, both public and private, must be 
further clarified and strengthened if overall 

'For text of Executive Order 11034 (27 Fed. Reg. 
6071), see ibid., July 23, 1962, p. 138. 

JANUARY 21, 1963 


U.S. Government objectives, as well as specific 
agency objectives, are to be attained. Earlier 
this month we asked our diplomatic posts for 
their views on how to obtain a better integrated 
U.S. Government effort in each individual 
country. The responses, which are due by Jan- 
uary 15, are to be the basis for a broad statement 
of the national interest and effort in this field. 
In the private sector significant steps are be- 
ing taken too. Let me refer briefly to one of 
these. Just a few days ago the Ford Founda- 
tion announced a grant of $470,000 over a 7- 
year period to Cornell University to expand its 
English-teaching program. This will give 
Cornell greatly strengthened resources for 
training both Americans and foreign nationals 
in the teaching of English as a second language. 
Michigan, Georgetown, and other institutions 
have, like Cornell, shown a keen awareness of 
needs in this field and have developed strong 
programs. We will hope that the grant to Cor- 
nell will give new impetus to collaborative 
efforts by foundations and universities. Gov- 
ernment cannot greatly expand its present 
English-language activities unless there is sub- 
stantial increase in the number of xVmericans 
who are trained in this field and who are, in 
turn, able to train foreign teachers of English 
both here and abroad. 

We are favored by fortune in having a lan- 
guage so many people want to learn. But we 
can enhance the favors of fortune by well- 
directed and well-applied efforts. 

Your own association's Center for Applied 
Linguistics, here in Washington, represents 
such an effort. In the months I have been As- 
sistant Secretary I have become familiar with 
the constructive role the center is playing and 
can play in this field. I am thinking of the 
availability of advice and information from 
which Government officers administering pro- 
grams of English-language teacMng can and do 
benefit; of the sponsorship of special studies; 
and of the leadership in organizing conferences 
and meetings, both national and international, 
of direct interest to Government as well as to the 
academic community. Of special promise has 
been the creation of the National Advisory 
Council on the Teaching of English as a For- 
eign Language, to bring the Government and 

the academic community into a closer working 

I would like to have you know of our most 
sincere gratitude for— and our great dependence 
on— the center which MLA, with Ford Foun- 
dation help, has brought into being. The center 
is a bulwark of our effort to achieve greater 
cultural communication through English as a 
second language. 

Cultural Presentations 

Another means of closer cultural communi- 
cation in which we put great hope is cultural 
presentations, the sending to other countries of 
representative examples of America's perform- 
ing arts. By our definition this covers a broad 
bracket of activities, including music, drama, the 
dance, and sports. 

This program was begun under the Depart- 
ment's auspices in 1954 and has many major suc- 
cesses to its credit. At the same time it has en- 
countered troublesome obstacles which have 
prevented us, I believe, from realizing the maxi- 
mum benefits to be had from this effort. 

Accordingly, last September I asked the new 
U.S. Advisory Commission on International 
Educational and Cultural Affairs, headed by 
John W. Gardner of the Carnegie Corporation, 
of New York, to make a survey of the programi 
and recommendations for its improvement. Thei 
survey was conducted by Roy E. Larsen, chair- 
man of the executive committee of Time, Inc.,, 
and vice chairman of the commission, and by ai 
veteran Foreign Service officer, Glenn G. Wolfe. 
Just before Christmas the commission report- 
ed on the survey ° and made a number of recom- 
mendations which will, I think, be extremely 
beneficial to the future of this activity. The 
commission put special emphasis on three funda- 
mental approaches as being essential to the full 
success of the program. They are : 

1. Artistic excellence should be the preemi- 
nent criterion of the performing arts program. 

2. Amateurs, as well as professionals, should 
have broad opportunities in this program. 

3. Appreciation of America's cultural devel- 
opment can be significantly enhanced by both 
professionals and amateurs through participa- 

'/fiirf., Jan. 14, 19C3, p. 40. 




tion in clinics, student workshops, and other 
aonper forming activities. 

Among the report's recommendations is that 
ong-range planning be made a formal policy 
and practice. As one feature of long-range 
planning, the report suggested that consider- 
aUon be given to selection of amateur groups by 
a system of competitions. 

The overall purpose of the program, as de- 
fined by the commission, is "to reflect abroad the 
state of the performing arts in America, both 
in terms of creative cultural vitality and of the 
desire and capacity of a free people to support 
the development of a flourishing national cul- 
:ure. A nation can disclose," the report con- 
tinued, "important aspects of its total character 
through the manner in which it seeks to develop 
the highest peaceful arts." 

The report gives special emphasis to the desir- 
ability of reaching university and other young 
audiences abroad and of doing so in part 
through the greater use of our own college stu- 
dents and young professionals who are most 
talented in the fields of the arts. "The sharing 
of discovery and enthusiasm by youth can," 
the report said, "do much 'to provide inter- 
national cooperation . . . for cultural advance- 

This report has greatly heightened our hopes 
that cultural presentations can be an increas- 
ingly effective form of communication and 
has provided valuable guidelines for this 

The rise of multilateral organizations is 
another relatively new means of encouraging 
cultural communication. UNESCO, the Or- 
ganization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development, and the Organization of Ameri- 
can States are only some of the international 
organizations which, by meetings and other 
program activities, are helping to form closer 
educational and cultural ties. I recently at- 
tended for a period of 3 weeks the UNESCO 
General Conference in Paris.^ The reality of 
direct communication on cultural matters, by 
politically friendly and unfriendly nations 

' For text of an address made by Mr. Battle at the 
UNESCO meeting on Nov. 13, see ibid., Dec. 17, 1962, 
p. 93.5. 

alike, was made abundantly clear to me there. 
(Parenthetically, let me acknowledge here the 
strong support the Modern Language Associa- 
tion of America has given to the work of the 
U.S. National Commission for UNESCO in the 
language field.) 

The bilateral conference can be a productive 
form of cultural communication too. Last 
January in Tokyo Americans and Japanese sat 
down together at the first U.S.-Japan Confer- 
ence on Cultui-al and Educational Interchange.' 
The American delegation included Aaron 
Copland, Kobert Penn Warren, Arthur Schles- 
inger, Jr. One of the first-priority recommen- 
dations of the conference was a "massive effort" 
to break the language barrier of communication 
and understanding between the United States 
and Japan. A second conference will be held 
in Washington late in 1963. 

Educational and Cultural Exchanges 

Educational and cultural exchanges, in some 
new and varied forms, of course continue to con- 
stitute the main component of the effort to 
establish and expand cultural communication 
with other countries. How well are we doing 
in this general effort? There are many favor- 
able factors : the passage of the Fulbright-Hays 
Act providing broader authorizations, the 
growing recognition of cultural affairs as a 
component of our foreign relations, the increas- 
ing involvement in countless ways of the 
academic community, voluntary organizations, 
and other parts of the private sector. It is the 
totality of this support that will make our 
cultural effort most effective. 

But there can be no doubt that we are doing 
less than the opportunities of this time in the 
affairs of men suggest. For this is a time when 
the preconditions of cultural and educational 
advancement are clearly evident : the desire for 
knowledge and the means to satisfy it. It is 
a time when nothing less than the best efforts all 
of us can make, and the widest support we can 
attract, will be good enough. 

' For background, see ibid., Jan. 15, 1962, p. 99, and 
Jan. 22, 1962, p. 142. 

JANUARY 21, 1963 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^ 

Adjourned During December 1962 

United Nations General Assembly: 17th Session New York Sept. 18-Dec. 20 

UNESCO Executive Board: 63d Session Paris Oct. 26-Dec. 12 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on International Commodity Trade: Geneva Nov. 1-Dec. 7 

Technical Working Group on Compensatory Financing "(resumed 


UNESCO General Conference: 12th Session Paris Nov. 9-Dec. 8 

ICAO Aerodromes, Air Routes, and Ground Aids Division: 7th Montreal Nov. 13-Dec. 14 


North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 6th Meeting Washington Nov. 26-Dec. 3 

ILO Asian Regional Conference: 5th Session Melbourne Nov. 26-Dec. 8 

Inter- American Consultative Group on Narcotics Control: 3d Lima Nov. 26-Dec. 8 


FAO Cocoa Study Group: 12th Session of Executive Committee . Rome Nov. 27-Dec. 4 

GATT Subcommittee on Tariffs and Trade Geneva Dec. 2-7 

U.N. ECAFE Inland Transport and Communications Committee: Bangkok Dec. 3-11 

11th Session. 

OECD Energy Committee Paris Dec. 4-5 

FAO Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control: 1 1th Rome Dec. 5-1 1 


OECD Industry Committee Paris Dec. 6-7 

NATO Medical Committee Paris Dec. 6-7 

FAO Regional Fisheries Advisory Commission for the Southwest Rio de Janeiro .... Dec. 10-14 


U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 14th Session . . Geneva Dec. 10-14 

International Wool Study Group: 7th Meeting London Dec. 10-14 

ILO Committee on Conditions of Work in the Fishing Industry . . Geneva Dec. 10-19 

U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Urban Community Development . . . Singapore Dec. 10-20 

OECD Turkish Consortium Paris Dec. 11-12 

OECD Development Assistance Committee Paris Dec. 11-13 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party III (Balance Paris Dec. 12-13 

of Payments). 

FAO/ECAFE Ad Hoc Meeting on Jute Bangkok Dec. 12-18 

OECD Special Committee for Coal Paris Dec. 13-14 

OECD Maritime Transport Committee Paris Doc. 13-14 

NATO Ministerial Council Paris Dec. 13-15 

UNICEF Program Committee and Executive Board New York Dec. 17-20 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 34th Session (resumed) .... New York Dec. 17-21 

U.N. ECAFE Asian Seminar on Training for Family and Child Bangkok Dec. 19-31 


In Recess as of December 31, 1962 

Conference of the Eigh teen-Nation Committee on Disarmament Geneva Mar. 14- 

(recessed December 21 until February 12, 1963). 

GATT Negotiations on U.S. Tariff Reclassification (recessed De- Geneva Sept. 24- 

cember 15 until March 1963). 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 21, 1962. Following is a list of abbreviations: 
ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, 
Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; NATO, 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., 
United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; UNICEF, United 
Nations Children's Fund. 


lu.N. Asks Conciliation Commission To Continue 
.Efforts With Arab Refugees 

Following are three statements made in the 
U.N. Special Political Committee hy Carl T. 
Rowan, U.S. Representative to the General 
Assembly, together with the text of a resolution 
adopted in plenary session on December 20. 


U.S. delegation press release 4122 

For several days now my delegation has sat 
through a long and sometimes spirited debate 
on the question of Palestine Arab refugees. 
This debate has included sharp words about the 
states directly involved and occasional taunts 
at my own Government. My delegation has 
been asked why it has not immediately exercised 
the right of reply. I believe that our answer 
should be a simple exposition of our central 
attitude on tliis question. 

This question of the Palestine refugees is an 
old issue — almost as old, in fact, as the United 
Nations itself. It troubles my delegation to note 
that, while other grievous problems have flared 
up and eased away, the Palestine refugee prob- 
lem has continued to defy our best efforts. It 
has refused to yield to the most dedicated at- 
tempts to acliieve a workable solution. 

With each passing year the Palestine refugee 
problem becomes more intractable. Each day 
that the solution to this problem is delayed 
means one more day of frustration for more 
than a million human beings. The problem be- 
comes worse as the number of refugees increases. 
And time, far from healing the wounds, brings 
greater bitterness. This accentuates the waste 
of a new generation coming into maturity. 

Mr. Chairman, it is sometimes difficult for 
those who are not directly involved in this dis- 

pute to understand why in 15 years some sig- 
nificant progress has not been made, however 
difficult and complex the question may be. Even 
the most sympathetic observer reaches the con- 
clusion that an acceptable solution is extremely 
difficult to find because there is not the nuitu;il 
understanding necessary for solution. 

We would stress that the primary responsi- 
bility for solving this problem rests squarely 
with the five states directly concerned — with 
Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, the Syrian Arab Re- 
public, and the United Arab Republic. Let the 
Assembly face tliis reality. Conciliation efforts 
by third parties, however earnest, fair, ingeni- 
ous, and well-intentioned, cannot succeed in the 
absence of a disposition on the part of the sov- 
ereign governments on both sides of the armis- 
tice line to resolve the problem, to demonstrate 
genuine concern for the refugees as human be- 
ings above all else. Such a disposition has been 
largely and disappointingly absent. The refu- 
gees themselves have cause to be sorely disap- 
pointed at the preoccupations of governments 
which deny them and their offspring the op- 
portunity to lead normal lives. It is the refu- 
gees after all who are the human core of this 
problem; it is the refugees who should be our 
fundamental concern, who in a free world must 
have a voice in their own future. 

As the years go by, each of the two sides 
stands fixed in the same rigid attitudes, some- 
how hoping in the face of all logic tliat some 
miraculous development will occur that will 
destroy the arguments of the adversaries and 
permit the problem to be worked out according 
to its own point of view. But, on the record 
of 14 years of polemics, such development is 
unlikely. We have heard spokesmen from both 
sides boast that "time is on our side." It is time 

JANUARY 21, 1963 


we all freed ourselves of this self-deception. 
So long as this dispute exists, with all the pas- 
sions that we have once again heard expressed, 
time is on the side of danger and despair. 

And surely time is not on the side of the 
refugees, a new generation of whom is falling 
heir to the deprivations and burdens of refugee 

Again and again we are treated to new tacti- 
cal variations on the same discordant themes. 
Some appear to feel that the chasm now divid- 
ing the parties can be simply and abruptly 
bridged if only they all were urged by this 
Assembly to sit down around a conference table. 
We have always been, and we remain, in favor 
of direct talks between the parties at such time 
as this offers real prospect of helping the refu- 
gees or of other constructive outcome. But re- 
grettably that time appears not to be now. 
In these circumstances such proposals are 

The United States would like very much to 
see Israel and its Arab neighbors come together 
for a resolution of their differences. Given the 
intense emotions involved, it may be quite some 
time before this occurs. We should not forget 
that at the center of the problem are people 
who feel dispossessed of their ancestral lands, 
who feel deeply that an injustice has been done 
to them. This is a most compelling reason why 
a peaceful and just solution must be found. We 
are convinced that this day can be hastened by 
demonstrable evidence of willingness to compro- 
mise on the key issues — such as the refugee 
issue— which now divide the parties. The ob- 
jective observer must perceive that the Arabs 
remain unconvinced that there is such a willing- 
ness on Israel's part. And the same observer 
must perceive how very difficult it is for Israel 
to evince such a readiness in the face of con- 
tinued threats against her very existence. 

On the other side there is the proposition for 
appointment of a United Nations custodian of 
properties in Israel viewed by the refugees as 
theirs. This proposal too, we think, oflFers no 
realistic basis for adjustment or for helping the 
refugees. In fact it would be a gesture of retro- 
gression, for it is clearly designed to strike at 
the very foundations of Israel's sovereignty. 

The United States has from the very begin- 


ning taken a deep and sympathetic interest in 
the problem of the Arab refugees. We have j 
borne the heaviest financial burden for their | 
survival and minimum welfare. And we have 
always shown, materially and otherwise, great 
sympathy for the unhappy lot of the refugees. | 
We have the most sincere concern for the rights * 
and interest of the states involved. 

Since the 15th General Assembly the Pales- 
tine Conciliation Commission has been actively 
engaged in a new initiative to overcome the 
impasse on this issue. Thanks largely to the 
dedication, imagination, persistence, and real- 
ism of the Commission's Special Representative, 
Dr. Joseph E. Johnson, this has proved to be a 
useful endeavor. The Commission has learned 
much about what will not work, at least in 
present circumstances, and about what might 
possibly work. The realities of the problem 
have been more sharply defined. 

In deference to the specific and unanimous 
request of all the parties directly concerned, and 
because the Commission's initiative is still in 
progress, it was decided that there would be no 
publication at this time of specific details about 
Dr. Johnson's efforts. I urge this committee to 
respect the wishes of the parties in this regard. 
I also urge you, my fellow delegates, not to place 
credence in various published distortions of the 
work accomplished. 

Let me say, Mr. Chairman, that my Govern- 
ment is profoundly disappointed about the 
course this dispute has taken over the years. 
It is not enough year after year to come to the 
General Assembly only to hear once more ex- 
changes of recriminations in the same words 
leading to the same conclusions — no progress. 
For the refugees lack of progress is not enough. 
For us the status quo cannot be accepted. 

Together we must find the means to solution. 
No solution can ever be foimd that will be per- 
fect from all points of view. Each side must 
be ready to sacrifice some part of its desires. 
We must explore thoroughly every new sugges- 
tion and press forward every new initiative 
which holds some hope for progress. The 
United States is prepared to continue working, 
with other members of the Conciliation Com- 
mission, toward a solution. It is the sincere 
hope of my delegation that during the coming 



U.S. Announces Pledge to UNRWA for Current Fiscal Year 

statement by Elmore Jackson ' 

On behalf of the United States Government, I 
take pleasure in announcing a pledge of $24.7 million 
to UNRWA [United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East] 
for the current fiscal year ending June 30, 1963. 
Part of this contribution will consist of foodstuffs 
to be used in the Agency's relief program. Again 
the United States contribution will be made avail- 
able to the extent that it does not exceed 70 percent 
of total governmental contributions. 

The United States stipulates that at least $1.7 
million of our contribution be used in UNRWA's 
promising program of vocational and teacher 

I should like to take this occasion again to com- 
mend Commissioner-General [John H.] Davis and 
his staff for the excellent job which UXRWA is do- 
ing for the Palestine refugees. They deserve our 
full support as they attempt to relate their work 
to the human needs of the refugees and to the 
changing circumstances in the area. 

I would like also to take note of the renewed ef- 
forts of the Palestine Conciliation Commission to 
develop means to make progress on the problem of 
the Palestine refugees. The United States supports 
this initiative. As my delegation indicated in its 
recent statement on the UNRWA item in the Special 
Political Committee, we believe the General Assem- 
bly should each year thoroughly examine the ques- 
tion of international assistance to the refugees. The 
United States would have preferred the extension 
of UNRWA"s mandate on a year-to-year basis. On 

' Made at the UNRWA pledging conference on 
Dec. 20 (U.S./U.N. press release 4135). Mr. Jack- 
son is Special Assistant for U.N. Planning, Bureau 
of International Organization Affairs, Department 

of State. 

this question we acquiesced to the wishes of other 
interested delegations and to the conviction of Dr. 
Davis that this approach would at least at this 
stage greatly complicate his procurement problems. 

The United States believes, however, that there 
should be an annual evaluation of UNRWA's ac- 
tivities to insure that they are tailored to the 
fundamental needs of the refugees. It is, in addi- 
tion, important that the development of this pro- 
gram take into account the cooperation of the host 
governments and any progress made in finding a 
basic solution to the refugee question. The Agency 
requires more assistance and cooperation from host 
governments in its important task of doing away 
with glaring inequities in the distribution of relief 
supplies. Surely the Assembly can expect that more 
cooperation will be forthcoming so that the provi- 
sion of UNRWA supplies and services can be lim- 
ited to bona fide Palestine refugees who actually 
need those supplies and services. The rectification 
of the relief rolls has been too long delayed. We 
shall continue to give the Commissioner-General our 
fullest support in his efforts on this matter. 

More fundamentally, my Government considers 
that the fact that many of the refugees are finding 
opportunities for work, due to a number of factors, 
including the success of UNRWA's vocational 
training program, should be refiected in a gradual 
curtailment of the Agency's expenditures on relief. 
The refugees as a whole would be well served by 
such change, for the funds thus saved could be 
shifted to vocational training and other education 
programs. It would seem that action along this 
forward-looking line could be initiated during 1963. 
These programs, together with the other key as- 
pects of the Agency's work, can be kept under con- 
tinuous review. 

year the parties will be considerably more forth- 
coming than they have been thus far. 

As is all too usual in our deliberations, I fear 
there lias been little focus on the report ^ of the 
Commissioner- General of UNRWA [United 
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine 
Refugees in the Near East] — that is, on the 
measures being taken to provide the refugees 
with food, educational opportunities, and medi- 

' U.N. doc. A/5214. 

cal attention. Considering the means it has 
available, the Agency is doing a very good job. 
My Government is glad to commend Dr. John 
H. Davis and his dedicated staff for the compas- 
sion and the sound administrative principles 
which they are applying to their difficult task. 
My Government did not and does not associate 
itself with all the views espoused in the current 
UNRWA report. We are convinced, however, 
that the Agency is ably performing a function 
of prime importance not only to the refugees 

JANUARY 21, 1963 


but to all five member states directly concerned 
with the problem. My delegation is prepared to 
support the extension of UNEWA's mandate 
for 1 year, until June 30, 1964. My delegation 
will, at the pledging session, comment further 
on UNRWA's successes and problems. I trust 
all members are carefully considering whether 
their forthcoming jjledges will match their 
ability to contribute and their expressions of 
interest in the problem. 

I do not need to go into more detail here 
today. There is little more that need be said 
here now. The solution to the Arab refugee 
problem will not be found in repetitive debate. 
It will be found in the quiet endeavors of men 
of vision and good will patiently working out, 
detail by detail, a procedure for fulfilling inso- 
far as possible the desires of the refugees while 
protecting the legitimate concerns of the inter- 
ested states. But no plan, however ingenious, 
can ever succeed unless there is a minimum of 
good will and tolerance. It is that spirit of 
good will that, after 14 years, still eludes us. 

The refugees have been encouraged to look to 
the United Nations for help. Let us, in turn, 
look squarely at them and tackle anew the chal- 
lenge they present to the United Nations and 
therefore to all of us. 


U.S. delegation press release 4127 

My delegation respectfully commends to the 
attention of the committee a draft resolution ^ 
addressed to the key problems we are consider- 
ing under the present item. It is a straight- 
forward, realistic draft resolution, aimed at 
providing the optimum conditions for further 
earnest efforts to achieve progress on the serious 
problem of the Palestine refugees. 

After citing various pertinent previous reso- 
lutions on the subject and noting the annual 
report of the Commissioner-General of the 
UNRWA, the draft expresses thanks to persons 
and organizations devotedly pursuing the chal- 
lenging task of providing a better life for the 
refugees and of seeking a fair and reasonable 

■ U.N. doc. A/SPC/L. 91. 

way out of the impasse in which they find 

The PCC is requested to continue its efforts 
in the latter regard, and I stress again the will- 
ingness of my Government to continue to par- 
ticipate actively in this difficult conciliation 
endeavor. In this connection I venture to as- 
sume that the distinguished delegates of France 
and Turkey will readily agree with us that serv- 
ing on the PCC is not, except for the thorns we 
encounter, a bed of roses. We have repeatedly 
expressed our receptiveness to any constructive 
suggestions by the parties directly concerned or 
by other members. Such suggestions are still 
welcome. We hope that the parties concerned 
will cooperate fully with the PCC in its future 
endeavors. We hope the PCC will be able to 
work in an atmosphere conducive to practical 

The request for such staffing facilities as may 
be required by the PCC relates primarily to the 
desirability of completing expeditiously its 
technical work concerning immovable proper- 
ties left behind by the refugees. I 

The provision for a 2-year extension of the 
UNRWA mandate represents a deferral on our 
part to the views of a number of other interested 
delegations. It remains the considered view of 
my Government that IT.N. assistance to the 
Palestine refugees should be subjected to search- 
ing reexamination by evei'y regular General 
Assembly. The refugees themselves certainly 
deserve such frequent, thorough consideration 
of the ways and means by which they can be 
most effectively assisted. This is what moti- 
vated my delegation to indicate on December 11 
our preference for a 1-year extension of the 
Agency's mandate. It is as simple as that. 

My Government's concern for the immediate 
needs of the Palestine refugees has been amply 
demonstrated in several meaningful ways. 
There can be no early end to the refugee prob- 
lem, even if there is some prospect of progress 
toward its solution. My Government will con- 
tinue to be responsive to the needs of the Pales- 
tine refugees. And we must be aware that con- 
ditions do change. So, while my delegation 
agreed to the proposition that UNRWA's man- 
date sliould now be extended for 2 years, we 
strongly favor an annual evaluation. 




The last paragraph of my delegation's draft 
resolution relates to this sad fact: While it is 
apparently not too difficult for many member 
states to have and to voice a decided opinion on 
the complex Palestine refugee problem, only a 
relatively few governments have matched their 
expressed concern with adequate material as- 
sistance for the refugees. The pledging session 
for UNRWA is scheduled for December 19. It 
v.ould be a striking demonstration of the Assem- 
bly's solicitude for the refugees if every mem- 
ber pledged some amount, however modest, 
toward the betterment of the lot of the Palestine 
Arab refugees in 1963. 

We commend our resolution to this commit- 
tee. We believe it is best suited to the needs of 
the present situation and urge its adoption 

We also have before us two other proposals. 
In my previous statement before the committee, 
I expressed the United States view regarding 
the draft resolution appealing for direct nego- 
tiations^ and the draft resolution requesting 
the appointment of a U.N. custodian in Israel.* 
We hope neither of these proposals will be 
pressed to a vote since doing so would not, in 
our considered judgment, contribute to prac- 
tical progress on the Palestine refugee question. 


tions of substance, or otherwise, to the amend- 
ment submitted by the delegate of Cyprus. 

We have voted for the paragraph before, and 
in fact we inserted it last year. The fact is, 
however, that this year in tabling this resolution 
we asked that it be adopted unchanged. We are 
tired of partisan proposals, recrimination, and 
words of acrimony. We made it clear that we 
wanted progress — aid for the refugees. 

During the last several days we had several 
amendments pi'essed upon us by all sides in this 
dispute. We rejected them all with the asser- 
tion that we would oppose them in this com- 
mittee. Out of consistency with this declara- 
tion, we voted against the amendment just as we 
voted for paragraph 2 as is, resisting any effort 
to separate its parts — just as we were opposed 
to the two other resolutions. Our opposition all 
week long to all amendments was based on our 
fear that to take any other position would have 
been to open a Pandora's box, subjecting this 
resolution to a series of contentious amend- 
ments. Mr. Chairman, our sticking to this posi- 
tion resulted in my delegation's being left naked 
in a snowstorm, as it were, but it was merely my 
delegation's remaining faithful to a position it 
had expressed often during the week. 

. I wish to make it clear that my delegation is 
delighted at the position to which this commit- 
tee has now come. 

U.S. delegation press release 4131 

]\Iy delegation has no wish to prolong the 
discussion of this item. We merely wish to 
express our appreciation to the sponsors of res- 
olutions 89 and 90 for not pressing their resolu- 
tions to a vote. 

They have shown restraint, statesmanship, 
and good will worthy of this bod3^ This kind 
of spirit lies at the heart of a vote by my delega- 
tion which we do not wish to be misunderstood. 
I refer to the vote on the amendment ^ to SPC/- 
L.91 submitted with eloquent persuasion by the 
distinguished delegate of Cyprus. I want to 
make it clear that my delegation had no objec- 

' U.N. doc. A/SPC/L.89. 
* U.N. doc. A/SPC/L.90. 
' U.N. doc. A/SPC/L.93. 


The General Assembly, 

Recalling its resolutions 194 (III) of 11 December 
1948, 302 (IV) of S December 1949, 393 (V) and 394 

(V) of 2 and 14 December 1950, 512 (VI) and 513 

(VI) of 26 January 1952, 614 (VII) of 6 November 
19.52, 720 (VIII) of 27 November 1953, 818 (IX) of 4 
December 19.54, 916 (X) of 3 December 1955, 1018 (XI) 
of 28 February 1957, 1191 (XII) of 12 December 1957, 
1315 (XIII) of 12 December 1958, 14.56 (XIV) of 9 
December 1959, 1604 (XV) of 21 April 1961 and 1725 
(XVI) of 20 December 1961, 

Noting tbe annual report of the Commissioner- 
General of tbe United Nations Relief and Works 

° U.N. doc. A/SPC/L. 91, as amended ; adopted by the 
Special Political Committee on Dec. 18 by a vote of 101 
to 0, with 2 abstentions (Cameroon and Lsrael), and in 
plenary session on Dec. 20 by a vote of 100 to 0, with 
2 abstentions (Israel and Portugal). 

J.^XUARY 21, 1963 


Agency for Palestine Refugees In the Near East, cover- 
ing the period 1 July 1^61-30 June 1962, 

Noting tcith deep regret that repatriation or compen- 
sation of the refugees as provided for in paragraph 11 
of General Assembly resolution 194 (III) has not been 
effected, that no substantial progress has been made 
in the programme endorsed in paragraph 2 of resolu- 
tion 513 (VI) for the reintegration of refugees either 
by repatriation or resettlement and that, therefore, the 
situation of the refugees continues to be a matter of 
serious concern, 

1. Expresses its thanks to the Commissioner-General 
and the Staff of the Agency for their continued faithful 
efforts to provide essential services for the Palestine 
refugees and to the specialized agencies and private 
organizations for their valuable work in assisting the 
refugees ; 

2. Expresses its thanks to the United Nations Con- 
ciliation Commission for Palestine for its efforts to find 
a way to progress on the Palestine Arab refugee prob- 
lem pursuant to paragraph 11 of General Assembly 
resolution 194 (III), and requests the Commission to 
continue its endeavours with the Member States direct- 
ly concerned ; 

3. Requests the Secretary-General to provide the 
staff and facilities that the Commission may require 
in carrying on its work ; 

4. Decides to extend the mandate of the United 
Nations Relief and Works Agency until 30 June 1965 ; 

5. Directs attention to the precarious financial posi- 
tion of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency 
for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and urges 
non-contributing Governments to contribute, and con- 
tributing Governments to consider increasing their 
contributions, so that the Agency can carry out its 
essential programmes. 

U.S. Calls Claims of Portuguese 
Arms Diversion Unfounded 

Statement by Jonathan B. Bingham 

V.8. Representative to the General Assenibly ^ 

I have asked for the floor at this stage of the 
debate in order to reply to various statements 
that have been made here witli regard to the 
use of American-manufactured arms by the 
Government of Portugal in its African 

First of all, I should like to emphasize once 
again that in 1961 the United States Govern- 
ment, on hearing reports that certain equip- 

' Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) on Nov. 29 
(U.S. delegation press release 4107). 

ment — for the most part transport vehicles — 
furnished to Portugal by the United States un- 
der our military assistance agreement in the 
framework of NATO had been diverted to 
Africa, promptly called this to the attention of 
the Government of Portugal and requested and 
received assurance that sucli material would not ; 
be diverted to Africa in the future. 

When assurances of such a character are 
made to us by a sovereign state with which we 
maintain friendly relations, we accept them as 
having been made in good faith, unless we have j 
evidence to the contrary of a compelling char- 
acter. Up to the present time, we have seen no 
such evidence. 

Charges have been made, here and elsewhere, 
that the Portuguese Government is violating 
the assurances they gave to my Government. 
However, for the most part these charges have 
been general in character, apparently not based 
on firsthand information and not specific as to 
type of equipment, time of use, or method of 
acquisition. The petitioners who made state- 
ments on this, for example, obviously could not 
be expected to be able to distinguish between 
American-made equipment furnished to Portu- 
gal under our military assistance program and 
American-made equipment which may have 
been obtained through other channels. 

Clearly it is impossible to control all arms 
transactions taking place through private chan- 
nels. In the summer of 1961 the United States 
Government undertook measures to prevent the 
commercial export of arms to the area. But 
large amounts of arms manufactured in the 
United States have been available on the in- 
ternational surplus market since World War 11. 
(This is true, for example, of napalm bombs, 
as well as many other items.) Such arms and 
equipment can find their way into almost any 
area in the world. Thus we have had repeated 
reports that United States-manufactured 
arms — landmines, for example — have been used 
by the forces of the Angolan National Libera- 
tion Front fighting in Angola. 

We have expert representatives in Portugal, 
as in other countries with which we have simi- 
lar military assistance agreements. It is part 
of their task to monitor equipment supplied to 
Porluffal hv the Ignited States in accordance 



with our agreements. These representatives 
have no indication that any of this material has 
been divei'ted to Portuguese Africa since we re- 
ceived assurances from Portugal in the summer 
of 1961. 

We regret that the Special Committee on 
Portuguese Territories apparently concluded 
that the Portuguese Government was not abid- 
ing by its 1961 assurances to the United States 
Government and that it could not be relied on 
to do so. "We cannot agree with this conclusion. 
Moreover, we have not been able to find in the 
information released by the Committee specific 
evidence to support it. Apparently the Com- 
mittee was impressed with the report of a 
United States congressional investigation on 
this subject, held in March 1962, in which an 
ofScial representative of our executive branch 
stated that some limited diversions had taken 
place early in 1961. However, the fact is, and 
a careful study of the transcript of the hearing 
in question will show, that the diversions re- 
ferred to were those which led to the United 
States request to Portugal — in other words, pre- 
ceded the request and the subsequent assurances 
given by the Government of Portugal. There 
was nothing in that testimony to indicate that 
the assurances obtained were being violated. 

The suggestion has also been made here that 
the United States provides budgetary aid to 
Portugal, that is to say, cash grant aid, for the 
purpose of helping Portugal to meet the ex- 
penses of maintaining her armed forces. This 
is not the case. 

The United States has in the past made avail- 
able to Portugal loan funds for specific eco- 
nomic development projects within Portugal. 
During the last fiscal year the United States 
made a substantial loan to Portugal to aid in 
the construction of the Tagus River bridge at 
Lisbon. Tlie United States is also providing 
at present limited amounts of surplus agricul- 
tural commodities imder U.S. Public Law 480. 
Both of these forms of aid for particular do- 
mestic purposes are programs which are well 
and, I believe, favorably known to many other 
member states. 

Reference was made by one of the petitioners, 
and, I believe, subsequently by several dele- 
gates, to the possibility that Unitied States mili- 

tary forces under NATO orders were sent to 
Angola for the purpose, as I imderstand it, of 
assisting the Portuguese armed forces at the 
time the imhappy conflict began in Angola. 
Frankly this idea is fantastic, if not grotesque. 
May I solemnly assure this committee that no 
United States military forces, either under 
United States or NATO command, have ever 
been sent either to Angola or any other Por- 
tuguese African territory to assist, support, or 
in any way operate in conjunction with Portu- 
guese military forces. 

Finally, there seems to be a widespread mis- 
understanding regarding the role of NATO. 
This organization acts as a coordinating mech- 
anism only. NATO owns no arms, possesses 
no troops. Let me repeat: There are no such 
things as NATO arms or NATO troops ; there 
are only national arms and national troops. 
The military aid which the United States gives 
to some of its NATO partners is designed solely 
to increase the effectiveness of the defense of the 
North Atlantic area. 

Mr. Chairman, as I made clear at the outset, 
this statement has been made in the exercise 
of right of reply. I should like to reserve our 
right to intervene in the course of the general 
debate on the substance of the question 
before us. 

U.S. Withdraws Proposal on Angola 
Opposed by Afro-Asian Group 

Folloioing are statements regarding the sit- 
uation in Angola made in plenary session of the 
U.N. General Assembly by U.S. Representa- 
tives Albert Gore and Jonathan B. Bingham. 


U.S. delegation press release 4128 

My delegation is today introducing the fol- 
lowing short and simple resolution : ^ 

The General Assembly, 

Recalling its previous consideration of Angola and 
of Mozambique, 

• U.N. doc. A/L. 420. 

JANUARY 21, 1963 


Having concluded that there is a need for further 
detailed information from within Angola and Mozam- 
bique on conditions there, 

1. Requests the President of the Seventeenth Gen- 
eral Assembly to appoint two United Nations Repre- 
sentatives, one for the purpose of gathering informa- 
tion on conditions in Angola, the other for the purpose 
of gathering information on conditions in Mozambique 
(in both cases including information on political, eco- 
nomic and social conditions) by visiting those two 
territories and other places as they may deem 
necessary ; 

2. Requests the Government of Portugal to extend to 
the United Nations Representatives such assistance as 
they may require pursuant to their mandate ; 

3. Requests the United Nations Representatives to 
draw up reports for the consideration of the Eight- 
eenth General Assembly. 

I believe that this resolution is self-explana- 
tory and needs little additional comment. So 
far as the appointment of the representatives is 
concerned, the President would presmnably fol- 
low the usual procedure in making the appoint- 
ments after full consultations with delegations 
and would appoint persons of unimpeachable 
integrity and objectivity in whom all would 
have confidence. 

The draft resolution I am now introducing is 
the result of an understanding between my 
Government and the Government of Portugal 
that has been reached at a very high level. I 
want to emphasize that it is of the utmost im- 
portance that this resolution not be amended if 
it is to succeed in its purpose. I say this in full 
recognition of the fact that many delegations 
wonld prefer to see the resolution changed in 
one way or another — either to incorporate ex- 
pressly references to certain past resolutions of 
the General Assembly or to substitute a com- 
mittee or group of representatives for the con- 
cept of a single representative. I can 
appreciate the reasons delegations might have 
for such changes, but I want to make clear that 
in this case what we have to decide is whether 
or not it is worth while to take the step that is 
available to us. The United States believes 
that it is. 

If tliis resolution is adopted and carried out, 
it would mean that for the first time a United 
Nations representative would officially visit 
Angola and Mozambique. Tliis, in the view of 

my Government, would be a very significant 

I should like to emphasize that adoption of 
this resolution would not in any way reflect on 
the Subcommittee on Angola, the Special Com- 
mittee on Portuguese Territories, or the Com- 
mittee of 17. None of these committees was 
permitted to visit the Portuguese territories, al- 
though the former two asked the Portuguese 
Government's permission to do so. This per- 
mission was denied. Thus there has been no 
such thing as a United Nations representative 
in Angola and ISIozambique, except for repre- 
sentatives of the specialized agencies. My Gov- 
ernment is convinced that the presence of such 
United Nations representatives in the Portu- 
guese territories would be useful. It is now up 
to the members of this Assembly to decide 
whether or not they agree with that conviction. 


U.S. delegation press release 4136 

Mr. President, I take the floor to respond very 
briefly to the statement just made by the dis- 
tinguished representative of Morocco [Ahmed 
Taibi Benhima] , who, speaking in his capacity 
as chairman of the Afro- Asian group for De- 
cember and on their behalf, has informed this 
Assembly that the resolution sponsored by my 
delegation, contained in Document A/L.420, is 
not acceptable to the great majority of the Afri- 
can and Asian delegations. On behalf of the 
group, he has appealed to my delegation not 
to press for a vote on this resolution. 

Mr. President, as most of the delegates laiow, 
the resolution contained in Document A/L.420 
was the result of a series of discussions carried 
on at the highest level between my Government 
and the Government of Portugal. Earlier this 
week the distinguished representative of Portu- 
gal [Vasco Vieira Garin] affirmed from this 
rostrum his Government's agreement to this 
proposal. In our view this response was a ges- 
ture of good will toward the United Nations 
and a helpful sign of even more meaningful 
cooperation in the future. 

We have believed that the adoption of this 
resolution would have represented a significant 



ent for the people of Angola, Mozambique, 
,d other Portuguese territories. True, it 
""jjould haA^e been only a firet step, and there was 
assurance as to what the second step might 
ive been. But we had hoped that the imple- 
lentation of tliis resolution, which, in our view. 
luld in no way have contributed to a deteriora- 
iin of the situation, would have led to addi- 
onal constructive developments. 
As the delegates well Icnow, nij' Government 
as consistently supported the principle of self - 
etermination for the peoples of the Portuguese 
^' arritories. We will continue to work for peace- 
"^' ul solutions to the problems of Angola and the 
-'' jther territories. 

"■ To the many distinguished delegates who 
'P lave so willingly given their earnest and sym- 
'' liathetic consideration to our proposal, I wish 
' express the thanks of my delegation. We 
ully recognize the extent of their efforts, and 
1 ve are grateful for the public and private ex- 
)ressions of appreciation for our efforts and, 
)articularly, for the words of appreciation so 
'loquently expressed just now by the distin- 
guished representative of Morocco. 
\\ Before closing, Mr. President, I should like 
:o quote briefly from Ambassador Stevenson's 
speech ^ in the general debate at this session. 
While speaking of the General Assembly's re- 
I sponsibilities, Ambassador Stevenson said : 

Indignation and outrage have been powerful enemies 
of injustice since the beginning of history. It would 
be surprising if they had no place in the proceedings of 
the United Nations. But the test of resolutions pre- 
sented to this Assembly must surely be whether they 
promise to bring us closer to rational solutions of real 
problems and thereby closer to justice. 

We believe, Mr. President, that our resolution 
offered an opportmiity to bring us closer to a 
rational solution of a very real problem and 
thereby closer to justice. 

It is therefore with great regret that we have 
been advised of the decision taken by the Afro- 
Asian group. Under the circumstances, my 
delegation has no choice but to respond affirm- 
atively to the appeal made by the distinguished 
representative of Morocco. My delegation will 
not press for a vote on Resolution A/L.420. 

' Bulletin of Oct. 8, 1962, p. 511. 

Current U.N Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed hcloiv) may he consulted at depository lihraries in 
the United States. U.N. printed publications may be 
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations. 
United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 

Security Council 

Letter dated October 11, 1962, from the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa to the 
Secretary-General concerning sale of aircraft to Ka- 
tanga. S/5180. October 15, 1962. 2 pp. 

Letters concerning the Cuban crisis. S/5189, October 24, 
1962, 4 pp.; S/5191, October 24, 1962, 1 p.; S/5192, 
October 25, 1962, 7 pp. ; S/5193, October 25, 1962, 4 pp. ; 
S/5194. October 25. 1962, .3 pp.; S/5195, October 25, 
1962, 2 pp.; S/5199, October 29, 1962, 2 pp.; S/5200, 
October 31, 1962, 3 pp. ; S/5202, November 1, 1962, 26 pp. 

Report to the Secretary-General from the Officer-in-Charge 
of the United Nations Operation in the Congo on de- 
velopments relating to the application of the Security 
Council resolutions of February 21 and November 24. 
1961 : Addendum to annexes I and II — Foreign military 
personnel reliably report to ONUC to have been at large 
in Katanga as from January 1962. S/5053/Add.l2, 
Add.l. November 13, 1962. 13 pp. 

General Assembly 

Question of the Publication of a United Nations Juridi- 
cal Yearboolv. Comments by Governments on the form 
and contents of the proposed yearbook. A/5169, Au- 
gust 20, 1962, 13 pp., and A/5169/Add. 1, September 5, 
1962. 6 pp. 

Consular Relations. Comments by Governments on the 
draft ai-ticles on consular relations adopted by the In- 
ternational Law Commission at its 13th session in 1961. 
A/5171, August 21, 1962, 105 pp. ; A/5171/Add. 1, Sep- 
tember 10, lt)62, 15 pp. 

United Nations Emergency Force. Report of the Sec- 
retary-General. A/5172. August 22, 1962. 24 pp. 

Question of Convening a Conference for the Purpose of 
Signing a Convention on the Prohibition of the Use of 
Nuclear and Thermo-Nuelear Weapons. Report of the 
Secretary-General. A/.5174. August 30, 1962. 89 pp. 

Public Information Activities of the United Nations. Re- 
port of the Secretary-General. A/5179. September 6, 
1962. 9 pp. 

Applications of Jamaica and the State of Trinidad and 
Tobago for Admission to Membership in the United 
Nations. Letters dated September 12 from the Presi- 
dent of the Security Council to the Acting Secretary- 
General. A/5188 and A/5189. September 13. 1962. 
1 p. each. 

Report of the Committee on Arrangements for a Confer- 
ence for the Purpose of Reviewing the Charter. 
A/5193. September 14, 1962. 3 pp. 

Report to the United Nations of the Conference of the 
Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. Note l>y 
the Secretary-General. A/.j200. September 18, 1962. 
90 pp. 

International Co-operation in the Peaceful Uses of Outer 
Space. Report of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses 
of Outer Space. A/5181. September 27, 1962. 30 pp. 

Offers by Member States of Study and Training Facilities 
for Inhabitants of Non-Self-Governing Territories. Re- 
port of the Secretary-General, A/.5242, September 28, 
1962, 15 pp. ; A/5242/ Add. 1, October 18, 1962, 2 pp. 

JAXUART 21, 1963 



United States and Japan Sign 
Compensatory Trade Agreements 

Press release 751 dated December 31 

Two compensatory trade agreements with 
Japan were signed at Geneva on December 31. 
In one agreement the United States granted 
compensatory tariff concessions to Japan for 
the escape-clause action taken by the United 
States in June 1962 on carpets and glass. In 
the other agreement Japan granted tariff con- 
cessions to the United States in compensation 
for the modification by Japan of a number of 

concessions previously granted under the Gren- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). 

The United States escape-clause compensa- 
tion agreement provides for reductions in the 
U.S. duties on three items, as shown in Annex 
A. U.S. imports from all countries of the 
products covered by these concessions amounted 
to $8.7 million in 1961, of which Japan supplied 
$7 million. The tariff increases in carpets and 
glass affected imports from Japan valued at 
about $12.5 million in 1961. The agreement 
was entered into under the authority of section 
257(c) of the Trade Expansion Act, which ex- 
tends until December 31, 1962, the period for 
concluding trade agreements based on public 
notices issued in connection with the 1960-61 
GATT Tariff Negotiations Conference. 

A schedule showing the duty rates modified 
by Japan and the compensatory concessions 
granted by Japan in the second agreement is 
attached as Annex B, which also gives trade 
data for the commodities affected. 


U.S. Concessions to Japan in Article XIX Negotiations 


Schedule A 
No. (1967) 

Brief description 

Rate of duty 
July 1, 1963 

New rate 


3743 900 
3740 300 
9410 620 

Silk handkerchiefs and mufflers, valued at more than S5 per dozen 

Silk scarves -- -- - - - - 






Toys, n.s.p.f., in form of musical instruments - 



Negotiations With Japan Under Article XXVIII 
/. Concessions to the United States To Be Modified 

New tarlfl Item 

statistical number 

Brief description 

Present rate 

Modified rate 


from U.S., 



ex 2104-1-(1) 


ex 053-0330 

ex 065-0272 

ex 412-0300 

Pineapples, canned, bottled or 
potted, with added sugar, 
molasses, syrup or honey. 





72 yen per kilogram 



30 yen per kilogram 
For a quota of not 
less than 2,000 
metric tons (MO 
content) per year: 
Other: 15%. 


ex 2002-2-(l) 
ex 2007-2- (2) 
ex 1507-5 

Tomato paste and tomato pu- 
ree, in airtight containers. 

Tomato juices, in airtight con- 
tainers, not sugared. 

Cotton seed oil _ _ ^ _ 




ex 2601-4 

Molybdenum ore and concen- 

' 2, 552 



ANNEX B— Continued 

New tarifl item 

M 7407-2 
ex 8523 

ex 8523 

ex 8523 
ex 8523 
ex 8523 

statistical number 

ex 721-1330 

ex 721-1330 



Brief description 

Brass and bronze, pipes and 

tubes, not coated with metals. 
Insulated cables and wire for 

electricity, special type, of 

plastic materials. 
Insulated cables and wire for 

electricity, special type, of 

synthetic rubber. 
Insulated cables and wire for 

electricity, magnet wire. 
Insulated cables and wire for 

electricity, power cables. 
Insulated cables and wire for 

electricity, communication 

cables, n.e.s. 

Present rate 




Modified rate 

20 %| 




from U.S., 








Net value of trade affected after allowance for 2,000-ton duty-free quota. 

3. Compensatory Concessions to the United Stales by Japan 


Tarifl item number 

statistical number 

Brief description 

Present rate 

New rate 

from U.S. 




ex 271-0110 

Animal products, n.e.s.: blood, dried. 

5% a.v. 




ex 052-0190 

Dried prunes 

20% a.v. 

15%, a.v. 



ex 292-0530 

Vegetable seeds, for sowing - _ 

15% a.v. 

10%, a.v.l 
10% a.v./ 


Other seeds, for sowing 

15%, a.v. 


ex 2002-2-(2) 

ex 055-0299 

Canned vegetables (excluding green 
peas, tomatoes, asparagus, bamboo 
sprouts, mushrooms, marinated 
vegetables, garlic powder, mashed 
potatoes and potato flakes) in air- 
tight containers, not more than 10 
kgs. each, including containers. 

25%, a.v. 

20%, a.v. 


2006-2- (2) 

ex 053-0169 
ex 053-0199 

Nuts, prepared or preserved 

25% a.v. 

20% a.v. 


ex 2513 

ex 272-0731 
ex 272-0732 
ex 272-0741 

Emery sands and corundum sands 
not less than 330 yen per kilogram. 





ex 313-0410 

Greases and lubricating preparations. 

18%, a.v. 

16% a.v. 


ex 3403 


ex 313-0441 

1 Petroleum oil preparations contain- 

30% a.v. 

ex 313-0442 

f ing not less than 70% but not 

22.6% a.v. 

15%, a.v. 


ex 313-0449 

J more than 95% by weight of 
petroleum oils in dehydrated state: 
lubricating preparations, in liquid, 
excluding cutting oils and in- 
sulating oils. 

20%, a.v. 


ex 314-0100 

Liquefied petroleum gas 

20% a.v. 

10% a.v. 


ex 721-0416 

Pearl essence 

10% a.v. 
25%, a.v. 

8% a.v. 
20%, a.v. 



Television receivers, with cathode- 


ray tube, max. length of image 

face not less than 53.34 cm. 


ex 721-0452 

Receiving tubes (excluding "re- 
liable" tubes). 

25%, a.v. 

20%, a.v. 



JANUARY 21, 19«3 


Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Amendment of article VI.A.3 of the Statute of the In- 
ternational Atomic Energy Agency (TIAS 3873). 
Done at Vienna October 4, 1961. 
Acceptance deposited: Ethiopia, December 31, 1962. 

Diplomatic Relations 

Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at 
Vienna April 18, 1961.' 

Accessions deposited: Laos, December 3, 1962 ; Niger, 
December 5, 1962. 

Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo- 
matic relations concerning the compulsory settle- 
ment of disputes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961.' 
Accession deposited: Laos, December 3, 1962. 


Protocol of rectification to French text of General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
June 15, 1955. Entered into force October 24, 1956. 
TIAS 3677. 
Ratification deposited: Chile, November 30, 1962. 

Declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva, November 18, 1960. Entered into force Oc- 
tober 14, 1962. TIAS 5184. 

Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Germany, 
December 11, 1962. 


Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Sci- 
entific and Cultural Organization. Done at London 
November 16, 1945. Entered into force November 
4,1946. TIAS 1580. 
Siynature and acceptance: Algeria. October 15, 1962. 


International wheat agreement, 1962. Open for sig- 
nature at Washington April 19 through May 15, 
1962. Entered into force July 16, 1962, for part I 
and parts III to VII, and August 1, 1962, for part 
IL TIAS 5115. 
Acceptance deposited: Portugal, August 31, 1962. 



Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 

Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455 ; 7 U.S.C. 1701-- 
1709), with exchange of notes. Signed at La Paz 
December 17, 1962. Entered into force December 
17, 1962. 


Agreement amending the agreement of January 9, 
1957, as amended, for financing certain educational 
exchange programs. Effected b.v exchange of notes 
at Bogota May 3 and 11, 1962. Entered into force 
May 11, 1902. 

Dominican Republic 

Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 454; 7:J Stat. 610; 
7 U.S.C. 1731-1736), with exchange of notes of No- 
vember 30 and December 5, 1962. Signed at Santo 
Domingo November 30, 1962. Entered into force 
November 30, 1962. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 4.55; 7 U.S.C. 
1701-1709), with related letter. Signed at Athena 
October 22, 1962. ICutered into force October 22, 


Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Lagos August 28 and 
December 24, 1962. Entered into force December 24, 


' Not in force. 

Recess Appointments 

The President on December 17 appointed C. Vaughan 
Ferguson, Jr., to be Ambassador to the Malagasy Re- 
public and Horace G. Torbert, Jr., to be Ambassador 
to the Somali Republic. (For biographic details, see 
Department of State press releases 743 dated December 
21 and 741 dated December 20.) 



Januarv 21. 1%3 


e X 

Vol. XLVIII, No. 1230 

Africa. U.S. Calls Claims of Portuguese Arms 
Diversion Unfounded (Bingham) 104 

Angola. U.S. Withdraws Proposal on Angola 
Opposed by Afro-Asian Group (Bingham, 
Gore) 105 

Congo (Leopoldville). United States Calls for 
Prompt Congo Reunification Under U.N. Plan . 91 


President Kennedy Accepts Custody of Flag of 
Cuban Brigade (Kennedy, Mrs. Kennedy) . . 88 

Role of Law in Political Aspects of World Af- 
fairs (Meeker) 83 

Department and Foreign Service. Recess Ap- 
pointments (Ferguson, Torbert) 110 

Economic Affairs. United States and Japan 
Sign Compensatory Trade Agreements . . . 108 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. New Dimen- 
sions in Cultural Communication (Battle) . . 92 

Germany. Role of Law in Political Aspects of 
World Affairs (Meeker) 83 

International Law. Role of Law in Political As- 
pects of World Affairs (Meeker) 83 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 98 

Japan. United States and Japan Sign Compen- 
satory Trade Agreements 108 

Malagasy Republic Ferguson appointed Ambas- 
sador 110 

Middle East 

U.N. Asks Conciliation Commission To Continue 
Efforts With Arab Refugees (Rowan, text of 
resolution) 99 

U.S. Announces Pledge to UNRWA for Current 
Fiscal Tear (Jackson) 101 

U.S. Urges Disengagement of Foreign Forces in 
Yemen Conflict 90 

Military Affairs. U.S. Calls Claims of Portu- 
guese Arms Diversion Unfounded (Bingham) . 104 


U.S. Calls Claims of Portuguese Arms Diversion 

Unfounded (Bingham) 104 

U.S. Withdraws Proposal on Angola Opposed by 
Afro- Asian Group (Bingham, Gore) .... 105 

Presidential Documents. President Kennedy Ac- 
cepts Custody of Flag of Cuban Brigade . . 88 

Protocol. Policy Announced on Length of State 
and OflBcial Visits 90 


U.N. Asks Conciliation Commission To Continue 
Efforts With Arab Refugees (Rowan, text of 
resolution) 99 

U.S. Announces Pledge to UNRWA for Current 
Fiscal Year (Jackson) 101 

Somali Republic. Torbert appointed Ambas- 
sador 110 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions no 

United States and Japan Sign Compensatory 
Trade Agreements 108 

U.S.S.R. Role of Law in Political Aspects of 

World Affairs (Meeker) 83 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 107 

Role of Law in Political Aspects of World Af- 
fairs (Meeker) §3 

U.N. Asks Conciliation Commission To Continue 
Efforts With Arab Refugees (Rowan, text of 
resolution) 99 

U.S. Announces Pledge to UNRWA for Current 

Fiscal Year (Jackson) 101 

U.S. Calls Claims of Portuguese Arms Diversion 

Unfounded (Bingham) 104 

United States Calls for Prompt Congo Reunifi- 
cation Under U.N. Plan 91 

U.S. Withdraws Proposal on Angola Opposed 
by Afro- Asian Group (Bingham, Gore) . . . 105 

Yemen. U.S. Urges Disengagement of Foreign 

Forces in Yemen Conflict 90 

Name Index 

Battle, Lucius D 92 

Bingham, Jonathan B 104, 106 

Ferguson, C. Vaughan, Jr no 

Gore, Albert 105 

Jackson, Elmore lOl 

Kennedy, Jacqueline 90 

Kennedy, President 88 

Meeker, Leonard C §3 

Rowan, Carl T 99 

Torbert, Horace G., Jr no 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 31-January 6 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, 

Releases issued prior to December 31 which 
appear in this issue of the Bitlletin are Nos. 748 
of December 28 and 749 of December 29. 


U.S. participation in international 

Trade agreements with Japan. 

Trade agreement with Spain. 

Duration of ofiicial visits to U.S. 

U.S. statement on Oango. 

MacArthur : "United States Trade 
Relations With the New Europe : 
The Challenge and the Opportu- 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 




















United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





Documents on German Foreign Policy 

1918-1945, Series C (1933-1937) 

Tlie Third Reicli: First Ptiase 

Volume IV, April 1, 1935-Marcti 4, 1936 

Volume IV of Series C of Documents on German Foreign Policy 
includes documents from the captured archives of the former German 
Foreign Office. It opens on April 1, 1935, immediately after the 
conversation held in Berlin by Sir Jolm Simon, the British Foreign 
Minister, and Anthony Eden. It ends with March 4, 1936, on the eve 
of Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland. 

The 005 documents selected for this volume are arranged in chrono- 
logical order but the analytical list presents them by topic, enabling 
the reader easily to follow any main subject. 

Copies of the volume may be obtained from the Superintendent of 
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. 

Publication 7439 


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1918-1945, Series C (1933-1937) The Third Reich: First Phase, Volume IV, 
April 1, 193S-March 4, 1936. 


Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 


Vol. XLVIII, No. 1231 

January 28, 1963 


Briefing by Secretary Rusk, Deputy Secretary of Defense 
Gilpatric, ACDA Director Foster, and Ambassador Dean . . 115 


WEAPONS • by William C. Foster, Director, U.S. Arms 
Control and Disarmament Agency 128 

LENGES FOR 1963 • by Assistant Secretary Manning . . 138 


Statement by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson 147 

U^ston FubUc Library 

■■J', I '- 

1 ^,963 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLVIII, No. 1231 • Publication 7482 
January 28, 1963 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing OflBce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25 
Single copy, 25 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this pubhcation are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will bo 
appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in the 
Readers' Qulde to Periodical Literature. 

Tlie Department of State BULLETIN, 
a iveekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of tlie 
Government tcith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the^ 
Department of State and the Foreign' 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy , 
issued by the IT'hite House and thei 
Department, and statements and ad' 
dresses made by the President and byi 
the Secretary of State and othen 
officers of the Department, as well a: 
special articles on various phases oj\ 
internatioruil affairs and the funC' 
tions of the Department. Informa 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements tot 
which the United States is or may> 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Arms Control and Disarmament 

Following is the transcript ' of the television program ^^State Depart- 
ment Briefing: Disarmament,''^ produced cooperatively by the Depart- 
ment of State, the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and 
National Educational Television and first broadcast on January 14 ^y 
the NET network. On this program four U.S. officials with major 
responsibility in the field of arms control and disarmament describe 
U.S. policy in this area and answer questions posed by a group of non- 
governmental participants. 

Taking part in the discussion were Dean Rusk, Secretary of State; 
William G. Foster, Director, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency; Roswell L. Gllpatrlc, Deputy Secretary of Defense; Arthur 
H. Dean, chairman, U.S. delegation to the Conference of the 18-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament; James B. Carey, president, Intematioruil 
Union of Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers; Lids F. Corea, vice 
president, Riggs National Bank; Mrs. Jesse Orlansky, cliairman. For- 
eign Policy Committee, Washington, D.G., League of Women Voters; 
Bernhard G. Bechhoefer, attorney, author of '■'■Postwar Negotiations 
for Arms ControV ; and Eric Stevenson, research associate, Interna- 
tional Studies Division, Institute for Defence Analysis. John Steele, 
chief, Time-Life Washington Bureau, was moderator. 


Every man, woman, and child lives under a 
muclear sword of Damocles, hanging by the 
^slenderest of threads, capable of being cut at 
any moment by accident or miscalculation or 
by madness. The weapons of war must be 
tobolished before they aboUshus. 

— President John F. Kennedy 
Address before the U.N. 

General Assembly 
September 25, 1961 

Mr. Steele: My name is Jolui Steele. I am 
chief of the Time-Life Washington Bureau. 
In a few moments you will join me in a some- 
what unique meeting — a special State Depart- 
ment briefing by the men who plan and carry 
out this country's policies in the vital area of 
arms control and disarmament. 

"The weapons of war must be abolished be- 

fore they abolish us." Is this just a fervent 
hope, or is there a practical chance that this 
hope can be realized ? 

Since World War II the great military pow- 
ers have been negotiating witli little success. 
Many people in this country and abroad have 
lost interest, even hope, or worse yet, they have 
succumbed to dangerous blandishments of 
disarmament at any price. 

Three months ago, the United States and 
the Soviet Union faced the possibility of nu- 
clear war over Cuba and the Soviets turned 
back. Since then there is some — though by no 
means certain — evidence that the Kremlm may 
be conducting its own agonizing reappraisal of 
its policies. 

'Press release 20 dated Jan. 11, as revised; also 
available as U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency publication 11, which may be purchased from 
the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. (price 25 cents). 


It may be that the Soviet Union soon will be 
ready to face the dangers of the nuclear arms 
race in earnest and thus to move toward a i-eal- 
istic disarmament agreement with the Western 
Powers. This would be an historic turning 
point, not only in the cold war but in the entire 
history of nations. 

To help you and me understand more clearly 
our country's position and its efforts in this 
critical area, we are honored to have with us 
Ambassador Arthur Dean, who has been the 
head of the United States delegation to the in- 
ternational disarmament conference at Geneva. 
Mr. Dean, who has faced the Communists 
across the conference table perhaps more often 
than any other American in recent years, just 
recently resigned his post, but he will remain a 
consultant to the U.S. Arms Control and 
Disarmament Agency. 

Other participants in the discussion include 
the Deputy Secretary of Defense, Roswell L. 
Gilpatric, and the Director of the United 
States Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency, William C. Foster. Later in the pro- 
gram we shall meet the Secretary of State, 
Dean Rusk. 

With us today, also, is a group of distin- 
guished citizens who have gathered here for 
this special briefing and who will have the op- 
portunity, after the briefing, to comment on 
what they have heard and seen and to raise 
questions which may not have been touched on. 

Included among them are Mr. James B. 
Carey, president of the International Union of 
Electrical Workers, Mr. Luis F. Corea, vice 
president of the Riggs National Bank, Mrs. 
Jesse Orlansky, chairman of the Foreign Pol- 
icy Committee of the Washington, D.C., 
League of Women Voters, Mr. Bernhard G. 
Bechhoefer, attorney and author of the Brook- 
ings Institution study, "Postwar Negotiations 
for Arms Control," and Mr. Eric Stevenson of 
the International Studies Division, Institute 
for Defense Analysis. 

Disarmament Possibilities 

Mr. Foster, the veiy existence of a U.S. Arms 
Control and Disarmament Agency seems to in- 
dicate that the United States Government 
believes some real progress toward interna- 

tional disarmament is a practical possibility. 
Measured against the dismal past, isn't this a 
pretty optimistic point of view ? 

Mr. Foster: No, Mr. Steele. I think the 
political facts of life dictate such a view. Ef- 
forts to maintain a so-called "balance of terror" 
in the world provide no real long-term se- 
curity. This is a course beset witli dangers. 
In today's situation the possibility exists that 
some mistake or miscalculation could plunge 
the world into unimaginable disaster. We rec- 
ognize this. We believe that the leaders of the 
Soviet Union do too. It is this mutual interest 
in avoiding a catastrophe which convinces 
me that some progress, however limited, is 

Of course there are other reasons. One is 
the concern which both sides share over the 
crushing cost of the arms buildup. The finan- 
cial stakes in this effort are appalling. Since 
World War II we have spent over $500 billion 
on defense. This is something over an average 
of $30 billion a year, more than half of our 
total Federal expenditures over this 16-year 

When we consider what even $1 billion would 
buy in terms of roads, or schools, or dams, we 
begin to recognize the tremendous drag the 
arms buildup has been on the development of 
our own country and other countries. 

Another factor is the continuing advance of 
weapons technology. The swift pace of devel- 
opments in this area could make the future even 
more dangerous than the present, a grim pros- 
pect which provides an added drive on both 
sides toward progress in disarmament. 

Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 

We in the United States, historically, have 
done our utmost to help build a peaceful world. 
Today the organization of our Government to 
deal with the problems of arms control and dis- 
armament is a case in point. 

Take our organization — the Arms Control 
and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) . No com- 
parable goA-ernment agency exists anywhere else 
in the world. It was established 16 months 
ago to further our ultimate goal of creating a 
world fi'ee from war, a world in which the use 
of force has been subordinated to the rule of law 



and in whicli international adjustments to 
change are peaceably achieved. It is a new 
agency of peace, but not of "peace at any price." 

We have a staff of 150 people, all told, and 
our current annual budget is $6.5 million. We 
are responsible for United States participation 
in international disarmament negotiations. We 
are also responsible for conducting, supporting, 
and coordinating disarmament research by both 
Government and private agencies. Actually of 
our $6.5 million budget, $4 million are ear- 
marked directly for research. 

Many other elements of the executive branch 
of our Government — the Office of the President, 
the Department of State, the Atomic Energy 
Commission, the Department of Defense, and 
the National Aeronautics and Space Adminis- 
tration — are also engaged in this effort. 

A major purpose of this vast marshaling of 
forces is to obtain international agreements 
vrhich, while they promote peace, also promote 
and stabilize national security. 

U.S. Disarmament Proposals 

Mr. Steele : Mr. Foster, we are in the midst of 
disarmament negotiations now at Geneva. 
Wliat, in brief, are we proposing there ? 

Mr. Foster: Mr. Steele, we went to Geneva 
recognizing that the problems to be faced per- 
mitted no expectation of quick success, but we 
were convinced that every effort should be made 
to explore the possibilities for agreement. Last 
April IS our chief delegate, Ambassador Dean, 
introduced the most far-reaching, detailed dis- 
armament plan any nation ever produced in 
history.^ It is designed to permit the nations 
of the world to stop the arms race at an agreed 
time, to freeze the military situation as it is at 
that moment, and then, over a period of time, to 
shrink the military establishments of both sides 
ultimately to almost zero, under effective 

The aim here is to keep the relative military 
balance of the parties, at every stage, as closely 
as possible to what it was before they began to 
disarm. This would be accomplished by 
cxitting all armaments and armed forces by 

' For text, see Bulletin of May 7, 1962, p. 747. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 

approximately one-third of their initial size in 
each of the program's three stages. 

At the same time our plan emphasizes the de- 
velopment of peacekeeping machinery to insure 
that, as national armed forces are scaled down, 
international peace and security will be fully 
and fairly protected. 

We believe this approach meets the three 
basic tests of any disarmament plan. First, it 
assures balance. It permits no state or group 
of states to gain a military advantage during 
the disarmament process. Second, it provides 
for effective, progressive verification. It sug- 
gests inspection arrangements which can pro- 
vide the necessary guarantees but which would 
be only as great or as little as the degree and 
nature of disarmament at each stage require. 
And, finally, this approach establishes, at the 
appropriate time, the international machinery 
required to keep the peace during the disarma- 
ment process and thereafter. 

Now, on the first of these principles — the 
principle of balance — the United States and the 
Soviet Union have agreed, at least in theory. 
But unfortunately the plan which the Soviets 
put forward does not follow through in prac- 
tice. It seeks to gain a military advantage 
which we cannot concede. 

On verification, there is an important dis- 
agreement even in principle. The Soviet 
Union so far has refused to admit the essential 
need of each side to know not only what weap- 
ons have been destroyed but also whether the 
agreed retained levels of armaments at each 
stage are being maintained or whether any 
stocks of arms have been concealed or are being 
secretly produced. 

As to the general strengthening of peace- 
keeping institutions, again there appears to be 
basic agreement, in principle, between us and 
the Soviets. But there is certain to be a great 
deal of hard argument on the practical arrange- 
ments when we get down to cases. 

Mr. Steele: That summary does not seem to 
justify very much optimism. 

Mr. Foster: No, it is true that, unless the 
Soviet Union severely modifies its general dis- 
armament approach, the prospects for an all- 
inclusive disarmament agreement will remain 


pretty dim. I think the immediate opportu- 
nity for agreement lies in the direction of certain 
limited, first-step measures. 

U.S. Policy on Weapons Testing 

One priority first step would be an end to 
nuclear weapons testing.' We have been nego- 
tiating on this for about 4i/o years, and an 
agreement now appears to be within reach. 
We are prepared now to ban tests in the atmos- 
phere, tests undei-water, and tests in outer space, 
without international verification arrange- 
ments, because these kinds of tests can be 
checked by existing methods. 

To put this test ban into effect today requires 
little more than a stroke of the pen. The only 
obstacle to an interim agreement of this kind, 
pending agreement on a total ban, is the Soviet 
insistence that underground tests be included 
without any provision for inspection. This 
would be a pseudosolution which we cannot 

There is no way, at present, to distinguish 
certain natural underground occurrences from 
nuclear explosions. We have therefore insisted 
that, if underground tests are banned, we must 
have the right to conduct a very limited number 
of on-site inspections each year in suspicious 
cases, to make sure that they were not secret 

This the Soviet Union has adamantly op- 
posed. But ways can certainly be foimd to 
proceed, if the Soviet Union will display a more 
flexible attitude. 

Some First-Step Measures 

Then there are first-step measures which could 
be taken to reduce the danger of war by accident 
or miscalculation.* One such step would be an 
agreement to give advance notice of major mili- 
tary movements and maneuvers in agreed areas. 
We have made a proposal to this end at Geneva. 

We have also proposed the establislmient of 
observation posts at key points on both sides 

' For texts of two U.S.-U.K. draft treatie.s, one ban- 
ning tests in all environments, the second banning tests 
in the atmosphere, in outer space, and under water, 
see ibid., Sept. 17, 1962, pp. 411 and 415. 

' For text of a U.S. working paper, see ibid., Dec. 31, 
1962, p. 1019 ; for a correction, see p. 127. 

to report on concentrations and movements of I 
military forces. The importance of measures P 
of tliis kind has been underlined by the events 
of recent months in Cuba. Had these proposals 
been in effect, the cliances are that the Soviet 
military buildup in Cuba would not have taken 

The Cuban experience also imderlined the im- 
portance in times of crisis of rapid and reliable 
communications between governments. Rapid 
communication was extremely useful in avert- 
ing a possible war in the Cuban situation. But 
even more rapid and dependable communica- 
tion between tlte two sides is desirable, so that 
every possible opportunity to prevent misunder- 
standing of the intentions on both sides can be 
utilized. Tliis, too, we have proposed at Geneva. 

Now, when we weigh the prospects for suc- 
cess, I think we should remember this : History 
has already recorded some success for our efforts 
to negotiate what sometimes seemed to be un- 
realizable political agreements with the Com- 
munist world. The Austrian State Treaty, for 
example, was 8 years, I believe, in the making. 
It is my hope that disarmament will hold the 
next, perhaps presently imexpected, gain. 

Role of the Department of Defense 

Mr. Steele: Let's turn now to the Deputy 
Secretary of Defense, Roswell Gilpatric. 

Mr. Gilpatric, how does the Defense Depart- 
ment look at the problem of disarmament? 

Mr. Gilpatric: Mr. Steele, essentially we look 
at it in the same way as Mr. Foster and Ambas- 
sador Dean. All of us are concerned with the 
national security of the United States. The 
possibility of a nuclear attack is obviously a 
threat to our national security, and so all of 
us have an interest, a very intense interest, in 
steps that can be taken to lessen the chance of 
such an attack occurring. 

Now you have two sides of this problem. 
One, which we associate generally with the idea 
of deterrence, involves having the kind of mili- 
tarj' power and policy on our side which will 
minimize tlie chance that the other fellow will 
be tempted to use his military power, or threaten 
to use it, in order to force concessions from us. 

The second, which we associate generally with 
the idea of arms control and disarmament, 



covers all the things we can try to do, either by 
ourselves or through some kind of formal or 
tacit agreements with the other fellow, which 
reduce the chance of stumbling into a nuclear 
exchange through accident, or misunderstand- 
ing, or the sheer unbearable tensions that could 
develop out of an imcontrolled arms race. 

These terms, as you know, take on slightly 
different connotations depending on the context 
in which they are used. But I will be using 
them in the sense I have just outlined. My 
main point will be that you have to look at the 
problem of national security as a whole and keep 
both aspects — deterrence and arms control/dis- 
armament — in mind. 

Deterrence, Arms Control, and Disarmament 

Mr. Steele : But don't these two aspects of the 
problem, deterrence on the one hand and dis- 
armament on the other, conflict? 

Mr. Gllpatric : Not necessarily. I think there 
is a good analogy here with the problems that 
we have to deal with in foreign aid. There we 
have to worry both about the short-term sta- 
bility of a country, which may depend on mili- 
tary assistance, and about the longer term basic 
solutions, which require social and political re- 
forms and economic development. 

In tlie narrow sense short-term stability can 
sometimes conflict with the long-term goal of 
national development. This might be the case 
when a country has to divert resources from de- 
velopment to defense, as India is now doing. 
Rut in the broader and more important sense, 
such objectives do not conflict, because obvi- 
ously you are going to have a hard time cany- 
iiig through a 5-year development program if 
the country collapses in chaos 6 months after 
you get started. 

In Defense we have to deal with the same kind 
of apparent conflicts between short- and long- 
term goals. It must be clear to anyone who has 
given serious thought to the problem that dis- 
armament is not something you can decide 
whether you are for or against, any more than 
you can decide whether to be for or against 
development of the underdeveloped nations. 

Anyone who thinks that the new nations are 
going to stay in the same condition they were in 
durmg the colonial period just doesn't under- 

stand the world we live in. The only real ques- 
tion is whether this inevitable — and desirable — 
development is going to take place through 
fundamentally democratic or fundamentally 
totalitarian processes. 

In the same way anyone who does not realize 
that some form of disarmament is inevitable has 
not faced up to the kind of world we live in. 

The principal question is whether the world is 
going to achieve disarmament before or after we 
have a nuclear war. 

The object of our defense policy is not to pro- 
vide a substitute for disarmament but to pro- 
vide stability while we work toward the long- 
term solution which, as Mr. Foster pointed out, 
is the only basic answer to our dilemma. In 
fact the degree to which both arms control/dis- 
armament and deterrence considerations are in- 
separably mixed in the elements of your na- 
tional security program is a good index of the 
soundness of that program. 

Take the U.S. proposal for mutual inspection 
of troop movements to guard against surprise 
attack that Mr. Foster just referred to. That 
would be thought of as an arms control/dis- 
armament proposal, and it is, in part. It tends 
to reduce suspicion on both sides, and it lessens 
the chance of accidental war. But that same 
proposal is also good for deterrence. It makes 
it more difficult for a nation tempted to commit 
aggression to laimch a surprise attack. So it 
helps the deterrence posture of any nation 
wliich seeks to prevent aggression. 

A Single Policy 

Mr. Steele : Mr. Gilpatric, there are those who 
feel that the increases in our defense budget in 
the past several years show that our interest in 
deterrence is in complete conflict with our inter- 
est in arms control. Wliat is your view of this ? 

Mr. Gilpatric: I think not. The absolute in- 
creases in the military budget might be ex- 
plained purely from the point of view of de- 
terrence. But the kind of things we are buying 
with this increased budget and the kinds of 
policies which called for this increased spend- 
ing caimot be fully understood unless you think 
in terms of arms control as well as deterrence. 

The increased emphasis that we are putting 
on conmaand and control, on flexible response, 

JANUARY 28, 1963 


and on nonnuclear forces can only be fully un- 
derstood in a framework which includes ideas 
such as reducing the risk of war by accident or 
miscalculation, of limiting the dangers of esca- 
lation, and of promoting stability, all of which 
are more commonly associated with arms con- 
trol/disarmament measures, in contrast — mis- 
taken contrast, I would say — to measures to im- 
prove our deterrent. 

The point of all this is that we don't have two 
policies, a deterrence policy and an arms control 
policy. We have one policy, which is to safe- 
guard our national security. You just can't 
draw a line and say, this is deterrence and this 
is arms control/disarmament. Nor can you 
draw a line and say, tliis is arms control/dis- 
armament and that is Mr. Foster's problem, or 
this is deterrence and that is the Defense De- 
partment's problem. 

We both have the same objective, wliich is to 
avoid both aggression and a nuclear holocaust, 
and each of us would be irresponsible if we ig- 
nored the other half of the problem. 

Positive Role of Defense 

Mr. Steele: I find that an interesting state- 
ment. How well do you think the Defense De- 
partment is living up to it ? 

Mr. Gilpatric: I think we are coming along 
well. I don't know of any top official, or top 
military officer, who hasn't given this whole 
problem a good deal of serious thought. There 
is unmistakably a far deeper understanding of 
this problem within Defense than there was a 
few years ago. 

We could point to specific organizations and 
jobs that exist in the Defense Department. At- 
tached to the Joint Chiefs of Staff we have the 
Directorate for Arms Control, headed by Dale 
Smith. The parallel staff witliin the Office of 
the Secretary of Defense is headed by Arthur 
Barber, who is Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
Defense for Arms Control. 

But existence of these ranking officers and 
special staffs devoted to arms control is not 
the real measure of what is being done. We 
would have to have them anyway, even if our 
attitude was completely negative. The im- 
portant thing is the matter of attitude, not the 

kind of organization you can point to on paper. 

Beyond just making our people aware of the 
arms control side of our problems, we are trying 
very hard to establish within our own Defense 
Department an understanding that the role of 
the Defense Department isn't just to look at 
proposals that come over from Mr. Foster and 
to think in tenns of merely saying, yes, we can 
stand that or, no, we can't go along with that. 

We in Defense have a positive role to 
play in this business. We have to accept the 
whole range of our share of the responsibility 
for national security and not merely think in 
terms of answering yes or no, but of "Yes, and 
here is something we can do to help on this 
point" or "No, but here is something you 
might not have thought of that might accom- 
plish the same purpose." We should be com- 
ing forward with positive proposals of our 

Let us hope for a parallel move in the same 
direction of serious concern with the problems 
of arms control/disarmament within the Soviet 

The Need for ACDA 

Mr. Steele: Well, Mr. Gilpatric, if the De- 
fense Department is going to be so active, do 
we actually need an Arms Control Agency at 

Mr. Gilpatric: My answer to that would be, 
definitely, yes. As you know, the top officials 
of both the Kennedy and Eisenhower adminis- 
trations all strongly supported the measures 
setting up ACDA when it was before the 
Congress last year. 

The main thing, I think, is to have an agency 
of the Government specifically charged with 
looking into the long-range problem of work- 
ing toward a disarmed world under a rule of 

Second, we need an agency which has a spe- 
cial interest in negotiated agreements. In 
Defense I think we have an unavoidable ten- 
dency to think, as we should, mainly in terms 
of things we can do ourselves, without formal 
negotiations — things like reducing the chance 
of an accidental nuclear explosion or improv- 
ing our command and control systems. 



In ACDA, because they are responsible for 
carrying through negotiations, you are gomg 
to get, also unavoidably, a special interest in 
the kind of things that can be done through 
negotiations. Now you need to be working on 
both kinds of possibilities; and to get around 
these built-in special interests which each of us 
has in our specific organizations you need both 
a Defense Department effort and an effort 
sponsored by the negotiating agency, which is 

Finally, and perhaps most obviously, we 
need an Arms Control Agency because there 
should be a strong voice in the Government 
specifically concerned with that side of our 
problem, which can press the rest of its to move 
in the right direction if we show any sign of 
slacking off in our interest in the very serious 
problems of long-term stability at which the 
arms control/ disarmament effort is ultimately 

The Geneva Conference 

Mr. Steele: Now we turn to Ambassador 
Dean, who has been the United States' chief 
delegate to the disarmament conference at 
Geneva ever since it opened. 

Mr. Ambassador, you have just returned 
from the diplomatic front lines, so to speak. 
Could you tell us something about the confer- 
ence at Geneva? 

Mr. Dean: Well, as you know, Mr. Steele, the 
West is represented by Canada, Italy, and the 
United Kingdom, in addition to the United 
States. France, the fifth Western nation on 
the 18-Nation Disarmament Committee, has 
elected, thus far, not to participate in the con- 
ference. We hope that sooner or later she will 
fill her empty chair, which, incidentally, now 
rotates around the conference table every day 
with the others, as that day's chairman takes 
his seat. 

The Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, 
Poland, and Rumania represent the East. 

Then there are eight nations heretofore new 
to disarmament negotiations. These countries 
represent the world's major geographic areas. 
They are Brazil and Mexico, Sweden, Ethiopia 
and Nigeria, the United Arab Republic, India, 

and Burma. They see their role as dampening 
the cold- war fires and "bringing the two giants 
together." I would say their participation has 
been one of the most helpful elements of the 
conference so far. 

For almost a year now, between plenary 
sessions, nuclear-testing subcommittee sessions, 
and sessions between myself and the Soviet 
cochairman, we have been devoting 16 
hours a day to efforts to hammer out mutually 
acceptable agreements. 

Results to Date 

In terms of hard and fast agreements we 
have nothing to show. Yet our work to date 
has not been without results. Each side has 
introduced a comprehensive disarmament plan. 
Since then, each side has modified certain 
elements of its positions. 

Wliile these shifts have not led to any major 
breakthroughs, they do give room for further 
useful exploration. A pi'ocedure of work has 
been adopted which provides for orderly dis- 
cussion in depth of the most vital aspects of 
the disarmament problem. In addition we 
have put forward two alternative draft 
treaties for discontinuing nuclear testing in 
whole or in part. But perhaps most valuable 
of all is the mere fact that the United States 
and the U.S.S.R. are continuing to analyze 
their problems together. This alone seems to 
me to be of great influence for peace. 

Mr. Steele: Ambassador Dean, you sit at the 
conference table or in private talks with the 
Soviet representatives almost every day. What 
can you tell us about them and their approach, 
in general, to the disarmament issues? 

Mr. Dean: Well, the Soviet delegation lately 
has been headed by Ambassador [Semyon K.] 
Tsarapkin. He is an able and very personable 
man who has spent the better part of 5 years at 
Geneva for various conferences. He knows his 

As I said, I think we have made some gains 
even though negotiating with the Soviets can 
be trying at times. For example, after weeks 
of intensive work last summer with Deputy 
Foreign Minister [Valerian A.] Zorin, we and 
the Soviets agreed on the text of a declaration 
against war propaganda. This wasn't the most 


important accord from our point of view, but 
since it proposed a greater exchange of infor- 
mation among all nations, it did represent a 
welcome step forward. Yet 4 days later, with- 
out any reasonable explanation, the Soviets 
reversed themselves and turned thumbs down 
on the declaration. 

Our really fundamental difficulties arise 
from the general Soviet approach to dis- 
armament. They continue to ignore a basic 
disarmament principle, in my opinion, by 

The Soviet Approach on "Balance" 

Quite obviously, a disannament program 
must insure that at no time during the disarm- 
ing process will one state or groups of states 
gain a military advantage over the others. 
This is what we mean by balance. Now, if we 
adopted the Soviet Union's program, it would 
immediately give a relative military advantage 
to the Communist bloc. 

Within 24 montlis the picture would look 
something like this: Almost all means of de- 
livering nuclear weapons (missiles, aircraft, 
warships, submarines, and rockets) would be 
destroyed. All military bases on foreign terri- 
tory would be wiped out and all troops with- 
drawn from foreign bases. 

This would place the core of Western military 
power in the United States, where, without the 
means of delivery, we would be unable to honor 
effectively our overseas commitments. At the 
same time the Soviet Union, with its Warsaw 
Pact allies, and Communist China, with their 
power concentrated through a vast, contiguous 
territory stretching from Europe and Central 
Asia to the Pacific, would be free to operate 
with conventional forces around the periphery 
of their territory and to threaten all the rest 
of Europe and Asia. 

In this connection we noted with interest Mr. 
[Andrei A.] Gromyko's suggestion, made at the 
U.N. recently, that at least a few nuclear-de- 
livei-y vehicles might be retained into the second 
stage of disarmament. But imtil the Soviets 
exhibit a greater degree of political realism at 
the conference table than they have so far, the 

outlook for substantial disarmament progress 
will continue to be rather bleak. 

The Soviet Approach on Inspection 

Now, another barrier to progress is the Soviet 
attitude on inspection. For reasons peculiar to 
themselves, the Soviets have sought to cloak 
their world in a mantle of secrecy. This phobia 
is a real roadblock to progress. 

Nuclear weapons testing is a good example. 
There really is no good reason why a ban on 
all tests is not now a reality. It hasn't come 
about because the Soviet Union refuses to ac- 
cept any inspection. Our requirements on this 
score are really very reasonable. No one, includ- 
ing the Soviet Union, has been able to demon- 
strate scientifically that natural underground 
events like earthquakes can be consistently dif- 
ferentiated from manmade nuclear explosions. 

This means that certain underground disturb- 
ances will be suspect. The only way to deter- 
mine the true nature of these events is to go to 
at least some of the places where they have 
taken place. Wlien you get there, you can drill 
a deep hole, if need be, and either you do or 
you don't come up with radioactive debris. 
Well, that is evidence. That settles it. 

Yet the Soviets say no to this. They claim 
the real purpose of this is to conduct espionage 
sorties into their territory. Even when we pro- 
pose that the inspection teams be sent to the 
site of a suspicious event by routes prescribed 
by the host country, in host-comitry aircraft 
with windows blacked out and inspectors blind- 
folded, and with host-country observers along 
to see that everything goes according to Hoyle, 
still they say this is espionage. 

The Black Boxes 

At present they claim that three unmanned 
seismic stations, so-called black boxes, can keep 
a test ban agreement honest without on-site in- 
spection. Well, this just isn't so. 

Black boxes are not magical devices. They 
are compact seismic stations which would 
operate automatically and could be anywhere 
from tlie size of a standard home refrigerator, 
I suppose, to something very much larger. 
They would most likely be bolted to concrete 



poured over a solid rock formation, to insure the 
best reception of tremors under the earth's 
crust. If a station such as this could really be 
made tamper-proof, it could provide a useful 
service in checking on the internationally super- 
vised and nationally manned seismic stations we 
have proposed. 

Even with a substantial number of such au- 
tomatic stations surrounding the Soviet 
Union — a premise they are not now prepared to 
accept — suspicious events will remain and 
certain of these will have to be checked out by 
international, on-site inspection teams. 

Even when we talk about general disarma- 
ment, they are unwilling to admit the quite 
obvious necessity for effective inspection. They 
say, "Sure, you can come to some location we'll 
designate in advance and see us destroy a cer- 
tain quantity of arms we have agreed to 
destroy." But they draw the line at any inspec- 
tion to find out whether the level of arms to 
which they have agreed to reduce is, in fact, 
being maintained. 

In other words, they won't let us look in the 
closet to see if they're holding any weapons 
back. "\^Tien you are dealing with the basic 
security interests of your country and the free 
world to which we are committed, this kind of 
approach is not Avorth serious consideration. 

My remarks, Mr. Steele, may suggest that the 
going is tough at the front line, as you put it. 
But in spite of the difficulties, I do believe some 
advances can be made. Wliat we really need is 
a starting point. I think the type of first-step 
measures which Mr. Foster has mentioned can 
be just that. 

After a start is made, and stability and con- 
fidence grow, then I think we'll be in a position 
to take more and longer steps along the road. 
But one thing is certain : If we don't negotiate, 
tliere won't be a ghost of a chance to bring about 
the free, secure, and disarmed world we all 


Mr. Steele : That concludes our briefing. We 
turn now to our distinguished audience for their 
questions and observations on the views that 
have been expressed here today. Mr. Corea ? 

JANtTART 28, 1963 

Economic Adjustment 

Mr. Corea: Mr. Gilpatric, I am sure that we 
have all learned a great deal about disarma- 
ment here today, but in the meantime, pending 
negotiations for firm settlements with the 
Soviets, what provision, could you explain, is 
being made for the long-term change to the 
economic life of our country when our Defense 
budget is being gradually reduced from $45 
billion or $50 billion to a fraction of that 
amount? You will recall that Ambassador 
Dean touched briefly on that subject last De- 
cember when he said in part that the allocation 
or nonallocation of Defense contracts to a par- 
ticular community or industry may well point 
to the difference between prosperity and severe 
difficulties. May we have further elaboration 
on that point? 

Mr. Gilpatric: Mr. Corea, this country has 
been through the kind of adjustment that you 
refer to once before in the lifetime of those of 
us here. Our Defense budget went down from 
an even higher level than that at which it is 
today to a very low level when we disarmed 
at the conclusion of World War II. The ad- 
justments which took place were painful in 
certain areas, but it was not very long before we 
soaked up the output of the companies that had 
been working on arms. Consider the long- 
pent-up demand for television, for example. 
The automotive industry and the other major 
industries turned back to civilian production. 
Now, in the case of disarmament today, I can 
think of many uses to which the output of de- 
fense industries could be turned. Take the 
question of satellite commimications or other 
nonmilitary space activities. There is a tre- 
mendous potential for our electronic, our manu- 
facturing, our electromechanical industries in 
these fields. So that the prospect to which you 
refer does not seem to me to be something which 
our ingenuity and productiveness cannot deal 
with when the time comes. 

Peacekeeping Machinery 

Mi'S. Orlansky: Mr. Foster, you and the other 
panelists pointed out that while we negotiate 
on arms control and disarmament we must also 
work to strengthen peace and to develop in the 
world a rule of law rather than a rule of force. 


Could you tell me what we are doing now to 
further this rule-of-law objective and possibly 
what more we might be doing? 

Mr. Foster: I will certainly be glad to try, 
Mrs. Orlansky. You will recall that in our pro- 
posed treaty at Geneva there is a gradual build- 
ing up of international peacekeeping institu- 
tions which parallels the reduction in arms. In 
the first stage of three stages, we attempt to 
establish an international disarmament organi- 
zation, which will have as its main function 
verification measures. Those functions, of 
course, will increase as you move down the path 
of the safeguarded treaty. 

In the second stage, there is a strengthening 
of the International Court of Justice and a par- 
ticipation by the United States in the compul- 
sory submission of conflicts to that institution. 

There is also the establishment of an inter- 
national peace force which, of course, has many 
problems and requires a great deal of time and 
study in order to develop command and con- 
trol institutions, in order to determine the 
method by which the force will be built up, in 
order to carry out any assignments in the sup- 
planting of national forces by such an interna- 
tional force. 

So throughout, we have suggested this as 
being essential. We have provided the means 
by which these efforts can be developed at 
Geneva from whence Ambassador Dean has just 

We recently had a meeting of international 
jurists to take a look at this problem of what 
are the necessary changes in international law 
procedures. We will have another meeting of 
that kind with distinguished international 
jurists to look at all of this. So all of this is 
being developed concurrently with the negotia- 
tions for the reduction of arms. 

It is quite obvious that, unless such interna- 
tional institutions are vastly strengthened, it 
will be impossible to actually achieve the sub- 
stantial reduction in armaments which is con- 
templated in a movement toward general and 
complete disarmament. 

Mrs. Orlanshy: Pending the agreement on 
these proposals, isn't it possible that we could 
do something to indicate more confidence in the 
World Court? I think the repeal of the Con- 


nally Amendment, for instance, would help ; or 
could we do something to strengthen the staffing, 
the appropriation, the meeting time of the 
International Law Commission of the United 
Nations ; or could we make sure that our experi- 
ments in space would be free from umiecessary 
hazards and would be mider the auspices of the 
Space Commission of the U.N. that we were so 
eager to set up. 

Mr. Foster: All of those are very good sug- 
gestions. Most of them we are doing some- 
thing about. In space, for instance, you are 
aware of the activities in the United Nations in 
which there has been a partial agreement 
between the Soviet Union and ourselves on cer- 
tain measures which we can do jointly. This 
was initiated and negotiated mider the frame- 
work of the United Nations. There was sub- 
mitted a series of legal outlines of what might be 
applied to space in the international field. So 
that in tliis particular area, certainly, we are 
actively pursuing it. 

As to the Connally Amendment, as you know, 
the last two administrations had felt that this 
should be repealed. In questions concerning 
this before, some Members of Congress, where 
our plan had been debated, have said, "You are 
planning on the basis that the Connally Amend- 
ment might be repealed ; otherwise what you are 
suggesting could not come to pass." 

And we have said, "Well, we think perhaps it 
might change by the time we get to the second 
stage of the program." It will have to, and we 
believe that this would be thoroughly consistent 
with progress down this path of a safeguarded 

Use of Disarmament Savings 

Mr. Carey: May I first commend tliis panel, 
on behalf of Ainerican labor, for the kind of 
work that they are engaged in and commend 
their associates for the kind of policies that you 
expressed here. They parallel the policies of 
the International Confederation of Free Trade 
Unions in disarmament and other matters. I 
wonder if we shouldn't emphasize more, how- 
ever, the vast savings that could be derived and 
converted to socially useful purposes with a 
universal disarmament program of the kind that 
this nation is so actively pressing? 


Mr. Steele: Mr. Foster, I wonder if j-ou would 
try that? 

Mr. Foster: I would be happy to try. First, 
may I say we appreciate very much the com- 
ments of Mr. Carey. We know of his personal 
familiarity and participation in the formation 
of the ICFTU and of his great efforts at the 
time the Commimists were attempting to take 
over the "World Federation of Trade Unions. 
I As to the possibility of the diversion of sav- 
' ings from disarmament to constructive uses, 
this, of course, is one of the great incentives on 
both sides. The Soviet Union must have the 
same incentive for this kind of diversion to 
constructive uses — as I said in my remarks a 
little earlier — to roads and dams and schools, to 
education, to better living, to all the things that 
can make life better for all people. 

So that while this is still somewhat in the 
distance, Mr. Carey, nonetheless, this is a thor- 
oughly appropriate thing for both sides to have 
in mind, and certainly the United States has 
suggested ways in which tliis might come to 
pass. We have made a number of studies in our 
agency as to how this might be done. 

I think there has been a mistake on the part 
of some that you could predict the proportions 
that could be assigned to this or that particular 
segment. There is certainly a need of some as- 
signment of savings, additional savings, to the 
aid of the less developed nations. But the at- 
tempt to set a specific percentage to this seems 
to us to be somewhat premature. 

May I also say that I think that, as you have 
30 indicated, international labor has a great 
part to play in this kind of thing. I believe that 
the advice and counsel, the participation in the 
activities of this sort by labor is higUy desir- 
able. You and I know, from personal coopera- 
tion in the past, that in the Marshall Plan, for 
instance, we had a number of labor representa- 
tives who were chiefs of missions, who were 
senior members of the staff, who made great 
contributions, as well as your own contribution 
as an adviser to the agency. 

So I would hope that this can be developed 
much more actively, and I certainly welcome 
your comments toward this end. I can assure 
you that it is our thought and plan to further 
develop this sort of cooperation. 

Problem of Nonparticipants 

Mr. Bechhoefer: Ambassador Dean, I have a 
specific question which I believe brings up a 
general problem. If the test cessation confer- 
ence in Geneva should agree on a safeguarded 
nuclear test ban and the Chinese Communists, 
for example, refuse to permit the installation of 
the safeguard machinery within Communist 
Cliina, what action would you visualize to pre- 
vent Communist China from acquiring a nu- 
clear weapons capability ? 

Tliis really brings up the entire question of 
binding into disarmament agreements states 
which are not participating in the conference — 
Germany, Latin American states, and others, as 
well as Communist China. 

Mr. Dean: Well, that is a very good question, 
Mr. Bechhoefer, which we have thought about 
a great deal. We have put into the proj^osed 
treaty to stop nuclear weapons tests a provision 
that, if anyone signs the treaty and then can 
produce evidence that someone who is not a 
party to the treaty either has tested or is about 
to test, they can give notice of this, and then 
either that person must sign the treaty within 
a specified period of time or, if he does not, the 
other parties to the treaty have the right to 

Now, of course, when we started in early '61, 
there wasn't this rift which has since taken 
place between Communist China and the Soviet 
Union. We had rather hoped at that tune that, 
if we worked out a treaty, practically everyone 
would sign it and then together — the Soviet 
Union and the United States— we might be able 
to bring sufficient pressure to bear upon nations 
w'ho have not signed it to come in and to ob- 
serve its terms. 

As a result of our vast research of this Vela 
program ° that we have been carrying out, we 
know a great deal more about how to detect 
these nuclear weapons tests than we did even 
2 or 3 years ago. Of course, the big problem, 
as you know well, is the problem of identifica- 
tion; that is, distinguishing between an earth- 
quake and a nuclear event. But we think if we 
do get an agreement with the Soviet Union and 
they are prepared to carry it out, that we are 
coing to get such tremendous approval from 

= For background, see ibid., Aug. 28, 1961, p. 375. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 


tlie rest of the world that we probably, some- 
how, will be able to solve the problem which 
you mentioned specifically. 

Mr. Bechhoefer: That is very encouraging, 
Mr. Ambassador. 

Margin of Superiority 

Mr. Stevemon: Mr. Gilpatric, press reports 
have indicated that we are going to have, in 
less than 5 years, about 1,500 long-range mis- 
siles, and so it has been suggested that we cut 
back — we could safely cut back — any number 
of those missiles, provided that they were 
sufficiently secure from attack. Would you 
care to comment on that ? 

Mr. Gilpatric: It is true, Mr. Stevenson, that 
the number of our ICBM and other strategic 
weapons is going to increase over the predictable 
future, the next 4 or 5 years. We also have 
reason to believe that the Soviet ICBM system 
will enlarge too. We think it is essential that 
we maintain the kind of margin that we now 
possess, because under the self-denial that we 
have placed upon ourselves in this nuclear race 
— and it really is that — we are not preparing 
ever to engage in a preemptive strike. 

We are denying ourselves the advantage of 
surprise. Therefore we need a measurable 
margin of superiority in strategic nuclear 
power. And hence, whether we attain the level 
that you suggest that has been referred to in 
the press, or some higher or lower level, it will 
be in relation to the power that confronts us, 
which might change, of course, if some progress 
is made in the area of arms control that we 
have been discussing here today. 

Mr. Steele: I should like to return to Am- 
bassador Dean for a moment. Did I imder- 
stand you, Mr. Dean, to suggest that it is now 
less necessary than it once was to have on-site 
inspection and that — if this is the case — we are 
ready to drop this? 

Mr. Dean: No, no. I didn't even mention 
on-site inspection. The question Mr. Bech- 
hoefer asked me was: How could we sign an 
effective treaty with the Soviet Union, if the 
Communist Chinese refused to cooperate and 
would permit no detection posts on their terri- 
tory ? There are ways and means by which we 
can do other things to detect disturbances ; even 

seismic events of a large order give off certain 
atmospheric waves. But if we found, through 
other means, that the Chinese Communists were 
actually testing, we could, of course, denounce 
the treaty. 

Reducing Tensions ' 

Mrs. Orlansky : If I can, I would like to come 
back to Mr. Gilpatric. Is there anything we 
can do unilaterally, without jeopardizing our 
national security, that would indicate our desire 
to reduce tensions ? 

Mr. Gilpatric: I think we are doing a good 
deal of that in the sense that we are indicating, 
fii'st of all, that we will avoid precipitate, ac- 
cidental, miscalculated vise of our weapons. We 
are introducing into these sophisticated nuclear 
weapons systems electronic controls that will 
enable the highest civilian authority to make 
sure that a weapon isn't used except upon the 
making of a deliberate national decision at 
the highest level. 

That type of thing, I think, is being communi- 
cated to the Soviets, who have the same appre- 
ciation that we do of the dangers of laimching 
a thermonuclear exchange. 

Mr. Steele : We have time for one more quick 
question. Mr. Bechhoefer. 

Partial Measures 

Mr. Bechhoefer: Mr. Foster, you spoke of a 
program of partial measures of arms limitation 
wliich might ultimately lead to more extensive 
disarmament. Is there any indication that the 
Soviet Union is willing to discuss that topic 
today as opposed to general and complete 
disarmament ? 

Mr. Foster: Yes, I think so. This is men- 
tioned in the agreement that Mr. [John J.] 
McCloy and Mr. Zorin came to in the fall of 
1961." This also has been discussed at Geneva, 
and Mr. Gromyko at the General Assembly a 
year ago brought up a number of things wliich 
they might be interested in. 

So we believe that something can be separated 
out from general and complete disarmament in 
order to achieve some of the results that Mrs. 
Orlansky questioned, and I think there is a good 


" For text, see ihid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589. 



Mr. Steele: Thank you very much, Mr. 



And now we all would like to hear the views, 
I am sure, of the Secretary of State, Secretary 

May we now ask you to tell us how you look 
at this problem of disarmament, Mr. Eusk? 

Mr. Rmk : Thank you, Mr. Steele. 

Ladies and gentlemen, this is the interna- 
tional conference chamber of the Department 
of State. Those flags on the wall behind me 
are the flags of the 17 nations which have been 
meeting in another conference room, at Geneva, 
since last spring to try to agree on at least a 
first step toward disarmament. 

The memory of '45 and '46 is still vividly 
fresh in mj' mind and in the minds of all those 
responsible for the security of this country. In 
those years, all the people of this country 
wanted disarmament, after a long and costly 
war. But hardly were our armies disbanded 
and our warplanes scrapped, when a new threat 
to the peace of the world, posed by Soviet ex- 
pansion, forced us once again to take up arms. 
The threat has not diminished. In fact, it 
has greatly increased. 

In Geneva we are making a determined effort 
to reverse this trend. We are prepared to be- 
gin tomorrow to lay down our arms. But our 
terms have to be clear. Our weapons cannot 
be destroyed and our soldiers, sailors, and air- 
men camaot stand down, without a proportional 
measure of arms reduction by the other side. 
And we will insist on making absolutely certain 
that these reductions do, in fact, take place as 

The obstacles to agreement are great. But 
all great achievements, in all ages, have been 
great precisely because they had seemed beyond 
our reach. 

We have no choice but to persevere. In one 
lifespan we have seen weaponry advance from 
the howitzer to the hydrogen bomb and the in- 
tercontinental missile. In today's bitterly di- 
vided world, the problems of controlling these 
forces of destruction are multiplying geometri- 

cally with every year. They threaten to outrun 
the mind of man. 

The (luestion is not whether we can end the 
arms race. We must end it. Our very survival 
may depend on it. 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Discuss Issues 

of Nuclear Testing and Disarmament 

Department Statement 

Press release 23 dated January 12 

Following discussions between United States 
oiScials and Soviet officials, it is believed that 
further discussions in the United States on the 
issues of nuclear testing and disarmament 
might be useful. 

The Soviet Union and the United States are 
cochairmen of the 18-nation disarmament con- 
ference in Geneva. It is hoped that meetings 
between representatives of the two Govern- 
ments will assist in advancing preparations for 
the resumed sessions of the conference next 
month in Geneva. 

The meetings will be held beginning Mon- 
day, January 14, in New York. The United 
States will be represented by William C. Foster, 
Director, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency. The Soviet Union will be represented 
by His Excellency N. T. Fedorenko, Soviet 
Ambassador to the United Nations, and His 
Excellency S. K. Tsarapkin, chairman of the 
Soviet delegation to the 18-Nation Disarma- 
ment Committee. 


The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call at- 
tention to the following printer's error: 

Bulletin of December 31, 1962, p. 1024 : The 
last sentence beginning at the bottom of the left- 
hand column should read, "Ordinary voice tele- 
phone represents one possibility, and radio might 
also be considered although until communica- 
tions satellites become available on an opera- 
tional basis, radio might not prove sufficiently 

JANUAKY 28, 1963 


Risk and Security in tlie Age of Nuclear Weapons 

hy William C. Foster 

Director, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency ^ 

First, let me express appreciation and ad- 
miration to all those in the University of 
Michigan and in the Bendix Corporation who 
originated and energized these symposia. The 
goals are thoughtfully and moderately con- 
ceived and the margins of thought to be 
explored have been competently laid out. 

It is not at all my jiurpose to appear in the 
least critical. However, I thiak that it may be 
helpful if, before I cover my assigned ground, 
I take these given margins and set them in a 
constellation of related areas — if that is the 
word — of thought. For so clamoring are the 
daily headlines that I sometimes fear we will, 
in a sort of despair, take out the question of 
disarmament and rather delicately but distantly 
treat it as a nice but misty idea in a patently not 
nice world. Yet if we are practical men seek- 
ing tangibly constructive ends, we must recog- 
nize that the state of mind of the world and 
the state of disarmament are interdependent. 
We must work not only for what is desirable but 
for what is possible. 

Ten years ago we called what is taking place 
over wide areas of the earth a "revolution of 
rising expectations.''^ Today I think we would 
have to agree that it is a "revolution of rising 

Mr. [Arnold] Toynbee, and others, have 
rightly noted that in this period, and for the 
first time in human history, it is possible, tech- 
nically possible, considering our advances in 
agriculture, to adequately feed every man, 
woman, and child on the globe. I suppose it 

' Address made before the University of Michigan 
and Bendix Corporation Arms Control Symposium at 
Ann Arbor, Mich., on Dec. 15. 

would also be relatively easy to adequately 
clothe everybody and house everybody if we 
really set our hearts to it. And it seems in- 
credible that we cannot open up for everybody 
who expresses the least wisp of desire the won- 
derful realms of thought and inspiration 
available to those who can read and write. 

But the aritlmietic is depressing. As you 
know, a majority of the people of the world 
are still improperly fed, clothed, and housed, 
and it is a fact of vivid sadness and waste that 44 
I^ercent of all the people 14 years old and older 
are illiterate. 

I suspect that if somehow one could suspend 
in space and hear the authentic voice of the 
earth at the close of this year of our Lord, he 
would not hear of arms production and na- 
tional ambitions. He would, I think, hear the 
cry of hungry children and the plea of those 
who would have knowledge and a chance. 

One wishes that he could reach into the 
hearts of the Russian people, who have suf- 
fered so much themselves, and simply ask: 
"Don't you think we should be about a better 

Weighing the Relative Risks 

But now I must descend from that plane and 
deal with the matter at hand — risk and security 
in the age of nuclear weapons. Perhaps the 
most troubled year of these last 10 is draw- 
ing to its close. The currents that have been 
set in motion by Soviet adventurism in Cuba 
and by Chinese aggi-ession in India will remain 
with us for some time to come. These events 
confront us with the need to reassess once again 
the ways in which we ought to seek national and 



international security in this age of nuclear 

In this period of history no route before us 
is without risk. In seeking security we do not 
have a clear-cut choice between one route that 
is hazardous and another that will lead us 
safely, and without error, to our goal. Thus, 
in determining tlie direction in which we should 
move we can only weigh the relative risks of the 

Specifically, we must weigh the risks of the 
continiuxtion of the arms race in relation to the 
risks involved in arms control and disarma- 

"We are emerging from the Cuban situation 
with a heightened awareness of our present 
strength. However, we have not, as some seem 
to have feared and others seem to have hoped, 
acquired a nuclear superiority complex. For 
that we can be thankful. 

Development of an effective military strategy 
when nuclear weapons are available to our ene- 
mies has proved a difficult task. We rely on 
our nuclear weapons to deter nuclear attack 
against ourselves and our allies. However, it is 
apparent that the relationship of great nuclear 
strength to the deterrence or resolution of local 
conflicts is not always clear. In the case of tlie 
Cuban situation we should not overestimate the 
value of strategic nuclear strength and under- 
estimate the importance of readily available 
landing craft. 

"Wliat I am saying is simply that we should 
not jump to too many conclusions on the basis 
of our most recent experience. For although 
we face the fact that nuclear weapons may at 
some time have to be employed in the defense of 
ourselves and our allies, it also has become clear 
that we need improved flexibility of conven- 
tional response. The effort to develop the 
doctrine and the means of flexible, controlled 
response is, in its own way, a form of arms con- 
trol. The approach is a logical one, and it may 
be the best approach we can expect to devise 
under existing circumstances. 

Hazards of Arms Race 

Nonetheless, we cannot enjoy a real sense of 
security today. If the arms race continues, the 
hazards to our own security will become increas- 

ingly sharp. Continuation of the arms race 
would place on the Soviet Union a greater eco- 
nomic burden than on the United States, but 
that would be for the Soviet Union to face, and 
it may do so. It has in the past. 

It is sometimes said that improvement of 
Soviet strategic nuclear capabilities might les- 
sen their fears that their deterrent may be vul- 
nerable. Logically we might expect a more 
stable situation to result as we, and they, rested, 
so to speak, on our arms. However, if tlie stra- 
tegic nuclear capabilities of botli sides continue 
to increase and if stability should fail— and this 
is a more likely possibility— and if then a stra- 
tegic nuclear exchange should take place, the 
damage to all would be multiplied. Presum- 
ably, as this prospect materialized we would 
first once again seek greater flexibility of con- 
ventional response. Possibly another recycling 
of the arms race — this time in conventional 
weapons, or conceivably in weapons of even 
greater than nuclear capability — would take 

There is still another aspect of the problem 
that is of grave concern. The only ground rule 
which limits the number of contestants in the 
arms race is that of the resources available to 
particular countries or groups. As long as the 
major nuclear powers continue their present 
course, there will be a strong compulsion for 
others to seek security in the same manner. 
Over the next decade additional coiuitries, if 
they have the necessary resources and wish to 
devote them to this end, can acquire nuclear 
capabilities and at least limited capabilities for 
delivering them. I do not think a strategy has 
yet been formulated which takes that situation 
fully into account, and perhaps we should begin 
ti-ying to develop such a strategy, for there is 
every reason to believe that we will be con- 
fronted with this prospect if the arms race 

Risks in Arms Control and Disarmament 

Since the arms race does exist, it may appear 
to some as offering a more practical route than 
arras control and disarmament, where we find 
ourselves still in the stage of developing mean- 
ingful concepts and of trying to reach agree- 
ment on effective measures and programs. We, 

JANXTAKT 28, 1963 



however, refuse to take the arms race for 
granted. And we do not permit our lack of 
success in negotiations to date to discourage 
even more intensive efforts to find a practical 
means of curtailing this race. 

There are risks along this route too. It would 
be a service to no one to pretend that such risks 
do not exist. But it would be an equal dis- 
service to tolerate the formidable risks of the 
arms race and at the same time refuse any 
risk whatever in arms control and disarmament. 
The problem is neither to ignore nor to exag- 
gerate the risk involved but rather to try to 
measure it objectively and to find means of 
holding it within acceptable limits. In the final 
analysis each country must make its own de- 
termination as to what these limits are, and if 
agreements are to be reached, they will reflect 
a sharing of risks within the limits of what is 
regarded as acceptable by each of the countries 

It frequently seems that the Soviet Union 
expects us to believe, in the words of one of 
our popular songs, that "wishing will make it 
so." It has become a standard feature of the 
Soviet approach to any given issue to argue 
that it is unthinkable that any party to an 
arms control and disarmament agreement 
would violate its obligations. In the first place, 
says the Soviet Union, no great nation would 
do so. In the second place, say the Soviets, 
if such a nation did so, it would incur the over- 
whelming opprobrium of world opinion. The 
Soviet Union seems little disturbed by the in- 
consistency of its arguments. 

Unfortunately, in the field of arms control 
and disarmament, as in the field of nuclear 
strategy, we cannot avoid thinkmg about the 
"unthinkable." Few coimtries have demon- 
strated such sensitivity to world opinion as to 
forgo actions which they may regard as vital 
to their own security. We cannot overlook that 
fact when we attempt to measure risk. We have 
to provide a system of checks and balances in 
order to hold the risk within acceptable limits. 

Test Ban Negotiations 

When we went to Geneva in March of this 
year ^ a major item of unfinished business had 
been carried over from previous talks with the 

Soviet Union. We had already been discussmg 
for an extended period the cessation of nuclear 
weapons test explosions. No agreement had 
been reached, and, in fact, the Soviet Union had 
broken its Chairman's pledge on nuclear test- 
ing. We made a further effort to reach an im- 
mediate agreement at Genev^a, and only then 
did we ourselves resume testing. 

Although these circumstances did not facili- 
tate negotiations, there were other factors which 
might reasonably have been expected to do so. 
For our own part, largely as the result of our 
continuing research, we had improved our un- 
derstanding of the problems involved in effec- 
tively halting nuclear weapons tests. We found 
it possible to revise our estimate of the risk 
and to modify our proposed system of checks 
and balances accordingly. 

Problem of Inspection 

There remained and still remains, in the de- 
tection and identification of underground tests, 
an area of ambiguity wliich would be significant 
from the standpoint of the security of parties 
to an agreement. This remaining risk could not 
be ignored. Nor could the fact that, at present, 
scientific instruments and teclmiques cannot 
reduce the area of ambiguity, and the risk, to 
tolerable limits. This is why we have continued 
to include provision for on-site inspection in our 
system of checks and balances. 

For the system to work effectively, it is not 
necessary that the number of inspections equal 
the number of ambiguous events. However, 
it is necessary that the right to conduct at least 
some inspections not be dependent on the cal- 
culations of the party to be inspected. 

In view of our own extended research into 
the matter (some $100 million worth so far) 
we were surprised to be informed that the 
Soviet Union possesses instruments which made 
on-site inspection unnecessary. In fact, we 
found that the Soviet Union has quite a catalog 
of such instruments. They seemingly range 
from mystical long-range detection stations 

° For statements made by Secretary Rusk before 
the 18-nation Disarmament Committee at Geneva in 
March, see Buxletin of Apr. 2, 1962, p. 531 ; Apr. 9, 
1002, p. 571 ; and Apr. 16, 1962, p. 618. 



wliicli can detect everytliing, to mysterious 
black boxes which can detect anything the long- 
range stations do not. We are always in the 
market for scientific instnunents, and we have 
asked the Soviet Union to explain to us how 
these instruments work. But so far they have 
not chosen to do so. 

To the elements of mysticism and mystery 
with which they invested their scientific instru- 
ments, the Soviet Union added their standard 
element of myth. On-site inspection, they 
claim, is unnecessary. Consequently our re- 
quirement for on-site inspection is obviously 
nothing more than a cloak for espionage activ- 
ities. When we point out that our approach 
to on-site inspection could not possibly lend it- 
self to this purpose, they choose not to discuss 
this matter either. 

Since agreement had not been reached in the 
area of underground tests, we offered in August 
to separate underground testing from testing in 
other environments.^ We expressed our will- 
ingness to ban, without the establishment of 
any international verification arrangements, all 
tests except those underground. At the same 
time negotiations would continue in an eifort 
to resolve this remaining difficulty. They 
have described this approach as a "dangerous 
illusion," since the arms race might be con- 
tiuTied underground and therefore be lost from 
view. It was not to be expected that the Soviet 
TTnion would clarify for us what it regards as 
illusory about the termination of nuclear weap- 
ons tests explosions in three of the four environ- 
ments in which they can be conducted. Nor 
have they explained why they prefer the dan- 
gerous reality of continuing such tests to the 
alternative of halting them. 

We do not find the Soviet arguments con- 
vincing; the nonalined countries do not find 
them convincing; and I think we are entitled 
to suspect that the Soviet negotiators do not 
find them convincing either. The Soviet nego- 
tiators are being asked to play a very difficult 
role. Wlien we propose discussing the matter 
in scientific terms, the Soviet negotiators re- 
spond on cue that the problem is political. 

' For texts of U.S.-U.K. proposals of Aug. 27, 1962, 
see Hid., Sept. 17, 1962, p. 403. 

When we approach the problem in political 
terms, we are informed that science has all the 

Science, of course, cannot provide all the 
answers, but it can help us arrive at reasonable 
political decisions. If such decisions are to be 
sound, they cannot be reached in a scientific 
vacuum. Certainly we must have the scientific 
facts. But then we must make the political 
decision as to what risk is acceptable and what 
system of checks and balances would best serve 
to hold the risk within acceptable limits. That 
is the process we have gone through in our 
efforts to bring about an effective nuclear 
weapons test ban. 

Four Test Ban Alternatives 

Having done as well as we can on the basis 
of our own imderstanding of the matter, we 
have been and are still prepared to learn where 
we may be wrong. We are still prepared to con- 
tinue working on scientific instruments which 
might some clay make on-site inspection un- 
necessary. However, we would like to have an 
agreement today. Therefore, in an effort to 
break through the circular debate that has been 
taking place, we are prepai'ed to consider four 
alternatives in the possible banning of nuclear 
tests : 

1. We will consider a comprehensive treaty 
without on-site inspection if the Soviet Union 
can demonstrate why on-site inspection is 

2. If they cannot do so, we are prepared to 
consider a comprehensive treaty with limited 
requirements for on-site inspection. 

3. If neither of the foregoing approaches is 
acceptable to the Soviet Union, we are pre- 
pared to enter into a partial treaty, with an 
interim agreement banning underground tests 
and providing adequate controls while negoti- 
ations for a lasting arrangement continue. 

4. If the Soviet Union does not wish to accept 
adequate controls even on an interim basis, we 
are prepared to accept a partial treaty which 
would ban tests in the atmosphere, in outer 
space, and under water. Underground tests 
would continue while we sought agreement for 
that environment. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 



This is the position that the Soviet Union has 
described as "inflexible." 

On balance, we must regretfully conclude that 
for reasons of its own, reasons which have not 
been brought out in the present negotiations, 
the Soviet Union does not desire a nuclear test 
ban agreement at this time. However, I must 
emphasize the word "agreement." While re- 
jecting opportunities for an agreement in the 
formal sense of the word, the Soviet Union may 
now consider it timely once again to make 
the magnanimous proposal of a moratorium on 
testing. This is its perennial solution for ex- 
tricating itself from an untenable tactical 

The Soviet Union broke the last moratorium 
a little over a year ago with a series of nuclear 
tests that brought the megatons it has exploded 
to a total exceeding that of all tests by all other 
countries. We are objective enough to know 
that history might not repeat itself, but I think 
it will be understood if we desire more assur- 
ance than that of a New Year's resolution. 

We have had over 400 meetings with the 
Soviet Union in search of a nuclear test ban 
agreement. If persistence and stamina are 
what it takes, we shall continue negotiating 
until the Soviet Union reaches the political de- 
cision to bring an effective end to nuclear test- 
ing. Therefore, may I conclude this discussion 
in the field of nuclear testing by stating that 
we are willing to take a reasonable, but not an 
excessive, measure of risk in the interests of 
increased security. 

U.S. Disarmament Proposals 

Moving on, the same basic problems confront 
us in the field of disarmament, where substan- 
tially more complex interrelationships must be 
taken into account. The United States has the 
objective of halting the arms race and then ef- 
fecting steady reductions of existing arms. The 
initial reductions would be substantial and 
would diminish the risk that war might occur. 
This risk could be further reduced by measures 
designed to safeguard the disarmament process 
from disruption by war through accident, mis- 
calculation, failure of communications, or 
surprise attack. As the disarmament process 
proceeded, verification would be progressively 

extended and mternational peacekeeping ar- 
rangements would be strengthened. 

These are, in effect, the principal elements 
from which it might be possible to construct a 
system of checks and balances leading to dis- 
armament in a peaceful world. It is clearly mis- 
leading to identify verification as the sole ele- 
ment of such a system. Wliat we are con- 
cerned with is developing an approach which 
would bring each of the elements into proper 
relationship with the other. 

I would not maintain that our initial pro- 
posals * are perfect. However, they are pro- 
posals we could live with, and we believe the 
Soviet Union could live with them too. There 
will have to be a great deal of learning on both 
sides if disarmament is to succeed. 

Our disarmament proposals reflect the situa- 
tion that exists today. No country has a mo- 
nopoly of armaments in any category, and no 
country is superior in all categories. Strengths 
and weaknesses differ, but considered in total, 
there appears to exist a rough, overall balance 
between the major powers and groups. This is 
the so-called "balance of terror." 

It is not a neat balance. It was weighted in 
our favor in Cuba, against us in Laos. But if 
we are to halt the arms race and turn it down- 
ward, there is some merit in taking things as 
they are and descending from that point. 

This view is essentially reflected in what we 
have proposed. We propose across-the-board 
reductions of major armaments by equal per- 
centages for both the United States and the 
Soviet Union. The United States would con- 
tinue to be superior in some categories and the 
Soviet Union in others. Obviously the whole 
nub of the idea is to reduce in such a way that 
neither side has at any given moment a de- 
cisive advantage. Our proposals have had the 
counsel of our top military and political leaders. 
We have not advanced ideas which did not have 
this serious clearance before we laid them on 
the table. I could not insist that our initial pro- 
posals were perfect, but we believe they were, 
and are, proposals that we could live with. 

* For text of an outline of basic provisions on general 
and complete disarmament, submitted by the U.S. dele- 
gation to the 18-Nation Disarmament Committee on 
Apr. 18, 1962, see ibid.. May 7, 1962, p. 747. 



Soviet Approach to Disarmament 

The Soviet approach to the reduction of 
armaments has been a simple and direct one: 
the immediate destruction of all nuclear-deliv- 
erx veliicles. They have coupled this with the 
proposal that the United States withdraw its 
forces from overseas. Considering geographic 
factors, as well as the distribution of strength 
in different categories of armaments, it is clear 
that the initial Soviet approach was designed to 
place the United States and its allies at a deci- 
sive disadvantage. 

Eecently. and with a great show of reluctance, 
the Soviet Union has expressed willingness to 
consider permitting retention of a small num- 
ber of certain types of nuclear-delivery vehicles 
into the second stage of disarmament. The 
Soviet Union has not provided the details of 
what they are considering, but we will, of 
course, listen when they are ready. 

Tlie extent and rate of arms reduction in the 
nuclear age is one of the most complex problems 
that mankind has ever faced. In summarizing 
the United States and Soviet Union approaches 
I have necessarily only sketched what represents 
many hundreds, if not thousands, of man-hoiu'S 
of thought by many of the best thinkers on our 
side and, I dare say, on the Soviet side as well. 
You understand that nuclear weapons range 
from those designed for strategic deterrence to 
those desigiaed for tactical and battlefield use. 
Many types of delivery vehicles have both con- 
ventional and nuclear capabilities. The line 
between conventional and nuclear is thus some- 
times blurred. Geograpliy and local consider- 
ations cut across all aspects of the military 

We are not seeking, nor do we expect, a pre- 
cise balancing of these complex factors. But if 
disarmament is to offer a practical alternative 
to continuation of the arms race, we must have 
a workable balance. We must have reasonable 
assurance that armaments are destroyed and 
that the limitation or halting of production is 
observed. And we must have assurance that 
remaining armaments are at agi'eed levels and 
that there is no cheating going on to alter those 

We cannot and do not expect absolute pre- 
cision, but we want to be sure that decisive dis- 

crepancies do not come about. We have offered 

the concept of progressive inspection as a means 
reasonably related to the degree of risk. Witliin 
this context zonal inspection has been suggested 
as one illustration of how the broad concept of 
progressive inspection might be carried out. 
There are other ways in which it might be 

However, the Soviet Union has neither shown 
interest in this concept nor advanced a reason- 
able alternative. In this case, as in others, we 
cannot simply ignore what appears to be the 
insurmountable. The problem will not go away 
of itself. 

Partial Measures 

Even under the best of circumstances there 
would be some rough edges in efforts to achieve 
balanced reductions of armaments and verifica- 
tion of the agreed procedure. We have sought 
to cushion these rough edges by suggesting a 
series of measures to reduce the risk of war 
through accident, miscalculation, failure of 
communication, or surprise attack.'' Implemen- 
tation of a disarmament program would effect 
an immediate reduction in the possibility that 
the outbreak of war might occur. However, it 
would be prudent, in our view, to reduce still 
further any remaining risk that the disarma- 
ment process might be disrupted. 

Tlius we have suggested measures which 
range from improvements in direct communi- 
cations between governments to minimizing the 
possibility that sudden and ambiguous changes 
in the military situation on one side might 
give rise to a disproportionate response by the 

Such measures might play a useful role in 
the system of checks and balances for disarma- 
ment. The United States is already doing a 
great deal on a unilateral basis to preclude war 
by accident or miscalculation, as you have 
learned from Mr. McNaughton [John T. Mc- 
Naughton, General Counsel, Department of De- 
fense]. But there are limits to what any 
country can in its own interest do alone. 

Measures to reduce the risk of war are not 

"For text of a U.S. working paper on measures 
to reduce the risk of war, see Md., Dec. 31, 1962, p. 
1019 ; for a correction, see p. 127. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 


<a substitute for disarmament. However, it is 
inherent that in measures of this kind a begin- 
ning can be made with as much or as little as 
may be agreed at any one time. We regard 
this particular area as of immediate interest; 
■we hope to pursue it further in Geneva, and we 
are actively engaged in developing the details 
of such proposals. 

Strengthening Peacekeeping Arrangements 

There is still another area of immediate in- 
terest which carries over into disarmament. 
That is the area of peacekeeping. Strengthen- 
ing of international arrangements for keeping 
the peace is one of the major thrusts of our cur- 
rent efforts in the United Nations. Additional 
efforts would form a necessary part of a system 
of checks and balances for disarmament. As in 
some other cases, I would place greater em- 
phasis on the importance of this concept rather 
than on the specific types of steps that we have 
proposed for illustrative purposes. The ulti- 
mate objective is not to erect a bulwark against 
change but rather to strengthen the framework 
within which change can take place through 
peaceful means. 

These, then, are some of the major issues re- 
lated to disarmament which have been under 
discussion at Geneva. 

As we continue to negotiate it will be im- 
portant to determine whether a sulEcient area 
of agreement can be reached to halt the arms 
race and initiate a significant degree of dis- 
armament as early as possible. The early im- 
plementation of an area of agreement is contem- 
plated in the joint statement of principles to 
which the United States and the Soviet Union 
agreed in September 1961.'= The current nego- 
tiations are proceeding on tlie basis of tliat joint 
statement. It is very difficult to reach agree- 
ment on the means of translating principles into 
practice, but we intend to continue our efforts. 

In the development and negotiation of arms 
control and disarmament problems, it would 
be easy to give way to discouragement. But 
we are not discouraged. 

We recognize that it will be a difficult and 

' For text, see ihid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589. 

lengthy process to resolve the difficulties we 
face. We accept the fact that the countries 
concerned may not measure the risks involved 
in the same way. The elements of a system of 
checks and balances proposed by one country 
may be viewed by another as entailing risk to 
its own interests. But our purpose is that of 
finding a practical alternative to the continua- 
tion of the arms race. If this aim is to be ful- 
filled, then nations must generate on a continu- 
ing basis new ideas and reasonable and secure 
proposals to this end. For our part we have 
already given meaning to this conviction. The 
United States has created the Arms Control 
and Disarmament Agency — the only such 
agency in world history— to devote full time 
to the central problem and all related problems 
of arms control and disarmament. 

But this is not enough. I deeply feel that, 
as other nations participate in this effort to 
discover means for stabilizing the peace, they 
too must develop their own apparatus to cope 
with these problems. Only in this way can 
there be assurance tliat serious, methodical, and 
persistent attention will be given to the reduc- 
tion and eventual elimination of modem weap- 
ons. It is for this reason I hope the Soviet 
Union in particular, and other nations as weU, 
will accept this challenge of our time and bring 
into being "new agencies of peace." 

Those of us in the Arms Control and Dis- 
armament Agency believe that our exploration 
to date of the arms control and disarmament 
problem has led to the introduction of sound 
and reasonable proposals. But tmlike the 
Soviet negotiators, we feel under no compulsion 
to insist that our answers are the only ones. 
In this regard we welcome the comments, crit- 
icisms, and ideas that symposia such as this 

Within the Government we work closely with 
other interested departments and agencies. 
We wish to work closely with you in the aca- 
demic community and in industry as well. 
"Wliile we cannot guarantee that our joint ef- 
forts will meet with success, we can be sure that 
they are imdertaken with the energy and dedica- 
tion they so deserve. 

And the need is ursent. 



Secretary Discusses Berlin 
in Filmed Interview 

Following is the transcript of an interview 
loith Secretary iy John Steele., chief., 
Time-Life Washington Bureau., filmed on De- 
cember 88 and first broadcast on Time-Life 
stations on January 12. 

Press release 18 dated January 11, for release January 12 

Mr. Steele: Mr. Secretaiy, the pi'oblem of 
Berlin has been with us for a long time, some- 
times flaming to crisis proportions. What do 
you see as the prospects for 1963 in Berlin ? Do 
you expect major events there, and, if so, what 
shape are they likely to take? 

Secret<iry Rusk: Well, I wouldn't attempt to 
be a prophet, but I would expect that during 
1963 there would be further discussions about 
Berlin. It is, obviously, one of the most seri- 
ous, potentially dangerous questions we have 
in front of us. I think there will be further 
discussions among the Allies and with the So- 
viet Union. In what form, what way, these will 
develop, I think it is a little too early to say. 
Whether they will result in systematic and 
serious negotiations looking toward a final 
agreement — again, I think one cannot say at 
this point. But I think it is very important 
that on a matter of this importance there be 
effective contact among the governments, and I 
think that means also that there will be ex- 
changes between ourselves and the Soviet Union 
as well as with our allies. 

I would hope very much that those on the 
other side would recognize that this is for us a 
fundamental question and that no incidents 
occur or no action be taken there which would 
inflame this crisis into major proportions, be- 
cause that would make it very difficult to reach 
a peaceful settlement. 

3/r. Steele: Mr. Secretary, what really are 
the major issues or differences between the 
West, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, 
over Berlin? 

Secretary Rusk: Well, we and the British 
and the French, who have the responsibility for 
West Berlin, as well as the Federal Eepublic 
of Germany and the other members of NATO, 
have made it very clear and very simple in state- 
ments, repeatedly, that the security of West 

Berlin, the presence of the Western forces there, 
free access to the city, and the viability of West 
Berlin are all vital interests of the West in this 

Now this is not all of our interest in the 
German-Berlin situation. We would like to see 
brought about there in Germany, and in Cen- 
tral Europe, a condition of stability and con- 
tentment which would point toward long-term 
peace in that part of the world. 

Now we in this country, for example, take 
the view that, when great political issues should 
be resolved, it is of the first order of importance 
that the attitudes of the people directly con- 
cerned be known, be consulted. This leads us 
instinctively to say that self-determination by 
the Germans is crucial to a final settlement of 
this total problem. But, in the immediate 
problem of Berlin, I have indicated what our 
vital interests are, and I think that the other 
side fully understands what we consider our 
vital interests to be. 

Mr. Steele: Mr. Secretary, we recently saw 
a strong and successful application of American 
foreign policy in the Soviet missile buildup 
in Cuba, an application of policy which led to 
removal of Soviet missiles and bombers. Do 
you feel that our action in the Cuban crisis 
has, in turn, strengthened Western unity and 
determination so far as our basic policy objec- 
tives in Berlin are concerned ? 

Secret-ary Rusk: Well, I think the Cuban 
crisis recorded a unity and detei-mination, but 
that unity and determination was already there 
before the Cuban crisis as far as Berlin was 

Now I must say that I think that the unity 
of the inter-American states — the OAS [Or- 
ganization of American States] — on the one 
side and the unity of NATO on the other with 
regard to Cuba did make its point in Moscow 
and did make a major contribution toward a 
peaceful settlement of that particular crisis. 
But, despite the Cuban affair, it has been clear 
for a very long time that all of us in the West 
are unified and determined on these vital in- 
terests of ours in Berlin. There is a connection, 
because we did record the unity of the Western 
World in the face of a dangerous crisis this 
year, but I wouldn't want to leave the impres- 

JANtTARY 28, 1963 


sion tliat that unity and determination was an 
invention of 1962; it was already there. 

Mr. Steele: Would you be inclined in this 
connection to feel that the outcome of the Cuban 
affair materially reflects on or alters the out- 
look for a settlement of the Berlin question? 

Secretary Rtisk: As I have said on other oc- 
casions, I think that the Cuban experience has 
led to a degree of soberness, of reappraisal, of 
deep thinking, on the part of all governments, 
including the govenunent in Moscow, and that 
there may be a fresh realization that these 
great issues, which can get to be so dangerous, 
have to be approached with care and with recog- 
nition of the vital interests of the other side. 

I think, in that sense, that the experience we 
have had in the latter part of 1962 should mean 
to all of us that a question like Berlin should 
be approached with the care that it deserves 
and not be treated as something in which one 
can achieve a spectacular victory by appearing 
to put pressures on, even though vital interests 
are directly involved. 

Mr. Steele: Very recently Soviet Premier 
Klirushchev told West German Chancellor 
Adenauer that the West German Republic's 
policy in Berlin is pointed toward war and that 
if, as a result, war comes, West Germany will, 
in Khrushchev's words, "bum like a candle 
in the very first hours." What do you make of 
this statement ? 

Secretary Rush: Well, I saw that statement, 
read it with considerable interest. There were 
portions of it which were harsh, as such state- 
ments have been in the past. I did not see any- 
thing new in it from a policy point of view. 

There seems to be an impression in some 
quarters in Moscow that this Berlin matter 
is of interest only to the Federal Eepublic of 
Germany, that somehow the other Allies are 
merely reflecting the policies of the Federal 

Wliat they must understand is that West 
Berlin is a deep, vital interest for all the rest 
of us, as well as for Germany, that we have 
in the United States vital interests at stake in 
West Berlin, and that on these matters we are 
united as an alliance and are not simply ac- 
commodating a friend by following a friend's 
point of view. These vital interests are just as 

vital to us as they are to France, or to Great 
Britain, or to the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, or to the people of West Berlin 

Mr. Steele : Mr. Secretary, is it possible that 
the Berlin crisis has become so crystallized in its 
issues over the years that none of the interested 
parties now can negotiate and compromise ? In 
other words, is it perhaps becoming a pennanent 
crisis of an insoluble kind ? 

Secretary Rusk: Well, I think in diplomacy 
we ought never to use this word "insoluble." 
Diplomacy has to act on the optimistic thesis 
that solutions are possible. Otherwise we 
would run into too many blind alleys and too 
many dangers would accumulate. 

Now it is tnie that the margins of compro- 
mise on German and Berlin questions are very 
thin indeed. Our vital interests, as I have ex- 
plained them earlier, are there, and it is very 
difficult indeed to see in what respects you can 
jeopardize those vital interests by any signifi- 
cant or major compromise. 

But nevertheless it's the task of diplomacy to 
protect these vital interests by peaceful means, 
if possible, and that means that diplomacy must 
try to find out whether there are opportunities 
for a peaceful settlement of a problem of this 

But it won't be easy because, again, the atti- 
tudes of the two sides are very far apart and 
very great stakes are at issue. 

Mr. Steele: Well, on the other hand, IMr. 
Secretary, is there a likelihood that the people 
of the Western World will tire of the sometimes 
fever-pitched tensions which have been built 
up over Berlin and thus lead the West perhaps 
to an overwillingness to compromise? 

Secretary Rush: Oh, I think we have 
learned in recent years that the impatience of 
democracies to move rapidly toward a solution 
will not necessarily protect our vital interests or 
work out to our own advantage. I think we 
have learned a good deal about patience and 

I think that we in the West, the United States 
as well as Western Europe, must not nourish 
the illusion that we can somehow throw off these 
burdens, that we have to get a settlement at any 
cost so that we can feel more comfortable, or 



reduce our taxes, or reduce our armed forces, 
or reduce our foreign aid, or whatever it might 

No, I am not, myself, concerned that the peo- 
ples of the Western democracies will tire when 
such a vital issue as Berlin is involved. I have 
no doubt of that whatever. 

Mr. Steele: Mr. Secx-etary, thank you very 
much for being with us today. We appreciate 

Swiss Representatives Visit 
Americans Imprisoned in Cuba 

Press release 15 dated January 9 

On January 5 the Swiss Ambassador and two 
other officers of the Swiss Embassy at Habana, 
acting on behalf of the U.S. Government, visited 
the American citizens imprisoned on the Isle of 
Pines, Cuba. 

According to the Swiss report of tlie visit, the 
men have been quartered since December 28 in 
a large wing of the prison, the address of which 
is Pavilion 2, Salon A, Keclusorio Nacional, 
Nueva Gerona, Isla de Pinos, Cuba. They have 
the use of a larger interior courtyard where they 
are now able to exercise in the fresh air. The 
new quarters have running water, good sani- 
tary facilities, showers, and beds. The prison- 
ers told the Swiss representatives that the 
guards are treating them well and that they are 
now getting more food. The Swiss observed 
that the prisoners' health had improved and was 
in general satisfactory. Their morale also is 
reported as good. The Swiss found the prison- 
ers' condition much better than on their pre- 
vious visit, stating that their attitude was calm 
and dignified and advising the families not to 

The Swiss Embassy sent each prisoner a 
Christmas package containing items provided 
by the American Red Cross, and the prisoners 
confirmed the receipt of these packages. During 
the January 5 visit the Swiss representatives 
were able to give the prisoners American medi- 
cines, as well as articles purchased locally. 

The prisoners are allowed to receive one 
parcel per month from their families through 
the Swiss Embassy. 

The above information has been conveyed to 

the next of kin of the imprisoned Americans by 
letter from the Department. 

President Exclianges New Year's 
Messages With Soviet Leaders 

Following is an exchange of messages bekoeen 
President Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev, 
Chairman of the Covmcil of Ministers of the 
U.S.S.R., and Leonid Brezhnev, Chairman of 
the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. 

President Kennedy to Soviet Leaders 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated 
January 2 

December 30, 1962 
Dear Chairman Khrushchev and Chair- 
man Brezhnev: On behalf of the American 
people and myself, I extend best wishes for the 
new year to the Soviet people and to you and 
your families. 

The American people look forward to the 
coming year with the deepest desire that the 
cause of peace be advanced. For our part, I 
assure you that no opportunity will be missed 
to promote world peace and understanding 
among all peoples. 

John F. Kennedy 

Soviet Leaders to President Kennedy 

Dnofflcial translation 

Decembeb 30, 1962 

Deab Me. Peesident: On the eve of the new year 
we extend to the American people and also to you and 
your family New Tear's congratulations and very best 
wishes from the Soviet people and from us personally. 
The year of 1962 now passing into history witnessed 
events, the fatal development of which it was possible 
to avert thanks to the fact that the (two) sides showed 
a sensible approach and reached a compromise. Now 
the peoples of the whole world expect from us ener- 
getic efforts aimed at the solution of urgent problems 
fraught with the threat of the rise of new crises in 
order to assure reliable conditions for peaceful life 
and constructive labor on the earth. There is no doubt 
that the people of the United States are no less inter- 
ested in this than are the Soviet people. May the new 
year he a year of a turn for the better in relations 
between our countries, a year of joint efforts for a 
decisive improvement of the international situation in 

the interest of all humanity. 

N. Khkushchev 
L. Brezhnev 

JANUARY 28, 1963 


U.S. Foreign Policy: Problems and Challenges for 1963 

hy Robert J. Manning 

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^ 

It is fashionable at this time of year to talk 
of new cliapters, of turning points. Tliis year 
it is not only fashionable but extremely per- 
tinent. As we look from January 1963 into the 
future, we are struck first by how much of the 
past is indeed past. Consider for a moment 
what has happened to our world in the relatively 
few years since the war. The four basic im- 
pulses that have dominated international af- 
fairs since 1945 have come either to an end, to 
clear turning points, or to a state of major 

I refer to the reconstruction of Europe, the 
dismantling of the colonial system that pre- 
vailed over much of the earth for more than two 
centuries, the almost unhindered physical domi- 
nation of the free world by the United States, 
and the emergence of the cold war. Each of 
these basic impulses has either ended, to be re- 
placed by new forces and circumstances, or has 
been so altered in character as to represent a 
break between the recent past and a future that 
has already begun. I do not want to be mismi- 
derstood when I include in this list the cold 
war; it is still very much with us, and will be 
for much time to come, but profound changes 
have been taking place within the system that 
mounted that political war effort and within 
the West's capacities and opportunities for 
waging it. 

It can be said that these basic impulses have 
changed more than our own reflexes or the 
vocabulary with which we think and talk about 

' Address made before the Broome County World 
Affairs Council at Binghamton, N.Y., on Jan. 11 (press 
release 21). 

the problems and challenges which confront the 
United States in world affairs. 

Wliile thinking in old terms and talking with 
old slogans, we have carried — and have been 
carried — into an era of new chapters, of new 
adventures- — and of new risks. As these new 
chapters begin to unfold, we will find ourselves 
in the state of mind of the old-time Chicago 
newspaper editor who one day called his staff 
together and decreed: ""^AHiat this newspaper 
needs is some new cliches." 

It is possible that the Western World today 
stands, politically and economically, on the 
verge of a great release of energy and organiza- 
tional genius that has a certain parallel to the 
great outburst of geographical and intellectual 
exploration after the Crusades, when Europe 
propelled itself around the globe. 

The analogy is tricky and can easily be over- 
blown. What I mean is that we have before 
us a year or more of major decisions, many of 
them uncharted ; a year of many unknowns that 
may require of political and economic leaders 
the same degree of imagination, daring — and 
hardship — that carried the Magellans, the 
Vespuccis, the Hudsons, the Marco Polos out 
into the uncharted frontiers of their own 

Of the many big unknowns that inexorably 
will be evolving into known quantities in the 
months to come, these are among the most 
important : 

"Wliat will be the course of the Soviet-Chinese 
ideological split, and what opportunities or haz- 
ards will it present to the free world? 

What will be the shape of Europe and the 
Common Market? Related to that, how will 
the alliance solve its interallied economic rela- 



tionships and responsibilities, and its political 
disagreement over control of its momentous 
power ? 

Related to that, what will be the future course 
of General de Gaulle and his design for France 
and for Europe? And, in tui-n, what will be 
the course of, first. West German Chancellor 
Adenauer in the months remaining of his 
power, and second, what will be the course of 
West Germany after Adenauer? 

How will the United States and the U.S.S.R., 
the two chief centers of global power, fare with 
the pressing internal problems and questions 
that have a direct bearing on their abilities to 
pursue their differing objectives in foreign 

In our own hemisphere, will we be able fur- 
ther to whittle away the potential for danger 
and violence that remains in Castro Cuba even 
though direct presence of Soviet military of- 
fensive capability has been eliminated? And 
will we and our allied governments in the hemi- 
sphere find the increasing will and means to 
bring about the long-overdue peaceful evolution 
of Latin America into a continent of free, inde- 
pendent, and prospering nations ? 

Were you to seek to invite someone to appear 
here and give you worthwhile answers to these 
questions, and the many supplementary ques- 
tions they raise, I would not be able to suggest 
where you seek such a wizard. They are basic 
and pressing questions. We operate, in Secre- 
tai'y of State Rusk's phrase, "on the leading 
edge of events" ^ and may have to leave to lus- 
torians the writing of the answers. Still, the 
very raising of the questions, the thinking 
about them and the pondering of possible al- 
ternatives, is the beginning of the process that 
will produce the answers. 

Success of European Interdependence 

It is well to recall that the task of recon- 
struction had to deal with more than the de- 
struction wrought in World War II, terrible as 
that was. It is no historical overstatement to 
note that each of these nations — the United 
States with them — was economically on its 
knees in the 1930's. A paralyzing cycle of de- 

' Bulletin of Dec. 10, 1962, p. 873. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 

pression and stagnation had brought into 
sharp question the very viability of economic 
systems based on predominantly private, that 
is, nongovernmental, enterjirise. The recovery 
of Western Europe, Japan, and the United 
States in the past decade and a half has con- 
founded the doom-sayers of the 1930's. Their 
question had been whether an economic system 
based on free enterprise could work. Today's 
question is phrased: Can the economy grow 
fast enough to maintain full employment and 
rising standards of living, and to reach out 
with this talent to the benefit of the large parts 
of the globe that do not have it ? 

Few developments have caused such dismay 
in Communist circles as the striking success 
achieved in Europe through economic interde- 
pendence. It has dashed a basic Marxist pre- 
diction and a fond Communist hope: that the 
nations of the West would experience economic 
stagnation and would fall to quarreling among 
themselves in the aftermath. A key factor in 
this pattern as discerned by Marxist theorizers 
was to be competition among the decaying co- 
lonialist powers leading to imperialist wars as 
each nation fought to protect its share of the 
raw materials and the markets for its finished 
goods, represented by the underdeveloped re- 
gions of the world. 

Transition From Colonialism to Independence 

The falseness of this prediction has now been 
shown so decisively that it meshes with a sec- 
ond major turning point. The former co- 
lonialist empires have not provided the 
occasion for destructively competitive imperi- 
alist warfare. Rather they are with a few 
exceptions being peaceably dismantled. The 
new nations so created are undergoing 
profound and striking changes, but in a 
pattern far removed from that expected by 
communism's prophets. 

The map of Africa, once broadly shaded to 
mark the majestic spheres of influence of the 
European powers, today more resembles an 
erratically sewn patchwork quilt. Dozens of 
new nations have sprouted in the past decade. 
Nearly all have accomplished the transition 
from a colonial position to independence. 
Vestiges remain, but the colonial era is over. 


Independence, the new nations are learnmg, 
may mean the end of a pattern they foimd op- 
pressive and unjust. But they have quickly 
discovered that independence carries with it 
heavy burdens of its own. Togo's President 
[Sylvanus Olympio] not long ago compared 
independence to his own situation when he was 
released from imprisonment by the Vichy 
French regime during the war: "The jailer 
told me, 'You are free.' But what kind of 
freedom was it when the jail was in the desert, 
himdreds of miles from my home, and there 
was no gasoline for the truck we were to travel 

Overnight a freed colony finds itself trans- 
formed from an absentee owner's warehouse to a 
sovereign nation charged with assembling the 
rudiments, the trappings, and the means to in- 
dependent action in a tossing sea of more than 
100 sovereign nations. Overnight it finds it 
necessary to have a policy not only on matters 
that directly affect its own being but on the 
more than 120 questions that annually stud 
the agenda of the United Nations General 

In turn the United States and, ideally, the 
alliance as a whole must conceive of individual 
policies and programs to deal with the exist- 
ence, the aspirations, and the actions of each of 
these individual new nations. Wliile each is 
potentially as different as one man's finger- 
prints from another's, it is only common sense 
that the West look for the basics of its policy 
toward the new and imderdeveloped nations 
(and those that are old yet too-long underde- 
veloped) in the overriding characteristics they 
share in common. The first of these is the 
passion of nationalism. 

History may find great irony here. At the 
time when we advanced and well-to-do powers 
of the West find nationalism inadequate and 
grope toward a new historical phase of inter- 
dependence and international law and overlap- 
ping sovereignties, the force that moves the 
larger part of the globe is our old passion of 
the jealously guarded, vocally patriotic, sov- 
ereignty-sensitive nation-state. This is the 
innermost emotion of the peoples of the ex- 
colonial world. It raises problems that deeply 
complicate the already complicated business of 

establishing creative and forward-looking pro- 
grams that give reality to their new freedom 
and further our own interests. Yet it has its 
advantages as well, for the blood of new na- 
tionalism flows thick and resists the virus of 
outside isms. Many observers were struck by 
the way in which the recent Chinese Com- 
munist invasion of India abruptly erupted 
the nationalism of the Indian people to the 
extent that the Indian Communist Party 
sided sharply with its enemy, the Indian 

Happily there are many leaders of the new 
nations who appear to recognize the dangers of 
a nationalism that, while lending coherence to 
their nation, can impede their economic, social, 
and political development if it becomes exces- 
sive in zeal. In proper focus, the passion works 
in favor of that American goal the Secretary of 
State describes as "simple and transcendent" ^ — 
a paste of nationalism and interdependence that 
cements a world community of free nations. 

The Gap Between Rich and Poor Nations 

The second overriding characteristic of the 
underdeveloped nations is their awareness of, 
and their drive to do something about, the still- 
widening gap between the rich and poor nations. 
This problem, and the ugly shadow of nuclear 
war, are viewed by President Kennedy as the 
two gi-eatest problems confronting the world. 
The things of life cannot continue to be divided 
inequitably between the one-third of the world's 
popidation that command five-sixths of the 
world's output of goods and services, and the 
two-thirds that command only one-sixth; be- 
tween the one-third of the world that enjoy a 
life expectancy of 67 years and the two-thirds 
that enjoy one of only 38 years; between the 
privileged one-third that suffer an illiteracy 
rate of only 4 percent and the two-thirds who 
are 70 percent illiterate. The answer lies not 
in taking away from those who have, to help 
those who do not, but in the infinitely more ex- 
acting — yet more inspiring — direction of using 
the resources of the well-to-do to fertilize free 
abimdance for those who are not. 

We must hope for intelligence on the part of 

' Ibid., Sept. 3, 1962, p. 343. 



the underdeveloped world, and demand it of 
ourselve.s, if we are to tackle this problem in a 
way that reduces its temptations and opportuni- 
ties for those who would exploit it for ideolog- 
ical and political gain. 

In our own hemisphere the Alliance for 
Progress represents — and tries to grasp — the 
challenge nearest to home. 

In Africa we should be encouraged by a wide- 
spread African desire that coincides with ours : 
"Keep the cold war out of Africa." But we 
must understand what that requires. It does 
not mean simply that we or Africa can by mere 
wish avoid great-power designs or efforts at sub- 
version of the new states. There have been too 
many examples in recent history of the ability 
of communism to subvert new-found freedom, 
and Africa's emergent freedom is a fragrant 
temptation. The Communists' opportunities 
for making something of that temptation stand, 
for the most part, in direct proportion to the in- 
ability or failure of the West to fulfill its re- 
sponsibilities there. 

The Congo, over which there has been so much 
travail, so much bloodshed, and so much rancor, 
is of course the African trial of the moment. In 
all the controversy over the U.N.-directed effort 
to produce a viable, unified Congo state, a major 
original purpose of the procedure should be 
kept very much in mind : to avoid in that impre- 
pared new country a direct confrontation be- 
tween the two major cold- war protagonists. It 
should be recalled, too, how energetically the 
Soviet Union attempted physically to move into 
the Congo when the first dissension smoldered 
into violence. That was 30 months ago. The 
intervention was turned back without the neces- 
sity of direct American involvement. Now we 
may at last be coming to the moment when a 
peacefully integrated Congo is a reality and 
the 14,000,000 Congolese may begin to achieve 
the fruits of independence. 

If such proves to be the case, it will be the 
successful end of one harrowing chapter in 
Africa's rise to independence. But there may 
be more to come. The contortion is still to 
come in the southern third of Africa — that part 
south of Tanganyika and the Congo. Here 
live 35,000,000 black Africans and about 3,500,- 
000 whites, many of whom are almost as indig- 

enous to the continent as the blacks. It is an 
area of white privilege and black grievance. 
It is an area where only great statesmanship, 
great courage, and great patience can avert ca- 
lamity. The alternatives are between develop- 
ing justice and orderly change, on the one hand, 
and an eruption of race violence that could 
make the Congo seem a strawberry festival. 
One cannot say much more at this juncture than 
that the stakes are high indeed. 

The U.S. and the Western Alliance 

Even closer to us than this turbulence are the 
new developments involving our own country, 
its role as the major power of the alliance and 
major antagonist of the Communist system. 
The circumstances that put us into this position 
were not voted, were not the result of conscious 
ambitions of men. Now, with Western Europe 
returned to its strength and power, we are see- 
ing a certain diffusion of the decision-making 
and action-taking initiative that has rested so 
dominantly with us. 

Our very power as possessor of all but a frac- 
tion of the Western alliance's nuclear strength 
is in itself a factor that reduces, rather than 
adds, to our freedom of action. (It is this con- 
centration of NATO's power in the hands of 
one ally, incidentally, that made the recent 
threat of Soviet missiles in Cuba a threat not 
just to that one ally but to all NATO, which 
depends on U.S. nuclear striking power as the 
core of its overall defense.) 

The very nature of a problem like Berlin 
binds us to the necessity of the most delicately 
close coordination with the British, the French, 
the West Germans, and the NATO alliance. 
Tlie renewed ability and responsibility of the 
European allies for joining in the effort to solve 
the problems that confront us further reduce 
our freedom of action. The renewed ability of 
the European allies— and Japan— to share in 
the benefits and the responsibilities of commerce 
and development makes it further necessary to 
find ways of concerting with them. Such is 
the purpose of the expanded trade legislation 
enacted last year. The years of strain on the 
U.S. economy, dramatized by the 1 million 
American soldiers still stationed overseas and 
the billions of U.S. dollars committed around 

JANTTART 28, 1963 


the globe, make us further dependent on our 
allies to carry a greater share of the burden. 
They can now afford it. 

This recital— and there could be more— is not 
designed to suggest the likelihood of a re- 
trenched American foreign policy but rather to 
dramatize the inevitability of the historic trend 
which the President described in his July 4 ad- 
dress on Atlantic interdependence.* That 
trend to increasing militai-y, diplomatic, and 
economic cohesion between the Western Euro- 
peans, the North Americans, and Japan is the 
Atlantic wave of the future. In months to 
come there will be many manifestations of dif- 
ferences, of discord, perhaps even fallings-out 
among allies over given problems and issues. 
But it is important that these squalls of choppy 
water not be mistaken for the big wave which, 
in the opinion of many who shape policy here 
and across the Atlantic, is the inexorable one. 

One must be waiy of euphoria on this point. 
There are difficult interludes ahead as we try 
to work out with our allies solutions to prob- 
lems that perplex them, or us, or both of us. 
If, by some misfortune, negotiations between 
Britain and the Common Market fail, drastic 
improvisations may be necessary to avoid seri- 
ous corrosion within the entire alliance. If, as 
we hope, those negotiations succeed, the United 
States, Canada, and Japan must be prepared 
for adjustments at home that may be onerous 
for some in their midst. They must be pre- 
pared, too, with imaginative programs for help- 
ing to assure that the bountiful strength of the 
Common Market is not turned inward but out- 
ward, to ease the fears and enhance the oppor- 
tunities of the underdeveloped countries. 

There will be long and complicated rumina- 
tions as we attempt to work out, in a manner 
acceptable to the allies and ourselves, an answer 
to the Europeans' desire to have a greater share 
in the control of the nuclear power that now 
rests so largely with us. 

The Nassau agreement with Britain ° is a 
large step toward the attainment of a multilat- 
eral arrangement. But many more steps will 
be required and much time, probably several 
years, before it can be expected to be achieved. 

* Ibid., .Tuly 23. 1062, p. 1.31. 
"Ibid., Jan. 14, 1963, p. 43. 

In some ways this most complex of problems, 
bristly with conflicting national prides and am- 
bitions, may yet prove the most beneficial be- 
cause it dramatizes more clearly the D'Arta- 
gnan indivisibility of the free world's position — 
in a nuclear showdown it is quite simply "all 
for one and one for all." The logic of this 
illuminates the logic of increasing interdepend- 
ence in all fields. 

We cannot altogether look ahead without 
looking briefly backward — to Cuba, to the re- 
cent Chinese Communist aggression against 
India, to the long-building rift within the Com- 
munist bloc. 

The Experience in Cuba 

Cuba has many meanings for us and, one 
hopes, for the Soviet Union. It suggests that in 
the nuclear age the willingness to use power is 
the first requisite of the avoidance of the actual 
use of those weapons. It demonstrated that 
the Soviet Union was capable of a gross mis- 
reading of American reaction to a politi- 
comilitary invasion of this hemisphere. It 
raised the perplexing question — as did Korea, 
the Communist coup of Czechoslovakia, the 
infiltration of Viet-Nam — of how accurately 
the Kremlin assesses the will and capabilities of 
tho West to resist aggression. It showed, in the 
reaction of unalined capitals around the world, 
that when the chips are down there is not really 
much neutralism: A huge part of the world 
shared relief and admiration at the calm, con- 
sidered way the Russians were forced to back 
their offensive weapons out of Cuba. It gal- 
vanized free-world unity, as demonstrated in 
tho unanimous support of the Organization of 
American States and the support of our other 
allies. - 

It is not prudent to conclude that what 
worked in Cuba will serve in another crisis, 
further from American power and closer to 
Communist power. Nor should there be high 
expectation that one such setback will necessar- 
ily alter Soviet aims in the many other parts of 
the world where Western interests are more vul- 
nerable. It is possible, however, that the Cuban 
experience may provoke more caution on the 
part of Soviet leaders. 

Admittedly, Cuba is not finished. Several 



thousand Soviet military personnel remain; we 
want to see those troops out of there. And Cas- 
tro remains, with his Marxist-Leninist hold on 
the Cuban people depending heavily on Soviet 
buttressing for its continuation. For as long 
as communism remains on the island, normalcy 
is on leave in the Caribbean. 

The Crisis Within Communism 

As a last stop in this perhaps too ambitious 
tour of the horizon, consider the ideological 
eruption within the Commimist bloc. It is 
difficult for Western observers — and probably 
for Communist observers — to predict where tliis 
will end and how. It was not too long ago that 
the experts were insisting on the "fundamental 
unity" of the bloc. Now we see the monolith 
riven by a quarrel between China and Russia 
that many consider to be irresolvable. Obvi- 
ously a rift in the bloc weakens the power and 
the appeal of communism ; it means moi'e diffi- 
culties for Moscow, and it robs Peiping of its 
large source of the materials and the support it 
needs to convert its failures into the beginnings 
of successes. In months to come the dissension 
may have serious effect on morale and direction 
within Communist parties all over the world. 
Two words of caution, however, about this 
crisis within communism : 

First, the West cannot be certain that a com- 
plete rift, unharnessing a hate-propelled, unre- 
lenting Communist China from the comparative 
restraints of Soviet Russia, will be a good thing 
for the West. Second, it should be kept in mind 
that this is still chiefly an ideological quarrel, 
not over whether communism will bury us but 
how communism will bury us. The desire to 
perform the burial ceremony still exists as 
strongly in Moscow as in Peiping. 

With these reservations in mind, the Chinese- 
Russian dispute adds significantly to the di- 
lemma that now faces communism. From Mos- 
cow's point of view, the road ahead must seem 
to consist of three possible forks : 

One, a continued expansion of military force 
in order to persist in assuming great risks, as 
they have been doing in recent years in Berlin 
and Cuba, while continuing to press aggres- 
sively for the breaks in the underdeveloped 

Two, a conclusion that the armaments race 
is a costly, dangerous, and hopeless course, that 
it must be halted, at the expense of some con- 
cessions to the West in disarmament, in order 
to transfer strained resources to agriculture, 
consumer goods, and industrial production. 

Three, a pause, in which to reduce interna- 
tional tension and tackle some of the many 
urgent problems confronting the Soviet leader- 
ship and to provide time for choice as to wliich 
other fork to follow. 

The West must, of course, equip itself to cope 
with any of these alternatives. If, as some 
believe, the third course is the one Moscow is 
now choosing ; if, as some believe, Soviet leaders 
are inclined to more caution ; if, as many believe, 
the Communist system cannot shoulder its own 
massive internal problems and the massive bur- 
den of the continuing nuclear arms buildup — 
if all these probabilities are at work, the West 
is moving into a time when it can push strongly 
forward with its huge task of international 

What Is Required of Americans? 

Another full speech could be devoted to a dis- 
cussion of what precisely this task requires of 
Americans. Instead, let us consider briefly a 
few of the more evident needs. 

First, to get our own house in order. Inte- 
gration has moved at little more than a token 
pace m America. In the words of Secretary 
Rusk, ". . . these problems of discrimination 
here in our own country are the largest single 
burden we bear in the conduct of our foreign 
relations." " It is time we got on with it and 
lightened that mifair burden. 

It is time, too, to substitute for sterile debate 
over "win" and "no-win" policies a truly con- 
structive dialog to attain objectives that are 
imanimously shared by Anaericans. It is not 
enough to complain, for example, about a "mess 
in Laos" or "chaos in the Congo." There must 
be an honest facing up to alternatives. 

Also we have much to do at home to stimulate 
our economy to productivity and efficiency. 
Sensible tax reforms, an imaginative use of the 
new tools in the Trade Expansion Act, tangible 

'Ihid., Dec. 17, 19G2, p. 907. 

JANUAKT 28, 1963 


actions to improve our lagging social and health 
processes — these are but a few of the steps that 
are necessary to the national trimness and 
health without which we are not going to run 
the race that is being demanded of us. 

Surely few of us are satisfied with the pallid 
state of American education. We are not edu- 
cating for the future. As "Walter Lippmann 
puts it: "As we fail to educate adequately one 
generation of school children, the evil results of 
this failure do not appear fully until these 
children grow up and become the uneducated 
parents of a still less educated generation." 

Finally we must look with fresh, if sharp, 
eyes at the uses and needs for economic aid in 
foreign policy. It is understandable that after 
all these years of dispensing foreign aid there 
should be fatigue, impatience, even some dis- 
illusionment over the results — understandable 
but not tolerable. Foreign aid is a major in- 
strument of American foreign policy. Foreign 
policy in turn is simply the means of protect- 
ing and furthering the American interest. The 
program has suffered in recent years ; it is going 
to suffer to the point of mutilation this year 
unless Americans find it in themselves to inspire 
a rededication to the proposition that a great 
part of the power of the world's richest nation 
lies in its ability constructively, and self-inter- 
estedly, to apply that power where it will do 
most for freedom. The public has a right to 
expect an increasingly hardheaded, realistic 
aid program from the administration. The ad- 
ministration for its part has the right to expect 
enlightened support from the public. 

History, as the President wrote recently, is 
what men make of it. There has never been 
a more challenging year in which to make it. 
Having begun with many questions, I should 
like to conclude with one : Are we going to do 

U.S. Makes Short-Term Credit 
Available to Brazil 

Press release 10 dated January 7 

Following consultations with Ambassador 
Roberto Campos, acting on behalf of the Bra- 
zilian Government, the U.S. Government is 
making available a short-term credit totaling 

$30 million to Brazil, which is repayable in 90 

The Brazilian Government has stated that 
it is preparing definite plans and measures for 
putting into force, beginning early 1963, an ef- 
fective program to limit inflationary pressures 
as well as a development plan designed to sup- 
port strong and balanced economic growth. 
Certain actions in line with this objective have 
already been taken, including particularly the 
approval in November 1962 of legislation de- 
signed to help in reducing the potential Govern- 
ment budget deficit in 1963 and to initiate a 
broad reform of Brazil's tax structure and col- 
lection machinery. 

The Government of Brazil has indicated its 
intention to initiate, at an early date, discus- 
sions with the United States, other countries, 
and appropriate international financial insti- 
tutions both m order to describe the measures 
it is plamimg to take to acliieve financial 
recovery and assure sustained economic growth 
as well as with a view to exploring what exter- 
nal financial support may be available to sup- 
plement the Brazilian effort. 

United States Assures Saudi Arabia 
of Support and Friendship 

Following is the text of a letter from Presi- 
dent Kennedy to Crown Prince Faysal of 
Saudi Arabia. 

White House press release (Palm Beach, Fla.) dated 
January 8 

October 25, 1962 
YotiR Highness: As Your Higliness as- 
sumes new and important responsibilities upon 
returning to Saudi Arabia, I wish to recall 
your visit to the Wliite House on October 5.^ I 
then stated, and I want it understood clearly, 
that Saudi Arabia can depend upon the friend- 
ship and the cooperation of the United States 
in dealing with the many tasks which lie before 
it in the days ahead. The United States has 
deep and abiding interest in Saudi Arabia and 
in the stability and progress of Saudi Arabia. 
Under your firm and enlightened leadership I 

' For text of a joint communique, see Bulletin of 
Oct. 29, 1962, p. 641. 



am confident Saudi Arabia will move ahead 
successfully on the path of modernization and 
reform wliich it has already charted for itself. 
In pursuing this course you may be assured of 
full United States support for the maintenance 
of Saudi Arabia's integrity. 

I am fully aware that in order to accomplish 
your goals you must have the requisite tran- 
quillity — an atmosphere devoid of recrimina- 
tions and instigations from within or without. 
I share your concern at the tensions which pre- 
vail in the area and which hamper your design 
to strengthen the fabric of government and so- 
ciety in Saudi Arabia. As I indicated to you 
in Washington, the United States desires to be 
helpful in finding means of reducing these 

I foresee for our two countries not merely 
the continuance of the cordial relationship 
which began so auspiciously during the reign 
of your illustrious father, His Majesty Abdul 
Aziz Ibn Saud ; rather I foresee the opening of 
a chapter in Saudi-United States relations in 
which the common bond of enlightened self- 
interest is firmly riveted by a common dedi- 
cation to the inalienable rights of man for 
self-fulfillment, progress and freedom. 

I wish you success and send you my warmest 
personal regards. May God keep you and the 
Saudi people and grant you peace. 

John F. Kennedy 

President Concurs in Findings 
on TFiree Escape-Clause Actions 

White House press release dated January 9 

The President on January 9 concurred with 
the U.S. Tariff Commission's recent findings 
that no formal investigation should be insti- 
tuted at tliis time to determine whether the 
modified trade agreement concessions on cotton 
typewriter- ribbon cloth, lead and zinc, and dried 
figs may be restored. The President found, 
with the Tariff Commission, that there is not 
sufficient reason to reopen these respective es- 
cape-clause actions, which resulted in increases 
in duties on cotton typewriter-ribbon cloth in 
1960, on lead and zinc in 1958, and on dried 

figs in 1952. Therefore, the present duties for 
each of the items concerned will continue to 
apply without modification. 

The President's action was taken after con- 
sultation with the Trade Policy Committee. 
The Tariff Commission's reports were made 
pursuant to Executive Order 10401, which re- 
quires periodic review of affirmative actions 
taken under the escape clause of trade agree- 
ments legislation. 

Recent Trade Agreements 
Made Effective 

Press release 13 dated January 8 

The President on December 28, 1962, signed 
two proclamations putting into effect certain 
recently concluded trade agreements. 

Under one proclamation,^ the trade agree- 
ment with the United Kingdom granting com- 
pensatory tariff concessions for the escape- 
clause action taken by the United States earlier 
this year with respect to duties on imported 
carpets and glass was made effective on Janu- 
ary 1, 1963. The substance of tliis agreement 
is contained in Department of State press re- 
lease 723 of December 10.- 

The other proclamation' relates to a number 
of agreements which contain no new tariff con- 
cessions by the United States and terminates a 
number of prior trade agreement proclamations. 
The agreements provide for (1) the consolida- 
tion of previously proclaimed tariff concessions 
into the U.S. schedule of concessions under the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
(GATT), (2) the modification of certain of the 
general provisions of the GATT, and' (3) the 
establishment of relationships between the Con- 
tracting Parties to the GATT and certain other 
countries. The trade agreement proclamations 
which are being terminated in whole or in part 
relate principally to agreements which have 
themselves terminated. None of these termi- 
nations results in any modification of rates of 
duty now in effect. 

Both proclamations are printed in the Federal 
Register of January 4. 

^ For text of Proclamation 3512, see 28 Fed. Reg. 103. 

^ BULLETIN of Dec. 31, 1962, p. 1012. 

^ For text of Proclamation 3513, see 28 Fed. Reg. 107. 

JANITART 28, 1963 


Saul Sherman Named to German 
Dollar Bond Validation Board 

The Department of State announced on 
January 9 (press release 16) the appointment 
of Saul L. Sherman as the U.S. member on the 
Validation Board for German Dollar Bonds. 
Validation procedures in respect to German 
dollar bonds were established in the United 
States pursuant to an Executive agreement 
signed at Bonn on February 27, 1953, and 
treaties which were signed at Bonn on April 1, 
1953, and August 16, 1960. The purpose of 
validation is to separate valid bonds from those 
which were looted in Germany during World 
War II. Under the terms of the Agreement 
on German External Debts, only obligations 
which are validated by the Board are eligible 
for payment. 

Trade Agreement Signed 
by U.S. and Spain 

Press release 752 dated December 31 

A trade agreement between the United States 
and Spain was signed on December 31 at 
Geneva. This agreement marks the completion 
of the first of a series of negotiations under- 
taken by Spain looking toward accession to the 

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 

In this agreement, the first to be concluded 
between the United States and Spain since initi- 
ation of the trade agreements program in 1934, 
the United States has agreed to reduce its duties 
on seven import classifications which are shown 
in the attached schedule. The principal com- 
modities are olive oil in bulk and sherry-type 
wines. U.S. imports from Spain of the prod- 
ucts covered by the agreement amounted to 
$11.8 million in 1961. 

Spain granted tariff reductions or bindings 
to the United States on approximately 50 items 
in the Spanish tariff, accounting for commercial 
imports from the United States in 1961 of 
$29.3 million. Upon accession to the GATT, 
Spain will benefit not only from the concessions 
granted by the United States in this agreement 
but also fi'om the direct rights acquired in con- 
cessions already made to other countries within 
the GATT. 

The agreement was entered into within the 
period provided for in section 257(c) of the 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, which permits 
(until December 31, 1962) the conclusion of 
trade agreements based on public notices issued 
in connection witli the 1960-61 GATT Tariff 
Negotiations Conference. It is anticipated 
that the initial stage of the U.S. reductions will 
be placed in effect early in 1963 and the final 
stage 1 year later. 


Schedule A 
No. (1957) 

Brief description 

Rate of duty- 

U.S. im- 


July 1, 1968 

Under agreement 

ports from 

Spain, 19(il 


First stage 

Final stage 



2290 200 
8400 100 

8712 500 




1250 990 


Olive oil, edible, 40 lb. or over 

Eucalyptus oil 

Natural iron-oxide and iron-hy- 
droxide pigments. 

Toilet soap, valued over 20!( per 

Slierry-type wine, in containers 
of 1 gallon or less. 

Sherry-type wine, in containers 
of over 1 gallon. 


3}iipeT Ib..-- 



2.92ji per lb._. 



2.6^ per lb..__ 







$1.25 per gal- 

$1.25 per gal- 

20% --- 


$1.12 per gal- 

$1.12 per gal- 


6K% . 





$1 per gallon- _ 
SI per gallon-. 





The 17th Session of the U.N. General Assembly: 
Major Accomplishments 

Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative to the General Assenibly ^ 

Wlien the I7th General Assembly convened 
exactly 3 months ago today, I reaffirmed most 
emphatically the high significance that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States attached to the 
work of the United Nations, and I said we were 
"more than ever convinced that the success or 
failure of this organization could well mean 
the difference between world order and world 

Now, at the conclusion of this I7th General 
Assembly, I should like to repeat that. I have 
several reasons for this. 

The U.N. and the Cuban Crisis 

My first has to do with Cuba and the unfor- 
gettable lesson about Communist tactics learned 
by the people of the world as a result of that 
crisis. It was a lesson learned only at the cost 
of extreme international danger. Prompt 
United States action taken in the Organiza- 
tion of American States and in the Security 
Council under the Charter of the U.N. were 
contributing factors to the peaceful settlement 
of the crisis. The United States hoped for such 
a solution, but at all times we were prepared 
to act in whatever manner necessity demanded 
to eliminate this nuclear menace to all of the 

' Made at a press conference at U.N. Headquarters 
on Dec. 21 ( U.S. delegation press release 4137) . 

It was a classic example of United Nations 
perf omiance in the manner contemplated by the 
charter. The Security Council provided for 
public discussion of our complaint by the 
parties. It provided a means of focusing public 
attention on the facts and the threat to peace 
and security, and it provided through the Sec- 
retai-y-General the means of consideration, 
mediation, and negotiation. 

Let me anticipate one of your questions and 
speculate on what caused the Soviet Union to 
have second thoughts about Cuba as an offensive 
military base. I can mention at least three — • 
the determmed United States stand which left 
no room for doubt, the solidarity of the Latm 
American nations, and the force of world opin- 
ion against the Soviet maneuver. 

As I have previously stated, I think President 
Kennedy's firmness and prudence have been 
richly rewarded. I am proud to have had a 
part in the formulation of our policy and its ex- 
ecution. And I am delighted that the peace- 
keeping machinery of the U.N. functioned so 
well and so effectively in this crisis which was 
so dangerous to the world. 

My appraisal, incidentally, of the role played 
by the United Nations in the peaceful settlement 
of this crisis over Cuba as an offensive-weapons 
base is shared by Senator Albert Gore and Sen- 
ator Gordon AUott, both members of the United 
States delegation to this Assembly and both of 
whom have contributed so much to the delibera- 

JANUARY 28, 1963 


tions of this session. Those of you who have 
followed the work of the various committees 
know something at least of this invaluable pub- 
lic contribution. 

I should also like to bring to your attention 
some observations on the matter by a gentleman 
most of you know quite well, Lester Pearson, 
former Foreign Minister of Canada and a 
former President of the General Assembly. I 
believe I quote him accurately : 

When you have a good ease, with strength to back 
it, stand firm : without provocation or panic. When 
action in defense of that ease has to be taken quickly, 
and by yourself, bring that action before the United 
Nations at once — as the U.S.A. did on this occasion. 

The United Nations, once again, became the in- 
dispensable agency through which the parties could 
find a way out of a crisis, without war. I know the 
United Nations can't force a solution on a great power 
which doesn't want it. But you can't exaggerate its 
importance as a means for finding and for supervising 
a solution. 

That, I think, just about sums it up. 

However, I would not want to turn from the 
question of Cuba leaving you with the mistaken 
impression that the matter was entirely dis- 
posed of. It is not. There are, as you know, 
still some loose ends, and we are still negotiating 
with the Eussians about them. I hope we will 
have something definite to report in the near 

The U.N. Effort in the Congo 

Joining the Cuban crisis as a predominant fac- 
tor in any appraisal of this session of the Gen- 
eral Assembly — although, again, you will not 
find it on the agenda as such — is the Congo. 
Here, once more, the United Nations looms large 
in the picture, with 18,000 troops from S4 na- 
tions participating from time to time in the 
U.N. eif ort to maintain law and order. 

Nonetheless, time is rimning out, and the uni- 
fication of the Congo cannot be put off much 
longer. The United States, therefore — as it has 
from the beginning — wholeheartedly supports 
Secretary-General U Thant's plan of national 
reconciliation, which has as its principal pur- 
pose ending the secession and the full integra- 
tion of Katanga into the political and economic 
life of the Congo. 

At the present, in response to requests by the 
Secretary-General, we are making available 
equipment and are airlifting it to the Congo. 
In addition, as ftirther evidence of the United 
States resolve to stand iirmly behind the Secre- 
tary-General, the President, as you know, has 
named a special mission headed by Lieutenant 
General Louis Truman to conduct a study of the 
Congo situation. 

It is our hope that the entire matter will be 
settled in the shortest possible time. 

Settlement of West New Guinea Problem 

I think we should note, too, the role played by 
the Secretary- General's initiative in West New 
Guinea, or West Irian, depending on where you 
come from. This was another serious threat to 
international peace during 1962 that was effec- 
tively met and countered by the United Nations. 
It is no small satisfaction to me, either, that a 
distinguished United States diplomat, Mr. Ells- 
worth Bunker, was instriunental in helping the 
Secretary-General find a formula for settlement. 

To turn to matters debated in the Assembly 
itself, two issues, I believe, stand out as among 
the most important. These were the election of 
the Secretary-General and acceptance of the ad- 
visory opinion handed down by the Interna- 
tional Court of Justice on the financial obliga- 
tions of the membership to support the peace- 
keeping activities of the United Nations, spe- 
cifically, of course, the United Nations Emer- 
gency Force and the Congo operations. 

I have tied the two together because they 
clearly demonstrate the intent of the majority 
of the members to see to it that this organiza- 
tion retains its integrity and basic purpose, 
which is to keep the peace. Had there been any 
other outcome — had we accepted a troika or had 
we turned our back on tlie ICJ opinion— an ef- 
fective United Nations would not have long 
survived and tliis press conference, perhaps, 
might have been in the nature of a wake. 

Appointment of Secretary-General 

As it is, we have been strengthened. The 
charter's concept of the Secretary-General as a 
strong, independent officer of this organization, 




committed to no country, has been decisively 
rindicated. I can only say that we have been 
fortiuiate indeed in the quality of the men we 
have chosen, for they have helped shape this 
office and have given it the stature and vitality it 
now possesses. 

U Thant has quietly and firmly sustained the 
concept of his office, like his predecessors, and 
that can only mean good for the organization 
and its members, even those who have tried to 
diminish it. I think his unanimous election 
and the prestige he enjoys as the result of his 
own labors are good omens that, if carried over 
to difficulties that still face us, can help re- 
solve them. But it is necessary for everyone in- 
volved to demonstrate the same concern for the 
organization and the same aspirations for man- 
kind that he has enunciated. 

The Problem of U.N. Financing 

With regard to the wide support demon- 
strated for the ICJ decision, which, inciden- 
tally, again cut across the so-called "bloc votes" 
that we continue to hear so much about, I do not 
mean to convey the impression that it solves the 
U.N.'s financial dilemma. Quite obviously it 
doesn't, and financing remains the single most 
important problem confronting the U.N. as an 
organization. There is nothing particularly new 
about this statement; it has been made with 
timetable regularity almost from the first session 
of the General Assembly. 

Not only that ; there is the question of im- 
plementing the ICJ decision, and at this pomt 
I can only trust that when the time comes the 
entire membership will again show it believes in 
the rule of law. And I say this with equal em- 
phasis to all. 

To get back to the overall question of financ- 
ing, however, it is high time to solve this peren- 
nial problem once and for all. Otherwise all the 
ideals of the charter face slow economic strangu- 

I don't think there is much point in repeating 
what has already been said about this. First of 
all, it would keep you here for hours ; and sec- 
ondly, what is needed now is not old recrimina- 
tion but new imagination. That is why the 
United States favors a special session of the 

JANTTARY 28, 1963 

General Assembly sometime this coming 
spring — next year — to consider ways and means 
of putting this organization on a sound finan- 
cial footing. The working group set up in the 
resolution just passed by the General Assembly 
has a vital task to perform, and its recommen- 
dations can do much to rid the U.N. of the 
financial problems past and present that haunt 
the corridors like a Scrooge before his 

That is why, too, we are in favor of the As- 
sembly's extending to June 30th the time in 
which pledges of U.N. bonds can be made by 
member countries. By then I tnist the entire 
$200 million issue will be sold, and this, of 
course, will go a long way to advancing us on 
the road to solvency. 

To back up our words with action, we are 
today delivering to the Secretary-General a 
check m the amount of $15,569,840 for a second 
purchase of United Nations bonds. This when 
added to our initial purchase of $44,103,000 
brings our purchases within a small amount of 
the total so far purchased by other nations. 

But, once again, the solution must be found 
in the special session next year. 

Colonial Problems in the U.N. 

Now permit me to turn to an area in which 
tlie U.N. has fulfilled — and continues to ful- 
fill — one of its most vital functions. We see it 
most clearly, I think, in the fact that, since its 
organization 17 years ago, the U.N. has more 
than doubled its membership. 

The old colonial empires are dissolving, and 
more than a billion people are marching onto 
the stage of history as free and independent 

This is a development particularly gratifying 
to the United States, which recalls its own strug- 
gles for liberty. We believe, therefore, as we 
have believed from the very birth of our nation, 
in a people's right to determine its own form 
of government and to pursue life, liberty, and 
happiness without interference or restraints ex- 
cept the law of nations. And this belief shall 
continue to shape our policy and aspirations. 

I wish to emphasize this because there have 
been some issues having to do with colonial 
problems on which the United States and many 


of its friends from the newly independent na- 
tions have not always seen eye to eye. I don't 
think we need stress these differences — mainly 
because our areas of agreement are far greater 
in number and in importance, but also because 
1 feel it vital for all of us to realize that we 
must work together to erase all the inherited 
evils of colonialism. 

But let us erase them with a realistic ap- 
proach calculated to do good among people and 
not just looh good on paper. In this sense we 
were happy to support the resolution extend- 
ing the mandate of the Committee of 17, which 
now becomes the Committee of 24, because any 
reference to target dates for independence was 
eliminated. We feel the sponsors showed a 
marked wisdom and understanding of the is- 
sues involved, and this bodes well for the future 
consideration of these problems. 

Proposals on Which U.S. and U.S.S.R. Agreed 

I think, incidentally, in discussing what was 
accomplished during this session, it would be 
well to acknowledge that, despite the gap that 
separates us, the United States and the Soviet 
Union have, from time to time, foimd them- 
selves in agreement. I know this may sound 
odd, but, the cold war to the contrary, it hap- 
pens to be true, although it may disappoint some 
who think the two can't agree on anything ex- 
cept perhaps getting Soviet missiles out of Cuba. 

We found it possible to reach agreement on 
the peaceful uses of outer space, both bilaterally 
and within the U.N. context. The hopes for 
broader international cooperation in this area 
were furthered significantly by the unanimously 
passed resolution. 

In another field where we and the U.S.S.R. 
hold leading positions we found ready Soviet 
agreement to the proposal that a third Interna- 
tional Conference on Peaceful Uses of Atomic 
Energy should be held in 1964. 

Thus there is modest progress in both these 
fields which will speed the earlier realization of 
practical benefits by people all over the world. 
And then there was the resolution on the eco- 
nomic consequences of disarmament, which, it 
should be stressed, mentions the words "dis- 
armament imder international control." 


Other Issues Before Assembly 

As to some of the other issues that came before 
the Assembly, I should like to offer a few brief 
comments on the following : 

Nuclear Testing. I would not say that an 
ideal resolution evolved, but the position of the 
United States and the United Kingdom was re- 
flected in it, particularly on the crucial matter ' 
of inspection. As we stated during the debate, 
as well as many times before and since, this y 
problem can be easily solved when an adequate 
inspection system is agreed upon. 

Disarmament. This issue was wisely sent 
back to Geneva, where the negotiations had 
barely begim before the opening of the General 
Assembly. With any luck, we should have more 
to talk about next year. 

The Question of Chinese Representation. 
The vote in support of the United States posi- 
tion that Communist China did not fulfill the' 
charter obligation for membership in the 
United Nations was even stronger this year 
than it was last year. Communist China's un- 
provoked attack on India was, of course, a fac- 
tor in this, but also important was the 
widespread feeling neither to expel the repre- 
sentative of China nor to lose the benefit of its 
continued presence among us. 

The Korean Question also found greater 
Assembly support for the United States posi- 
tion and also, I will say, for the same reason. 
This Assembly has become aware of the grow- 
ing intransigence of North Korea, supported 
as it is by Communist China. 

Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Re- 
sources. We consider this resolution as passed 
by the G.A. particularly noteworthy. It should 
be reassuring to the world's business community 
that the United Nations has now affirmed that 
foreign investment agreements freely entered 
into with sovereign states shall be faithfully 
observed. In a sense this is a statement of obli- 
gations the sovereign state has to those who in- 
vest in it, and it should therefore help stimu- 
late the flow of investment capital which can 
do so much to build the underdeveloped coun- 
tries of the world. As such, tlie importance of 
this action by the United Nations cannot be em- 
phasized too strongly. 


II might say in passing that more and more 
businessmen are beginning to appreciate what a 
practical as well as personal stake they have in 
the United Nations. We are beginning to see, 
for example, the economic stimulation that 
:omes from such pi'ograms as the Alliance for 
Progress and the Decade of Development, as 
well as the business opportunities being de- 
veloped by such United Nations agencies as the 
Special Fund and the World Bank. I will have 
more to say on this, however, at a later time. 

Hungary. I should like to stress that the 
United States basic position on the question of 
Hungary has not changed. We still feel, as we 
have all along, that the United Nations has a 
special responsibility toward the people of 
Hungary; however, we also feel that more will 
be accomplished by shifting from a United Na- 
tions representation of little effect to the posi- 
tive representation of the Secretary-General, 
who, we hope, will find new prospects for solv- 
ing the issue. 

I should also like to stress that it was at the 
initiative of the United States that the Hun- 
garian item was placed on the agenda of this 
(ieneral Assembly. In the same spirit we in- 
tend to move forward with a new approach that 
will be of benefit to the Hungarian people. 

Palestine Refugees. This is an issue 
involving one of the most urgent problems be- 
fi)re the United Nations. Wliat concerns us 
Iiere is people — seeking a fair and responsible 
solution that will take them out of the void in 
which they are now existing. 

Although we originally favored a 1-year ex- 
tension of the UNRWA [United Nations Relief 
and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in 
the Near East] mandate, we deferred to a num- 
ber of views of other interested delegations that 
felt, for administrative reasons, it should be for 
2 years. We still feel that United Nations as- 
sistance to the Palestine refugees should be sub- 
ject to examination by every regvdar session of 
the General Assembly, and this view is not al- 
tered by the fact that we voted for the 2-year 

In connection with the Palestine issue I 
should also like to express my gratification to 
the parties involved for not pressing to the vote 

their resolutions calling for direct negotiations 
and for the appointment of a United Nations 
custodian in Israel. It was, as we repeatedly 
said, the wisest course to follow, for one of the 
greatest lessons we have in the U.N. is the wis- 
dom of steering clear of unrealistic resolutions 
that cannot reach fruition. 

United Nations Research and Training In- 
stitute. The Assembly authorized the study of 
the desirability of establishing a United Na- 
tions institute which would arrange for the 
training of nationals of member countries for 
service with the U.N. system and which would 
also serve as a center for research on problems 
of concern to the U.N. This could be a signif- 
icant steji forward toward strengthening the 
U.N.'s effectiveness as an operating institution. 

Population Growth and Economic Develop- 
nfient. The Assembly adopted a resolution on 
population which was at once historic in its 
recognition of the problem and moderate in its 

Increasing Number of Agenda Items 

Any appraisal of the I7th General Assembly 
must, of necessity, take into account the stag- 
gering number of agenda items that have come 
up for debate. Each year not only does the 
wox-k load of the Assembly gi"ow, but so does 
the membership and, therefore, the number of 
nations that join in the debate. This, of course, 
is as it should be, for everyone desiring to should 
be heard on any or all issues. 

At the same time, however, the situation does 
present us with certain practical questions, ones 
I am not alone in raising. I do not propose to 
offer any answers at this time, but it is obvious 
that they must be foimd. Perhaps the commit- 
tee set up by the Assembly can find some. 

The issues of peace and freedom and a better 
life and justice for all are far too urgent and 
grave to be buried under an avalanche of rhet- 
oric or to be tied up in procedural knots the 
cutting of which would defy even an Alexander 
the Great. The issues demand our attention, 
not our boredom, and we must rise to this de- 
mand if we are to discharge our responsibilities 
to history. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 


Under the circumstances and in view of the 
staggering agenda that we are on the verge of 
completing, no tribute that I could pay to the 
President of the I7th General Assemblj', Za- 
frulla Khan, would be adequate. Let me just 
say that he has performed magnificently and 
has set a notable example of parliamentary 
efficiency, fairmindedness, and tact. I salute 

Viewing the work of the 17th General As- 
sembly as a whole, it has, I think, compiled a 
worthwhile and even enviable record, and that 
record will show that the areas of agreement 
between the United States and the majority 
were greater by far than those of disagreement. 
And where we did disagree, the reasons had to 
do not so much with basic objectives as with 
differences in emphasis. 

The U.S. and the U.N. 

With this in mind I should like to review 
and, perhaps, restate some of those basic objec- 
tives, as well as considerations, that impel the 
United States to offer its strong support to the 
United Nations. 

First, I believe it would be well to remember 
that the U.N. is not a sovereign power. Rather 
it is an instrument in the hands of its members, 
an instrument dedicated by its charter to certain 
common aims of peace, progress, and justice, to 
a world order solid enough so that no nation 
need be stronger than its neighbor in order to be 

To achieve that world order, the emerging na- 
tions need help in two areas: help to protect 
them from aggression and war and help to en- 
able them to stand on their own feet eco- 

These are the vital fimctions of the United 
Nations: defending nations and building na- 
tions. And if you followed the proceedings of 
the General Assembly from day to day, inciden- 
tally — as you ladies and gentlemen of the press 
most assuredly did — I think you found that the 
organization also functioned as a school for the 
new nations, a school not only of the technique 
of diplomacy and debate but, more basically, a 
school of tolerance and accommodation. 

Let me sum up by saying that the United 
States has an aim in this world, and it is a far 

better and more mature aim than that of com- 
munism. Our aim is to build a commimity of 
nations, diverse, tolerant, and genuinely in- 
dependent, but bound together by a sense of 
common humanity and by a common interest in 
peace and progress. In such a community every 
nation and every man, strong or weak, will have 
the greatest chance to develop the milimited pos- 
sibilities of freedom that they then will be able 
to hand down to future generations. 

To build this community, the U.N. is the most 
effective instrument available to us. Its spirit 
is that of community, tolerance, give-and-take. 
Its method is parliamentary diplomacy, debat- 
ing, voting, the writing and rewriting of resolu- 
tions, clays and nights of discussion and careful 

And I would add, no wonder the United 
States is successful at it, and no wonder the 
majority supports our views, because the spirit 
and the method of the U.N. are second nature to 
American democracy — and basically alien to 
the habits of dictatorsliip. 

The events of the months since the opening 
of the Assembly debates on September 20th have 
amply demonstrated that we cannot for a mo- 
ment relax our vigilance. Pi-eserving the peace 
is a full-time operation commanding more than 
dedication and ideals, but courage too. For 
peace will not be maintained by surrender to at- 
tempted terror, only by standing firm against it. 

All of you are familiar with Abraham Lin- 
coln's classic comment about not being able to 
fool aU the people all of the time. We trust 
that the people of the world will not permit 
themselves to be fooled again by mere pious dec- 
larations of peaceful intent. As I said earlier, 
they learned a lesson from Cuba and they will 
not forget it. 

They are also, I believe, learning another les- 
son as a result of the Chinese Communist attack 
on India, and they will not forget that either. 

And bearing these lessons in mind, now is 
the time, I believe, for us to appraise the issues 
of our day and to meet them realistically. If 
we do, if we guide ourselves by the vision of a 
free world at peace as specified in the charter, 
perhaps we shall yet fulfill the aspirations of 
one whose birth 1,962 years ago we celebrate a 
few days from now. 



J.S. and Soviet Union Report 
to U.N. on Cuban Tail<s 

FoUoioing is the text of a Utter to U.N. Sec- 
-etary-General U Thant from U.S. Representa- 
tive Adlai E. Stevenson and Soviet First 
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Vassily V. 

a.N. doc. S/5227 

January 7, 1963 
On behalf of the Governments of the United 
States of America and the Soviet Union we de- 
sire to express to you our appreciation for your 
sfforts in assisting our Governments to avert 
the serious threat to the peace which recently 
arose in the Caribbean area. 

While it has not been possible for our Gov- 
ernments to resolve all the problems that have 
arisen in connexion with this affair, they be- 
lieve that, in view of the degree of understand- 
ing reached between them on the settlement of 
the crisis and the extent of progress in the 
implementation of this understanding, it is not 
necessaiy for this item to occupy further the 
attention of the Security Coimcil at this time. 
The Governments of the United States of 
America and of the Soviet Union express the 
hope that the actions taken to avert the threat 
of war in connexion with this crisis will lead 
toward the adjustment of other differences be- 
tween them and the general easing of tensions 
that could cause a further threat of war. 

Adlai E. Stevenson 
Permanent Representa- 
tive of the United 
States to the United 


First Deputy Minister 
of Foreign Affairs of 
the USSR 


Recess Appointments 

The President on January 7 appointed Olcott H. 
Deming to be Ambassador to Uganda. (For bio- 
graphic details, see White House press release (Palm 
Beach, Fla.) dated January 7.) 

The President on December 29 appointed Bill Moyers 
to be Deputy Director of the Peace Corps. (For bio- 
graphic details, see White House press release (Palm 
Beach, Fla.) dated December 29.) 


Mrs. Catherine Dorris Norrell as Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Educational and Cultural Affairs, ef- 
fective January 7. (For biographic details, see De- 
partment of State press release 654 dated Novem- 
ber 2.) 


Current Actions 



Agreement on joint financing of certain air naviga- 
tion services in Iceland. 
Agreement on joint financing of certain air naviga- 
tion services in Greenland and the Faroe Islands. 
Done at Geneva September 25, 1956. Entered into 
force June 6, 1958. TIAS 4048 and 4049, 
Acceptaiice deposited: France, November 20, 1962. 


Telegraph regulations (Gieneva revision, 1958) annexed 
to the international telecommunication convention 
of December 22, 1952 (TIAS 3266), with appendixes 
and final protocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 
1958. Entered into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 

Notifications of approval: Brazil, November 19, 1962' 
Dominican Republic, November 21, 1962. 
International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. 
Entered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United 
States October 23, 1961. TIAS 4892. 
Ratification deposited: France; group of territories 
represented by the French Overseas Post and 
Telecommunication Agency (Comoro Islands, 
French Somaliland, New Caledonia and dependen- 
cies, French Polynesia, St. Pierre and Miquelon, 
French southern and Antarctic territories, Wallis 
and Futuna) ; the Anglo-French Condominium of 
the New Hebrides, November 19, 1962. 
Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the in- 
ternational telecommunication convention, 19.59. 
Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into 
force May 1, 1961 ; for the United States October 23, 
1961. TIAS 4893. 
'Notification of approval: Brazil, November 19, 1962. 


Long-term arrangements regarding international trade 
in cotton textiles. Concluded at Geneva February 
9, 1962. Entered into force October 1, 1962. 
Accession deposited: Mexico, December 11, 1962. 

JANUARY 28, 1963 




Agreement providing for the establishment and opera- 
tion in Canada of a command and data acquisition 
station. Effected by exchange of notes at Ottawa 
December 28, 1962. Entered into force December 28, 


Agreement relating to the issuance of multiple entry 
visas to diplomatic personnel. Effected by exchange 
of notes at Prague December 18 and 21, 1962. En- 
tered into force December 21, 1962. 

European Economic Community 

Agreement to rectify part I of schedule XX (United 
States) in annex A to protocol to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade embodying results of 
1960-61 tariff conference. Effected by exchange of 
letters at Geneva December 11 and 18, 1962. En- 
tered into force December 18, 1962. 


Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Kingston December 
11, 1962, and January 4, 1963. Entered into force 
January 4, 1963. 


Agreement to rectify part I of the U.S. schedule an- 
nexed to protocol to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade embodying results of 1960-61 
tariff conference. Effected by exchange of letters at 
Geneva December 18, 1962. Entered into force De- 
cember 18, 1962. 

Agreement supplementary to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade to provide compensatory con- 
cessions for increases in certain import duties. 
Signed at Geneva December 31, 1962. Entered into 
force December 31, 1962. 


Consular convention. Signed at Seoul January 8. 1963. 
Enters into force on 30th day following the day of 
exchange of ratifications. 

Agreement amending the memorandum of interpre- 
tation to the agreement of April 22 and May 2, 
1955 (TIAS 3264), relating to duty-free entry and 
defrayment of inland transportation charges on re- 
lief supplies and packages. Effected by exchange 
of notes at Seoul November 9 and December 28, 
1962. Entered into force December 28, 1962. 

Somali Republic 

Agreement further extending the technical cooperation 
program agreement between the United States and 
Italy of June 28, 1954, as amended (TIAS 31.50, 
4915). Effected by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio 
December 28 and 31, 1962. Entered into force 
December 31, 1962. 


Interim agreement pursuant to article XXXIII of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed 
at Geneva December 31, 1962. Entered into force 
December 31, 1962. 


Agreement to rectify part I of U.S. schedule in annex 
C of protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs 

and Trade embodying results of 1960-61 tariff con- 
ference. Effected by exchange of letters at Geneva 
and Bern December 11 and 27, 1962. Entered into 
force December 27, 1962. 
Agreement modifying section A of schedule I of re- 
ciprocal trade agreement of January 9, 1936, as 
modified (49 Stat. 3917; TIAS 4379). Effected by 
exchange of notes January IS and December 20 and 
28, 1962. Entered into force January 1, 1963.' 

' Supersedes item in Bulletin of Apr. 9, 1962, p. 610. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 7-13 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, 

Release issued prior to January 7 which ap- 
pears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 752 of 
December 31. 


Wolfe and Bowman to implement 
cultural presentations program re- 
port (biographic details). 

U.S. participation in international 

U.S. delegation to U.N. science con- 
ference (rewrite). 

P.L. 480 currency available for sale 
to U.S. tourists in Cairo. 

Rusk: U.N. science conference. 

Mrs. Xorrell sworn in as Deputy As- 
sistant Secretary for Educational 
and Cultural Affairs (biographic 

U.S. short-term credit to Brazil. 

U.S. and Korea sign consular con- 

Reception for NATO ambassadors. 

Trade agreement proclamations. 

Cottrell designated Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Inter-American 
Affairs (biographic details). 

Swiss representatives visit U.S. 
citizens imprisoned in Cuba. 

Sherman appointed to Validation 
Board for German Dollar Bonds 

Joint communique and aide memoire 
on Panama Canal talks. 

Rusk : interview on Berlin. 

Blumenthal: "The World Coffee 
Agreement and United States 
Foreign Economic Policy" (re- 
























tl7 1/10 






Manning : 

23 1/12 

of "State Department 
: Disarmament." 

.„ _„. "U.S. Foreign Policy: 

Problems and Challenges for 1963." 
Lyerly designated Deputy Adminis- 
trator, Bureau of Security and 
Consular Affairs (biographic 
U.S.-U.S.S.R. talks on disarmament. 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



anuarv 28. 1003 


Vol. XLVIII, No. 1231 

.tomic Energy 

jms Control and Disarmament (transcript of 
television program) H5 

Usk and Security in the Age of Nuclear Weap- 
ons (Foster) 128 

•.S. and U.S.S.R. Discuss Issues of Nuclear Test- 
ing and Disarmament 127 

Jrazil. U.S. Makes Short-Term Credit Available 
to Brazil 1^ 

"ommunism. U.S. Foreign Policy: Problems 
and Challenges for 1963 (Manning) .... 138 


5wiss Representatives Visit Americans Impris- 
oned in Cuba 137 

J.S. and Soviet Union Report to U.N. on Cuban 
Talks (Kuznetsov, Stevenson) 153 

J.S. Foreign Policy : Problems and Challenges 
for 1963 (Manning) 138 

Department and Foreign Service 

ippoiutments (Norrell) 153 

Recess Appointments (Deniing, Moyers) . . . 153 


irms Control and Disarmament (transcript of 
television program) 115 

Risk and Security in the Age of Nuclear Weap- 
ons (Foster) 128 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Discuss Issues of Nuclear Test- 
ing and Disarmament 127 

Economic Affairs 

President Concurs in Findings on Three Escape- 
Clause Actions 145 

Recent Trade Agreements Made Effective . . . 145 
Saul Sherman Named to German Dollar Bond 

Validation Board 146 

Trade Agreement Signed by U.S. and Spain . . 146 
U.S. Makes Short-Term Credit Available to 
Brazil 144 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Mrs. Norrell 
appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary . . . 153 

Europe. U.S. Foreign Policy : Problems and 

Challenges for 1963 (Manning) 138 

Foreign Aid. Moyers appointed Deputy Di- 
rector, Peace Corps 153 


Saul Sherman Named to German Dollar Bond 

Validation Board 146 

Secretary Discusses Berlin in Filmed Interview . 135 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Arms Control and Disarmament (transcript 

of television program) 115 

Presidential Documents 

President Exchanges New Year's Messages With 

Soviet Leaders 137 

United States Assures Saudi Arabia of Support 

and Friendship 144 

Protection of Nationals. Swiss Representa- 
tives Visit Americans Imprisoned in Cuba . . 137 

Saudi Arabia. United States Assures Saudi 

Arabia of Support and Friendship (Kennedy) . 144 

Spain. Trade Agreement Signed by U.S. and 

Spain 146 

Switzerland. Swiss Representatives Visit Amer- 
icans Imprisoned in Cuba 137 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 153 

Trade Agreement Signed by U.S. and Spain . . 146 

Uganda. Deming appointed Ambassador . . 153 


Arms Control and Disarmament (transcript of 

television program) 115 

President Exchanges New Year's Messages With 

Soviet Leaders (texts of messages) .... 137 

U.S. and Soviet Union Report to U.N. on Cuban 

Talks (Kuznetsov, Stevenson) 153 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Discuss Issues of Nuclear Test- 
ing and Disarmament 127 

United Kingdom. Recent Trade Agreements 

Made Effective 145 

United Nations 

The 17th Session of the U.N. General Assembly : 

Major Accomplishments (Stevenson) . . . 147 

U.S. and Soviet Union Report to U.N. on Cuban 

Talks (Kuznetsov, Stevenson) 153 

Name Index 

Bechhoefer, Bemhard G 115 

Brezhnev, Leonid 137 

Carey, James B 115 

Corea, Luis F 115 

Dean, Arthur H 115 

Deming, Olcott H 153 

Foster, William C 115,128 

Gilpatric, Roswell L 115 

Kennedy, President 137, 144 

Khrushchev, Nikita 137 

Kuznetsov, Vassily V 153 

Manning, Robert J 138 

Moyers, Bill 153 

Norrell, Mrs. Catherine Dorris 153 

Orlansky, Mrs. Jesse 115 

Rusk, Secretary 115,135 

Sherman, Saul L 146 

Steele, John 115,135 

Stevenson, Adlai E 147,153 

Stevenson, Eric 115 






United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





Foreign Relations 
of the United States 

1941, VOL. VII 

The Department of State recently released Foreign Relations of 
the United States, 19U^ Volume VII, The American Republics. 
This publication is one of two voliunes on relations with the Ameri- 
can Republics in 1941 in the Department's series of annual volumes. 
A large part of the documentation relates to cooperation in plans for 
hemisphere defense in view of the danger presented by the war in 
Europe. Volume VII contains sections on bilateral relations with 
Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Sal- 
vador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, 
Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Volume VI, still in 
process of preparation, will, in addition to documentation of bilateral 
relations with the remainder of the American Republics, contain a 
section on United States multilateral relations with these Republics. 

There also will be two volumes covering United States relations 
with the American Republics, 1942. Voliune V, containing docu- 
mentation on bilateral relations with Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, 
was released in Jime 1962. Volmne VI, with subjects relating for 
the most part to cooperation of the other American Republics with 
the United States against the Axis Powers, will be released most 
probably during March 1963. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 19^1, Volume 
VII, The American Repuhlics (Publication 7447) may be purchased 
from the Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, 
Washington 25, D.C, for $3.25. Copies of Volume V for 1942, "The 
American Republics" (Publication 7373) at $3.00 per copy, are still 
available from the same source. 


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Vol. XLVIII, No. 1232 

February 4, 1963 

THE STATE OF THE UNION • Address of the President 

to the Congress (^Excerpts) 159 






QUESTIONS • by Assistant Secretary Clevelan^l .... 165 


• by Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II , 


Boston Public Library 
Superintendent ot Documents 

FEB 12 1963 


For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLVIII, No. 1232 • Publication 7486 
February 4, 1963 

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The State of the Union 


Little more than a hundred weeks ago I as- 
sumed the office of President of the United 
States. In seeking the help of the Congress 
and my countrymen, I pledged no easy answers. 
I pledged — and asked — only toil and dedication. 
These the Congress and the people have given 
in good measure. And today, having witnessed 
in recent months a heightened respect for our 
national purpose and power, having seen the 
courageous calm of a maited people in a perilous 
hour, and having observed a steady improve- 
ment in the o^jportunities and well-being of our 
citizens, I can report to you that the state of 
this old but youthful Union is good. 

In the world beyond our borders, steady prog- 
ress has been made in building a world of order. 
The people of West Berlin remain free and 
secure. A settlement, though still precarious, 
has been reached in Laos. The spearpoint of ag- 
gression has been blunted in South Viet-Nam. 
The end of agony may be in sight in the Congo. 
The doctrine of troika is dead. And, while 
danger continues, a deadly threat has been re- 
moved from Cuba. 

At home, the recession is behind us. Well 
over a million more men and women are work- 
ing today than were working 2 years ago. The 
average factory workweek is once again more 
than 40 hours; our industries are turning out 
more goods than ever before; and more than 
half of the manufacturing capacity that lay 
silent and wasted 100 weeks ago is humming 
with activity. 

'Delivered on Jan. 14 (H. Doc. 1, 88th Cong., 1st 


In short, both at home and abroad, there may 
now be a temptation to relax. For the road 
has been long, the burden heavy, and the pace 
consistently urgent. 

But we cannot be satisfied to rest here. This 
is the side of the hill, not the top. The mere 
absence of war is not peace. The mere absence 
of recession is not growth. We have made a 
beginning — but we have only begmi. 

Now the time has come to make the most 
of our gains — to translate the renewal of our 
national strength into the achievement of our 
national purpose. 

Domestic Vitality and World Leadership 

. . . upon our achievement of greater vital- 
ity and strength at home hang our fate and 
future in the world : our ability to sustain and 
supply the security of free men and nations; 
our ability to command their respect for our 
leadership; our ability to expand our trade 
without threat to our balance of payments ; and 
our ability to adjust to the changmg demands of 
cold-war competition and challenge. 

We shall be judged more by what we do at 
home than what we preach abroad. Nothing 
we could do to help the developmg countries 
would help them half as much as a booming 
American economy, which consumes their raw 
materials. And nothing our opponents could 
do to encourage their own ambitions would en- 
courage them half so much as a lagging U.S. 
economy. These domestic tasks do not divert 
our energy from our security — they provide 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 



the very foundation for freedom's survival and 

Scientific and Military Superiority 

Turning to the world outside, it was only a 
few years ago — in Southeast Asia, Africa, 
Eastern Europe, Latin America, even in outer 
space — that communism sought to convey the 
image of a imified, confident, and expanding 
empire, closing in on a sluggish America and 
a free world in disarray. But few people 
would hold to that picture today. 

In these past months, we have reaffinned the 
scientific and military superiority of freedom. 
We have doubled our efforts in space, to assure 
us of being first in the future. We have under- 
taken the most far-reaching defense improve- 
ments in the peacetime history of this country. 
And we have maintained the frontiers of free- 
dom from Viet-Nam to West Berlin. 

But complacency or self-congratulation can 
imperil our security as much as the weapons of 
our adversary. A moment of pause is not a 
promise of peace. Dangerous problems remain 
from Cuba to the South China Sea. The 
world's prognosis prescribes not a year's vaca- 
tion, but a year of obligation and opportunity. 

Four special avenues of opportimity stand 
out: the Atlantic alliance, the developing na- 
tions, the new Sino-Soviet difficulties, and the 
search for worldwide peace. 

Tlie Atlantic Alliance 

First, how fares the grand alliance? Free 
Europe is entering into a new phase of its long 
and brilliant history. The era of colonial ex- 
pansion has passed ; the era of national rivalries 
is fading ; and a new era of interdependence and 
unity is taking shape. Defying the old proph- 
ecies of Marx, consenting to what no conqueror 
could ever compel, the free nations of Europe 
are moving toward a unity of purpose and 
power and policy in every sphere of activity. 

For 17 years this movement has had our con- 
sistent support, both political and economic. 
Far from resenting the new Europe, we regard 
her as a welcome partner, not a rival. For the 
road to world peace and freedom is still very 
long, and there are burdens which only full 

partners can share — in supporting the common 
defense, in expanding world trade, in alining 
our balance of payments, in aiding the emergent 
nations, in concerting political and economic 
policies, and in welcoming to our common effort 
other industrialized nations, notably Japan, 
whose remarkable economic and political de- 
velopment of the 1950's permits it now to play 
on the world scene a major constructive role. 
No doubt differences of opinion will continue 
to get more attention than agreements on ac- 
tion, as Europe moves from independence to 
more formal interdependence. But these are 
honest differences among honorable associates — 
more real and frequent, in fact, among our 
West European allies than between them and 
the United States. For the unity of freedom 
has never relied on uniformity of opinion, for- 
tunately. But the basic agreement of this al- 
liance on fundamental issues continues. 

Tlie Nassau Agreement 

The first task of the alliance remains the 
common defense. Last month Prime Minister 
Macmillan and I laid plans for a new stage in 
our long cooperative effort, one which aims to 
assist in the wider task of framing a common 
nuclear defense for the whole alliance. 

The Nassau agreement- recognizes that the 
security of the West is indivisible, and so must 
be our defense. But it also recognizes that this 
is an alliance of proud and sovereign nations, 
and works best when we do not forget it. It 
recognizes further that the nuclear defense of 
the West is not a matter for the present nuclear 
powers alone, that France will be such a power 
in the future, and that ways must be found 
without increasing the hazards of nuclear diffu- 
sion, to increase the role of our other partners 
in planning, manning, and directing a truly 
multilateral nuclear force within an increasing- 
ly intimate NATO alliance. Finally, the 
Nassau agreement recognizes that nuclear de- 
fense is not enough, that the agreed NATO 
levels of conventional strength must be met, and 
that the NATO alliance cannot afford to be in 
a position of having to answer every threat 
with nuclear weapons or nothing. 

' For text, see Buixetin of Jan. 14, 1963, p. 43. 



We remain too near the Nassau decisions, and 
too far from their final realization, to know 
their final place in history. But I believe that, 
for the first time, the door is open for the nu- 
clear defense of the alliance to become a source 
of confidence, instead of a cause of contention. 

The next most pressing concern of the alliance 
is our common economic goals of trade and 
growth. This Nation continues to be concerned 
about its balance-of-payments deficit, which, de- 
spite its decline, remains a stubborn and 
troublesome problem. We believe, moreover, 
that closer economic ties among all free nations 
are essential to prosperity and peace. And 
neither we nor the members of the Common 
Market are so affluent that we can long afford to 
shelter high-cost farms or factories from the 
winds of foreign competition, or to restrict the 
channels of trade with other nations of the free 
world. If the Common Market should now 
move toward protectionism and restrictionism, 
it would undermine its own basic principles. 
This Government means to use the authority 
conferred on it last year by the Congress to en- 
courage trade expansion on both sides of the 
Atlantic and around the world. 

The Developing Nations 

Second, what of the developing and non- 
alined nations? They were shocked by the 
Soviets' sudden and secret attempt to trans- 
form Cuba into a nuclear striking base, and by 
Communist China's arrogant invasion of India. 
They have been reassured by our prompt assist- 
ance to India, by our support through the 
United Nations of the Congo's imification, by 
our patient search for disarmament, and by the 
improvement in our treatment of citizens and 
visitors whose skins do not happen to be white. 
And as the older colonialism recedes, and the 
neocolonialism of the Commimist powers stands 
out more starkly than ever, they realize more 
clearly that the issue in the world struggle is 
not commimism versus capitalism, but coercion 
versus free choice. 

They realize that the longing for independ- 
ence is the same the world over, whether it is 
the independence of West Berlin or Viet-Nam. 
They realize that such independence runs 
athwart all Communist ambitions but is in keep- 

ing with our own — and that our approach to 
their needs is resilient and resourceful, while the 
Communists rely on ancient doctrines and old 

Nevertheless it is hard for any nation to 
focus on an external or subversive threat to its 
independence when its energies are drained in 
daily combat with the forces of poverty and 
despair. It makes little sense for us to assail, 
in speeches and resolutions, the horrors of com- 
munism, to spend $50 billion a year to prevent 
its military advance, and then to begrudge 
spending, largely on American products, less 
than one-tenth of that amount to help other 
nations strengthen their independence and cure 
the social chaos in which communism always 
has thrived. 

Mutual Defense and Assistance Program 

I am proud — and I think most Americans 
are proud — of a mutual defense and assistance 
program, evolved with bipartisan support in 
three administrations, which has, with all of 
its recognized problems, contributed to the fact 
that not a single one of the nearly 50 U.N. 
members to gain independence since the Second 
World War has succumbed to Communist 

I am proud of a program and of a country 
that has helped to arm and feed and clothe 
millions of people on the frontlines of 

I am especially proud that this country has 
put forward for the 1960's a vast cooperative 
effort to achieve economic growth and social 
progress throughovit the Americas — the Alli- 
ance for Progress. 

I do not underestimate the difficulties that we 
face in this mutual effort among our close 
neighbors, but the free states of this hemisphere, 
working in close collaboration, have begun to 
make this Alliance a reality. Today it is feed- 
ing one out of every four school-age children 
in Latin America an extra food ration from our 
farm surplus. It has distributed 1.5 million 
schoolbooks and is building 17,000 classrooms. 
It has helped resettle tens of thousands of farm 
families on land they can call their own. It is 
stimulating our good neighbors to more self- 
help and reform — fiscal, social, institutional, 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


and land reforms. It is bringing housing and 
hope and healtli to millions who were pre- 
viously forgotten. The men and women of 
this hemisphere know that the Alliance would 
not succeed if it were only another name for 
U.S. handouts — that it can succeed only as the 
Latin American nations themselves devote their 
best effort to fulfilling its goals. 

Tlie story is the same in Africa, in the Middle 
East, in Asia. Wlierever nations are willing to 
help themselves, we stand ready to help them 
build new bulwarks of freedom. We are not 
purchasing votes for the cold war; we have 
gone to the aid of imperiled nations, neutrals 
and allies alike. Wliat we do ask — and all that 
we ask — is tliat our help be used to the best ad- 
vantage, and that their own efforts not be di- 
verted by needless quaiTels with other inde- 
pendent nations. 

Despite all its past achievements, the con- 
tinued progress of the mutual assistance pro- 
gram requires a persistent discontent with 
present progress. We have been reorganizing 
this program to make it a more effective and 
efficient instrument, and that process will con- 
tinue this year. 

But free-world development will still be an 
uphill struggle. Governmental aid can only 
supplement the role of private investment, trade 
expansion, and commodity stabilization, and, 
above all, internal self-improvement. The pro- 
cesses of growth are gradual — bearing fruit in 
a decade, not in a day. Our successes will 
neither be quick nor dramatic. But if these 
programs were ever to be ended, our failures in 
a dozen countries would be sudden and would 
be certain. 

The Peace Corps 

Neither money nor technical assistance, how- 
ever, can be our only weapon against poverty. 
In the end, the crucial effort is one of purpose, 
requiring not only the fuel of finance but the 
torch of idealism. And nothing carries the 
spirit of American idealism and expresses our 
hopes better and more effectively to the far cor- 
ners of the earth than the Peace Corps. 

A year ago, less than 900 Peace Corps volun- 
teers were on the job. A year from now they 

will number more than 9,000 — men and women, 
aged 18 to 79, willing to give 2 years of their 
lives to helping people in other lands. 

There are, in fact, nearly 1 million Americans 
serving their coimtry and the cause of freedom 
in overseas posts, a record no other people can 
match. Surely those of us who stay at home 
should be glad to help indirectly — by siipport- 
ing our aid programs ; by openmg our doors to 
foreign visitors and diplomats and students; 
and by proving, day by day, by deed as well as 
by word, that we are a just and generous people. 

Disarray of Communist Empire 

Third, what comfort can we take from the 
increasing strains and tensions within the Com- 
munist bloc? Here liope must be tempered 
with caution. For the Soviet-Chinese disagree- 
ment is over means, not ends. A dispute over 
how to bury the West is no grounds for Western 

Nevertheless, while a strain is not a fracture, 
it is clear that the forces of diversity are at 
work inside the Communist camp, despite all 
the iron disciplines of regimentation and all the 
iron dogmatisms of ideology. Marx is proven 
wrong once again : for it is the closed Commu- 
nist societies, not the free and open societies, 
which carry within themselves the seeds of in- 
ternal disintegration. 

This disarray of the Commimist empire has 
been heightened by two other formidable forces. 
One is the historic force of nationalism and the 
yearning of all men to be free. The other is 
the gross inefficiency of their economies. For 
a closed society is not open to ideas of progress, 
and a police state finds it cannot command the 
grain to grow. 

New nations asked to choose between two 
competing systems need only compare condi- 
tions in East and West Germany, Eastern and 
Western Europe, North and South Viet-Nara. 
They need only compare the disillusionment of 
Communist Cuba with the promise of a hemi- 
sphere Alliance for Progress. And all the 
world knows that no successful system builds a 
wall to keep its people in and freedom out, and 
that the wall of shame dividing Berlin is a 
symbol of Communist failure. 



The Search for Enduring Peace 

Finally, what can we do to move from the 
pi-esent pause toward enduring peace? Again 
I would counsel caution. I foresee no spec- 
tacular reversal in Communist methods or 
goals. But if all these trends and develop- 
ments can persuade the Soviet Union to walk 
the path of peace, then let her know that all 
free nations will join with her. But until that 
choice is made, and until the world can develop 
a reliable system of international security, the 
free peoples have no choice but to keep their 
arms near. 

This country, therefore, continues to require 
the best defense in the world — a defense wliich 
is suited to the sixties. This means, unfortu- 
nately, a rising defense budget — for there is no 
substitute for adequate defense, and no "bar- 
gain basement" way of achieving it. It means 
the expenditure of more than $15 billion this 
year on nuclear weapons systems alone, a sum 
which is about equal to the combined defense 
budgets of our European allies. 

But it also means improved air and missile 
defenses, improved civil defense, a strength- 
ened antiguerrilla capacity, and, of prime 
importance, more powerful and flexible non- 
nuclear forces. For threats of massive retalia- 
tion may not deter piecemeal aggression — and 
a line of destroyers in a quarantine, or a divi- 
sion of well-equipped men on a border, may be 
more useful to our real security than the multi- 
plication of awesome weapons beyond all 
rational need. 

But our commitment to national safety is 
not a commitment to expand our Military 
Establishment indefinitely. We do not dismiss 
disarmament as an idle dream. For we believe 
that, in the end, it is the only way of assuring 
the security of all without impairing the inter- 
ests of any. Nor do we mistake honorable 
negotiation for appeasement. Wliile we shall 
never weary in the defense of freedom, neither 
shall we abandon the pursuit of peace. 

Role of the United Nations 

In this quest the United Nations requires our 
full and continued support. Its value in serv- 
ing the cause of peace has been shown anew in 

its role in the West New Guinea settlement, in 
its use as a forum for the Cuban crisis, and in 
its task of imification in the Congo. Today the 
United Nations is primarily the protector of 
the small and the weak, and a safety valve for 
the strong. Tomorrow it can form the frame- 
work for a world of law — a world in which no 
nation dictates the destiny of another, and in 
which the vast resources now devoted to de- 
structive means will serve constructive ends. 

In short, let our adversaries choose. If they 
choose peaceful competition, they shall have it. 
If they come to realize that their ambitions can- 
not succeed — if they see that their "wars of 
liberation" and subversion will ultimately fail ; 
if they recognize that there is more security in 
accepting inspection than in permitting new na- 
tions to master the black arts of nuclear 
weapons and war; and if they are willing to 
turn their energies, as we are, to the great un- 
finished tasks of our own peoples — then, surely, 
the areas of agreement can be very wide indeed : 
a clear understanding about Berlin, stability in 
Southeast Asia, an end to nuclear testing, new 
checks on surprise or accidental attack, and, 
ultimately, general and complete disarmament. 

Worldwide Victory of Men 

For we seek not the worldwide victory of one 
nation or system but a worldwide victory of 
men. The modern globe is too small, its 
weapons too destructive — they multiply too 
fast — and its disorders too contagious to permit 
any other kind of victory. 

To achieve this end the United States will 
continue to si)end a greater portion of its na- 
tional production than any other people in the 
free world. For 15 years no other free nation 
has demanded so much of itself. Through hot 
wars and cold, through recession and prosper- 
ity, through the ages of the atom and outer 
space, the American people have neither 
faltered nor has their faith flagged. If at times 
our actions seem to make life difficult for others, 
it is only because history has made life difficult 
for us all. 

But difficult days need not be dark. I think 
these are proud and memorable days in the 
cause of peace and freedom. We are proud, for 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


example, of Major Rudolf Anderson, who gave 
his life over the island of Cuba. We salute 
Specialist James Allen Johnson, who died on 
the border of South Korea. We pay honor to 
Sergeant Gerald Pendell, who was killed in 
Viet-Nam. They are among the many who in 
this century, far from home, have died for our 
country. Our task now, and the task of all 
Americans, is to live up to their commitments. 

My friends, I close on a note of hope. We 
are not lulled by the momentary calm of the sea 
or the somewhat clearer skies above. We know 
the turbulence that lies below, and the storms 
beyond the horizon this year. Now the winds 
of change appear to be blowing more strongly 
than ever, in the world of commimism as well as 
our own. For 175 years we have sailed with 
those winds at our back, and with the tides of 
human freedom in our favor. We steer our 
ship with hope, as Thomas Jefferson said, "leav- 
ing fear astern." 

Today we still welcome those winds of 
change — and we have every reason to believe 
that our tide is running strong. With thanks 
to Almighty God for seeing us through a peri- 
lous passage, we ask His help anew in guiding 
the good ship Union. 

President Kennedy Holds Talks 
With Prime Minister of Italy 

Amintore Fanfani, President of the Cowndl 
of the Republic of Italy, visited at Washington 
January 15-18. Following is the text of a joint 
communique tetween President Kennedy and 
Prime Minister Fanfani folloiuing their discus- 
sions January 16 and 17, released on January 17 
6y the Office of the White House Press Secre- 
tary and the Press Secretary to the President 
of the Council of the Republic of Italy. 

President Kennedy and President of the 
Council Fanfani, with their advisors, have to- 
day concluded two days of cordial and con- 
structive conversations on the principal inter- 
national problems of common interest to the 
United States and Italy. 

The meeting has given an opportunity for an 
exchange of views on recent international de- 
velopments with special emphasis on the evolv- 
ing relationship between the United States and 

In this connection, the President amplified 
the position of the United States with respect 
to the possible development of a NATO multi- 
lateral nuclear force within the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization. The Prime Minister ex- 
pressed great interest in the possibility of such 
a force and agreed that the United States pro- 
posals should receive the most serious consid- 
eration by all members of the Alliance. The 
President and the Prime Minister agreed on 
the need to modernize both the nuclear and con- 
ventional weapons and forces which their 
countries contribute to the Alliance.. 

In the course of the examination of the po- 
litical and economic situation in Europe, the 
Prime Minister stressed Italy's continuing ef- 
fort in support of European economic integra- 
tion and the entry of Great Britain into the 
Common Market. The President agreed with 
the Prime Minister that increasing integration 
would bring greater political solidity and pros- 
perity to Europe and permit it to participate 
more effectively in the policy of assisting im- 
derdeveloped areas, in which effort Italy and 
the United States realErm their feeling of 
special commitment. 

The two leaders reviewed the work which has 
been undertaken to reach a disarmament agree- 
ment with adequate safeguards and a controlled 
cessation of nuclear testing. They agreed on 
the necessity to further prepare for the forth- 
coming Geneva Conference and expressed the 
hope that this conference would achieve posi- 
tive results. 

President Kennedy and President of the 
Council Fanfani reaffirm the intention of their 
respective Governments to press forward in 
1963 with the important task of promoting the 
interests of the peoples of the United States 
and Italy working toward the consolidation of 
world peace and fulfilling their commitments 
to these ends. 



The United Nations and the Congo: Three Questions 

hy Harlan Cleveland 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs '■ 

I have the greatest sympathy these days for 
even the most enlightened groups of private 
citizens endeavoring — as they should — to make 
up their own minds about world affairs. When 
affairs are as crazily complex as they are, when 
events move with such speed, when government 
is sometimes obliged in the national interest 
to prepare its moves and conduct its negotia- 
tions with no one looking over its shoulder, it 
must indeed seem bewildering from the outside. 

Indeed it is sometimes hard not to be be- 
wildered on the inside. 

I, therefore, thought it might be worth while 
to use our time here today to discuss that most 
bewildering of all crises since the end of 
World War II — that distant crisis called the 
Congo which seemed interminable until a few 
days ago. 

The whole story of the Congo is a jumbled 
tale : It has elements of finance and economics 
and politics, domestic and international 
variety ; it presents examples of fumbling and 
examples of superb performance; it has chap- 
ters on propaganda, on knavery, and on 
promises made and broken; it has stories of 
patience, persistence, valor, and success; it has 
had moments of violence and periods of diplo- 
macy; and sometimes the tale has been told 
with such semantic confusion as to rival beatnik 
poetry — or even the current Moscow-Peiping 

And it has its share of human tragedy. 

On January 3, on the outskirts of Jadotville, 
U.N. soldiers fired a volley at a civilian auto- 

^ Address made before the Women's Democratic Club 
of Northern Virginia at Arlington, Va., on Jan. 17 
(press release 34). 

mobile wliich apparently ignored a signal to 
halt and tried to evade a search pouit. The 
tragic result was the death of two women riding 
in the car. A dramatic photograph of the an- 
guished and wounded driver — husband of one 
of the women — told this tragic story on the 
front pages of our newspapers. Journalisti- 
cally, it was a great photograph, and I suspect 
we shall see it again because it might well win a 
prize some day. I do not question its wide- 
spread use. 

But the horror of that single mistake by a 
nervous soldier with a gun in his hand almost 
obscured what had just happened in Jadotville 
that day. Wliat happened is that a brave, pro- 
fessional, and disciplined Indian general, in 
command of a tiny U.N. detacliment, made a 
brilliant sortie in an open jeep and talked his 
way into Jadotville without firing a shot — with 
the assistance of the town mayor, who preferred 
U.N. protection to dependence on undisciplined 
Katangese troops and desperate mercenaries 
who had vowed to fight for the town "block 
by block," destroying all its industrial facilities 
in the process. 

There is no acceptable reason why those two 
women had to die on the outskirts of Jadot- 
ville. But the danger is that the tragic side 
may be all that is remembered — along with 
unpaid assessments, recriminations among 
allies, and Soviet attacks on the U.N. Secre- 
tariat. If this should happen, we shall ignore 
one of the brightest chapters in the history of 
international cooperation. 

It is, of course, true that there have been 
black spots — and that many nations have paid 
little or notliing on their U.N. assessments. But 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


it is equally true that a score of countries were 
willing to send their soldiers to possible death 
in a countiy whose only interest to them was 
its threat to the peace of the world. It is also 
true that most members of the United Nations 
consistently supported an operation which was 
opposed in varying degrees by several of the 
larger nations. It is true as well that enough 
countries, including the United States, kept 
their nerve and honored their word and saw the 
operation through. 

The Congo is about to be free and whole 
again. It is moving toward law and order. 
The secessionist bubbles have burst. There are 
no iminvited foreign troops, no Communist 
enclaves, no "army of liberation," no reason 
for a single American soldier to die there, no 
excuse for a Soviet soldier to live there. Those 
who believe this is good news — and I am one 
of them — will do well to bear in mind that the 
price paid for this U.N. achievement was not 
a hypothetical violation of the doctrine of self- 
determination; the price was a goodly amount 
of money and the lives of some good men, in- 
cluding Dag Hammarskjold, one of the best 
men our times have known. It is a high price; 
but it was paid in a liigh cause: to help keep 
the peace. 

Many details of this story are still un- 
known, and some of them may never come to 
light. But in my discussions with people out- 
side the Department of State, I find they are 
curious not so much about the details but about 
the fundamentals; essentially they want to 
know the why, what, and how of the U.N. 
operation in the Congo. 

U.N. in Congo "To Deal With Threat to the Peace" 

Why does the United Nations have an armed 
force of nearly 20,000 men and an unarmed 
force of some 400 civilians in the Congo? 
There are three mutually reinforcing answers. 

First, in July 1960, when mutinies broke out 
in the armed forces of the Congo, when law and 
order broke down, when the Government was 
unable to gain control of the situation, when 
mobs roamed the streets and hunger haunted 
the countryside, when the nation began to break 
up into rival provinces, there was a clear threat 
to international peace in that huge new nation 

in the heart of tropical Africa. And we have 
surely learned by now that peace is indivisi- 
ble — that a threat to the peace anywhere is a 
threat to the peace everywhere. That is to say, 
the United States had a national security in- 
terest in what hajapened in the Congo. 

Second, the United Nations was established 
in 1945 primarily to deal with threats to the 
peace. That is the main business of the or- 
ganization; that's what it's there for. 

Third, there was no other organization or 
government in the world qualified or acceptable 
for the role of peacemaker. Wlio else could do 
it? The Belgians did return — with para- 
troops — to protect their nationals; but obvi- 
ously they could not stay because it was the 
Belgians who had just relinquished colonial 
rule. It was certainly not the business of 
NATO or any other military alliance, which 
would be bound to look like colonialism 

That left us — and the Russians. And, in- 
deed, tlie Congolese Cabinet met within a few 
days of its independence in July 1960 and 
formally asked the United States to send in 
military imits. They also asked the Russians 
to send troops; and they asked the United 
Nations to come to the rescue. 

Tlie Eisenhower administration was con- 
fronted with a clear choice. Should the Con- 
go's chaos be tackled by a hastily assembled 
international peace force? Or should we send 
in a division of United States Marines? Or 
should we just sit on our hands and wait for 
our adversaries to exploit the situation? 

Wisely, I think, President Eisenhower 
decided to bet on an unprecedented U.N. peace- 
keeping operation. He chose not to risk a con- 
frontation of nuclear powers in the center of 
Africa. He bet on the proposition that a peace- 
keeping force under the U.N. Charter would 
operate in the national interest of the United 
States — and in the national interest of the great 
bulk of U.N. members. 

Any American who finds the U.N. Congo 
operation not wholly to his liking or taste 
should ask himself the tough, realistic question : 
Would he have preferred, and would he now 
prefer, the direct use of American military 
force to restrain competitive international in- 



tervention, prevent civil war, and maintain law 
and order while the Congolese settle their own 
political future? 

Our object in supporting the U.N. in the 
Congo is to advance United States policy for 
Africa. Tliat policy is to help African lead- 
ership develop truly independent, cooperating, 
and progressive states going about the prime 
business of Africa, which is its own moderniza- 
tion. Our policy is to help legitimate govern- 
ments which ask for help to maintain their 
territorial integrity and political independence 
and to defend themselves against chaos and 
subversion from any quarter. This is the same 
policy we have for the rest of the world; and 
it is as good today as it was when Pi-esident 
Truman so clearly enunciated it when the 
Greeks asked for help to put down an armed 
insurrection in 1947. 

U.N. Responds to Appeal From Congo Government 

If this is the why, what about the liow? The 
U.N. started, and still operates, in the Congo 
because the Congolese asked for help. 

The beginning was a frantic appeal to the 
U.N. from the lawful heads of the legitimate 
government of the nation called the Republic 
of the Congo for immediate assistance fi-om the 
United Nations. That provoked an emergency 
meeting of the U.N.'s Security Coimcil, which 
adopted a resolution telling the Secretai-y-Gen- 
eral to organize a peacekeeping mission in the 

There followed an almost incredible feat of 
mobilizing troops from 17 nations and techni- 
cians from a dozen agencies for the rescue mis- 
sion — the most complex and most difficult 
peacekeeping assignment ever taken on in the 
history of the United Nations. Within 24 
hours of the call for help, the first Tunisian 
troops were on the scene and a unit of Swedes 
was on its way from the U.N. Emergency Force 
stationed in the Middle East — a movement 
made possible only by what has become the 
largest international airlift in history, carried 
out for the U.N., with extraordinary efficiency 
and a perfect safety record, by the United 
States Air Force. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 161. 

It is extremely tempting to pause here to tell 
you something about the 90 percent of the Congo 
story which never gets told — the story of U.N. 
successes, both in the restoration of law and 
order in five out of the Congo's six provinces 
and the rescue of hundreds of thousands of 
Congolese from starvation, epidemic, and chaos. 
But we are dealing with the basic critical ques- 
tions being asked about the U.N. in the Congo. 

One question that seems to bother people more 
than any other is the legal basis for what the 
U.N., with our support, has tried so long to do 
and now seems finally to have done. I have met 
well-informed people who do not question the 
validity of the objective of the United Nations 
in the Congo, who agree that any available al- 
ternative to the United Nations would be woree, 
who see at once that the operation is fully in 
line with U.S. policies and objectives for 
Africa — but who are still worried about the 
constitutional question. They agree that this 
trip by the U.N. is necessary, but they wonder 
whether it is strictly legal. 

The answer is a clear and imequivocal yes. 
But the question comes up in a number of 
forms. Let's deal separately with each of them. 

Does the U.N. intervention in the Congo mean 
that the U.N. has the legal right to intervene in 
Mississippi ? Certainly not. The U.N. is for- 
bidden by its charter from intervening in the 
domestic jurisdiction of any state; and I have 
mentioned already that it came to the rescue 
in the Congo in response to the direct request 
of the legitimate government of that country. 
The United Nations did not "intervene"; it 
accepted an invitation. 

By what charter authority, then, was action 
taken in the Congo? The basic action was 
taken by the Security Council, the primary or- 
gan of peacekeeping established by the charter. 
The charter is a solemn treaty, ratified by the 
Senate under our own Constitution. Among 
others, three provisions of the United Nations 
Charter apply to the Congo action : 

— Article 1, paragraph 7, which defines as 
the first purpose of the United Nations: "To 
maintain international peace and security, and 
to that end: to take effective collective meas- 
ures for the prevention and removal of threats 
to the peace. . . ." 

FEBRUART 4, 1963 


— Article 24, by which the members confer 
on the Security Council "primary responsibility 
for the maintenance of international peace and 
security" and agree that in carrying out its 
duties under this responsibility "the Security 
Council acts on their behalf," and which pro- 
vides that in discharging these duties the Coun- 
cil "shall act in accordance with the Purposes 
and Principles of the United Nations." 

—Chapters VI and VII, and especially 
article Ifi, which give the Security Council au- 
thority to take such "provisional measures" as 
it thinks are needed to prevent a dangerous 
situation from getting worse, that is, to prevent 
a threat to the peace from becoming a breach 
of the peace. 

If all this sounds a bit legalistic, it is be- 
cause the charter is a legal document and was 
thoroughly edited by lawyers more concerned 
with precision than with readability. So let 
me hasten to cite the observation, in a recent 
majority opinion of the International Court of 
Justice on an issue related to the Congo,' that 
the Security Council's action "was clearly 
adopted with a view to maintaining interna- 
tional peace and security." The Court added: 
". . . it must lie within the power of the Secur- 
ity Council to police a situation even though it 
does not resort to enforcement action against 
a State." In short, the majority of the World 
Court found that international law had been 
observed and the U.N. had stayed within its 
own constitution. 

Maintaining Territorial Integrity of Congo 

Just what did the United Nations, acting 
under the charter by constitutional process, au- 
thorize the Secretary-General to do in the 
Congo under the various resolutions passed in 
July 1960 and subsequently ? Here I will spare 
you the legal language and give you the net of 
it in plainer words. The U.N. resolutions essen- 
tially authorized the Secretary-General (first 
Dag Hammarskjold, then U Thant) to raise a 
force to do five things : 

° For a statement regarding financial obligations of 
U.N. members, made before the court on May 21 by 
Abram Chayes, Legal Adviser of the Department of 
State, see iUd., July 2, 1962, p. 30 ; for a Department 
statement regarding the Court's opinion, see ibid,., Aug. 
13, 1962, p. 246. 

— to help the Government of the Congo main- 
tain its territorial integrity ; 

■ — to assist the Government to restore and 
maintain law and order within the Congo ; 

— to prevent civil war ; 

— to secure the withdrawal of foreign mer- 
cenary troops ; and 

— to provide technical aid until Congolese 
could be trained to take over vital services such 
as public health and communications. 

But how does all this square with the 
charter's prohibition against interference by 
the United Nations in affairs essentially within 
the domestic jurisdiction of a state? This 
brings us straight to the heart of the main 
trouble in the Congo for the past 214 years. 

The Congo is a single state established under 
a so-called "fundamental law," under which it 
gained independence. All major regional and 
tribal leaders, including Mr. [Moise] Tshombe 
for the Katanga, helped frame this "fundamen- 
tal law," and all of them signed it. It estab- 
lished the territorial and political unity of all 
the Congo, recognizing its various regions as 
being within its defined borders. 

Now any such nation has the inherent right 
to maintain its territorial integrity against in- 
vasion from the outside or sedition from within. 

But when trouble broke out in the Congo 21/4 
years ago, it was plagued immediately by a 
series of seditions, including that of the Prov- 
ince of Katanga — or, more accurately, the 
southern half of tlie Province of Katanga. No 
government anywhere in the world believed that 
these secessions raised the issue of self-determi- 
nation. No government anywhere ever recog- 
nized the illegal breakaway of the Katangan 

The legitimate Government of the Congo re- 
quested the United Nations to help its "terri- 
torial integrity and political independence" — 
that's good charter language. And in an agree- 
ment signed in August 1960 between the 
Secretary-General, acting under the mandate 
given him by the Security Council, and the 
Government of the Congo, acting as the invit- 
ing power, the United Nations was granted 
full freedom of movement within the Congo, 
including the Province of Katanga. The oppo- 
sition by the so-called gendarmerie of Mr. 



Tslionibe — which is a private army, not a pub- 
lic police force — to the exercise of the U.N.'s 
freedom of movement is essentially the source 
of the fighting which has taken place during 
the past 15 months in Katanga Province. By 
"opposition" I mean harassment, roadblocks, 
and sustained attack with automatic weapons 
and heavy mortars. 

In using force after provocation the United 
Nations troops exercised their inherent legal 
right of self-defense. In eliminating serious 
opposition to its own freedom of movement, the 
peace force was following the clear mandate of 
the Security Council, adopted by the Council 
without a dissenting vote, supported by two suc- 
cessive U.S. administrations, and endorsed (so 
far as financial support is concerned) by large 
majorities in both Houses of Congress. 

Lessons Learned From the Congo Crisis 

Thus there is a solid, detailed and substan- 
tial legal foundation for the U.N. action in the 
Congo from sudden start to prospective finish. 
This is important. But I should like to depart 
from the narrow legal framework to make two 
observations on the Congo story. 

The first is that, from our standpoint as 
Americans, there are overwhelming national 
security and foreign policy reasons why the 
Congo crisis could never be looked upon as only 
a domestic political squabble between tribal fac- 
tions in Africa. 

Ever since the end of World War II world 
affairs have been dominated by the cold war — 
that is, the unremitting eiforts of the Conunu- 
nist world to subvert the non-Communist world 
versus the unremitting efforts of the non-Com- 
munist world, led by the United States, to 
remain independent and free. And in the last 
decade the destructive power in the hands of 
the Soviet Union and the United States has 
grown to the point where distance is no longer 
a reliable cushion against sudden and violent 

This means, quite simply, that chaos or con- 
flict anywhere in the world carries the seeds of 
great-power confrontation. And great-power 
confrontation anywhere in the world — in Cuba, 
in Southeast Asia, in Korea, in Africa — would 

carry the seeds of intercontinental thennonu- 
clear war. 

There certainly was chaos and conflict in the 
Congo 21^ yeai"s ago — chaos which threatened 
to develop into international conflict. The 
only way to prevent a competitive power play 
there was to inject the U.N. instead. The 
Congo crisis was not at all a local affair from 
which we could abstain — because we could not 
depend on others to abstain. It was, and is, 
just about the most international affair one can 
imagine, from which we could abstain only at 
the ultimate peril of our own national security. 

My other nonlegalistic observation about the 
Congo experience has to do with the brandnew 
business of peacekeeping in the field. I said a 
moment ago that when the United Nations used 
force in the Congo it was in the exercise of its 
inlierent right of self-defense : Everyone knows 
that a policeman has a right to use his stick 
or his gun to defend his right to walk the beat 
to which he has been lawfully assigned. There 
is no doubt that the U.N. force has made mis- 
takes, has occasionally acted in an uncoordi- 
nated way, has had its quota of undisciplined 
soldiers. Assignment to an international force 
is not a guarantee of good behavior; a blue 
U.N. helmet is not yet a halo. Yet there is 
also no doubt that for the most part the U.N. 
troops demonstrated quite remarkable restraint 
imder severe provocation. In the last days of 
December, less than a month ago, they held 
their fire for some 10 hours after the opening 
of sustained attacks; U.N. soldiers were killed 
and wounded before their leaders finally de- 
cided the peace force had to strike back in self- 
defense. Taking the good with the bad, this 
can be said : The military men serving the U.N. 
have behaved on the whole the way military 
men all over the world are trained to behave 
under fire. 

Peacekeeping troops may justly be held to 
the highest standards of conduct. The use of 
force by U.N. troops cannot be justified solely 
on the grounds of inherent and legal rights. A 
military force serving in the name of the world 
community is a very special kind of force. 
Just how special it is was brought home to me 
when I visited a Malayan unit with the U.N. 
Force in a remote part of the Congo about a 

ITBRtJARY 4, 1963 


year ago. It was commanded by an experi- 
enced and perceptive brigadier, who well un- 
derstood that eveiy U.N. military miit is and 
must be an instrmnent of conciliation — that 
each day's move by every platoon has implica- 
tions for the political settlement which is the 
alternative to civil war in the Congo. And in 
the course of our conversation about tliis curi- 
ous new business of operational peacekeeping 
this Malayan officer (who had come straight 
from fighting Communists in the Malayan 
jungles to police duty in the Congo) put his 
finger on the heart of the matter. "A United 
Nations military operation," he said, "is not 
like any other militai-y operation in history — 
because the United Nations, even if it has to 
fight, can have no enemy." 

Now, if you will mull over the implications 
of soldiers without enemies — of military opera- 
tions without militaiy objectives — of guns in 
the service of peaceful settlement, you will 
agree, I think, that the officers and men for any 
future U.N. peacekeeping operations should 
have some very special training for such a very 
special kind of military operation. And this 
may well turn out to be one of the most im- 
portant lessons we have to learn from the ex- 
cruciating crisis in the Congo. 

In the meantime this fact remains : Acting 
under the charter, the United Nations is carry- 
ing out the mandates lawfully given by its 
members — it is preserving the territorial integ- 
rity and political independence of the Congo; 
it is preventing civil war; it is restoring law 
and order; and it has forestalled a dangerous 
confrontation of nuclear powers. No other 
oi'ganization could have done as much. If the 
United Nations had not existed, the responsible 
members of the world community might have 
had to mvent it, to serve them in the Congo. 

Letters of Credence 

Upper Volta 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Republic of Upper Volta, Boureima John 
Kabore, presented his credentials to President 
Kennedy on January 18. For texts of the 
Ambassador's remarks and the President's 

reply, see Department of State press release 
36 dated January 18. 

President Calls Togo President's 
Death Loss for Africa and World 

Statement iy President Kennedy ^ 

President [Sylvanus] Olympio's tragic as- 
sassination is a blow to the progress of stable 
govermnent in Africa. It is also a loss not only 
for his own country but for all those who knew 
him here in the United States. His visit in 
March 1962 ^ was helpful in increasing our 
miderstanding of African problems and aspira- 
tions. His positive role in fostering coopera- 
tion between English- and French-speaking 
countries helped to promote peace and progress 
in Africa. His wise judgment and statesman- 
ship will be missed by all nations which cherish 
human values and ideals. 

Argentine Foreign Minister 
Visits United States 

Press release 30 dated January 16 

Carlos Manuel Muniz, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of the Argentine Republic, will visit the 
United States this coming week at the invita- 
tion of the Secretary of State. The Foreign 
Minister will arrive at New York on January 
19 and proceed to "Washington the following 
day. Wliile in Washington he will confer with 
Secretary Rusk, as well as with Assistant 
Secretary for Inter-American Affairs Edwin 
M. Martin, Alliance for Progress Coordinator 
Teodoro Moscoso, and other U.S. and inter- 
national organization officials on a wide range 
of matters of mutual interest within the context 
of hemispheric cooperation. 

It is understood that the Foreign Minister 
also has been invited to address a special session 
of the Council of the Organization of American 
States. The Foreign Minister's visit will ex- 

' Read to news correspondents by Pierre Salinger, 
White House Press Secretary, on Jan. 14. 
= Bulletin of Apr. 16, 1962, p. 638. 



tend until January 24, when he will return to 
Xew York for additional activities which are 
being arranged on his behalf by the Argentine 

Tlie Foreign jNIinister will be accompanied 
by several advisers from the Argentine Foreign 

Secretary Inaugurates Broadcasts 
to Latin America Via Relay 

Stafernent iy Secretary ^ 

It is not strange that tlie United States and 
Brazil are maugurating a new era of communi- 
cations between North and South America. 
Just as we are now using the means of space 
satellite communications to transmit this mes- 
sage, in 1876 Alexander Graham Bell spoke 
with the Emperor of Brazil, Dom Pedro II, 
at a demonstration of his new invention at the 
Philadelphia Centeimial Exposition. A few 
months later, when Bell improved his telephone, 
Dom Pedro was one of the first to order its 
installation. Brazil thus became one of the 
first countries in the world to make practical 
use of the telephone. 

Just as that historic conversation between 
leading figures of our two comitries served to 
dramatize a new era of understanding between 
Brazil and the United States, this new mode of 
instantaneous conmaunication through space 
will serve as another bridge to broaden the en- 
tire spectrum of relations among coimtries of 
the Western Hemisphere. 

Satellite Relay, now carrying my voice to 
you, represents another big step in that series 
of events born out of the outstanding achieve- 
ments of both your own Santos Dumont and the 
Wright brothers. I venture to say that the peo- 
ple of the Americas easily comprehend the po- 
tential of this orbiting satellite as a veliicle 
toward mutual understanding between the 
countries of the new world. The lands of the 

^ Transmitted via ttie Relay satellite to Latin Amer- 
ica on Jan. 17 (press release 33). The Secretary's 
remarks were in the nature of an exchange with Bra- 
zilian Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hermes 

constellation of the Southern Cross and the 
Stars and Stripes, which fatliered the first pio- 
neers of flight, symbolize in their very flags 
mankind's loftiest ideals when contemplating 
the heavens and his unceasing search for un- 
derstanding himself and the universe. 

On a more earthly plane, but within tlie same 
spirit of the space age, Brazil, the United 
States, and the other sister Republics, are em- 
barked on another great undertaking — the Al- 
liance for Progress. Let me reaffirm our com- 
mitment to the ideals and to the practical goals 
of the Charter of Pmita del Este. As the con- 
quest of space promises mitold benefits to man- 
kind for the future, let us dedicate the Alianza 
to the pressing problems of today, so that our 
peoples may reap the fruits of a not too distant 
golden age, rich in cultural attainments and 
material development. 

U.S. and Panama Agree on Certain 
Procedural Matters in Canal Zone 

Press release 17 dated January 10 

President Kennedy and President Roberto 
F. Chiari of the Republic of Panama agreed^ 
during President Chiari's visit to Washington 
on June 12-13^ to appoint high-level repre- 
sentatives to discuss points of dissatisfaction 
with provisions of the U.S.-Panama treaty gov- 
erning the Panama Canal. The results of the 
discussions in Panama, which are continuing, 
are summarized in the following joint com- 
nwnique and aide memoir e released on Jan- 
uary 10. 


The representatives of the Governments of 
the Republic of Panama and of the United 
States of America, appointed to discuss points of 
dissatisfaction in United States-Panamanian 
relations with regard to the Canal Zone have 
periodically met during the last five months. 
Various aspects of pending questions have been 
discussed up to the present, with the following 
results : 

^ For text of a joint communique, see Bulletin 
of July 9, 1962, p. 81. 

FEBRUART 4, 1963 


First: It has been agreed that the flag of 
the Republic of Panama will be flown together 
with the flag of the United States of America 
on land in the Canal Zone where the flag of 
the United States of America is flown by civil- 
ian authorities. Private organizations and per- 
sons in the Zone are free to display flags at 
will over their places of residence or business. 
Other aspects of the flag question will be dis- 
cussed later. 

Second: Foreign Consuls, on the basis of 
exequaturs issued by the Government of Pan- 
ama and, in accordance with procedures and 
understandings which have been agreed upon 
by the Government of Panama and the Govern- 
ment of the United States, may function in the 
Canal Zone. Subject to these procedures and 
understandings the United States Government 
will cease issuing documents of exequatur. 

Third: The representatives of both Govern- 
ments have discussed labor problems relating to 
Panamanian citizens who work in the Canal 
Zone. Special attention has been devoted to 
the subject of wage scales, equal opportunities 
for Panamanian and United States citizens at 
all levels, and Social Security benefits. All 
these problems continue to be under discussion. 

Fourth : The representatives of Panama sub- 
mitted for discussion the question of using 
Panamanian postage stamps in the Canal Zone 
postal system. The U.S. Government has pro- 
posed the use of Panamanian stamps in the 
Zone in accordance with technical arrangements 
now under consideration and in conformance 
with international postal standards. 

Fifth: In accordance with instructions, the 
representatives have discussed Panama's need 
for pier facilities and have visited the present 
pier facilities in Cristobal. This subject con- 
tinues to be under discussion. 

The representatives of the Governments of 
the United States of America and of the Re- 
public of Panama will continue their present 
discussions aimed at finding solutions to other 
problems which remain unresolved. 

The discussions are continuing in the spirit 
of the joint communique issued by the Presi- 
dent of Panama and the President of the United 
States of America at the end of the visit which 

the President of Panama made to "Washington 
in June of last year. 

From time to time additional joint communi- 
ques outlining the progress of the discussions 
will be issued. ■ 


January 10, 1963 

With reference to the conversations between 
His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
and the American Ambassador concerning the 
meeting on September 11, 1962, of the United 
States and Panamanian representatives to dis- 
cuss improvement of United States-Panama- 
nian relations with regard to the Canal Zone, 
His Excellency will recall that the following 
decision was reached. 

It was agreed that the practice heretofore 
followed on the part of the United States with 
respect to the issuance of exequaturs for use in 
the Canal Zone would be changed as follows : 

The United States Government would not be 
agreeable to the exercise of consular functions 
by a consular officer from a government not 
recognized by the United States. Also, the 
Government of the United States will notify 
the Government of Panama and will prohibit 
a consular officer from acting in the Canal 
Zone if, for example, in the opinion of the 
United States Government, a situation arises 
in the future in which a consular officer ac- 
credited by Panama is a security risk, or his 
functioning would interfere with the operation, 
maintenance, or defense of the Canal. 

Hereafter, when the Government of Panama 
has on request issued an exequatur to a consular 
officer to function in Panama, and has notified 
the Depai'tment of State to that effect, the De- 
partment of State, providing it has no objection 
in accordance with the preceding paragraph, 
will inform the Government of Panama by note 
that said consular officer may function in the 
Canal Zone, and the Government of Panama 
will so inform said consular officer; in the event 
the Department of State objects in accordance 

' Delivered by the American Embassy at PanamA to 
the Panamanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Jan. 10. 



th the preceding paragrapli, information to 
It etJ'ect will be supplied the Government of 
Inania and the consular officer may not under- 
]ce to perform consular functions in the Canal 

FL. 480 Currency Available for Sale 
t U.S. Tourists in Cairo 

1 -s release 7 dated January 7 

The Department of State and the Treasury 
j'partment announced on January 7 that the 
^ uerican Embassy at Cairo, United Arab Ee- 
] blic, has been authorized to sell to American 
t irists Egyptian pounds received by the 
lited States from the sale of sui-jjIus agricul- 
iral commodities. 

The action was taken under a recent Execu- 
te order ^ which put into effect a 1961 
lendment to the Agricultural Trade 
i"\elopment and Assistance Act of 1954. 
Since enactment of this amendment, provi- 
3ns for sales to tourists have been included in 
^eements with 17 countries; however, in 
ost of these countries the currencies held by 
i.e United States, and which would otherwise 
) available for this purpose, are presently ex- 
jcted to be needed to meet U.S. operational ex- 
snses in these countries, and sales to tourists 
'. this time have not been authorized. In still 
:her countries, where the United States holds 
irrencies in excess of its normal operational 
?quirements, individual agreements must be 
egotiated with such countries before the 
urrencies can be sold to American tourists. 
American tourists, upon presentation of 
•assport, can obtain Egyptian pounds at the 
k.merican Embassy at Cairo in exchange for 
J.S. currency, personal checks drawn on a 
>ank in the United States, or certain other 
'.S. dollar instruments. 

' For text of Executive Order 110.36 (27 Fed. Reg. 
1653), see Bulletin of Aug. 6, 1962, p. 222. 

Regional Foreign Policy Conference 
To Be Held at Los Angeles 

Press release ;i2 dated Jauuary 16 

The Department of State, with the cosponsor- 
ship of the Los Angeles World Aifairs Coun- 
cil in cooperation with Town Hall, will hold its 
next regional foreign policy conference at Los 
Angeles, Calif., on February 13, 1963. 

Kepresentatives of the press, radio, television, 
and nongovernmental organizations concerned 
with foreign policy, and community and busi- 
ness leaders from southern California, Arizona, 
Hawaii, and southern Nevada are being invited 
to participate. 

This will be the ninth in the series of regional 
conferences which began in July 1961 at San 
Francisco and Denver and will be the first in 
which Secretary Eusk has participated. The 
purpose of these regional meetings is to pro- 
vide opportunity for discussion of international 
affairs between those who inform the public on 
foreign policy issues and the senior officers of 
the executive branch who have responsibility 
for dealing with them. 

In addition to Secretary Rusk the other offi- 
cials of the Govermnent participating in the 
conference will be : David Bell, Administrator, 
Agency for International Development; Robert 
J. Manning, Assistant Secretary of State for 
Public Affairs; G. Griffith Johnson, Assistant 
Secretary of State for Economic Affairs; Paul 
H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
International Security Affairs; Mrs. Katie 
Louchheim, Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
State for Public Affairs; Herbert K. May, Dep- 
uty Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs; J. Wayne Fredericks, Dep- 
uty Assistant Secretary of State for African 
Affairs ; James P. Grant, Deputy Assistant Sec- 
retary of State for Near Eastern and South 
Asian Affairs; and J. Robert Schaetzel, Deputy 
Assistant Secretary of State for Atlantic 

•EBRUART 4, 1963 
672786—63 3 


United States Trade Relations With the New Europe: 
The Challenge and the Opportunities 

hy DoxigJas MacA7'thur 11 
Amhassador to Belgium ^ 

It is a pleasure and an honor to participate in 
this Annual Forecasting Conference of the 
Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce. I say this 
because the Philadelphia chamber has won de- 
served and widespread recognition as a vigorous 
and forward-looking organization which, 
through this annual conference, is making a 
great contribution to the development of sound 
future American economic and industrial 
thought and action. 

I have been asked to talk today about United 
States trade relations with the new Europe, par- 
ticularly about the challenge and opportunities 
that the new Europe poses for us. This subject 
seems most appropriate because the great post- 
war movement toward European unity is one of 
the most excitmg and far-reaching develop- 
ments that have occurred for centuries. Indeed, 
the creation of this great new European entity 
has been likened in its potential importance and 
long-term implications to the discovery of the 
New World in 1492. In any event, it will vitally 
affect not only Europeans and Americans but, 
indeed, peoples in every corner of the world. 

While the European unification movement 
involves both political and economic aspects, 
this morning I will confine myself largely to tlie 
European Economic Community. 

Wlien the Treaty of Rome was signed in 1957 
and the Common Market for which it provided 
came into being in 1958, there were some who 

' Address made before the Annual Forecasting Con- 
ference of the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce at 
Philadelphia, Pa., on 10 (press release 3 dated 
•Tan. 3, for release Jan. 10) . 


believed it would not amount to very much, b 
they were proven dramatically wrong. F 
since the Common Market got underway, t 
level of industrial activities of its members h 
continued to advance at the very high rate 
some 6 percent per year, whereas the progro 
in other European countries, such as Britai 
and the Scandinavian countries, and indft' 
that of the United States, has been only abo 
half as great. 

The Common Market's Challenge 

The great challenge of the Common Marlx 
and its future impact on our own prosper: 
and well-being are underlined by the followi 

1. During the period 1957-1961, the anni 
gross national product of the Common Mark 
countries - inci-eased at the very high rate 
almost 22 percent, whereas the gross nation 
product of the United States increased by or. 
about 10 percent. 

2. The Common Market has great industrii 
strength that is increasing. In 1961 its st« 
production was over 80 percent that of t|| 
United States and well ahead of the Sot 
Union. Should Britain join the Common M£( 
ket, it will be the world's greatest steel pi 
ducer. Furthermore, Common Market produ 
tivity is increasing at a rate of almost twi i 
that of the United States, and in automobili , 

° The six Common Market countries are Belgiii 
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Li 
embourg, and the Netherlands. 


nsport equipment, macliinery, chemicals, 
o\ products, and a host of other manufac- 
es it is giving us hard competition in world 
3. AVith this great surge of economic activity, 
rdl wages and purchasing power in the Com- 
am Market are steadily rising. During the 
priod 1953-1962, consumption expenditures 
pr person increased almost 40 percent in the 
Ommon Market countries, compared with 
aout 18 percent in the United States. While 
tDse countries started from a lower base and 
t^ir standards of living are still lower than 
crs, it is clear that wages, standards of living, 
nd consumption will grow toward those of the 
hited States. Already automobiles, television 
Es, frigidaires, and other such consumers" dur- 
fles are within reach of the Common Market 
^n-kers. Indeed there is every indication that 
te population of the Common Market is on 
le road toward the kind of consumer expan- 
i)n experienced in the United States during 
e lust 40 years. 

i. This dramatic increase of the Common 
'. arket's economic activity has been accom- 
jinied by a very substantial increase in foreign 
i ade and especially trade between the members. 

(a) Total foreign trade of the six Common 
Market members with all countries increased 
om about $43 billion in 1956, just before f or- 
ation of the Common Market, to about $64 
llion in 1961, a tremendous 48 percent. 

(b) Trade between the six members of the 
ommon Market increased during that same 
3riod from $12.7 billion to $23.7 billion, an in- 
•edible 85 percent. Although both of these 
icreases are important, the latter is particu- 
irly significant as it reflects the development 
f closer trading ties among the six Common 
larket countries as tariff barriers on industrial 
roducts have been halved since 1958 and the 
uty on agricultural commodities lowered by 
5 percent. 

5. The six Common Market nations already 
ave a population of over 170 million. Should 
be negotiations with Britain and the subse- 
uent negotiations with Denmark, Ireland, and 
I^orway succeed, it will have a population of 
Imost 250 million, as contrasted with our 186 

6. It has a much greater pool of scientific and 
technological skills and knowledge than we, that 
will increasingly be applied to industrial ad- 
vances and improved products. 

7. The Common Market is already the great- 
est single international trading bloc in the 
world. In 1961 the six Common Market coun- 
tries, without Britain, had imports of about 
$32 billion and exports of almost the same 
amount for an overall trade total of about $64 
billion. In comparison our own total foreign 
trade amounts to roughly $37 billion, consistuig 
of $21 billion of exports and $16 billion of im- 

The Opportunities 

Although the challenge of the Common Mar- 
ket is great, the opportunities are equally great. 
It is a market where American products, both 
industrial and agricultural, are well and favor- 
ably known. Today our exports to the Common 
Market are 50 percent greater than our imports 
from it. It is a market with a rapidly expand- 
ing population. It is a market where real 
wages are rising rapidly. This will not only 
improve our competitive position but result in 
greatly increased consumption, from which we 
should benefit. 

Indeed the European market offers a vast 
potential for growth and is the kind of market 
best suited for our production system. Euro- 
pean industrialists have been accustomed to sell- 
ing their products in small national markets 
and have built their industrial plants with that 
in mind. We, on the other hand, have fully 
developed the techniques of mass production, 
for we have had a great mass market open to 
us. If we can maintain our access to the Euro- 
pean market, we should find new trading op- 
portunities not dreamed of a few years ago. 

On the other hand, if we cannot continue to 
sell an important part of our industrial and 
agricultural production to the Common Market, 
we will be in deep trouble. Tliis is true because 
our exports to all of Western Europe, of which 
the Common Market is the heart, amomit to 
almost $7 billion or over 30 percent of our total 
exports, of which about $2.2 billion are farm 
products and over $4 billion are industrial 

EBRUAra' 4, 1963 


Maintaining Access to Common Market 

How then do we maintain and expand our 
access to this great new European market on 
which our own economy and the prosperity and 
well-being of the American people so largely 
depend ? 

There is no quick or easy answer. Our con- 
tinuing access to the European market depends 
on a number of factors but principally on what 
our Government does and on the attitudes and 
actions of two other principal sectors of our 
national life, American labor and American 
business. I would therefore like to outline, as 
I see it, the interrelated responsibilities and 
roles of (1) the United States Government, 
(2) American labor, and (3) American busi- 
ness and industrj' in meeting the challenge. 

The Role of the U.S. Government 

First a word about the Government's respon- 
sibility. While the tariff barriers between the 
Common Market members are disappearing, a 
common external tariff wall is being main- 
tained around the Common Market which will 
make it progressively more difficult for Ameri- 
can products to enter this market. The United 
States Government must negotiate downward 
these tariff barriers and other protective de- 
vices which the Common Market may apply 
against imports of American products to the 
point where American goods can continue to 
flow into the Common Market. 

As a result of congressional passage of Presi- 
dent Kennedy's trade expansion legislation, we 
now have the necessary tools to conduct mean- 
ingful tariff negotiations.^ But let me em- 
phasize most emphatically that while in these 
negotiations we hold very good cards — Europe 
needs a prosperous and strong America and 
also needs our market as much as we need hers — 
we do not hold all the cards. 

Some Americans today do not realize that our 
own relative strengtli and position in the world 
have vastly changed since the period following 
World War II. The unbalanced, and indeed 

^ For an article by Leonard Weiss on the Trade Ex- 
imnsion Act of VM'Z, see Bulletin of Dec. 3. 1962, 
p. S47. 

unhealthy, postwar situation where we alone it 
the free world had any real economic and finan 
cial strengtli and power is gone for good. To 
day in Europe we have a strong partner witi 
great and increasing economic, financial, and in 
dustrial power. In our tariff negotiations witl 
this strong new Europe we will have tx) mak( 
concessions to gain concessions. 

Our Government must conduct these negotiai 
tions not just on a basis of narrow, limited ini 
dustrial interests but in a way to safeguarc 
American industry and agi'iculture as a whole 
It is inevitable that some of our enterprises wil 
encounter difficulties as a result of reductions 
that we will be obliged to make in our tariffs ir 
order to obtain concessions for our exports t(. 
Europe. However, there are important safe 
guards in the President's program, including, 
governmental assistance to businesses suffering 
hardships as a result of tariff reductions anc 
import, competition. And of course our natior 
as a whole stands to benefit infinitely more f ron 
expanded exports than from a restrictive protec 
tionist policy that eventually could only leac 
to reduced economic activity with all the con 
sequences that would entail. 

There are, of course, some sincere people wIk 
think that the answer to the challenge we faci 
in the field of international trade lies in protec 
tionism. I would reply that, if the Unitec 
States adopts a policy of trade protectionism 
we can expect our friends to reciprocate. A; 
the President said in his February 6, 1961, mes- 
sage to Congress : * 

A return to protectionism is not a solution. Such l 
course would prorolje retaliation ; and the balance o) 
trade, which is now substantially in our favor, conk 
be turned against us with disastrous effects to the 

Furthermore, such retaliation could be ap- 
plied not only against industrial commodities 
but also against American agriculture, that is 
such an essential part of our economy. 

Our Government also has the responsibility to 
see that our trade policy serves the vital inter- 
national interests of the American people. 
President Kennedy's trade expansion program 
is designed to this end. Based on liberal trade 

' IMd., Feb. 27, 1961, p. 287. 



policies, vre seek to expand world trade and 
presen'o the interests of the United States in a 
worldwide tradine; context that goes far beyond 
Europe and the United States. For we must 
also think of the problems of our friends in 
Latin America, Asia, the Middle East, and Af- 
rica. Our aim is that the benefits of lower 
American and European tariffs, through the 
most-favored-nation principle, will also bene- 
fit countries elsewhere in the world. In other 
words, we seek to establish a pattern of in- 
ternational trade and economic relations that 
will help to unify and bring the free world to- 
gether, rather than, as the Communists hope, 
let trade become a terrible divisive force that 
tears free nations apart and ultimately weak- 
ens us all for a Communist takeover. 

The United States Government also has the 
obligation to assist American businessmen en- 
gaged in foreign operations. I must frankly 
confess that I do not believe that in the past 
our Government's services have always done 
as much as they could to help American busi- 
ness abroad. However, in the last 2 years a 
series of steps have been taken to strengthen 
Government support for American business 
abroad. Insofar as the State Department is 
concerned. Secretary Rusk and Under Secre- 
tary Ball have personally given much time to 
improve the backstopping that the State De- 
partment, our embassies, and Foreign Service 
give to American businessmen. I know that in 
my own case roughly 65 percent of my time, 
first in Japan and now in Belgium, is spent 
on economic and trade problems affecting 
American business. We hope that many more 
American businessmen will avail themselves of 
the services we offer, for we can help in many 

So much for our Government's basic respon- 
sibilities to develop a sound national and inter- 
national trade policy, to assist American busi- 
ness abroad and negotiate downward the 
external tariff wall which surrounds the Com- 
mon Market. But even if we succeeded in 
negotiating the tariff wall down to zero, Amer- 
ican goods will not sell in world markets (1) 
unless they are competitive with European and 
other products in terms of price and quality, 

and (2) unless a more imaginative and effective 
effort is made to sell our wares abroad. This 
is where the role and responsibility of Amer- 
ican labor and business come into the picture. 

American Labor, Its Task and Responsibility 

Insofar as labor is concerned it seems evident 
that, if we are to continue to sell our products, 
we cannot afford wage-price spirals that price 
our goods out of world markets. As European 
industries in Common Market countries merge 
or in other ways expand their production to 
supply the great Common Market, their unit 
production costs will fall, making price competi- 
tion tougher than ever for us. Therefore, if we 
are to continue to sell our products at competi- 
tive prices, our wage increases will in general 
have to be absorbed by increased productivity 
rather than by higher prices. 

And, of course, the entire increase in produc- 
tivity cannot be devoted to wage increases. It 
is essential that a part be reserved to business 
and industry for research and plant moderniza- 
tion programs that are also essential elements 
in our ability to compete in world markets. 

Labor also has the obligation to continue to 
see that the workmanship that goes into our fine 
products is of the highest caliber. For shoddy 
workmanship will result either in products that 
cannot compete quality -wise or in increased pro- 
duction costs because of too large a percentage 
of rejections by American industry's fine qual- 
ity-control programs. 

Contributions of American Business 

Finally, what is the role and responsibility 
of American business ? I will say frankly that 
I do not think all sectors of American business 
and industry have in recent years made the con- 
tribution to our foreign trade that they are 
capable of making. 

We are emerging from a unique period, dur- 
ing most of which American industry has had 
little serious competition. In fact, from 1940 
until about 1954, American industry enjoyed 
what amounted to almost total and absolute 
protection. The outbreak of the war in 1939 
eliminated our two great industrial competi- 

FEBRUAKT 4, 1963 


tors— Western Europe and Japan. And after 
the war, as the shattered industries of Europe 
and Japan were gradually rebuilt, their indus- 
trial output went largely into the local Euro- 
pean and Asian home markets to fill the needs 
caused by the privations of the war. Thus we 
had little or no competition in the United States 
or third-country markets. 

That world of little or no competition is gone 
forever. We must recognize that in the period 
ahead we will have to face even tougher compe- 
tition. Our Government cannot do the job 
alone. If our economy is not to stagnate and 
wither, American business will have to be more 
imaginative and active in seeking ways to meet 
competition and in developing new markets. It 
will require a real merchandising effort of a 
kind few American firms have attempted in 
Europe, because in the past the potential of 
limited national markets did not seem to justify 
the trouble. If we are to succeed, it is impera- 
tive that American business devote the same 
imagination, boldness, and skill to foreign mar- 
kets that it does to our great domestic market. 

Let me just cite briefly one or two cases that 
illustrate what I mean when I say American 
business can do more abroad. During exten- 
sive travels in the Middle East and Asia during 
the period from 1953 to 1961, I often encoun- 
tered hard-hitting market sui-vey teams from 
Britain, Germany, Italy, France, and the Low 
Countries. They were studying detailed prob- 
lems involved in entering the market, such as 
costs, method of market penetration, servicing, 
training of local personnel, language problems, 
taxes, local advertising methods, and so forth. 

Now during these visits I also encountered 
some American businessmen, but they were not 
there to capture a market. Wlien asked about 
the prospects, some replied to me that there were 
sales possibilities but that it would take a good 
deal of work and hardly seemed worth while 
since the market was not large. Some also 
observed that American products were superior 
to others and sold themselves. Happily, this 
philosophy is not embraced by the American 
business community as a whole, for if it were, 
I shudder to think of what would happen to 
our balance-of-payments problem and our 

I remember during one visit to a newly in- 
dependent country a foreign ambassador ap- 
proached me saying his fine American car would 
not run. He had cabled the factory for parts 
and pertinent technical instructions which the 
local mechanics could understand. The reply 
said there were no manuals or teclinical in- 
structions, except in English, but that if he 
would ship his car to a third country some hun- 
dreds of miles away, it could be repaired there. 
In this same country European automobile 
manufacturers had published instruction books 
in the local language and operated maintenance 
and repair facilities manned by local personnel 
instructed and trained in Europe. 

American business is also sometimes dis- 
tressingly deficient in replying promptly and 
helpfully to business inquiries from abroad, 
particularly those written in foreign languages. 
During the past year I have had complaints 
from Belgian companies that wish to purchase 
American products that their letters of inquiry 
and followup letters to American companies 
remain unanswered. When a foreign company 
wishing to purchase American products does 
not even receive the courtesy of a reply, it turns 
to a non-U.S. source. Even wci-se, such treat- 
ment causes extreme irritation and resentment 
that gives the entire American business world 
a reputation of lack of interest, lack of effi- 
ciency, or rudeness. This affects adversely 
American business as a whole and does real 
damage to our export program. Conversely, a 
friendly, helpful, and prompt reply to foreign 
inquiries, even if there is no possibility of im- 
mediate sales, is a worthwhile investment for 
furthering American exports. And if an 
American company is not itself interested, it 
might be able to suggest another American firm 
so that we rather than a foreign company will 
make the sale. 

Keys to Success in Selling Abroad 

Before closing, I would like to say a brief 
word about different ways to penetrate foreign 
markets. These include selling products abroad 
through import-export houses; establishing for- 
eign sales branches with full-time personnel, 
warehouses, and service staffs ; setting up manu- 



facturing facilities abroad tlirough an entirely 
U.S.-owned subsidiary branch or in partnership 
with local businessmen; or licensing arrange- 
ments ■which provide a steady income from 
royalties with little capital outlay. "Wliich 
method to choose must be carefully studied and 
selected on a case-by-case basis. And of course 
one of the keys to success in selling abroad is to 
offer what our foreign friends want and to pre- 
sent it in a way that appeals, rather than trying 
to sell them what we want in the United States. 
We must pay much greater attention to tailor- 
ing products designed expressly for the tastes 
of our European or other foreign consumers. 
And we must present them in ways that will in- 
crease their sales appeal, such as labeling them 
in the language of the country. 

Business abroad involves many corporate and 
other complex local problems. They require 
not only the best corporate planning available 
but also the very best men you can get to live 
and work abroad. It is no longer sufficient for 
an American business reiDresentative abroad to 
have only mastary of his product or its produc- 
tion. He must be sensitive to the political and 
psychological environment in which he is oper- 
ating. He must be tactful as well as firm. He 
must understand that the method of approach 
and of doing business is often different abroad 
than in the United States. 

Let me illustrate this point. Recently a very 
tough-minded and successful European busi- 
nessman, commenting on a large American com- 
pany that started operating in Europe last year, 
observed that it was not doing nearly as well as 
it could because "the American manager, while 
having admirable technical and professional 
qualifications, talked to his European business 
associates as if he were an Army colonel and 
they were lieutenants. This is resented, and so 
he doesn't get the cooperation he otherwise 
would receive." 

To succeed today an American businessman 
abroad must be an understanding and respected 
member of the foreign community without los- 
ing Ms integrity as an American. He must be 
able to pass Dale Carnegie's course with a good 

American business also has a unique role in 

seeing to it that American products are com- 
petitive, quality-wise, in world markets. Your 
research and development programs are more 
important than ever because the Common Mar- 
ket has a much larger pool of technically and 
scientifically skilled talent that in the future 
will make an increasing contribution to Europe- 
an industrial products and techniques. 

American business, with active Government 
understanding and encouragement, must also 
do a big job in terms of plant modernization. 
We were fortimate in World War II not to 
have our homes and factories bombed out. How- 
ever, the great war damage in Western Europe 
and Japan has led to the construction of a vast 
amount of new industrial capacity in Japan 
and Europe, and these fine new plants are often 
more modern than our own. 


In conclusion let me say again that, while the 
challenge we face is immense, I am not pes- 
simistic. We will, of course, be up against 
much stronger competition from our European 
friends. However, I for one believe that com- 
petition brings advantages — not disadvantages. 
Certainly our country has grown strong as our 
industries have vied with each other in the 
keenest kind of competitive effort within our 
free enterprise system. 

We also must expect some very tough trade 
negotiations with the Common Market, which 
holds a very strong hand. But we also have 
good cards, for Europe needs us every bit as 
much as we need her. Indeed, in the fields of 
both trade and military security, on which 
Europe's well-being and survival so largely de- 
pend, the United States is an essential partner. 

I am convinced that we have the capability 
of continuing to compete successfully in the 
Common Market and other world markets if 
there is the will and energy and if we all do our 
part. Therefore let each of us — Government, 
labor, and business — face up to the challenge 
and attack our problems with the same guts, 
the same resolution, and the same imagination 
as our forefathers, who made our coimtry the 
great country that it is today. 

FEBRUARY 4, 196« 


Mr. Herter Holds Trade Talks 
at Brussels, Geneva, and Paris 

The White House announced on January 18 
that Christian A. Herter, Special Representa- 
tive of the President for Trade Negotiations, 
■will be traveling to Brussels, Geneva, and Paris 
from January 24 to February 2. 

At Brussels Mr. Herter will meet with Presi- 
dent [Walter] Hallstein and other members of 
the Commission of the European Economic 
Commvmity to explore informally with them 
possible approaches to trade negotiations which 
the United States is empowered to conduct 
under the provisions of the Trade Expansion 
Act of 1962.1 Since this will be the iirst official 
contact with the EEC on this matter, it is ex- 
pected that the exchange of views will be largely 
exploratory and of a very general nature. 

At Geneva Mr. Herter proposes to meet with 
Eric Wyndham Wliite, the Executive Secretary 
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, 
to discuss the role of the GATT in such nego- 

At Paris Mr. Herter will meet with Secre- 
tary-General Thorkil Kristensen of the Orga- 
nization for Economic Cooperation and Devel- 
opment to examine the role of the OECD in 
these trade negotiations. 

President Sets Up Administration 
of Trade Expansion Act 


Administration of the Trade Expansion Act 
OF 1962 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by the 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (Public Law 87-794, 
approved October 11, 1962; 76 Stat. 872), and by Sec- 
tion 301 of title 3 of the United States Code, and as 
President of the United States, it is ordered as 
follows : 

Section 1. Definition. As used in this order the 
term "the Act" means the Trade Expansion Act of 
1962 (Public Law 87-794, approved October 11, 1962), 
exclusive, however, of chapters 2, 3, and 5 of title III 

Sec. 2. Special Representative, (a) The Special 
Representative for Trade Negotiations' provided for 
in Section 241 of the Act (hereinafter referred to as 
the Special Representative) shall be located in the 
Executive OflBce of the President and shall be directly 
responsible to the President. 

(b) There shall be a deputy Special Representa- 
tive for Trade Negotiations with the rank of Ambas- 
sador, whose principal functions shall be to conduct 
negotiations under title II of the Act, and who shall 
perform such additional duties as the Special Repre- 
sentative may direct. 

Sec. 3. Functions of Special Representative, (a) 
The Special Representative shall have the functions 
conferred upon him by the Act, the functions delegated 
or otherwise assigned to him by the provisions of this 
order, and such other functions as the President may 
from time to time direct. 

(b) The Special Representative generally shall as- 
sist the President in the administration of, and facili- 
tate the carrying out of, the Act. Except as may be 
unnecessary by reason of delegations of authority 
contained in this order or for other reasons, the Spe- 
cial Representative shall furnish timely and appropri- 
ate recommendations, information, and advice to the 
President in connection with the administration and 
execution of the Act by the President. 

(c) As he may deem to be necessary for the proper 
administration and execution of the Act and of this 
order, the Special Representative (1) shall draw upon 
the resources of Federal agencies, and of bodies es- 
tablished by or under the provisions of this order, in 
connection with the performance of his functions, and 
(2) except as may be otherwise provided by this order 
or by law, may assign to the head of any such agency 
or body the performance of duties incidental to the 
administration of the Act. 

(d) In connection with the performance of his func- 
tions the Special Representative shall, as appropriate 
and practicable, consult with Federal agencies. 

(e) The Special Representative shall from time to 
time furnish the President lists of articles proposed 
for publication and transmittal to the Tariff Commis- 
sion by the President under the provisions of Section 
221(a) of the Act 

(f ) The functions conferred upon the President by 
Section 222 of the Act are hereby delegated to the 
Special Representative. 

(g) The functions conferred upon the President by 
the first sentence of Section 223 of the Act are hereby 
delegated to the Special Representative. The Special 
Representative is hereby designated to perform the 
functions prescribed b.v the second sentence of that 

(h) The Special Representative shall make arrange- 
ments under which the committee established by Sec- 

' For an article by Leonard Weiss on the Trade Ex- 
pansion Act of 1962, see Bulletin of Dec. 3, 1962, p. 

' No. 11075 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 473. 

' For an announcement of the appointment of 
Christian A. Herter as Special Representative for 
Trade Negotiations, see Buixetin of Dec. 3, 1962, p. 



tion 4 of this order shall provide for pwblie hearings In 
pursuance of the second sentence of Section 252(d) of 
the Act The functions conferred upon the President 
by the first sentence of that section are hereby dele- 
gated to the Special Representative. 

(i) Any proclamation proposed for issuance under 
Section 201(a) or Section 351(a) of the Act (sub- 
mitted pursuant to the provisions of subsection (b) of 
this section) shall be subject to the provisions of Ex- 
ecutive Order No. 11030 of June 19, 1962. 

(j) Advice furnished by the Secretaries of Com- 
merce and Labor under Section 351(c) of the Act 
shall be transmitted by the respective Secretaries to 
the President through the Special Representative. 

(k) Subject to available financing, the Special 
Representative may employ such personnel as may 
be necessary to assist him in the performance of his 

Seo. 4. Trade Expansion Act Advisory Committee. 
(a) There is hereby established the Trade Expansion 
Act Advisory Committee (hereinafter referred to aa 
the Committee). The Committee shall be composed 
of the Special Representative, who shall be its chair- 
man, and the following other members : the Secretary 
of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary 
of Defense, the Secretary of the Interior, the Secre- 
tary of Agriculture, the Secretary of Commerce, and 
the Secretary of Labor. 

(b) Each Secretary referred to in Section 4(a) of 
this order may designate an official from his depart- 
ment, who is in status not below that of an Assistant 
Secretary of an executive or military department, to 
serve as a member of the Committee in lieu of the 
designating Secretary when the latter Is unable to 
attend any meeting of the Committee. In correspond- 
ing circumstances, the Special Representative may 
designate the Deputy Special Representative for Trade 
Negotiations, for a corresponding purpose. Except for 
his accountability to his designating authority, any 
person while so serving shall have in all respects the 
same status, as a member of the Committee, as do other 
members of the Committee. 

(c) The Special Representative may from time to 
time designate any member of the Committee (includ- 
ing any person serving as a member of the Committee 
under the provisions of Section 4(b) hereof) to act 
as chairman of the Committee when the Special Repre- 
sentative is unable to attend any meeting of the 

(d) The Committee shall have the functions con- 
ferred by the Act upon the interagency organization 
referred to in Section 242 of the Act and shall also 
perform such other functions as tlie President may 
from time to time direct 

(e) The recommendations made by the Committee 
under Section 242(b)(1) of the Act, as approved or 
modified by the President, shall guide the adminis- 
tration of the trade agreements program. 

(f) The functions conferred upon the President by 
the second sentence of Section 242(c) of the Act, to 

the extent that they are in respect of procedures, are 
hereby delegated to the Committee. 

Sec. 5. Tariff Commission, (a) The United States 
Tariff Commission is requested to determine the ad 
valorem equivalent, and, for this purpose, the author- 
ity conferred upon the President by the provisions of 
Section 256(7) of the Act is hereby delegated to the 

(b) Reports required to be made, and transcripts of 
hearings and briefs required to be furnished, by the 
Tariff Commission under the provisions of Section 
301(f)(1) of the Act (1) shall, in respect of investi- 
gations made by it under Section 301(c)(1) of the 
Act be transmitted by the Commission to the President 
through the Secretary of Commerce, and (2) shall. In 
respect of Investigations made by it under Section 
301(c) (2) of the Act be transmitted to the President 
through the Secretary of Labor. 

(c) All other reports, findings, advice, hearing tran- 
scripts, briefs, and information which, under the terms 
of the Act, the Tariff Commission is required to fur- 
nish, report, or otherwise deliver to the President 
shall be transmitted to him through the Special 

(d) Advice of the Tariff Commission under Section 
221(b) of the Act shall not be released or disclosed In 
any manner or to any extent not specifically author- 
ized by the President or by the Special Representative. 

Sec. 6. Secretary of the Treasury. There is hereby 
delegated to the Secretary of the Treasury the author- 
ity to issue regulations, conferred upon the President 
by the provisions of Section 352(b) of the Act. 

Sec. 7. Secretary of Commerce. The authority to 
certify, conferred upon the President by the provisions 
of Section 302(c) of the Act, to the extent that such 
authority is in respect of firms, is hereby delegated to 
the Secretary of Commerce. 

Sec. 8. Secretary of Labor. There are hereby dele- 
gated to the Secretary of Labor the authority to cer- 
tify, conferred upon the President by the provisions of 
Section 302(c) of the Act, to the extent that such 
authority is in respect of groups of workers, and the 
authority conferred upon the President by the provi- 
sions of Section 302(e) of the Act. 

Sec. 9. Committees and task forces. To perform 
assigned duties in connection with functions under the 
Act and as may be permitted by law, the Special Rep- 
resentative may from time to time cause to be consti- 
tuted appropriate committees or task forces made up 
in whole or in part of representatives or employees of 
Interested agencies, of representatives of the commit- 
tee established by the provisions of Section 4 of this 
order, or of other persons. Assignments of personnel 
from agencies, in connection with the foregoing, and 
assignments of duties to them, shaU be made with the 
consent of the respective heads of agencies concerned. 

Sec. 10. Threat of impairment of national security. 
Executive Order No. 11051 of September 27, 1962, is 
hereby amended by striking from Section 404(a) 
thereof the text "Section 2 of the Act of July 1, 1954 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


(68 Stat. 300; 19 U.S.C. 1352a)" and inserting in lieu 
of the striclien text the following: "Section 232 of the 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962". 

Sec. 11. References. Except as may for any reason 
be inappropriate, references in this order to any other 
Executive order or to the Act or to the Trade Expan- 
sion Act of 1902 or to any other statute, and references 
in this order or in any other Executive order to this 
order, shall be deemed to include references thereto, 
respectively, as amended from time to time. 

Sec. 12. Prior bodies and orders, (a) The pend- 
ing business, and the records and property, of the 
Trade Policy Committee, Trade Agreements Commit- 
tee, and Committee for Reciprocity Information (now 
existing under orders referred to in Section 12(b) 
below) shall be completed or transferred as the Special 
Representative, consonant with law and with the pro- 
visions of this order, shall direct ; and the said com- 
mittees are abolished effective as of the thirtieth day 
following the date of this order. 

(b) Subject to the foregoing provisions of this sec- 
tion, the following are hereby superseded and revoked : 

(1) Executive Order No. 10082 of October 5, 1949. 

(2) Executive Order No. 10170 of October 12, 1950. 

(3) Executive Order No. 10401 of October 14, 1952. 

(4) Executive Order No. 10741 of November 25, 1957. 

elusion of these talks the United States stated 
it planned to announce the details of the pro- 
gram for the next disposal period during 
January and that the new program would take 
the place of the trial plan which had been in 
effect since September 12, 1962. However, the 
time required to work out details of the new 
program and to arrange for subsequent in- 
ternal U.S. Government review has delayed its 

During the current period it will be possible 
for the General Senaces Admmistration to test 
the marketing situation for tin located in depots 
in some of the geogi-aphically outlying areas 
and at the same time to maintain its present 
trade relationships on an uninterrupted basis. 
The GSA will continue to exercise caution not 
to disrupt the tin market. 

The United States plans to invite comments 
of both producing countries and the Interna- 
tional Tin Council in advance of formal an- 
nouncement of the new program. 

The White House, 
January 15, 1963. 

United States Extends Interim 
Tin Disposal Program 

Department Statement 

Press release 38 dated January 18 

The Department of State has informed the 
governments of the principal tin-producing 
countries and the International Tin Council 
that it has been decided to extend the present 
temporary tin disposal program, which calls 
for offerings of 200 tons of tin per week for 
both commercial and government use, for the 
balance of the first quarter of 19G3. 

Consultations took place in December 1962 ' 
between a delegation of the ITC and represent- 
atives of the State Department and other 
agencies of the U.S. Government. At the con- 

Certain U.S. Trade Agreement 
Concessions Enter Bnto Force 

The Department of State announced on Jan- 
uary 14 (press release 24) that the U.S. Gov- 
ernment has, imder the trade agreement signed 
with Spain on December 31, 1962, notified the 
Government of Spain of its intention to put 
into effect the first stage of the U.S. concessions 
on February 1. Conclusion of this agreement 
was announced in Department of State press 
release 752 of December 31.^ 

The trade agreement providing concessions 
compensatory for U.S. escape-clause action, 
signed with Japan on December 31, 1962, and 
announced in Department of State press release 
751 of December 31 - provides that the first 
stage of the U.S. concessions in that agreement 
will be made effective on Febniary 1. 

During December 1962 three agreements 
were signed rectifying the U.S. schedules to the 
protocol embodying results of the 1960-61 tariff 
negotiations, which was proclaimed by Procla- 

' BuLtETiN of Dec. 31, 1962, p. 1012. 

'■ BuiXETiN of .Tan. 28, 1963, p. 146. 
'Ibid., Jan. 21, 1963, p. 108. 



mation 3513 of December 28, 1962.^ It is 
anticipated that tliese rectifications will also 
become effective on February 1.* 

Views Invited on GATT Relations 
With Spain and U.A.R. 

Press release 26 dated January 14 

The Special Eepresentative for Trade Ne- 
gotiations on January 14 issued a public notice 
requesting views regarding proposed arrange- 
ments for the accession of Spain to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the pro- 
visional accession of the United Arab Eepublic 
to that agreement. 

The accession of Spain had been anticipated 
at the 1960-61 tariff conference,^ but the com- 
pletion of tariff negotiations between contract- 
ing parties to the General Agreement and that 
country lias been delayed, and it is now antici- 
pated that accession will take place during the 
earlier part of 1963. 

The United Arab Eepublic requested acces- 
sion to the General Agreement, and arrange- 
ments are now before contracting parties which 
would provide for the provisional accession of 
that country pending the conduct of further 
negotiations on specific trade matters. Such 
arrangements will result in a status for the 
United Arab Eepublic comparable to that now 
applicable under the General Agreement to 
Argentina and Tunisia. 

The notice contains the procedures to be fol- 
lowed by any persons desiring to present writ- 
ten or oral views with respect to the proposed 
arrangements with Spain and the United Arab 

' 28 Fed. Reg. 107 ; for background, see Bulletin of 
Jan. 28, 1963, p. 145. 

* For texts of the agreements with Japan and Spain, 
exchanges of letters regarding the three rectification 
agreements with the Commission of the European 
Economic Community, Switzerland, and Japan, and 
schedules of U.S. concessions, see Department of 
State press release 24 dated Jan. 14. 

' For background on U.S. negotiations with GATT 
contracting parties, see Bulletin of Apr. 2, 1962, p. 561. 



General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: Acces- 
sion OF Spain ; Provisional Accession of the 
United Arab Republic 

Closing date for Applications to Appear at Hearing 

February 4, 1963 
Closing date for Submission of Briefs February 8, 1963 
Public Hearings Open February 11, 1963 

Notice is hereby given by the Special Representative 
for Trade Negotiations of intention to consider ar- 
rangements, not involving the conduct of new tariff 
negotiations, for the accession of Spain to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and for the provi- 
sional accession of the United Arab Republic to that 

Spain. The Interdepartmental Committee on Trade 
Agreements in its notice of May 27, 1960,^ announced 
intention to conduct trade agreement negotiations un- 
der the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade with 
certain foreign governments including the Government 
of Spain. Tariff negotiations conducted with the Gov- 
ernment of Spain pursuant to that notice resulted in 
the conclusion on December 31, 1962, of an interim bi- 
lateral trade agreement with Spain,' pursuant to 
section 350 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended (19 
U.S.C. 1351) and section 257(c) of the Trade Expan- 
sion Act of 1962 (P.L. 87-794, 76 Stat. 882). This 
agreement provides that the United States schedule 
of tariff concessions annexed thereto shall be applied 
as though it were a schedule to the General Agreement, 
pending the subsequent opening for acceptance of a 
protocol for the accession of Spain to the General 
Agreement, the United States schedule annexed to 
which protocol would be the same as that annexed to 
the interim bilateral agreement with Spain. Whereas 
the interim agreement is essentially an agreement re- 
lating to tariff concessions, under the protocol of 
accession the provisions of the General Agreement as 
a whole would become applicable between the United 
States and Spain. 

United Arab Republic. Under the arrangements for 
the provisional accession of the United Arab Republic 
that country would apply the provisions of the General 
Agreement to contracting parties to that Agreement 
which formally accept these arrangements. The 
United Arab Republic would not undertake obligations 
with respect to tariff concessions. In return such con- 
tracting parties would apply to the United Arab Re- 
public the provisions of the General Agreement other 
than those which accord direct rights to their schedules 
containing tariff concessions. The United States has 
no bilateral trade agreement with the United Arab 

' For text, see ibid., June 13, 1960, p. 971. 
' Ibid., Jan. 28, 1963, p. 146. 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


The proposals in this notice with respect to Spain 
and the United Arab Republic would not involve any 
new modification or specific continuance of United 
States tariff rates. 

The Special Representative for Trade Negotiations 
hereby gives notice that all applications for oral pres- 
entation of views in respect to any aspects of the 
foregoing proposals shall be submitted not later than 
February 4, 1963. Such communications should be 
addressed to "Committee for Reciprocity Information, 
Tariff Commission Building, Washington 25, D.C." 

Fifteen copies of written statements, either typed, 
printed, or duplicated, shall be submitted, of which 
one copy shall be sworn to. Written statements sub- 
mitted te the Committee, except information and busi- 
ness data proffered in confidence, shall be open to 
inspection by interested persons. Information and 
business data proffered in confidence shall be sub- 
mitted on separate pages clearly marked "For OflScial 
Use only of the Committee for Reciprocity Infor- 

Public hearings will be held before the Committee 
for Reciprocity Information, at which hearings oral 
statements will be heard, beginning at 10 a.m. on 
February 11, 1963 in the Hearing Room in the Tariff 
Commission Building, Eighth and E Streets, N.W., 
Washington, D.C. Witnesses who malie application 
to be heard will be advised regarding the time and 
place of their individual appearances. Appearances 
at such hearings may be made only by or on behalf of 
those persons who have filed written statements and 
who have within the time prescribed made written 
application for oral presentation of views. Statements 
made at public hearings shall be under oath. 

Copies of this notice and of the accompanying press 
release issued today by the Special Representative for 
Trade Negotiations may be obtained from the Commit- 
tee for Reciprocity Information or may be inspected 
at the Field Offices of the Department of Commerce. 

Issued this 14th day of January, 1963. 


Deputy Special Representative for 
Trade Negotiations 



Declaration of IS November 1962 
The Government of the United Arab Republic and 
the other governments on behalf of which this Declara- 
tion has been accepted (the latter governments being 
hereinafter referred to as the "participating govern- 

Considering that the Government of the United Arab 
Republic on 17 April 1962 made a formal request to 
accede to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
(hereinafter referred to as the "General Agreement") 

in accordance with the provisions of Article XXXIII 
of the General Agreement, and that that Government 
will be prepared to conduct the negotiations on customs 
tariffs, or their equivalent, with contracting parties, 
which it is considered should precede accession under 
Article XXXIII, as soon as such negotiations can be 

Considering that, pending accession imder Article 
XXXIII, the United Arab Republic is prepared to 
accept the obligations of the General Agreement, 

Considering that, in view of the desirability of 
basing the trade relations of the United Arab Republic 
with contracting parties upon the General Agreement 
as soon as possible, it would be desirable to provide 
for the provisional accession of the United Arab Re- 
public to the General Agreement as a step towards 
its eventual accession pursuant to Article XXXIII : 

1. Declare that, pending the accession of the United 
Arab Republic to the General Agreement under the 
provisions of Article XXXIII, which will be subject 
to the satisfactory conclusion of negotiations on 
customs tariffs or their equivalent, in accordance with 
rules and procedures to be adopted by the Contracting 
Parties for this purpose, and to the settlement of 
other matters relevant to the application of the Gen- 
eral Agreement, the commercial relations between the 
participating governments and the United Arab Re- 
public shall be based upon the General Agreement, 
subject to the following conditions : 

(a) The Government of the United Arab Republic 
shall apply provisionally and subject to the provisions 
of this Declaration (i) Parts I and III of the General 
Agreement, and (ii) Part II of the General Agreement 
to the fullest extent not inconsistent with its legisla- 
tion existing on the date of this Declaration ; the 
obligations incorporated in paragraph 1 of Article I 
of the General Agreement by reference to Article III 
thereof and those incorporated in paragraph 2(b) of 
Article II by reference to Article VI shall be considered 
as falling within Part II of the General Agreement 
for the purpose of this paragraph. 

(b) While the United Arab Republic under the most- 
favored-nation provisions of Article I of the General 
Agreement will receive the benefit of the concessions 
contained in the schedules annexed to the General 
Agreement, it shall not have any direct rights with 
respect to those concessions either under the provi- 
sions of Article II or under the provisions of any 
other Article of the General Agreement. 

(c) In each case in which paragraph 6 of Article 
V, sub-paragraph 4(d) of Article VII, and sub-para- 
graph 3(c) of Article X of the General Agreement, 
refer to the date of that Agreement, the applicable date 
in respect of the United Arab Republic shall be the 
date of this Declaration. 

(d) Notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 
1 of Article I of the General Agreement, this Declara- 
tion shall not require the elimination by the Govern- 
ment of the United Arab Republic of any preferences 



iu respect of import duties or charges accordefl by the 
I'nited Arab Republic exclusively to one or more of the 
following countries : Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, 
Libya, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, provided, however, that 
these preferences do not exceed the levels in effect on 
the date of this Declaration. 

(e) Tlie preceding paragraph shall be deemed to 
lie a Decision of the Contracting Parties under 
Article XXV :5 as if it were a Decision pursuant to 
paragraph 3 of Article I. 

(f) In the event that the United Arab Republic 
should at some future date desire to modify the pref- 
erences referred to in paragraph (e) above, including 
the addition of products not at present subject to pref- 
erence, the matter shall be dealt with by the Con- 
tracting Parties in accordance with paragraph 3 of 
Article I. 

(g) Nothing in paragraphs (d), (e) and (f) above 
will affect the right of the United Arab Republic to 
benefit from the provisions of the General Agreement 
relating to the formation of a customs union or a 
free-trade area, 

(h) The provisions of the General Agreement to 
be applied by the United Arab Republic shall be those 
contained in the test annexed to the Final Act of the 
second session of the Preparatory Committee of the 
United Nations Conference on Trade and Employ- 
ment as rectified, amended, supplemented, or other- 
wise modified by such instruments as may have become 
effective by the date of this Declaration. 

2. Request the Contracting Parties to the General 
Agreement (hereinafter referred to as the "Contract- 
ing Parties") to perform such functions as are neces- 
sary for the implementation of this Declaration. 

3. This Declaration, which has been approved by a 
majority of two thirds of the contracting parties shall 
be deposited with the Executive Secretary of the 
Contbactinq Parties. It shall be open for acceptance, 
by signature or otherwise, by the United Arab Repub- 
lic, by contracting parties to the General Agreement 
and by any governments which shall have acceded pro- 
visionally to the General Agreement. 

4. This Declaration shall become effective between the 
United Arab Republic and any participating govern- 
ment on the thirtieth day following the day upon 
which it shall have been accepted on behalf of both 
the United Arab Republic and that government ; it 
shall remain in force until the Government of the 
United Arab Republic accedes to the General Agree- 
ment under the provisions of Article XXXIII thereof 
or until 31 December 1964, whichever date is earlier, 
unless it has been agreed between the United Arab 
Republic and the participating governments to extend 
its validity to a later date. 

5. The Executive Secretary of the Contracting 
Parties shall promptly furnish a certified copy of this 
Declaration, and a notification of each acceptance 
thereof, to each government to which this Declaration 
is open for acceptance. 

Done at Geneva this thirteenth day of November one 
thous.Tud nine hundred and sixty-two, in a single copy 
in the French and EnglLsh languages, both texts 

AID Requested To Inform Congress 
of Reobligation of Prior Year Funds 

Following is the text of a memoraTidum 
from President Kennedy to the Administrator 
of the Agency for International Development. 

White House press release dated January 9 

January 8, 1963 
Memorandum for the Administrator, Agency 
FOR International Development 

The Foreign Aid and Kelated Agencies Ap- 
propriation Act, 1963 contains a provision 
which states that program changes involving 
funds for economic assistance carried forward 
from prior years may be made only if the 
Appropriations Committees of the Congress are 
notified prior to such changes and no objection 
is entered by either Committee within 60 days. 

I have been advised by the Attorney General 
that this provision is unconstitutional either as 
a delegation to Congressional committees of 
powers which reside only in the Congress as a 
whole or as an attempt to confer executive 
powers on the Committee in violation of the 
principle of separation of powers prescribed in 
Articles I and II of the Constitution. Pre- 
vious Presidents and Attorneys General have 
objected to similar provisions permitting a 
Committee to veto executive action authorized 
by law. 

On July 17, 1944 President Eoosevelt signed 
a bill to permit increased oil production from 
the Elk Hills reserve because there was an im- 
mediate need for the legislation ; in his signing 
statement he objected to a requirement that 
contracts and leases not be undertaken without 
prior consultation with the Naval Affairs Com- 
mittees on the grounds that to delegate this 
function to two Committees is "to disregard 
principles basic to our form of government." 

On July 19, 1952 President Truman vetoed a 
bill granting authority to lease space for postal 
purposes because a Congressional committee 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


would be allowed to pass on proposed 

On July 13, 1955 President Eisenhower 
signed the fiscal year 1956 Defense Appropria- 
tion Bill only because the funds were urgently 
needed; in his signing statement he objected 
strongly to a provision permitting a Congres- 
sional committee to veto contracts with private 
enterprise for work previously performed by 
Government personnel. 

I concur in these views. However, I con- 

sider it entirely proper for the committees to 
request information with respect to plans for 
the expenditures of appropriated funds, and I 
recognize the desirability of consultations be- 
tween officials of the executive branch and the 
committees. It is therefore my intention, act- 
ing on the advice of the Department of Justice, 
to treat this provision as a request for informa- 
tion. You are therefore requested to keep the 
ajipropriations committees fully informed of 
any reobligation of prior year funds. 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings' 

Scheduled February Through April 1963 

IAEA Board of Governors 

IMCO Workiiig Group on Facilitation of International Travel and 
Transport: Subgroup on Customs. 

U.N. ECE Working Party on the Transport of Dangerous Goods . 

U.N. Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for 
the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas. 

U.N. ECOSOC Population Commission: r2th Session 

IMCO Expert Working Group on Facilitation of Travel and Trans- 

ITU CCIR Plan Subcommittee for Asia 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 15th 

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: Meeting of the Party Govern- 
ments Pursuant to Article XI. 

IMCO Working Group on the Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea . 

ICAO Panel on Origin-and-Destination Statistics: 5th Meeting . . 

OECD Maritime Transport Committee: Working Party 

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa 

IMCO Subcommittee on Code of Signals 

ILO Governing Body: 154th Session 

U.N. Olive Oil Conference 

OECD Economic Policy Committee 

IMCO Working Group on Financial Regulations 

IBE E.xecutive Committee 

Vienna Feb. 3- 

London Feb. 4- 

Geneva Feb. 4— 

Geneva Feb. 4- 

New York Feb. 4- 

London Feb. 5- 

Geneva Feb. 5- 

Bangkok Feb. 8- 

Tokyo Feb. 11- 

London Feb. 11- 

Montreal Feb. 11- 

Paris Feb. 15- 

Uopoldville Feb. 18- 

London Feb. 19- 

Geneva Feb. 19- 

Geneva Feb. 26- 

Paris Feb. 27- 

London Feb. 28- 

Geneva February 

■ Prepared in the Ofl^ce of International Conferences, Jan. 11, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations: 
CCIR, Comity consultatif international des radio communications; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic 
Commission for Latin America; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; PAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; 
IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; IBE, International Bureau of Education; ICAO, International 
Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Con- 
sultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- 
tion; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; 
U.N., United Nations- UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; WMO, 
World Meteorological Organization. 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled February Through April 1963^Conlinued 

IAEA Diplomatic Conference on a Convention on Minimum Inter- 
national Standards Regarding Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage 
for Land-Based Reactors. 

U.N. ECLA Committee of the \Yhole: 9th Session 

Universal Postal Union: 15th Congress 

U.N. Conference on Consular Privileges 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Nongovernmental Organizations . . 

CENTO Ministerial Council: 11th Meeting 

IAEA Symposium on the Application of Radioisotopes in Hy- 

IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability of Ships: 1st Session . . 

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 19th 

IMCO Working Group on Watertight Subdivision and Damage 
Stability of Passenger and Cargo Ships. 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Urban Renewal 
and Town Planning Aspects of Housing. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Status of Women: 17th Session . . 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 19th Session . . . 

OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee 

FAO General Fisheries Council for the Mediterranean: 7th Session . 

U.N. ECE Coal Trade Subcommittee: Coal Committee and Working 
Party on Productivity. 

U.N. ECE Working Party on the Construction of Vehicles .... 

ICAO Legal Subcommittee 

ITU Administrative Council: 18th Session 

IMCO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement: 3d Session . . . 

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Rapporteurs on 
Comparisons of Systems of National Accounts in Use in Europe. 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Special Working Group . 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 29th Session 

IAEA Board of Governors 

ICAO Facilitation Division: 6th Session 

World Meteorological Organization: 4th Congress 

South Pacific Commission: Regional Seminar on Education . . . 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 35th Session 

U.N. ECE Committee on Electric Power: Rapporteurs on Rural 

U.N. ECE Coal Committee: Rapporteurs on Utilization of Fly Ash . 

ICAO Communications Division: Special Meeting To Prepare for 
ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference. 

Executive Committee of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees: 
9th Session. 

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 18th Session 

NATO Planning Board for Ocean Shipping: 15th Meeting .... 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on International Commodity Trade: 
Special Working Party. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: Committee on Illicit 

PAHO Executive Committee: 48th Meeting 

IAEA International Conference on Draft Convention on Civil Lia- 
bility, Land-Based Facilities. 

IMCO Working Group on Facilitation of International Travel and 
Transport: 2d Session. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on International Commodity Trade: 
11th Session. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 18th Session . . . 

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 22d Plenary Meeting . . 

WMO Executive Committee: 15th Session 

WMO Executive Committee: Extraordinary Session 

U.N. Committee on Information From Non-Self-Governing Terri- 

U.N. ECOSOC Social Commission: 15th Session 

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 5th Session . . . 

U.N. ECOSOC Preparatory Committee for the Conference on Trade 
and Development. 

Bureau of UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commis- 

Buenos Aires February or 


Santiago February or 


(undetermined) Mar. I- 

Vienna Mar. 3- 

New York Mar. 4- 

Karachi Mar. 4- 

Tokyo Mar. 5- 

London Mar. 5- 

Manila Mar. 5- 

London Mar. 11- 

Geneva Mar. 11- 

New York Mar. 11- 

Geneva Mar. 11- 

Paris Mar. 12- 

Madrid Mar. 12- 

Geneva Mar. 18- 

Goneva Mar. 18- 

Montreal Mar. 18- 

Geneva Mar. 23- 

London Mar. 25- 

Geneva Mar. 25- 

Geneva Mar. 25- 

Geneva Mar. 28- 

Vienna March 

Mexico, D.F March 

Geneva Apr. 1- 

Noum^a Apr. 1- 

New York Apr. 2- 

Geneva Apr. 3- 

Geneva Apr. 8- 

Montreal Apr. 16- 

Geneva Apr. 17- 

Geneva Apr. 18- 

London Apr. 22- 

New York Apr. 22- 

Geneva Apr. 23- 

Washington Apr. 25- 

Vienna Apr. 29- 

London Apr. 29- 

New York Apr. 29- 

Geneva Apr. 29- 

New Delhi April 

Geneva April 

Geneva April 

New York April 

New York April 

Bangkok April 

New York April 

Rio de Janeiro April 

FEBRUARY 4, 1963 


United States To Participate 
in U.N. Science Conference 

Following is a statement of January 7 hy 
Secretary Rusk regarding the United Nations 
Conference on the Application of Science and 
Technology for the Benefit of the Less De- 
veloped Areas, to he held at Geneva February 
k.-20, together loith an announcement of the 
names of the leading U.S. representatives. 


Preaa release 8 dated January 7 

Tlie Department of State has appointed a 
large and distinguished United States delega- 
tion to the United Nations Conference on the 
Application of Science and Technology for the 
Benefit of the Less Developed Areas (UN- 
CAST). There are three major reasons why 
the Department considers this meeting of un- 
usual significance. 

First, the highest ambition of the leaders of 
two- thirds of the world's population is for rapid 
modernization of their own societies. That is 
wliy we in the industrialized parts of the world 
must be able to say just what we have learned 
about science and teclinology and about the 
building of institutions that can help the de- 
veloping countries to modernize in a hurry. 
The United States must naturally be a leader 
in this effort. 

Second, the developing nations are creating 
a variety of institutions and services, public and 
private, to meet their own needs. The open 
societies in the industrialized world have them- 
selves invented a broad variety of public and 
private institutions to guide their economic and 
social growth. We need to bring this experience 
together for study by the developing nations as 
they decide how they are going to train and 
organize men and women for rapid develop- 

Third, we still have much to learn about how 
to fashion new kinds of institutions, appropri- 
ate to developing nations, by combining our 
teclmology with their local cultural raw ma- 
terials. The UNCAST conference will afford 


an opportunity to pioneer in joint exploration 
of practical ways to adapt technology and insti- 
tutions from one cultural and technical en- 
vironment to another. 

For these reasons we consider this conference 
a highly significant exercise in international co- 
operation. It is an excellent example of what 
can be done, within the United Nations, to fur- 
ther the purposes of the U.N. Decade of De- 
velopment. The United States hopes that all 
participants will approach this task in the spirit 
of free exchange and open inquiry. 


The Department of State announced on 
January 7 (press release 6) that Walsh Mc- 
Dermott would be chairman of the U.S. dele- 
gation to the United Nations Conference on 
the Application of Science and Technology for 
the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas, to be 
held at Geneva February 4—20. Dr. McDer- 
mott is chairman of the department of public 
health, Cornell University Medical College, 
New York, N.Y. 

Other leading American representatives will 

Edward Gudeman, Under Secretary of Commerce ' 

Jerome Wiesner, Special Assistant to the President 
for Science and Technology and Director of the 
Office of Science and Technology 

Harlan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary of State for 
International Organization Affairs 

Frank M. Coffin, Deputy Administrator for Operations, 
Agency for International Development 

Isidor I. Rabi, professor of physics, Columbia Uni- 

S. Milton Nabrit, president, Texas Southern Univer- 

John Diebold, chief executive officer, The Diebold 
Group, Inc. 

Detlev W. Bronk, president. Rockefeller Institute, 
and former president, National Academy of Sciences 

Leona Baumgartner, Assistant Administrator for Hu- 
man Resources and Social Development, AID, and, 

' The Department of State announced on Jan. 15 
(press release 28) that J. Herbert Hollomon, Assistant 
Secretary of Commerce for Science and Technology, 
would replace Under Secretary Gudeman. (See press 
release 28 also for the names of the 90 other members 
of the U.S. delegation.) 



until recently, Commissioner of Health for New 
York City. 

Between 1,500 and 2,000 delegates from 80 
or more member nations of the United Nations 
or of its specialized agencies are expected to 
attend the conference. More than 1,800 papers 
have been submitted by authorities in the 12 
different subject areas to be covered by the con- 
ference, including agriculture, industry, nat- 
ural resources, transportation, communica- 
tions, health, manpower, technical training, 
economic planning, housing and problems 
of urbanization, technical assistance, and 
scientific policies. 

The U.S. delegation will take part in 97 dif- 
ferent sessions scheduled for the 16 days of the 
conference. There will be 3 plenary sessions 
it the beginning and close of the conference, 
12 general sessions concerned with major sub- 
ject categories, and 82 meetings on specialized 


U.S. and Republic of Korea 
Sign Consular Convention 

Press release 11 dated January 8 

A consular convention between the United 
States and the Republic of Korea was signed 
on January 8 at Seoul, Korea, by Samuel D. 
Berger, American Ambassador at Seoul, and 
Diik Shin Choi, Foreign Minister of the Re- 
public of Korea. 

The convention defines and establishes the 
duties, rights, privileges, exemptions, and im- 
mimities of consular officers of each country in 
the territory of the other country. The pro- 
visions of this convention, although similar in 
substance to the provisions of consular conven- 
tions with foreign coimtries concluded in pre- 
vious years, are set forth more succinctly than 
heretofore. It is anticipated that this new for- 

FEBRUART 4, 1963 

mat will serve as a prototype for consular con- 
ventions to be negotiated with other countries. 
The convention will enter into force on the 
30th day following the day on which ratifica- 
tions of the two Governments are exchanged. 

Current Actions 


Cultural Relations 

Agreement on the importation of educational, scien- 
tific, and cultural materials, and protocol. Done at 
Lake Success November 22, 1950. Entered into force 
May 21, 1952.' 
Acceptance deposited: Italy, November 26, 1962. 


Long-term arrangements regarding international trade 
in cotton textiles. Concluded at Geneva February 
9, 1962. Entered into force October 1, 1962. 
Acceptance deposited: Australia (with understand- 
ing), November 21, 1962. 


International wheat agreement, 1962. Open for signa- 
ture at Washington April 19 through May 15, 1962. 
Entered into force July 16, 1962, for part I and parts 
III to VII, and August 1, 1962, for part II. TIAS 

Acceptance deposited: France, January 4, 1963. 
Application to: Antigua, Bahama Islands, Barbados, 
Bermuda, British Guiana, British Honduras, 
British Solomon Islands Protectorate, British Vir- 
gin Islands, Dominica, Fiji, The Gambia (Colony 
and Protectorate), Gibraltar, Grenada, Bailiwick 
of Guernsey, Hong Kong, Isle of Man, Mauritius, 
Montserrat, North Borneo, Sarawak, St. Chris- 
topher, Nevis and Anguilla, St. Helena, St. Lucia, 
Kingdom of Tonga, Zanzibar, January 15, 1963. 



Agreement relating to the furnishing of defense 
articles and services to Chile. Effected by exchange 
of notes at Santiago November 7 and December 7, 
1962. Entered into force December 7, 1962. 


Agreement relating to the International Indian Ocean 
Expedition. Effected by exchange of notes at New 
Delhi September 28 and October 5 and 9, 1962. En- 
tered into force October 9, 1962. 


Agreement relating to the furnishing of defense ar- 
ticles and services to Peru. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Lima December 17 and 20, 1962. Entered 
into force December 20, 1962. 

' Not in force for the United States. 



Department To Open Office at Miami 
To Coordinate Cuban Programs 

The Department of State announced on January 16 
(press release 31) tbat it shortly will open an office 
at Miami, Pla., as part of the Government's efforts to 
coordinate Federal programs in that area connected 
with Cuban affairs. 

The Miami office, which will serve as the local arm 
of the newly established office of Coordinator of Cuban 
Affairs, will be headed by John Hugh Crimmins. 

Educational and Cultural Exchange Program, July 1, 
1960-June 30, 1961. Annual report summarizLng the 
activities of the program administered by the Depart- 
ment of State. Pub. 7390. International Information 
and Cultural Series 81. 69 pp. Limited distribution. 

U.S. Participation in the International Atomic Energy 
Agency, Report by the President to Congress for the 
Year 1961. Fifth annual report on the work of the 
Board of Governors and the meeting of the fifth regular 
session of the General Conference, as well as the work 
of the Secretariat. Pub. 7393. International Organiza- 
tion and Conference Series 31. 31 pp. Limited dis- 

The Department of State Building. A description of 
the new modern efficient home of the Department, the 
oldest executive department of the U.S. Government, 
with a brief explanation of some of its functions. 
Pub. 7400. Department and Foreigpa Service Series 
107. 30 pp. 25^. 


Heath Bowman as director of the secretariat of 
the Advisory Committee on the Arts, Bureau of Edu- 
cational and Cultural AflEairs, effective January 7. 
( For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 4 dated January 7.) 

Sterling J. Cottrell as Senior Deputy Assistant Sec- 
retary for Inter- American Affairs and Coordinator of 
Cuban Affairs, effective January 8. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 14 dated 
January 8.) 

J. Edward Lyerly as Deputy Administrator, Bureau 
of Security and Consular Affairs, effective December 
23. (For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 22 dated January 11.) 

Glenn G. Wolfe as director of the Office of Cultural 
Presentations, Bureau of Educational and Cultural 
Affairs, effective January 7. (For biographic details, 
see Department of State press release 4 dated Janu- 
ary 7.) 


Recent Releases 

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free publications, which may be ob- 
tained from, the Department of State. 

Chinese Communist World Outlook. A handbook of 
Chinese Communist statements and the public record 
of a militant ideology. Pub. 7379. Far Eastern Series 
112. 139 pp. 70^. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 14-20 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington 
25. D.C. 

Releases issued prior to January 14 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 3 
of January 3 ; 6, 7, and 8 of January 7 ; 11 of 
January S ; 17 of January 10. 

No. Date Subject 

24 1/14 Entry into force of trade agreement 

concessions (rewrite). 
*25 1/14 U.S. participation in international 
2a 1/14 GATT relations with Spain and 
t27 1/15 Mrs. Noirell : "Road to Interna- 
tional Understanding." 
*28 1/15 Delegation to UNCAST conference. 
*29 1/15 Program for visit of Italian Prime 

30 1/16 Visit of Argentine Foreign Minister. 

31 1/16 Office opened at Miami to coordinate 

Cuban programs (rewrite). 

32 1/16 Foreign policy briefing conference 

at Los Angeles. 

33 1/17 Rusk : inaugural Relay satellite 

broadcast to Latin America. 

34 1/17 Cleveland: "The United Nations 

and the Congo : Three Questions." 
*35 1/17 Amendments to program for visit of 

Italian Prime Minister. 
36 1/18 Upper Volta credentials (rewrite). 
t37 1/18 Delegation to U.N. Conference on 

Trade and Development (rewrite). 
38 1/18 Tin disposal program. 
*39 1/18 Rusk : death of Hugh Gaitskell. 
*40 1/19 Program for visit of Argentine 

Foreign Minister. 
t43 1/20 U.S.-Soviet exchange of views on 

test ban. 

*\ot printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



February 4, 1963 

American Republics 

Cottrell designated Senior Deputy Assistant 
Secretary for Inter-American Affairs . . . 

Secretary Inaugurates Broadcasts to Latin 
America Via Relay (Rusls) 

Argentina. Argentine Foreign Minister Visits 
United States 

Brazil. Secretary Inaugurates Broadcasts to 
Latin America Via Relay (Rusk) 

Communism. The State of the Union (Ken- 

Congo (Leopoldville). The United Nations and 
The Congo : Three Questions (Cleveland . . 


Vol. XLVIII, No. 1232 


AID Requested To Inform Congress of Reobliga- 

tion of Prior Tear Funds (Kennedy) 
The State of the Union (Kennedy) 


Cottrell designated Coordinator of Cuban 

IDepartment To Open OtSce at Miami To Co- 
ordinate Cuban Programs 

IDepartment and Foreign Service 

■Department To Open Office at Miami to Co- 
ordinate Cuban Programs 

[Designations (Bowman, Cottrell, Lyerly, 


lEconomic Affairs 

(Certain U.S. Trade Agreement Concessions Enter 
Into Force 

Mr. Herter Holds Trade Talks at Brussels, 
Geneva, and Paris 

(President Sets Up Administration of Trade Ex- 
pansion Act (text of Executive order) 

!P.L. 4S0 Currency Available for Sale to U.S. 
Tourists in Cairo 

United States Extends Interim Tin Disposal 

United States Trade Relations With the New- 
Europe : The Challenge and the Opportunities 

Views Invited on GATT Relations With Spain 
and U.A.R 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Bowman designated director of secretariat. Ad- 
visory Committee on Arts 

Wolfe designated director, OflBce of Cultural 


Certain U.S. Trade Agreement Concessions 
Enter Into Force 

Mr. Herter Holds Trade Talks at Brussels, 
Geneva, and Paris 

The State of the Union (Kennedy) 

United States Trade Relations With the New 
Europe : The Challenge and the Opportunities 

Foreign Aid 

AID Requested To Inform Congress of Reobliga- 

tion of Prior Tear Funds (Kennedy) . . . . 

The State of the Union (Kennedy) 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Calendar of International Conferences and 


















Italy. President Kennedy Holds Talks With 
Prime Minister of Italy (Faufani, Kennedy) . 164 

Japan. Certain U.S. Trade Agreement Conces- 
sions Enter Into Force 182 

Korea. U.S. and Republic of Korea Sign Con- 
sular Convention 189 

Panama. U.S. and Panama Agree on Certain 
Procedural Matters in Canal Zone (texts of 
joint communique and aide memoire) . . . 171 

Presidential Documents 

AID Requested To Inform Congress of Reobliga- 

tlon of Prior Year Funds 185 

President Calls Togo President's Death Loss for 

Africa and World 170 

President Kennedy Holds Talks With Prime 
Minister of Italy 164 

President Sets Up Administration of Trade Ex- 
pansion Act 180 

The State of the Union 159 

Public Affairs. Regional Foreign Policy Confer- 
ence To Be Held at Los Angeles 173 

Publications. Recent Releases 190 

Science. United States To Participate in U.N. 
Science Conference (Rusk, delegation) . . 188 


Certain U.S. Trade Agreement Concessions Enter 

Into Force 182 

Views Invited on GATT Relations With Spain 
and U.A.R 183 

Switzerland. Certain U.S. Trade Agreement 
Concessions Enter Into Force 182 

Togo. President Calls Togo President's Death 

Loss for Africa and World (Kennedy) . . . 170 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 189 

U.S. and Republic of Korea Sign Consular Con- 
vention 189 

United Arab Republic 

P.L. 480 Currency Available for Sale to U.S. 

Tourists in Cairo 173 

Views Invited on GATT Relations With Spain 

and U.A.R 183 

United Nations 

The State of the Union (Kennedy) 159 

The United Nations and the Congo : Three 

Questions (Cleveland) 165 

United States To Participate in U.N. Science 

Conference (Rusk, delegation) 188 

Upper Volta. Letters of Credence (Kabore) . . 170 

[Name Index 

Bowman, Heath 190 

Cleveland, Harlan 165 

Cottrell, Sterling J 190 

Fanfani, Amintore 1G4 

Kabore, Boureima John 170 

Kennedy, President 159, 164, 170, 180, 185 

Lyerly, J. Edward 190 

MacArthur, Douglas II 174 

Rusk, Secretary 171, 188 

Wolfe, Glenn G 190 






United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





Foreign Relations 
of the United States 

1941, VOL. VII 

The Department of State recently released Foreign Relations of 
the United States, lO^l, Volume VII, The American Republics. 
This publication is one of two volumes on relations with the Ameri- 
can Republics in 1941 in the Department's series of annual volumes. 
A large part of the documentation relates to cooperation in plans for 
hemisphere defense in view of the danger presented by the war in 
Europe. Volume VII contams sections on bilateral relations with 
Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Sal- 
vador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, 
Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Volimae VI, still in 
process of preparation, wiU, in addition to documentation of bilateral 
relations with the remainder of the American Republics, contain a 
section on United States multilateral relations with tliese Republics. 

There also will be two volumes covering United States relations 
with the American Republics, 1942. Volume V, containing docu- 
mentation on bilateral relations with Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, 
was released in Jime 1962. Volume VI, with subjects relating for 
the most part to cooperation of the other American Republics with 
the United States against the Axis Powers, will be released most 
probably during March 1963. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 194.1, Volume 
VII, The Amejican Republics (Publication 7447) may be purchased 
from the Superintendent of Docmnents, Government Printing Office, 
Washington 25, D.C, for $3.25. Copies of Volume V for 1942, "The 
American Republics" (Publication 7373) at $3.00 per copy, are still 
available from the same source. 


Order Form 

Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Enclosed find: 


{cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 

Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United 

States, The American Republics : 

1941, Vol. VII, Publication 7447 $3.25 Q 

1942, Vol. V, Publication 7373 $3.00 Q 


Street Address : 

City, Zone, and State : 


I * '^3'^ 


Vol. XLVIII, No. 1233 

February 11, 1963 


of Letter From President Kennedy and Remarks by Under 
Secretary Ball 195 


RESOURCES • by Assistant Secretary Williams .... 208 


Mrs. Catherine D. Norrell 214 

EIGN ECONOMIC POLICY • by W. Michael Blumenthal . 218 




Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Document!''"' '"''«'^ «<^« '"«'«**' ^"''^ '^«»'«'' 

FEB 2 1 1963 



Vol. XLVIII, No. 1233 • Publication 7489 
February 11, 1963 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 
Single copy, 25 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publica- 
tion approved by the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget (January 19, 1961). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OP State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. The Bulletin is Indexed in the 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by t/ie 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides tlie public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in tlie field of foreign 
relations and on the work of tlie 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various pluises of 
internatioiuil affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Jean Monnet Honored as "Mr. Europe" 

Following is the text of a letter from Presi- 
dent Kennedy to Jean Monnet, President of the 
Action Committee for the United States of Eu- 
rope, which was read hy Under Secretary of 
State Ball at a Freedom House dinner in honor 
of Mr. Monnet at New York, N.Y., on January 
23, together loith remarhs Tnade hy Mr. Ball 
after he had read tlie President's letter. 


White House press release dated January 23 

January 22, 1963 
Dear Me. Monnet: I am delighted to join 
my friends at Freedom House in doing honor 
to your great achievements. You come at a 
moment of high importance — and you come as 
the exemplar of disinterested service to Europe 
and to the Atlantic World. 

For centuries, emperors, kings and dictators 
have sought to impose unity on Europe by 
force. For better or worse, they have failed. 
But vmder your inspiration, Europe has moved 
closer to unity in less than twenty years than 
it had done before in a thousand. You and 
your associates have built with the mortar of 
reason and the brick of economic and political 
interest. You are transforming Europe by the 
power of a constructive idea. 

Ever since the war the reconstruction and 
the knitting together of Europe have been ob- 
jectives of United States policy, for we have 
recognized with you that in unity lies strength. 
And we have also recognized with you that a 
strong Europe would be good not only for Eu- 
ropeans but for the world. America and a 
united Europe, working in full and effective 
partnership, can find solutions to those urgent 
problems that confront all mankind in this 
crucial time. 

I have been happy, therefore, to read your 
statement of January 16th in which you call 
attention to the responsibility of Europe to 
share with the United States in the common 
defense of the West. I believe, with you, that 
"Americans and Europeans must recognize that 
neither one nor the other is defending a par- 
ticular country, but that the ensemble is defend- 
ing a common civilization." The United States 
will be true to this conviction, and we trust that 
it will have the support of Europeans too. 

Your practical wisdom, your energy in per- 
suasion, your tested courage, and your earned 
eminence in Europe are the reasons for this 
celebration in your honor. They are also a 
gi-eat resource for freedom, and I wish you 
many years of continued strength in your serv- 
ice to our cause. 

John F. Kennedy 


Press release 48 dated January 23 

And now, if I may, let me add a few per- 
sonal observations about a man whom it has 
been my great fortune to know for 20 years. 
All who have enjoyed the close friendship of 
Jean Monnet — and our niunber is legion — can 
recount incidents without number to illustrate 
his qualities as a friend, his generosity and com- 
passion, his warmth and thoughtfulness, his 
genuine concern for the problems of others. 

But Jean Monnet would be impatient with 
me were I to pursue tliis theme tonight. No 
man has ever cared less for personal adulation, 
and he has not come here for that purpose. 
Jean Monnet has not flown across the Atlantic 
at a time of crisis to receive personal honor but 
rather to participate in honoring and explain- 

FEBRUAEY 11, 1963 


ing those ideas of which he is a symbol, in the 
liope that they may be even more widely under- 

So tonight I shall not speak of Jean Monnet, 
that warm, gallant, and modest friend from 
Cognac. Neither shall I seek to expound his 
ideas, for he will do that much better himself. 
Eather I shall say a very few words about that 
almost legendary figure of epic stature who has 
become known to an admiring world as "Mr. 

Jean Monnet has become Mr. Europe, it 
seems to me, because he is preeminently a 
modern man. More deeply than any of us he 
has perceived the central discord of our com- 
plex time — the discord between our technology, 
on the one hand, with its rapid pace of advance 
and its requirements of scope and scale, and, on 
the other hand, the institutional arrangements 
under which we live, so slow to change and so 
often parochial in character. The consequences 
of this discord are familiar to all of us. They 
are evident in the problems we deal with every 
day, the problems of our cities, of our schools, 
and of our transportation systems — not to men- 
tion our newspapers. But they find their most 
sigiiificant expression in the relations between 
the peoples of the Atlantic world, where de- 
fense is indivisible, where economic life is in- 
terdependent, and where the major political 
decisions must of necessity be taken in concert 
if the full streng-th of the free world is to be 
effectively mobilized against a common danger. 

Because Jean Monnet has seen this fact with 
crystal clarity he has striven to transform the 
nation-states of Europe into a new unity, not 
merely to end forever the frictions that more 
than once have embroiled the whole world in 
sanguinary conflict but to enable Europe to 
contribute its full potential to the shaping of a 
better world. And at the same time he has 
sought to promote between Europe and the 
United States that close cooperation which can 
give real content and meaning to the Atlantic 

These objectives have represented no Utopian 
dream. Jean Monnet is unquestionably hard- 
headed and pragmatic, but he recognizes a com- 
pelling logic in world affairs. 

I have called Jean Monnet a modem man, 
but this does not mean that he is unaware or 

disdainful of the past. Indeed he has, I think, 
a profound sense of the meaning of history and 
of the deep forces it has generated. He has had 
the insight to recognize that history is not a 
static affair, not the constant replaying of old 
themes, but a flow of events which, if man is to 
survive, must be channeled in directions that 
meet the requirements of an evolving new age. 

He has, therefore, never been tempted into 
the unhappy error — induced by a nostalgic 
longing for a world tliat never was — of seeking 
to recapture the past. He has not sought to 
unfurl ancient banners, reinstate old forms, re- 
vive the vanished symbols that beglamored the 
centuries gone by. Instead he has pursued the 
more relevant purpose of bending men's efforts 
toward a nobler future. 

It is because Jean Monnet so clearly perceives 
the nature of the great tidal forces at work in 
the world that he is sturdily immune to tran- 
sient disappointments. I have been with him on 
more than one occasion when the movement of 
new ideas has seemed to many of us irrevocably 
halted by the abrupt intrusion of obsolete, yet 
fiercely held, ideas that echoed a distant and 
earlier age. Invariably — and sometimes almost 
alone — Jean Monnet has remained imdismayed. 
At such moments of crisis his reaction is always 
the same. "What has happened, has happened," 
he is inclined to say, "but it does not affect any- 
thing fmidamental. The important point is for 
us not to be deflected, not to lose momentum. 
We must go forward. We may alter our tactics 
but never our main objectives." 

It is because of this apparent imperturba- 
bility that Jean Monnet is known — to the 
admiration of his friends and the exasperation 
of his opponents — as an incorrigible optimist. 
This attitude of mind does not stem from any 
Panglossian idea that all is for the best in the 
best of all possible worlds, but rather from a 
dauntless faith in the logic of events and the 
essential rationality of man — a faith in the ine- 
luctable dii'ection of deeply moving forces. 
Jean Monnet is an optimist because he is a prac- 
tical man with a passionate desire to get things 
done ; and for sucli a man optimism is the only 
useful working hypothesis. 

As a practical man he pursues his purposes in 
a most practical way — a way that is peculiarly 
his own. Mr. Walter Lippmann has spoken of 



him as a man -who can "induce and cajole men 
to work together for their own good." To say 
it in other words, Jean Monnet is the supreme 
practitioner of the art of personal diplomacy. 
And he practices that art with unfailing per- 
ception of the loci of power and with an oxtraor- 
(liiiary single-mindedness. 

Optimism works for him because he accepts 
opponents but not defeat. I still remember a 
book he once gave me — the story of an Arab 
prince who, in a time of troubles, went out to the 
desert to find the wisdom of the ages. The 
prince returned from his sojourn with this 
u motto : 

May God bless even my enemies, 
For they too are a means to my end. 

It is by the vital force of his deep convictions, 
in short, that Jean Monnet has become Mr. 
Europe — the keeper of the conscience of a con- 
tinent. And he has demonstrated anew the 
ancient adage that a resolute man, plus the 
truth, can become a majority. 

Principals Named for Negotiations 
on NATO MuEtilateral Force 

Statement hy President Kenedy 

White House press release dated January 24 

I am pleased to announce that Career Am- 
bassador Livingston Merchant, one of our most 
distinguished diplomats, has agreed to take the 
leadership of the preparation and negotiation 
of United States proposals with respect to the 
NATO multilateral force. He will assist Am- 
bassador [Thomas K.] Finletter in discussions 
in the Xorth Atlantic Council. 

The negotiations to be carried out in con- 
junction with the study of this subject in the 
North Atlantic Council are an outgrowth of 
the agreement between myself and Prime Min- 
ister Macmillan, at Nassau on December 21st,^ 
that our two Governments would seek the de- 
velopment of a multilateral NATO nuclear 
force in the closest consultation with other 
NATO allies. 

The other members of the team will be Gerard 
C. Smith, former Assistant Seci-etary of State 
for Policy Planning, who headed a State De- 

partment-Department of Defense mission 
which visited Europe to discuss the problems 
of a multilatei-al force with our allies in the 
fall of 1962, and Rear Adm. John M. Lee, rep- 
resenting the Department of Defense, who also 
participated in that mission. These three prin- 
cipal negotiatoi-s will bo supported by an 
appropriate staff. 

The Realities Underlying 
the Atlantic Alliance 

Statement hy President Kennedy ' 

It would be well to remind all concerned of 
the hard and fast realities of this nation's re- 
lationship with Europe — realities of danger, 
power, and purpose which are too deeply rooted 
in history and necessity to be either obscured 
or altered in the long run by personal or even 
national differences. 

The reality of danger is that all free men 
and nations live under the constant threat of 
the Communist advance. Although presently 
in some disarray, the Communist apparatus 
controls more than one billion people, and it 
daily confronts Europe and the United States 
with hundreds of missiles, scores of divisions, 
and the purposes of domination. 

The reality of power is that the resources 
essential to defense against this danger are con- 
centrated overwhelmingly in the nations of the 
Atlantic alliance. In unity this alliance has 
ample strength to hold back the expansion of 
communism until such time as it loses its force 
and momentum. Acting alone, neither the 
United States nor Europe could be certain of 
success and survival. 

The reality of purpose, therefore, is that that 
which serves to unite us is right, and what 
tends to divide us is wrong. 

The people and Government of the United 
States over the three past administrations have 
built their policy on these realities. The same 
policy has been followed by the people and gov- 
ernments of Europe. If we are to be worthy of 
our historic trust, we must continue on both 
sides of the Atlantic to work together in trust. 

^ For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 14, 1963, p. 43. 

FEBRUARY 11, 1963 

' Read by the President at the opening of his news 
conference on Jan. 24. 


U.S. and U.S.S.R. Exchange Views on Nuclear Test Ban 

Press release 43 dated January 20 


Officials of the United States and the Soviet 
Union, the cochairmen of the Geneva disarma- 
ment conamittee, have been meeting informally 
in New York since January 14 ' for discussions 
on issues related to a possible agreed cessation 
of nuclear tests. 

The United States has been represented by 
William C. Foster, Director of the Arms Con- 
trol and Disarmament Agency. Soviet repre- 
sentatives at the meetings have been N. T. 
Fedorenko, Soviet Ambassador to the United 
Nations, and S. K. Tsarapkin, chairman of the 
Soviet delegation to the 18-Nation Disarmament 

The discussions to date have centered on the 
issue of on-site inspections and related prob- 
lems, including the possible use of automatic re- 
cording stations. 

The procedures and number of on-site inspec- 
tions of underground events are, of course, key 
issues in the whole problem of reaching agree- 
ment on the cessation of nuclear tests. Ade- 
quate safeguards offer assurance to all parties 
that an agreement, once reached, is being 
adhered to. 

Therefore, the United States is pleased that 
the Soviet Union is again accepting the princi- 
ple of on-site inspections. It is to be hoped that 
the Soviet Union will approach negotiations on 
the number of such inspections and other re- 
lated arrangements in a realistic and meaning- 
ful way. 

It has been agreed that talks would resume 
in Washington on Tuesday, Januaiy 22, and 
that the United Kingdom, the other member of 
the nuclear testing subcommittee, would par- 
ticipate. The United Kingdom, which has been 
kept fully informed concerning the talks thus 

' For an announcement, see Bii-Letin of Jan. 2S, 1963, 
p. 127. 


far, will be represented by Sir David Onnsby 
Gore, British Ambassador to the United States. 
The United States is hopeful that these dis- 
cussions can be continued to a successful con- 
clusion. Nations the world over are awaiting 
that beginning of progress wliich will signal 
a slowing down of the arms race and the start 
of arms control. 


Chairman Khrushchev to President Kennedy, 
December 19, 1962 

Dear Mb. President, In our recent correspondence 
related to the events in the Caribbean area we have 
touched on the question of cessation of nuclear weapon 
tests.^ Today I would like to come back again to that 
problem and to set forth my views concerning possible 
ways of its speediest solution which would be mutually 
acceptable to both our sides. 

It seems to me, Mr. President, that the time has come 
now to put an end once and for all to nuclear tests, 
to draw a line through such tests. The moment for 
this is very, very appropriate. Left behind is a period 
of utmost acuteness and tension in the Caribbean. 
Now we have untied our hands to engage closely in 
other urgent international matters and, in particular, 
in such a problem which has been riije for so long aa 
cessation of nuclear tests. A certain relaxation of 
international tension which has emerged now should, 
in my view, facilitate this. 

The Soviet Union does not need war. I think that 
war does not promise bright prospects for the United 
States either. If in the past after every war America 
used to increase its economic potential and to accumu- 
late more and moie wealth, now war with the use of 
modern rocket nuclear weapons wiU stride across seas 
and oceans within minutes. Thermonuclear catas- 
trophe will bring enormous losses and sufferings to 
the American people as well as to other peoples on 
earth. To prevent this we must, on the basis of com- 
plete equality and with just regard for each other's 
interests, develop between ourselves peaceful relations 
and solve all issues through negotiations and mutual 

One of such questions with which the governments 

' Ibid., Nov. 12, 1962, p. 741. 


of our ooimtries have been dealing for many years is 
till' (lui'stion of concluding a treaty banning all tests of 
luu'lenr weapons. 

Both of us stand on the same position with regard to 
the fact that national means of detection are sufficient 
to control the banning of experimental nuclear explo- 
sions in outer space, in the atmosphere and under 
water. So far, however, we have not succeeded in 
finding a mutually acceptable solution to the problem 
of cessation of underground tests. The main obstacle 
to an agreement is the demand by the American side of 
international control and inspection on the territories 
of nuclear powers over cessation of underground nu- 
clear tests. I would like to believe that you yourself 
derstand the Tightness of our arguments that now 
atlonal means are sufficient to control also this kind of 
;ests and be sure that agreement is observed by any 
side. But so far you do not want to recognize openly 
this actual state of things and to accept it as a basis 
f 1 <r concluding without delay an agreement on cessation 
irf tests. 

Striving to find a mutually acceptable basis for agree- 
ment the Soviet Union has made lately an important 
step toward the West and agreed to installing auto- 
matic seismic stations. This idea, as is known, was 
put forward not by us. It was introduced by British 
scientists during the recent meeting in London of the 
participants of the Pugwash movement. Moreover, it 
is well known to us that when this idea was proposed, 
it was not alien to your scientists who were in London 
at that time. 

We proposed to install such stations both near the 
borders of nuclear powers and directly on their terri- 
tories. We stated our agreement that three such sta- 
tions be installed on the territory of the Soviet Union in 
the zones most frequently subjected to earthquakes. 
There are three such zones in the Soviet Union where 
these stations can be installed : Central Asian, Altaian 
and Far Eastern. 

In the opinion of Soviet scientists the most suitable 
places for locating automatic seismic stations in the 
Soviet Union are the area of the city of Kokchetav 
for the Central Asian zone of the U.S.S.R., the area of 
the city of Bo<laibo for the Altaian zone and the area 
of the city of Yakutsk for the Far Eastern zone. How- 
ever, should, as a result of exchange of opinion between 
our representatives, other places be suggested for lo- 
cating automatic seismic stations in these seismic 
zones, we wiU be ready to discuss this question and find 
a mutually acceptable solution. 

Beside the above said zones there are two more seis- 
mic zones in the Soviet Union — Caucasian and Car- 
pathian. However, these zones are so densely popu- 
lated that conducting nuclear tests there is practically 

Of course, delivery to and from an international cen- 
ter of appropriate sealed equipment for its periodic 
replacement at automatic seismic stations in the 
U.S.S.R. could well be made by Soviet personnel and 
on Soviet planes. However if for such delivery of 
equipment to and from automatic seismic stations par- 

ticipation of foreign personnel were needed we would 
agree to this also, having taken, if necessary, precau- 
tionary measures against use of such trips for recon- 
naissance. Thus our proposal on automatic seismic 
stations includes elements of international control. 
This is a major act of good will on the part of the 
Soviet Union. 

I will tell you straightforwardly that before making 
this proposal I have consulted thoroughly the special- 
ists and after such consultation my colleagues in the 
Government and I came to a conclusion that so far 
as the Soviet Union is concerned the above said con- 
siderations on the measures on our part are well 
founded and, it seems to us, they should not cause ob- 
jections on the part of the American side. 

You, Mr. President, and your representatives point 
out that without at least a minimum number of on-site 
inspections you will not manage to persuade the U.S. 
Senate to ratify an agreement on the cessation of testa. 
This circumstance, as we understand, ties you and does 
not allow you to sign a treaty which would enable all 
of us to abandon for good the grounds where nuclear 
weapons are tested. Well, if this is the only difficulty 
on the way to agreement, then for the noble and hu- 
mane goal of ceasing nuclear weapon tests we are ready 
to meet you halfway in this question. 

We noted that on this October 30, in conversation 
with First Deputy Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R. 
v. V. Kuznetsov in New York, your representative Am- 
bassador [Arthur H.] Dean stated that, in the opinion 
of the U.S. Government, it would be sufficient to carry 
on 2-4 on-site inspections each year on the territory of 
the Soviet Union. According to Ambassador Dean's 
statement, the United States would also be prepared to 
work out measures which would rule out any possibility 
of carrying on espionage under the cover of these in- 
spection trips including such measures as the use of 
Soviet planes piloted by Soviet crews for transportation 
of inspectors to the sites, screening of windows in the 
planes, prohibition to carry photo-cameras, etc. 

We took all this into account and, in order to over- 
come the deadlock and to arrive at last at a mutually 
acceptable agreement, we would agree, in those cases 
when it would be considered necessary, to 2-3 inspec- 
tions a year on the territory of each of the nuclear 
powers in the seismic areas where some suspicious 
earth's tremors might occur. It goes without saying 
that the basis of control over an agreement on an im- 
derground nuclear test ban would be the national means 
of detection in combination with automatic seismic 
stations. On-site inspections could be carried on with 
the precautions mentioned by Ambassador Dean against 
any misuse of control for purposes of espionage. 

We believe that now the road to agreement is straight 
and clear. Beginning from January 1 of the new 
year of 19C3 the world can be relieved of the roar of 
nuclear explosions. The peoples are waiting for this — 
this is what the U.N. General Assembly has called for.' 

= For text of resolution adopted by the U.N. General 
Assembly on Nov. 6, 1962, see ibid., Nov. 26, 1962, p. 824. 

FEBRUARY 11, 1963 


With the elimination of the Cuban crisis we relieved 
mankind of the direct menace of combat use of lethal 
nuclear weapons that impended over the world. Can't 
we solve a far simpler question — that of cessation of 
experimental explosions of nuclear weapons in the 
peaceful conditions? I think that we can and must 
do it. Here lies now our duty before the peoples of 
not only our countries but of all other countries. Hav- 
ing solved promptly also this question — and there are 
all the preconditions for that— we shall be able to fa- 
cilitate working out an agreement on disarmament 
and with even more confidence proceed with solving 
other urgent international problems, which we and you 
unfortunately are not short of. 

N. Kheushchev 

President Kennedy to Chairman Khrushchev, 
December 28, 1962 

Deak Mk. Chaiuman : I was very glad to receive your 
letter of December 19, 1962, setting forth your views on 
nuclear tests. There appear to be no differences be- 
tween your views and mine regarding the need for 
eliminating war in this nuclear age. Perhaps only 
those who have the responsibility for controlling these 
weapons fully realize the awful devastation their use 
would bring. 

Having these considerations in mind and with re- 
spect to the issue of a test ban, I therefore sincerely 
hope that the suggestions that you have made in your 
letter will prove to be helpful in starting us down the 
road to an agreement. I am encouraged that you are 
prepared to accept the principle of on-site inspections. 
These seem to me to be essential not just because of the 
concern of our Congress but because they seem to us 
to go to the heart of a reliable agreement ending 
nuclear testing. 

If we are to have peace between systems with far- 
reaching ideological differences, we must find ways for 
reducing or removing the recurring waves of fear and 
suspicion which feed on ignorance, misunderstanding 
or what appear to one side or the other as broken 
agreements. To me, the element of assurance is vital 
to the broader development of peaceful relationships. 

With respect to the question of on-site inspections 
I would certainly agree that we could accept any rea- 
sonable provision which you had in mind to protect 
against your concern that the on-site inspectors might 
engage in espionage enroute to the area of inspec- 
tion. In a statement at the United Nations, Ambassa- 
dor Stevenson suggested ' that the United States would 
accept any reasonable security provision while the 
inspectors were being taken to the site, so long as they 
had reasonable provision for satisfying themselves 
that they were actually at the intended location and 
had the freedom necessary to inspect the limited des- 
ignated area. 

'Ibid., Oct. 29, 1962, p. 635. 

With respect to the number of on-site inspections 
there appears to have been some misunderstanding. 
Your impression seems to be that Ambassador Dean 
told Deputy Minister Kuznetsov that the United States 
might be prepared to accept an annual number of on- 
site inspections between two and four. Ambassador 
Dean advises me that the only number which he 
mentioned in his discussions with Deputy Minister 
Kuznetsov was a number between eight and ten. This 
represented a substantial decrease in the request of the 
United States as we had previously been insisting upon 
a number between twelve and twenty. I had hoped 
that the Soviet Union would match this motion on the 
part of the United States by an equivalent motion in 
the figure of two or three on-site inspections which it 
had some time ago indicated it might allow. 

I am aware that this matter of on-site inspections 
has given you considerable difficulty although I am not 
sure that I fully understand why this should be so. 
To me, an effective nuclear test ban treaty is of such 
importance that I would not permit such international 
arrangements to become mixed up with our or any 
other national desire to seek other types of informa- 
tion about the Soviet Union. I believe quite sincerely 
that arrangements woulil be worked out which would 
convince you and your colleagues that this is the case. 

But in this connection, your implication that on-site 
inspections should be limited to seismic areas also 
gives us some difficulty. It is true that in the ordinary 
course we would have concern about events taking 
place in the seismic areas. However, an unidentified 
seismic event coming from an area in which there are 
not usually earthquakes would be a highly suspicious 
event. The United States would feel that in such a 
circumstance the U.S.S.R. would be entitled to an on- 
site in.spection of such an event occurring in our area 
and feels that the United States should have the same 
rights within its annual quota of inspection. 

Perhaps your comment would be that a seismic event 
in another area designatetl for inspection might coin- 
cide with a highly sensitive defense installation. I 
recognize this as a real problem but believe that some 
arrangement can be worked out which would prevent 
this unlikely contingency from erecting an insuperable 

Your suggestion as to the three locations in the 
Soviet Union in which there might be uumaimed seis- 
mic stations is helpful but it does not seem to me to 
go far enough. These stations are all outside the 
areas of highest seismicity and therefore do not record 
all of the phenomena within those areas. These sta- 
tions would be helpful in increasing the detection 
capability of the system but I doubt that they would 
have the same value in reducing the number of suspi- 
cious seismic events by identifying some as earth- 
quakes. For this purpose unmanned seismic stations 
should be in the areas of highest seismicity, not out- 
side them. To achieve this result there would be need 
for a number of stations in the vicinity of the 
Kamchatka area and a number in the Tashkent area. 
It might be possible, of course, to reduce somewhat the 



number aetually in the Soviet Union by arranging sta- 
tions in Hcilikaido, PakistJin, and Afglianistan. If 
tlie stations on Soviet territory were sited in locations 
free from local disturbances and could be monitored 
periodically by competent United States or interna- 
tional observers who tooli in portable seismometers 
and placed thein on the pedestals it would be very 
helpful in reducing the problem of identification. 

You have referred to the discussion of the "black 
box" proposal at the Tenth Pugwash Conference in 
I.ondon in September of this year as a United Kingdom 
proposal to which the United States has agreed. I 
do not believe that this was the situation. This pro- 
posal was reported to me as a Soviet proposal which 
was discussed with some United States scientists. Of 
the United States scientists who signed the statement 
none represented the United States Government or had 
discussed the matter with responsible ofiicials. All 
were speaking as individuals and none were seismol- 
ogists. Their agreement does not signify anything 
other than that this was an area which justified 
further study. The United States Government has 
given it that study and the results have been the con- 
clusions which I have indicated above. 

Notwithstanding these problems, I am encouraged 
by your letter. I do not believe that any of the prob- 
lems which I have raised are insoluble but they ought 
to be solved. I wonder how you think we might best 
proceed with these discussions which may require 
.■^ome technical development. It occurs to me that you 
might wish to have your representative meet with Mr. 
William C. Foster, the Director of our Arms Control 
and Disarmament Agency, at a mutually convenient 
place, such as New York or Geneva. I will be glad to 
have your suggestions. After talks have been held we 
will then be in a position to evaluate where we stand 
and continue our work together for an effective agree- 
ment ending all nuclear tests. 

Chairman Khrushchev to President Kennedy, 
January 7, 1963 

Dear Mr. President, I received your reply to my 
message of December 19, 1962. I am satisfied that 
you have appraised correctly the Soviet Government's 
proposals set forth in that message as directed to 
securing in the very near future a ban on all tests of 
nuclear weapons. 

■\Ve understand your answer as meaning that you do 
not object that national means of detection together 
with automatic seismic stations should be the basis 
for control over an agreement banning underground 
nuclear tests. We note your agreement that installa- 
tion of automatic seismic stations will prove useful 
from the i>oint of view of increasing the effectiveness of 
control over cessation of miderground nuclear explo- 
sions. During the Geneva talks it was justly observed, 
also by your representatives, that installation of such 
seismic stations would serve as good means of verifying 
the correctness of functioning of national seismic sta- 
tions. It is precisely by these considerations that the 

Soviet Government was guided in proposing that the 
idea of installing automatic seismic stations put for- 
ward at the Pugwash meeting of scientists be utilized. 

In my message of December 19, 1962, I indicated 
those three areas where in the opinion of our scientists 
automatic seismic stations should be set up on the 
territory of the Soviet Union. areas were se- 
lected after u thorough study with comprehensive 
consideration being given to geological and seismic con- 
ditions in those places. 

In the areas of Kokchetav and Bodaibo automatic 
seismic stations would be located, according to our sug- 
gestion, at the exposures of crystalline rocks while in 
the Yakutsk area — in the zone of eternal congelation. 
As is known on crystalline rocks and on grounds frozen 
deep down always only minor seismic hindrances are 
noticed which facilitate reliable detection of under- 
ground nuclear explosions. In combination with seis- 
mic stations abroad, on territories adjacent to the 
seismic zones in the Soviet Union, automatic stations 
located in the above mentioned points will be adequate 
means capable of removing ijossible doubts of the other 
side with regard to the correctness of functioning of 
the national seismic stations network. 

You did not make any comments on the location of an 
automatic seismic station for the Altai zone in the 
region of the city of Bodaibo, and thus we could con- 
sider this question as agreed upon. 

However, you have doubts as to the location of auto- 
matic seismic stations for the other .seismic zones in the 
Soviet Union — Far Eastern and Central Asian ones. 
As far as those zones are concerned, in your opinion, 
it would be expedient to place such stations in the 
Kamchatka area and in the area of Tashkent. In the 
opinion of Soviet scientists placing automatic seismic 
stations in the areas of Tashkent and Kamchatka would 
be a worse variant as compared to the one that we pro- 
pose because in those areas functioning of automatic 
stations will be seriously handicapped by seismic hin- 
drances. But if you believe it more expedient to re- 
locate those stations we will not object to that. In 
my message to you I have already pointed out that the 
Soviet Union is prepared to seek a mutually acceptable 
solution also in the question of location of automatic 
seismic stations. We would agree to relocate the 
automatic seismic station for the Central Asian zone 
of the U.S.S.R. to the Tashkent area placing it near the 
city of Samarkand and for the Far Eastern zone — 
to place the automatic station at Seimchan which ia 
part of the Kamchatka seismic area. 

Location of an automatic seismic station on the 
Kamchatka peninsula itself seems, in the opinion of 
Soviet scientists, clearly unacceptable in view of strong 
hindrances caused by the proximity of the ocean and 
strong volcanic activity in the peninsula itself which 
will Inevitably hamper normal functioning of a station. 
It appears to us that thus we could consider as agreed 
upon also the question of the location of automatic 
seismic stations for the Central Asian and Far Eastern 
zones of the U.S.S.R. 

The Soviet Government having consulted its special- 

FEBRUARY 11, 1963 


ists came to the conclusion that it is quite enough to 
install three automatic seismic stations on the territory 
of the Soviet Union. The more so that in your mes- 
sage, Mr. President, a possibility is envisaged of 
setting up automatic seismic stations on territories 
adjacent to the seismic zones in the Soviet Union — on 
the Hokkaido, in Pakistan and Afghanistan, naturally 
wi(h the consent of respective governments. 

The Soviet Government has named definite areas for 
the location of automatic seismic stations on the ter- 
ritory of the U.S.S.R. Moreover, Mr. President, tak- 
ing into account your wishes we agree to relocate two 
stations to new places. We are entitled to expect 
therefore that your side also will name definite areas 
where such stations should be set up on the territory 
of the U.S. and that in reaching an agreement on the 
sites where stations are to be placed the American side 
will take into account our wishes. 

Mr. President, we are convinced that all conditions 
exist now for reaching an agreement also on the ques- 
tion of in.spection. It is known that all the recent time 
we heard not once from the Western side — agree in 
principle to inspection and then the road to agreement 
will be open. We believed and we continue to believe 
now that, in general, !nsi>ection i.s not necessary and 
if we give our consent to an annual quota of 2-3 
inspections this is done solely for the purpose of 
removing the remaining differences for the sake of 
reaching agreement. 

As you see we have made a serious step in your 
direction. The quota of inspections on the territory 
of each of the nuclear powers that we propose is suffi- 
cient. Indeed, in the negotiations your representatives 
themselves recognized that there is no need to verify 
all or a greater part of significant suspicious phenom- 
ena to restrain the states from attempts to violate the 
treaty. And they gave figures of annual inspections 
practically equaling the quota proposed by us. Natu- 
rally it is most reasonable to carry out inspection in 
seismic areas where the biggest number of unidentified 
seismic phenomena may occur. However if you con- 
sider it necessary we have no objection to inspection 
being carried out also in non-seismic areas provided 
such inspections are conducted within the annual 
quota indicated by us. 

I noticed that in your reply you agree with the neces- 
sity of taking reasonable measures of precaution which 
would exclude a pos.sibility of using inspection trips 
and visits to automatic seismic stations for the pur- 
pose of obtaining intelligence data. Of course, in car- 
rying out on-site inspection there can be circumstances 
when in the area designated for inspection there will 
be some object of defense importance. Naturally, in 
such a case it will be necessary to take appropriate 
measures which would exclude a possibility to cause 
damage to the interests of security of the state on the 
territory of which inspection is carried out. In this 
respect I fully agree with the considerations expressed 
in your message. 

Mr. President, in your message you suggest that our 

representatives meet in New York or in Geneva for a 
brief preliminary consideration of some of the prob- 
lems you touched upon. We have no objections to such 
meeting of our representatives. The Soviet Govern- 
ment for that purpose appointed N. T. Fedorenko, 
U.S.S.R. Permanent Representative to the U.N., and 
S. K. Tsarapkin, U.S.S.R. Representative to the 18- 
nation Disarmament Committee, who could meet with 
your representative Mr. William C. Foster in New York 
on January 7-10. We proceed here from the assump- 
tion that meetings of our representatives should lead 
already in the very near future to agreement on ques- 
tions still unsettled so that upon the re-opening of the 
18-nation committee session our representatives could 
inform it that the road to the conclusion of an agree- 
ment banning all nuclear weapons tests is open. 

Secretary Rusk Interviewed 
on NBC's ''Today'' Program 

Following is the transcript of an interview 
with Secretary Rush hy Martin Agronshy and 
Hugh Downs fresented in the ''^Cabinet Series'''' 
on the National Broadcasting Coinpany's tele- 
vision 'program ''■Today''' on January 21. release 45 dated .January 21 

Mr. Agronshy : Good morning, Hugh. 

Mr. Secretary, have the prospects for peace 
been improved by the announcement last night ^ 
that we made that Premier Khrushchev has 
agreed to two or three on-the-site inspections to 
promote the prospects for a nuclear test ban 
agreement ? 

Secretary Rush: Well, I think if we could 
look at it objectively we could agree that it is in 
tlie interests of both sides to try to turn down 
the spiraling arms race in the nuclear age. The 
frightful burdens and dangers of an unlimited 
arms race make this so. 

Now, Mr. Khrushchev's acceptance of the 
principle of on-site inspection has at least 
opened the way to some serious discussion. So 
long as he was saying that the number was 
zero it was not possible to engage in serious dis- 
cussions to discover whether a test ban is 

You see, the very simple element in disarma- 
ment, which is fundamental to us, is that the 

' See p. 198. 



rest of us cannot disami significantly without 
this knowledge of what is going on in that vast 
land area in the heart of the Russian landmass. 
This is not a question of espionage. It's a 
question of bemg reasonably assured that the 
agreements are being carried out. Otherwise 
the world would be swept by great waves of 
suspicion, and indeed things could happen in 
that landmass which would be vital to our own 
interests. So we are encouraged to believe that 
the way is now open for some serious talks, and 
we hope very much that we can make some 

Mr. Agronfil-y : Then there is a certain amount 
of optimism about this? 

Secretary Rusk: I think there is at least en- 
couragement that we have come thus far. But 
let's find out now in the talks to come whether 
we can go further. 

Mr. Agron-flii/: You speak of the gi'eat Soviet 
landmass. "WHiat of the Communist Chinese 
landmass, where also we would need on-the-site 

Secretary Rusk: I think that would be the 
next question to be dealt with. If we could get 
agreement with the Soviet Union ui the case of 
atmospheric tests or underground, under water, 
or outer space tests, I think there is no great 
problem. On the question of underground 
tests in China, there would be a very serious 

Mr. Agron-ihy: Did the Russians give us any 
indication at all that they would use their good 
offices with the Chinese Communists in order to 
make possible on-the-site inspection there ? 

Secretary Rusk: No, but I would suppose, if 
we and the Russians and the British and the 
Disarmament Committee in Geneva could re- 
port to the world agreement in this field, all of 
us would be taken up with such mvolvements 
as we have contact with — the idea that all 
should subscribe to it. 

Mr. Agronsky : So that is not excluded? 

Secretary Rusk: That's right. That's right. 

Mr. Agronsky: Good. Mr. Secretaiy, the 
President said in the state of the Union mes- 
sage ^ that the state of the Union is good. Now, 
looking at the world crisis after your 2 years as 
Mr. Kennedy's Secretary of State, would you 

- Bulletin of Feb. 4, 1963. p. I.y9. 

say that its state has changed as a result of the . 
administration's foreign policy, and would you 
say, sir, that the change is for the better or for 
the worse ? 

Secretary Rusk: Well, Martin, when we look 
out across the world with more than 110 states, 
a world which we can mfluence but cannot con- 
trol, there is always going to be unfinished busi- 
ness in the foreign policy field. Indeed, so far 
as we can look into the future, there will be 20 
or 25 changes of government somewhere in the 
world every year indefinitely into the future. 
But we do work at these problems in all parts of 
the world with great diligence and intermi- 
nably. We get about 400,000 cables a year into 
the Department of State, for example. 

Encouraging Signs of Prospects for Peace 

Looking back this past year, I think we can 
see a number of signs of encouragement. The 
President mentioned some of them in tlie state 
of the Union message: a rather fragile, but 
nevertheless important, agreement in Laos; an 
ending of the aggression in Viet-Nam to an en- 
couraging extent; the war in Algeria was 
brought to an end by President de Gaulle and 
the Algerian leaders; the Indonesians and the 
Dutch have reached agreement on West New 

The defenses of the free world are stronger 
than they have ever been, both in the conven- 
tional and the nuclear field. I think it's fair to 
say that in the disarmament talks we have 
moved somewhat away from the propaganda 
battle into the discussion of the real issues. I 
think the cause of freedom in this hemisphere 
has been greatly strengthened by the i-eduction 
in the stature of Castro. The democratic left 
has abandoned the conspiratorial apparatus of 
the extreme left and isolated it in one country 
after another. 

I think that the recent meeting of the Gen- 
eral Assembly of the United Nations showed 
that "troika" is dead, that most of the nations 
of the world now see what it was that President 
Kennedy was talking about when he spoke to 
the U.N. in 1961, that on the underlying issue^ 
whether we are to have the kind of world laid 
out in the U.N. Charter or whether we are to 
have a world Communist revolutionary kind 

FEBRTJART 11, 1963 


of world — most of the nations of the world are 
on the side of the U.N. and the cause of free- 
dom. I think this past year has shown a de- 
crease in what has been called neutralism, 
because on that underlying issue there are only 
two forces, those who want the U.N. kind of 
world and those who are trying to tear it down. 
So I think there are many reasons for encour- 
agement, but of course we always have un- 
finished business on our agenda. 

Mr. Agronshy: Would you say — it's a sweep- 
ing generalization, I'm afraid, but I'd like to 
ask the question — would you say that the 
chances for peace are better this year than they 
were last year? 

Secretary Rusk: I think the chances are 
somewhat better, Martin. And the Secretary 
of State is always reluctant to be too optimistic, 
but I think they are better becaiise I think in 
1962 the world has seen peace hang by a very 
slender thread that was drawn tautly. And I 
think the world has had a chance to see and 
think specifically and realistically about the 
consequences if that thread should break. I 
think that has injected a note of sobriety and 
caution in dealing with great and dangerous 
issues, which itself is an encouraging sign of 
prospects for peace. 

The Cuban Crisis 

Mr. Agronshy: Mr. Secretary, I wonder if 
we could address ourselves to some personal, 
and I think extraordinai-y, dramatic aspects of 
that moment when, as you say, the thread might 
have been broken. I think we all accept this 
fact that at the climactic point of the Cuban 
crisis our country stood on the brink of war. 
I wonder if you could look back at those dan- 
gerous moments and tell us something about the 
human aspects of it, your own feelings, those 
of the President, if it would not be a violation 
of your privileged conversations with the 

Secretary Rusk: Well, there are many as- 
pects of that moment in October when things 
were so tightly drawn and so dangerous that 
one can never forget. I will never forget, for 
example, the calm and the sobriety with which 
President Kennedy handled that matter.' In- 
deed, I think he was the calmest man in town 

during that period, despite the fact that he was 
carrying that awesome and lonely ultimate 

But I think also it illustrated the great diffi- 
culty of bridging this great gap of ideology 
between the Soviet bloc and the free world, to 
get words to mean the same thing to each other, 
to establish credibility, because, had the Soviet 
side read and thought about and Ijelieved what 
the President had said in his press conferences 
in September, this crisis might not have de- 
veloped in the way that it did. 

I think it illustrated the utmost importance 
of the unity of the alliances. I think the fact 
that the OAS and the NATO allies rallied 
unanimously, iimnediately, in that situation 
was itself a very great contribution to peace, be- 
cause this must have made an important im- 
pression in ]\Ioscow. But I think also that one 
would have to say that it is important that we 
work at these vital issues, that defense of vital 
issues by peaceful means in a nuclear world is 
the greatest responsibility the statesmen have 
these days, and I tliink that we all have come 
away from that experience encouraged but 
sober and detenmined to keep at it. 

Communist Unity on Fundamental Issues 

Mr. Agronxky : Mr. Secretary, the foreign 
policy of the President and yourself actually 
matters tremendously in determining the fate 
of our coimtry and the free world, but there 
are great historic changes which we haven't 
brought about and yet which had an enormous 
effect on us. For example, the split between 
Russia and Communist China, which has been 
demonstrated so vividly and so dramatically in 
this Communist Congress meeting in East Ber- 
lin. I wonder, sir — it's something that all of 
us are wondering about — how would you define 
the meaning of the split in two senses, in the 
Communist world and to ourselves? 

Secretary Rii.'^k: Well, I don't want to ap- 
pear as an expert on that split because I'm not 
sure that either Moscow or Peiping fully under- 
stands the nature of the split or the relation- 
ships between the two parts of the Communist 

° For President Kennedy's address to the Nation on 
the Soviet threat to the Americas, see ifeid., Nov. 12, 
1962, p. 715. 



world. This is a matter of major and perhaps 
liistorical importance. 

But, on the other hand, we ought to ap- 
proacli it with some caution, because this is a 
difference basically of technique, not of funda- 
mental purpose. Just last week Mr. Khi'u- 
shchev, in East Germany, was once again talk- 
ing about burying us. This is a debate about 
liow best to get on with the Communist world 
revolution, and mixed up in it is a debate about 
who is the authentic and genuine leader of the 
Conununist world. So, although this discus- 
sion has thrown confusion into the Communist 
world and from that point of view is favorable 
to us, I think we have to be careful about sup- 
posing that the basic unity of the Communist 
world has been split on any direct confrontation 
with the free world. That time has not yet 
come. Whether it will come or not will be of 
some importance. 

But, meanwhile, I think that we can under- 
stand that there are headaches in that Commu- 
nist world and that out of it may come an 
uncertainty and, indeed, a weakness which may 
be a contribution to the cause of peace. 

Mr. Agronshy: Mr. Secretary, you reflect 
really what the President said in his state of 
the Union message, and I would like to induce 
you to go a bit further with it. He said that 
the Soviet-Chinese disagreement is over means 
not ends, which is substantially what you have 
just said. He since said that a dispute over 
how to best bury the free world — those are 
the words that he used — is no grounds for West- 
ern rejoicing. Could you carry that a step fur- 
j tlier in terms of his meaning and yours? 

Secretary Rusk: Well, for example, if Pei- 
ping is determined to pursue a more militant 
and aggressive policy through the use of force 
than perhaps, say, the Soviet Union would be 
willing to or want to in a particular situation, 
and if Peiping succeeds in imposing its policj' 
in a particular situation, where the Soviet Un- 
ion itself is compelled eventually to back up 
Peiping, then this can be an adverse develop- 
ment as far as we are concerned. 

I think the growing influence of Peiping, for 
example, in North Korea and North Viet-Nam 
are instances where dangers could grow because 
of this debate between Moscow and Peiping. 
But, again, these two great Communist coun- 

FEBRUART 11, 1963 

tries have an underlying interest from their 
side, from their point of view, in unity with 
each other on the most fundamental issues. I 
don't believe that common interest has yet been 

France and the North Atlantic Community 

Mr. Dowm: Martin, I'd like to ask you — 
and Secretary Rusk, if I might — there is a 
lot of talk about the Sino-Soviet division and 
what that means. Whvit about the cracks that 
are increasingly visible in our own grand alli- 
ance? France's President de Gaulle has re- 
jected the Polaris missiles, for example, and 
the NATO nuclear force which Prime Minister 
Macmillan accepted at Nassau.* De Gaulle 
said France will continue to go it alone to be- 
come a nuclear power. What I wonder is what 
this means to NATO. How can it function in 
the case of France's rejection ? 

Secretary Rusk: Hugh, I think it's impor- 
tant first for us to identify what you call the 
cracks. Wliat is not involved in this present 
discussion is the basic commitment of the mem- 
bers of the NATO alliance to each other in time 
of danger, in time of pressure from outside, 
particularly from the Communist bloc. This 
was di'amatically demonstrated as late as late 
October of this year, when NATO closed ranks 
immediately because of the threat in Cuba. 
And this includes President de Gaulle. No one 
was more simple and direct and stanch in 
that crisis than President de Gaulle, in full 
recognition of the possible developments that 
could come out of that Cuban situation. 

Now, what we are talking about here in this 
great North Atlantic community and in Europe 
is how we write the next chapter, how we build 
the next story. And this involves very lively 
comment, differences of interest among the 
member governments, and it's going to take 
time to work out a number of these questions. 
It is ti'ue that President de Gaulle has thrown 
an obstacle in front of the Common Market 
negotiations. I wouldn't want to get into de- 

* For texts of a joint communique and a statement 
on nuclear defense systems issued at Nassau on Dec. 
21 at the close of talks between President Kennedy and 
Prime Minister Harold Macmillan of the United King- 
dom, see ibid., Jan. 14, 1963, p. 43. 


tail on that because Cliancellor Adenauer and 
he are meeting today. The five, the other mem- 
bers of the Six = are meeting with the United 
Kingdom today. The talks will be resumed 
on January 28th. 

But this present episode of discussion and 
difference of view, frankly, will not change — 
in my judgment will not change one elemen- 
tary fact, and that is that Europe and the North 
Atlantic are and must be moving toward grow- 
ing unity and growing strength because the 
elementary facts of the present world situation 
make it necessary, and this has been the entire 
course of development since 1945. 

Now, the reconciliation between Gennany 
and France is a matter of greatest historical 
importance. It will be a great thing in history 
for us to be able to say, after several hundred 
years, that world wars will not start because 
of differences within the Western European 
community. This is a great thing. But it is 
also a great thing to see that that cooperation 
is within the framework of a unified Europe 
and an increasingly intimate North Atlantic 
community which itself has a network of spe- 
cial relationsliips with nations in all parts of 
the world, because here lies the prospect for the 
eventual success of the free world and the safety 
of the free world against any threats from the 

Mr. Agron.fhy : Well, you feel then, sir, that 
President de Gaulle's stubbornness and pride in 
this instance, both in insisting on developing an 
independent nuclear force for France and in his 
resistance to British entry into the Common 
Market, is not a major division in our grand 

Secretary Rusk: No, I think that the Com- 
mon Market discussions do represent a very 
serious difference and that it would be impor- 
tant for us to find the right answers to that. 
We have ourselves stayed out of those negotia- 
tions, despite the fact that we have a great in- 
terest in the result, becaiise these are matters — 
the Common Market arrangements are mat- 
ters which intimately affect the daily lives of 
every citizen in the countries involved. And 

these are primarily matters for him to work out 
on the other side. 

But on the NATO multilateral force matter, 
when President de Gaulle said that he did not 
expect that France would participate, that does 
not mean that the NATO multilateral force 
will not go forward, and promptly, with those 
members of the alliance who wish to go for- 
ward with it. 

Mr. Agronsky : And it will be effective with- 
out France? 

Secretary Busk/ And will be effective with- 
out France. 

Peace in Caribbean Depends on Cuban Behavior 

Mr. Agronsky: You are reported, sir, to 
have told a closed-door meeting of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Conamittee last week that 
there no longer exists even a possibility of a 
U.S. no-invasion pledge on Cuba. And you 
said the reason was the obvious one, that we 
have not gotten agreement for on-the-site 
inspection in Cuba to verify Soviet missile 

Now, Mr. Secretary, do such missiles still 
exist in Cuba, as some members of the U.S. Sen- 
ate seem to think they do ? And does our with- 
holding of this no-invasion pledge mean that 
we contemplate some day having to invade 

Secretary Rtisk: Well, the President said in 
his November 20th press conference that we are 
confident that the missiles which we knew were 
there have been removed.'^ Now, in this world 
it is impossible to give 100 percent, absolute 
assurance on a matter of that sort unless there 
is effective on-site inspection and detailed ex- 
amination of the island, because it's a problem 
of proving the negative. 

But I think on the question of the so-called — 
of the no-invasion pledge, I remind you that 
the Soviet Union and the United States had a 
series of talks over the last 2 months at the 
United Nations. They were not able to agree, 
as they reported to the Secretary-General, on 
all the points at issue, although they reported 
that some progress had been made.' 

° The six members of the European Common Market 
are Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, 
Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands. 

" Bulletin of Deo. 10, 1962, p. 874. 
' For text of a joint U.S.-U.S.S.R. letter to Secretary- 
General U Thant, see iUd., Jan. 28, 1963, p. 153. 



Now, the situation on that point is relatively 
simple. It was not the purpose or the intention 
of the United States to invade Cuba, with the 
enormous loss of life that would incur, except 
in defense of the hemisphere, except on a major 
security issue which required it. The intro- 
duction of offensive missiles was such a threat. 
The basic treaty arrangements of the hemi- 
spliere continue intact, the Kio Treaty and the 
rest of them. 

Now, the question of peace in the Caribbean 
is largely a question of the behavior of Cuba. 
The President has said that, if Cuba does not 
become a base for aggression, he will not initi- 
ate or [jermit aggression in the Caribbean.' 
But tliis also means, as he said, that we will not 
abandon other measures directed to insuring 
that Cuba not be a source of infection for the 
rest of the hemisphere. 

The attitude of the rest of the hemisphere, 
expressed at Pimta del Este," is that the inva- 
sion of this hemisphere by a Marxist-Leninist 
regime is imacceptable to the hemisphere. 

Mr. AgroTishy : Then our feeling is that there 
are other methods or alternatives of force to 
getting Castroism and Marxism and Leninism 
out of Cuba. 

Secretary Rusk: Well, there are other meas- 
ures that are used and will be used. For ex- 
ample, there has been a very sharp reduction 
in shipping and trade between the free world 
and Cuba. 

Mr. Agronshy: Thank you very much, Mr. 
Secretary. I wish we could go on examining 
the state of the world. It has been a fascinating 
experience to hear your observations, sir. 

President Kennedy Welcomes 
End of Katanga Secession 

Statement hy the President 

White House press release dated January 21 

The end of secession announced by the pro- 
vincial regime in Katanga and confirmed by 
the peaceful entry of United Nations forces 
into Kolwezi today [January 21] is warmly 

'Ibid., Dec. 10, 1962, p. 874. 

' For background, see ihid., Feb. 19, 1962, p. 270. 

welcomed by the United States and all who 
are concerned with the future of the Congo 
and the whole of Africa. This secession has 
been a serious source of contention and an ob- 
stacle to progress in the Congo for the past 
21/2 yeai-s. 

The United States objective m the Congo is 
neither more nor less than the establishment 
of conditions under which the Congolese peo- 
ple themselves can peacefully work out their 
own future. This was impossible as long as 
the territorial integrity of the nation was chal- 
lenged by secessions, with consequent political 
instability and a standing invitation to inter- 
vention by the great powers. 

The previous administration determined 
wisely that the United States goal could best 
be pursued through the United Nations; and 
the present administration has supported vig- 
orously the United Nations' efforts to bring 
about peaceful reunification in the Congo for 
the past 2 years. Under incredibly difficult 
circumstances and often against heavy odds, 
the United Nations has carried through suc- 
cessfully its most complex and difficult peace- 
keeping mission on behalf of the world 

At this favorable turn of events in the Congo, 
the American people are deeply indebted to 
the Secretary-General of the United Nations, 
to his predecessor who gave Ms life in the quest 
for peace in that troubled country, and to those 
member nations which have loyally supported 
the United Nations' efforts in the Congo 
throughout this crisis. The steadfast coopera- 
tion with the United Nations provided by the 
Government of Belgium, a country with close 
historical ties with the Congo, has been of spe- 
cial value in bringing about a peaceful con- 
clusion to the crisis. The United Nations will 
continue to have an important role to play in 
helping the Congo with the great task of mod- 
ernization, which is the most pressing goal of 
the leaders and people of that nation. To this 
task we will give our full support. 

The Congolese leaders face a tremendous 
challenge in healing the wounds of conflict, re- 
storing a partially disrupted economy, and 
building a strong and viable federal nation. 
This is a venture calling upon the f uU energies 

FEBRTTAET 11, 1963 


and talents of all the Congolese peojDle. I am 
confident that President [Joseph] Kasavubu, 
Prime Minister [Cyrille] Adoula, and the other 
Congolese leaders, who have contributed so 
greatly to a solution of the crisis, will continue 
to move in a spirit of true cooperation to work 

out permanent constitutional and other neces- 
sary political and economic arrangements. The 
people of the Congo now have a unique oppor- 
tunity to rally behind their national and provin- 
cial leadership in a combined effort for unity 
and progress. 

Developing Africa's Human and Material Resources 

Ijy G. Mermen WilliaTns 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

The achievements recorded in 82 years 
of experience in vocational education have 
earned for the Organization for Rehabili- 
tation Through Training a worldwide repu- 
tation for ability and solid accomplishment. 

ORT's work is not just a philosophical con- 
cept for me ; it is a reality. I have visited one 
of the ORT schools in Israel. I can see in my 
mind's eye very clearly young boys applying 
themselves earnestly, eagerly, and even with 
excitement to the task of learning a trade. 
These young men knew they had a great oppor- 
tunity and were eagerly and happily making 
the most of it. 

As I travel throughout Africa, I am often 
impressed by the fact that many efforts are 
being made to improve or supply primary or 
secondary education, and even university educa- 
tion. But all too often the idea of training the 
artisans, the technicians, and the skilled work- 
ers needed to make new societies work is miss- 
ing. I say all too often because I have seen few 
vocational and technical schools in Africa. But 
in those few I have witnessed the intense appli- 
cation of the young students and have learned 
of the ready market for their services. 

'Address made before the national conference of the 
American Organization for Rehabilitation Through 
Training at New York, N.Y., on Jan. 20 (press release 
41 dated Jan. 21). 

ORT has a great challenge to bring together 
the unmet demands for middle schools and the 
otherwise wasted talents of young people the 
world over. 

One aspect of ORT's work of particular in- 
terest to me is the emphasis ORT places on 
human values and human development. This 
factor is crucially important in these years 
which have been termed by President Kennedy 
and U.N. Secretary-General U Thant the 
United Nations Decade of Development. 

In calling for a Decade of Development, 
President Kennedy said : ^ 

. . . the United Nations' existing efforts in promot- 
ing economic growth can be expanded and coordinated. 
Regional surveys and training institutes can now pool 
the talents of many. New research, technical assist- 
ance, and pilot projects can unlock the wealth of less 
developed lands and untapped waters. And develop- 
ment can become a cooperative and not a competitive 
enterprise, to enable all nations, however diverse in 
their systems and beliefs, to become in fact as well as 
in law free and equal nations. 

Implicit in this statement, which looks for- 
ward to the advancement of peoples of all races, 
creeds, and geograpliical locations, is a con- 
sideration for the dignity and individuality of 
the billions of human beings who will partici- 
pate in such an advance. Without such human 

' Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 



consideration, a Decade of Development would 
be of little value, especially among the peoples 
of the new and emerging nations of Africa. 

ORT Programs in Africa 

ORT is exceptionally well prepared to under- 
take African tasks in this decade. Beginning 
in 19-19, OET drew upon its European experi- 
ence to establish programs among the Jewish 
commmaities in North and South Africa. In 
the past year ORT has embarked on a new type 
of endeavor in cooperation with the United 
States Government. Following a U.S.-spon- 
sored ORT survey of eight African countries, 
ORT now is undertaking vocational educa- 
tional programs among Africans of many faiths 
in the young nations of Guinea and Mali. 

These programs, which started last fall under 
contract with the Agency for International De- 
veloimient, are mutually beneficial. They 
serve the interests of the United States, the 
recipient countries, and ORT alike. In these 
programs you can give expression to the power- 
ful motivating force of your traditional belief 
in hiunan miiversality, and through them you 
can express your belief that it is morally right 
to help peoples who have newly emerged sover- 
eign into the world and who need assistance in 
developing into modern societies. 

In Guinea the ORT program encompasses 
such fields as precision and electrical mechanics, 
telecommunications, and technical drawing. 
The Mali program includes science, architec- 
tural design, and secretarial training. These 
are challenging and important responsibilities 
for ORT, and I am pleased to say that these 
two programs are progressing rapidly and well. 

International Assistance to African States 

International assistance to African states is a 
vital need during this Decade of Development, 
and many foreign coimtries are responding to 
these needs. Such f onner metropolitan powers 
as France, Belgium, and the United Kingdom 
are making very substantial contributions to the 
growth and development of various African 
countries. The efforts of other countries, in- 
cludmg important contributions by Gennany, 
Italy, and Japan, are also proving to be of 
major assistance. All of these countries are 

members of the Development Assistance Com- 
mittee of the Organization for Economic Co- 
operation and Development, which has as one 
of its principal tasks the achievement of better 
coordination of aid programs. 

Much assistance also is channeled through 
multilateral organizations, such as the Common 
Market Development Fund, whose efforts reach 
into the hundreds of millions of dollars, and 
the United Nations and its specialized agencies. 
Beyond these governmental efforts, many pri- 
vate groups — business, religious, agricultural, 
labor, philanthropical — are assisting in this 
mighty effort. 

Israel's Aid Programs 

One particularly interesting effort to assist 
the new nations of Africa has come from Israel, 
itself a new nation. Israel has developed tech- 
niques and institutions which are adaptable to 
Africa's requirements. Its exjDerience with 
planning and cooperative development is 
attractive to the Africans. It has specialized in 
small-scale technical assistance programs and 
has an abundant supply of people with tech- 
nical skills not readily available in other 
new nations. And, of particular importance, 
Israel's work is not tied to the efforts of any of 
the larger powers, who sometimes are charged 
with neocolonialism by the ardently independ- 
ent Africans. 

One of Israel's most recent steps — the signing 
of an agi'icultural assistance agi-eement with 
the Congo just last month — is a particularly 
useful omen at this time when political strife 
seems to be ending in the Congo. It is a good 
hinge on which to turn our attention to the 
future of that great Central African nation. 
The time has come to begin the next phase in 
the Congo — that of helping that nation become 
the strong, viable country it has the capacity 
to be. 

Congo Development an Urgent Task 

The Congo is a very large covmtry, almost 
exactly the size of the United States east of the 
Mississippi. The hiunan development of its 
14 million people is the most urgent task before 
its Government and those nations which are 
truly concerned with its growth. 

FEBRUARY 11, 1963 
673598—63 3 


It is a rich countiy with many natural re- 
sources. The Congo is extraordinarily wealthy 
in minerals. It has approximately 10 percent 
of the world's tin reserves ; it produces 8 percent 
of the world's copper, 60 percent of the world's 
cobalt, 65 percent of the world's industrial dia- 
monds. It also has very substantial amounts of 
such uncommon minerals as tantalite and ger- 
manium, which are needed for specialized elec- 
tronic and space applications. 

The Congo has great potential for agricul- 
tural production. It will be able to produce most 
of its own food requirements and has in the past 
produced important export crops of coffee, qui- 
nine, rubber, palm products, and cotton. It is 
blessed with one of the very best natural trans- 
portation systems in the world — the Congo 
River basin system. The Belgians did a great 
deal to develop harbors, railroads, and airfields. 
In some areas there has been considerable hy- 
droelectric development. 

In the years inunediately ahead, however, 
before the Congo's full potential is realized, 
there will be a very real need for foreign assist- 
ance. Even with the reintegration of Katan- 
ga's riches into the country, there will still be 
a serious shortage of foreign exchange and the 
Congo will continue to be faced with grave 
financial and budgetary difficulties. There will 
also be a need for technical assistance to help 
the Congolese administer their vast country 
and to train them in technical fields. I would 
think that a corps of 3,000 to 4,000 foreign tech- 
nicians, actually working in the Congo, is 
needed during the next few years. 

As economic development takes place, there 
also wiU be a need for $80 million to $100 mil- 
lion annually for at least the next 2 or 3 years 
to cover the Congo's extensive requirements. I 
would expect the United States to participate 
in meeting these financial needs. 

U.S. Aid to the Congo 

At the present time U.S. aid to the Congo is 
being provided at a rate of approximately $61.5 
million annually. Of this amount, $30 million 
is used to finance imports of U.S. goods into the 
Congo, $25 million is used for foodstuffs under 
Public Law 480, $3.5 million is for bilateral 
teclmical assistance grants, and $3 million is to 

support U.N. civilian operations in the Congo. ] 
All of these progi'ams, I might point out, are 
handled either through the United Nations 
Operation in the Congo or in consonance with 
U.N. programs there. 

Other friendly nations — Belgium, Italy, Ger- 
many, Israel, Switzerland, and the European 
Economic Community — are cuiTently assisting 
the Congo, and we would hope that such efforts 
will be continued and even expanded in the 

As soon as the political climate in the Congo 
is stabilized, I would think that substantial pri- 
vate investment also can be anticipated. The 
Congo not only has large supplies of raw ma- 
terials but a sizable market for foreign commod- 
ities as well. In October the United States 
and the Congo signed an investment guaranty 
agreement to protect American investments in 
the Congo, and several American firms recently 
have been to Leopoldville to examine the 
Congo's progress and reconstruction efforts. 

Steps Toward Reconstruction 

An immediate, short-term concern in the 
Congo today is to feed hungry people disrupted 
by internal strife in North Katanga and to re- 
construct the damage recently caused by the 
Katanga gendarmerie. The United States, 
through the United Nations, is attempting to 
alleviate both problems. 

We anticipate that under P.L. 480 agree- 
ments already signed or about to be negotiated, 
and under special famine relief programs, 
American food aid to the Congo this year will 
approach $30 million. The bulk of this food 
will be handled through sales for local cur- 
rency, under title I of P.L. 480, and 90 percent 
of this currency will be used for development 
purposes in the Congo. 

One serious problem at the moment is that 
the Atlantic and gulf coasts dock strike will 
disrupt needed food shipments to the Congo. 
Unless this strike is resolved in the very near 
future, it could adversely affect the well-being 
of thousands of Congolese and, indeed, the 
delicate political balance in that country. 

The extent of physical damage in the Congo 
by the Katangese resort to force fortunately 
has been limited by the competent operations 



of the ITnited Nations, but there is enoupjh 
(hiniage to require immediate steps toward 

In Katanga, the Union Miniere du Ilant- 
Katanga should be back to rehitively full op- 
eration in a very short time. Tlie water which 
began to flood the Kipushi mine after tlie 
Katanga gendarmerie destroyed powerlines in 
the area has been pumped out. The great 
Lubumbashi smelter in Elisabethville is about 
to i-eopen. Its operations at Kipushi already 
have resumed, the damage at Jadotville was 
minor, and we are hopeful that the Katangese 
will do no damage at Kolwezi, in view of Mr. 
[Moise] Tshombe's promises. 

The damage that has occurred has been prin- 
cipally in the field of transportation and 
electrical supply. Bridging materials are espe- 
cially needed in South Katanga, and I under- 
stand the United Nations is seeking to effect 
repairs with the well-known Bailey bridging 
that many of you have seen used elsewhere. 
The skilled engineers and work gangs of 
Union Miniere are, I understand, rapidly re- 
pairing the damage done to powerlines and 

These are the tasks that must be undertaken 
next in the Congo. The curtain has fallen on 
the first phase of Congo independence, and we 
are now entering a new and much more im- 
portant phase. We must now turn ever- 
increasing attention to the development of that 
country's resources, both material and human. 

This is the kind of problem that ORT has 
faced many times in its history, and I feel sure 
the United States can count on your sym- 
pathetic understanding and support during this 
critical period. If the same kind of imder- 
standing and support is brought to bear on 
Congo rehabilitation problems by substantial 
numbers of other people in this countiy and 
abroad, it might be possible — by the end of this 
Decade of Development — to help the Congo 
transform itself from a recipient nation to a 
countiy contributing to the development of 
other states. 

Such a prospect is a tempting challenge to 
all people to help the Congo get on with the 
enormous tasks it faces in the years immediately 

U.S. and Argentina Reaffirm 
Traditional Ties 

Carlos Manuel Miin/z, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs and Worship of tJie Argentine Repub- 
lic, visited at Washington January 20-24 at 
the invitation of Secretary Rush.